Category: Police

  • Jimuk will never forget the day dozens of national security police charged into the Apple Daily‘s editorial offices, separating staff from their computers, removing large quantities of confidential documents, freezing its assets and later arresting several executives and senior editors.

    “The worst thing was that the day they arrested several high-level executives was actually my birthday, so I have felt very sad on my birthday these past couple of years,” he said. 

    “I feel very bad that they have been sitting in jail for the past two years,” he said.

    The Apple Daily, founded by pro-democracy media magnate Jimmy Lai, was raided by national security police on June 17, 2021, becoming one of the biggest casualties of draconian national security law imposed by the ruling Communist Party in a bid to suppress the 2019 protest movement.

    Five days later, as the paper shut down for good, a group of editors and reporters gathered outside the headquarters of Lai’s Next Digital media empire, bowing to their readers to show gratitude for their support over the years. 

    “We are the Apple Daily editorial team, including reporters, and we have something to say to the people of Hong Kong – thank you,” one said. 

    The last edition of the paper sold a record-breaking 1 million copies, with people lining up on the street from the early hours to get their piece of Hong Kong history, making a bittersweet end to 26 years of the paper’s sensationalist, hard-hitting style and its cheery apple logo.

    Two years later, the doors of Next Digital’s former headquarters are boarded up, and the company’s name has been erased from the bus stop outside. 

    Leaving Hong Kong, journalism

    Radio Free Asia caught up with four of its former journalists in recent weeks, marking the second anniversary of the raid. 

    Not many former Apple Daily staffers – who once numbered around 600 – are still in journalism, while an estimated 1 in 10, have left Hong Kong for a new life overseas. 

    ENG_CHN_NATSEC3RDANNIVAppleDaily_06282023.2.JPG
    Police officers from the national security department escort Chief Operating Officer Chow Tat-kuen from the offices of Apple Daily and Next Media in Hong Kong, June 17, 2021. Credit: Lam Yik/Reuters

    Meanwhile, at least 15 other media outlets have since also shut down, either because they were also being investigated by the national security police, or as a pre-emptive decision. 

    Of the former journalists who spoke to RFA Cantonese, some have changed careers, others have emigrated, and some have gone back to school. 

    And some diehards have clung to their profession because they believe very strongly in the idea of a free press for Hong Kongers – wherever they are in the world.

    Three former staff members, who gave only the pseudonyms Ah Y, Ah A, and Jimuk for fear of political reprisals against themselves or their loved ones, spoke to Radio Free Asia about their current plans and their memories of the crackdown, which proved so fateful not just for the Apple Daily, but for Hong Kong. 

    A fourth – Taiwan-based Photon News website founder Leung Ka Lai – agreed to speak on the record.

    More than a job

    All are still struggling in their own way to come to terms with the loss of their paper, which was so much more than a job, and which has become a symbol of the crackdown on dissent and peaceful political opposition in Hong Kong since the protest movement tried to take issue with the erosion of the city’s promised freedoms.

    “I worked for the Apple Daily for more than 20 years – that place took all of my blood, sweat and tears. Anyone who says they don’t miss the place is lying,” Ah Y said. 

    ENG_CHN_NATSEC3RDANNIVAppleDaily_06282023.4.jpg
    Members of the press take photos as executive editor in chief Lam Man-Chung [center] proofreads the final edition of the Apple Daily newspaper before it goes to print in Hong Kong late on June 17, 2021. Credit: Anthony Wallace/AFP

    For Ah A, it’s the openness of the interactions with colleagues he misses the most. 

    “That open atmosphere made me very happy to go to work,” he said. “I miss that rapport with my colleagues, and I miss the feeling of everyone working together.”

    Jimuk said he still treasures every moment he spent working there.  

    “I haven’t forgotten anything about the paper over the last two years because I invested so much in it, both mentally and emotionally, and did some good work there,” they said. 

    For Ah Y, who now lives in the United Kingdom, there seems to be little point in staying in the industry at all. “These days being a journalist seems pretty pointless,” he said, adding that he hadn’t planned on leaving the profession, and isn’t sure what to do now.   

    “It’s not easy to just change careers after 20 years in journalism,” he said. “I’ve spent more than half of my working life doing this job, and I always thought I would keep doing it until I retired.” 

    Ah Y now does manual labor in Britain.

     “Being a journalist has lost its meaning in this day and age,” he said. “It would feel like going through the motions, like a zombie. And there isn’t much of a future in it for young people.” 

    Keeping the spirit alive

    Jimuk is carrying out academic research into the Apple Daily in Taiwan, and teaching students from Taiwan and the rest of the world about the demise of press freedom in Hong Kong and about the 2019 protest movement. 

    He feels that he’s still working as a communicator, only in a different venue and profession. 

    “I often think about how to keep the spirit of the Apple Daily alive,” he said. “Also about how we can help preserve its history. My aim over the next few years is to create an academic archive detailing more than two decades of Apple Daily history.”

    Ah Y has also written about Hong Kong for some Taiwanese news organizations, something he has been grateful for because he feels as if he is helping Hong Kong from overseas. 

    Ah A decided to brave the chilly political climate and stay in Hong Kong, but hasn’t managed to find another reporting job, as his resume is now tainted by his association with his former paper.

    Instead, he has worked in sales, data analysis and as an Uber driver since the paper’s demise. 

    He said media organizations in Hong Kong now appear reluctant to hire him.  

    “Journalists I have worked with from other media organizations have invited me to interview, and I went to more than one that was on the point of hiring me, but then didn’t get approval from the highest level,” he said. 

    “Each time it was because I was one of the last journalists to leave the Apple Daily,” he said. 

    Excluded

    It seems that being a former Apple Daily journalist is now something akin to the Black Five Categories of the Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976 in mainland China – a recipe for vilification and exclusion, according to its former staffers.

    Some former journalists at the paper have even been turned down for teaching positions in universities.  

    “It’s a shame, because I would never have done this job for so long if I didn’t really love it,” said Ah A, who was a journalist for 16 years. “But the industry is changing so rapidly that I probably wouldn’t be able to bear it. I’m getting a bit long in the tooth for that.”  

    “I prefer the challenge of trying a different career altogether,” he said. 

    As the ruling Communist Party tightened its grip on Hong Kong in the wake of the 2019 protest movement, it “gutted” press freedom in the city, according to journalists and overseas rights groups. 

    Since the national security law took effect on July 1, 2020, Hong Kong has plummeted from 18th to 140th in Reporters Without Borders’ annual press freedom index. 

    ENG_CHN_NATSEC3RDANNIVAppleDaily_06282023.3.png

    Last hurrah

    The 2019 protest movement, which was covered round-the-clock by a dedicated press corps who braved constant street battles between protesters and riot police, may have been its last hurrah. 

    With daily drone footage, live-tweeting, live streams, running commentary, political debate and in-depth interviews with participants, Hong Kong’s journalists offered a depth and intensity of coverage that hasn’t been seen in the city since. 

    That year, they really fulfilled their role as the fourth estate that holds governments to account and speaks truth to power.

    But by the following year, the National Security Law had put an end to the activities of its once-intrepid press corps, barring the depiction of any scenes or slogans seen as “glorifying” the protesters or their aims.

    Jimmy Lai, who was initially arrested and released on bail at the time of the national security raid, was taken back into custody, where he remains awaiting trial on national security charges. 

    He was also convicted of “fraud” in connection with the alleged misuse of Next Digital premises under the terms of its lease agreement. 

    Meanwhile, six former Apple Daily executives have pleaded guilty to “conspiring and colluding with foreign powers” under the national security law. 

    Other casualties

    Six months after the raid on the Apple Daily, the pro-democracy Stand News website was also forced to close, with two of its senior editors prosecuted. A month later, Citizen News followed suit, saying it needed to shut down to keep its journalists safe. 

    “Four years on, the transformation has been shocking,” Leung Ka Lai said. “Nobody thought this could happen, not even people with more than a decade of experience in Hong Kong media organizations.” 

    “I used to think it would be something like the frog in the gradually heating pan of water, but actually, things changed overnight,” she said. 

    ENG_CHN_NATSEC3RDANNIVAppleDaily_06282023.5.jpg
    Employees, executive editor in chief Lam Man-Chung [left] and deputy chief editor Chan Pui-Man [center] cheer in the Apple Daily newspaper office after completing editing of the final edition in Hong Kong, June 23, 2021. Credit: AFP

    Leung, who worked for 16 years as a journalist in Hong Kong, the last three of them at the Apple Daily, tried to stay on after the paper closed, working as a citizen journalist covering protests and political opposition. 

    But she has since moved to the democratic island of Taiwan, where she founded Photon News, a service for Hong Kong readers anywhere in the world. 

    ‘Be water’

    Leaving felt like the Bruce Lee maxim used by the 2019 protesters to denote a fluid approach to political opposition, “Be Water.”  

    “I chose to leave because it turns out that there is some space to do my work here, enough freedom of expression,” she said.   

    “Resistance takes many forms, and refusing to put up banners can be a form of resistance, if that’s what the regime wants you to do,” Leung said. “I don’t want to put up protest banners — I’m a journalist.” 

    Yet Leung has found that self-censorship has dogged her shoestring news operation even in Taiwan, as people are reluctant to speak to the press due to risks under the national security law. There is also the need to protect her own employees. 

    “We are now overseas, in a place that isn’t threatened by Hong Kong’s National Security Law, but still have to consider the safety of anonymous colleagues, and sometimes there are decisions to be made about which stories to run, and how they should be written,” Leung said. 

    While some former colleagues have carried on reporting via social media, there are concerns about how effective an option this can be in the longer term.

    “There are lot of like-minded colleagues in Hong Kong who have started their own news platforms, and there seems to be some room for them to do that,” Leung said, adding that while 12 media organizations have folded, 15 new services — albeit smaller and less well-funded — have sprung up to take their place. 

    “But Hong Kongers are pretty picky, and won’t just accept anything you feed them,” she said, adding that the prospects for what little press freedom remains are looking grim, with the government planning further national security legislation.

    Translated by Luisetta Mudie. Edited by Malcolm Foster.

    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Edward Li for RFA Cantonese.


  • This content originally appeared on Human Rights Watch and was authored by Human Rights Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Stockholm, June 30, 2023—Azerbaijan authorities must ensure journalists can cover protests without obstruction and should investigate reports of police violence against members of the press, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Friday.

    Since June 22, Azerbaijani police have detained, beaten, threatened, or otherwise obstructed the work of at least six journalists reporting on environmental protests in the western village of Soyudlu, according to news reports and the six journalists, who spoke to CPJ. None of the journalists remain in detention. 

    After protests against a local goldmine erupted on June 20, police blocked access to Soyudlu beginning on June 22, allowing only residents and pro-government media outlets, news reports said.

    “Azerbaijani authorities’ attempts to stifle coverage of ongoing environmental protests and the police brutality in enforcing this censorship are abhorrent and must end immediately,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in Amsterdam. “Authorities should allow all journalists to report on newsworthy events and must transparently investigate all allegations of police violence and threats against members of the press.”

    On June 22, police at a checkpoint into Soyudlu denied entry to Nargiz Absalamova, a reporter with independent news website Abzas Media; Nigar Mubariz, a freelance reporter with U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Voice of America’s Azeri service; and Elsever Muradzade, a reporter who covers sports and social issues on his Facebook and TikTok accounts where he has about 10,000 total followers, according to those reports and the journalists, who communicated with CPJ by messaging app.

    The journalists entered the village by another route and were reporting when two uniformed police officers and seven or eight people in plainclothes detained them and took their phones, the journalists said. 

    When Mubariz repeatedly demanded her phone back, one of the men dressed in plain clothes covered her mouth with his hand, and a police officer twisted Absalamova’s arm and pushed her against a wall. Police then forced the journalists into an unmarked car and drove them to a nearby town, where they returned their phones and released them.

    Separately on June 22, State Service for Mobilization and Conscription officers summoned Elmaddin Shamilzade, an independent journalist who publishes on Tiktok and Facebook where he has a combined 7,500 followers, after he published a video showing the faces of police officers in Soyudlu the previous day, according to news reports and the journalist, who communicated with CPJ by messaging app.

    The officers demanded evidence of his exemption from military service, which Shamilzade is awaiting as he requested the evidence from his university. He said he filed his documentation for four years of study in 2022, leading him to believe the sudden request is retaliation for his reporting, and he fears being drafted.

    The following day, police in the Yasamal district of the capital city of Baku detained Shamilzade and demanded that he delete the video. When the journalist refused, three police officers punched him, struck him with a truncheon, pulled his hair, kicked him in the stomach, and threatened to rape him.

    Shamilzade said he lost consciousness for around five minutes and, when he awoke, he deleted the video from Facebook. Police then took him to the Baku City Police Department, where a police official threatened to jail him if he spoke publicly about the attack. Shamilzade had bruising and scrapes on his neck, face, and body from the attack, according to photos reviewed by CPJ.

    On June 23, police in the Binagadi district of Baku summoned Ulvi Hasanli, chief editor of Abzas Media, after he posted pictures of two police officers who detained Absalamova, Mubariz, and Muradzade on Facebook, according to those reports and Hasanli, who communicated with CPJ by messaging app. Police demanded he delete the post, but he refused and was released after four hours.

    That evening, security staff at the U.S. Embassy in Baku removed Hasanli from the premises, and police detained him after he livestreamed three Azerbaijani activists protesting at the embassy over events in Soyudlu, according to news reports, Hasanli, and footage of his arrest posted by the journalist on Facebook. Hasanli told CPJ that police took him to the No. 21 Police Station in the Nasimi district of Baku, ordered him to delete photos and videos of the event from his phone—which he did not have—and released him after an hour.

    On June 25, Farid Ismayilov, a reporter with independent outlet Toplum TV, was interviewing residents in the village of Chovdar, which neighbors Soyudlu, when two people in plainclothes who identified themselves as police approached him and tried to take his camera, saying that local officials had forbidden reporting from the village, according to Ismayilov, who spoke to CPJ by messaging app, and a Facebook post by the journalist.

    Ismayilov fled in his car but was followed out of the region by two vehicles, he told CPJ, adding that local officials threatened to have his relatives fired from their jobs if he published his video reports.

    CPJ’s emails to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan, the Baku City police department, and the Yasamal, Binagadi, and Nasimi district police stations did not receive any replies.

    A spokesperson for the U.S. Embassy in Baku replied to CPJ’s emailed inquiry about Hasanli’s removal from the premises by saying, “Only portions of the official program [of the June 23 event] were open to media and on the record” and “The U.S. Embassy supports fundamental freedoms including the right to protest and freedom of speech.”


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI) published the conclusions of its first stage on 29 June. Campaigners celebrated the so-called ‘spycops’ report’s damning verdict of the Met Police and its undercover units. However, they also criticised it for not going far enough.

    Undercover policing tactics were ‘not justified’

    The Undercover Policing Inquiry Tranche 1 Interim Report summarises the inquiry’s investigation into undercover policing activities between 1968 and 1992. Most infamous of these was the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), which was so secretive that allegedly many senior officers within the Met didn’t know of the undercover unit’s existence. Officers recruited into the unit were sent to spy on trade unions, political parties, anti-apartheid and environmental groups, and other left-wing activist campaigns.

    Tactics used by SDS officers included forming sexual relationships with women, adopting the names of dead children, and even infiltrating police accountability groups. However, the inquiry’s head John Mitting said in the report that these methods were unjustified:

    Was the gathering of intelligence about subversive organisations or individuals so defined, by the means adopted by the SDS, a legitimate exercise of police functions?

    I have come to the firm conclusion that, for a unit of a police force, it [was] not; and that had the use of these means been publicly known at the time, the SDS would have been brought to a rapid end.

    However, Mitting’s conclusion also defended the decision of the SDS not to deploy into right-wing and fascist groups. Campaigners have long criticised the unit’s focus on left-wing causes, with Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance (COPS) previously describing it as part of the SDS’s “prejudiced nature”. Mitting, however, claimed there was no bias in the decision:

     the fact that in this period no decision was made to infiltrate right-wing groups did not result from political bias on the part of those responsible for targeting, but from the belief that existing coverage sufficed and through concern about the risk of violence which such a deployment might pose.

    The inquiry itself began in 2015, but was the result of many years of campaigning by affected activists; in particular, by women with whom some of the ‘spycops’ had sexual relationships and one person even had a child fathered by an undercover officer.

    The inquiry is protecting the police

    Campaigners both welcomed and criticised the report. A press statement by COPS said spycops’ victims “welcomed the findings” of the report. Core participant Zoe Young said:

    The police have tried to justify their actions by saying they were targeting subversives and protecting public order. Their own evidence showed this was not the case.

    They ignored violent groups such as the National Front in favour of reporting on cake sales and campaigns for free nurseries. While we were on the street calling for an end to racist murders, we now know police were spying on us. They treated as criminal anyone who wanted to change the world for the better.

    If there is a subversive organisation in all this, it is the institutionally anti-democratic Metropolitan Police through their systematic attacks on basic human rights.

    Police Spies Out Of Lives (PSOOL), a group supporting women that were coerced into sexual relationships with spycops, said those women also ‘welcomed’ the findings. However, it also noted the Met Police is yet to release the files it holds on the women. PSOOL accused the inquiry of “protecting police” by publishing its report without pressuring the Met Police to release its files.

    Diana Langford, who participated in the inquiry and who was targeted by at least seven undercover officers, said:

    The production of an interim report is cruel while women are still waiting to see files written by those who messed with their bodies and minds. The Inquiry is pandering to the Met’s cynical delaying tactics. The Met has not changed since the 1960s in its attitudes to women, people of colour and queer people, yet the Inquiry goes out of its way to accommodate the excuses, lies and prevarications of former SDS officers.

    The Blacklist Support Group, which speaks for trade unionists blacklisted as a result of undercover policing, was also critical. While it said that Mitting’s key finding that the SDS’s tactics were unjustified “echoes and vindicates what activists have argued from the very beginning”, it also found his conclusion over a lack of right-wing infiltration “pure comedy gold”.

    Labour peer Peter Hain also criticised that conclusion:

    stating ‘that no decision was made to infiltrate right wing groups did not result from political bias’ is an astounding endorsement by Sir John Mitting of the very political bias the police and security forces displayed at that time.

    It is reprehensible that Sir John Mitting does not take a stand on the very evidence of discriminatory policing his inquiry uncovered.

    Part one of six

    The report marks only the end of the first part of the inquiry, with a further five still to come. Yet, after eight years, this inquiry has so far proven a problematic exercise for those at the heart of the issues. Responses to the stage one report show that, rather than acting as a tool of accountability, the inquiry is something of a shield for the Met Police. However, this has been clear from the outset as past coverage by the Canary revealed.

    Even so, the extent to which the inquiry criticises the actions of the SDS should illustrate just how far beyond the pale it really was. Furthermore, the fact that successive Tory and Labour governments continued signing off on the unit’s actions shows how the political class prioritised its own existence over that of supposed ideological rivals.

    Featured image via Police Spies Out Of Lives

    By Glen Black

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Australia has offered to extend its military and police deployment in the Solomon Islands as the Pacific island country, which has cultivated security and economic ties with China, prepares to host a regional sporting event later this year and hold postponed elections in the first half of 2024.

    Australia’s Minister of Defence Richard Marles, who met with Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare during a two-day visit to the Pacific country, said on Thursday that Australia was willing to provide security assistance for as long as necessary. 

    Australia sent more than 200 troops and police to the Solomon Islands in late 2021 at the request of Sogavare following anti-China and anti-government riots in the capital Honiara. Fiji, Papua New Guinea and New Zealand also contributed to the security mission.

    “We spoke about the Solomons International Assistance Force, which Australia is a contributing member [of], and we made it clear that if it was the Solomons’ wish for the Solomons International Assistance Force to continue then Australia stood ready for that to occur,” Marles, who is also Australia’s deputy prime minister, told reporters in Honiara.  

    “We are happy to support a continuation of the presence of SIAF in supporting the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force,” he said. 

    The Solomon Islands, home to some 700,000 people, has become a focal point for the U.S.-China rivalry in the Pacific. Sogavare’s government switched its diplomatic recognition to China from Taiwan in 2019 and signed a security pact with Beijing last year that alarmed the United States and allies such as Australia. 

    A statement from Sogavare’s office said assessments of security needs for the Pacific Games, which will be held in Honiara in November, are still being carried out. “Should there be areas to address, Australia will be notified through appropriate channels,” it said.

    The statement also said the security treaty between Australia and the Solomon Islands should be reviewed to take into account the changing security challenges faced by both countries. It called for “more support to strengthen our capacity and capability to respond to internal security challenges.”

    marles dock.jpg
    Australia’s Minister of Defence and deputy prime minister Richard Marles [second from right] talks to Australian Defence Advisor Col. Justin Bywater [right] while Solomon Islands Commissioner of Police Mostyn Mangau [second from left] looks on in Honiara on June 29, 2023. [Gina Maka’a/BenarNews]

    Both China and Australia have been providing training and equipment to the Solomon Islands police, including weapons, sparking concern their rivalry could cause new instability in a South Pacific country that spiraled into chaos only two decades ago.

    Several years of instability around the turn of the century, fueled by stolen police equipment, still looms large for Solomon Islanders, who call the period The Tensions. Corruption, ethnic strife and political divides made the country seem ungovernable and culminated in an Australian-led military intervention from 2003 until 2017.

    Last November, China handed over two water cannon trucks, 30 motorbikes and 20 white utility vehicles emblazoned with the red China Aid logo to Solomon Islands police while Australia donated 60 MK18 rifles and 13 vehicles, some of which will be used in a new mobile protection unit for VIPs.  

    Solomon Islands police said in May that some 30 officers were undergoing advanced capability training in China on top of 33 officers who received training at the Fujian Police College last year. It said further contingents would receive leadership and capability training in China this year and that the China Police Liaison Team in Honiara would continue its training programs in the Solomon Islands.

    Marles said a peaceful security environment for the Pacific Games – which China, Australia, Indonesia and other countries are helping to bankroll – and elections next year are key objectives of the Solomon Islands government. 

    Sogavare’s government postponed the elections, which were due this year, citing the cost of hosting the Pacific Games.

    “We are very mindful that an ongoing SIAF [presence] could be an assistance to Solomon Islands and we certainly made it clear that we would be ready to provide that if Solomon Islands want it,” Marles said.

    Marles’ visit to the Solomon Islands also resulted in pledges of assistance including a previously announced grant of 25 million Australian dollars ($16.5 million) to pay for the Solomons’ 2024 general election, provision of small fast vessels for the Solomon Islands police and help to upgrade a shipyard.

    Before leaving the Solomon Islands on Thursday afternoon, Marles officially opened a new critical care unit at the country’s main hospital that was funded by Australia.

    BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news organization.

    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Gina Maka’a for BenarNews.

  • By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist, and Scott Waide, RNZ Pacific PNG correspondent

    A woman who was part of a group kidnapped in Papua New Guinea in February has spoken out after the kidnapping and reported rape of 17 schoolgirls in the same area of Southern Highlands earlier this month.

    Cathy Alex, the New Zealand-born Australian academic Bryce Barker and two female researchers, were taken in the Mt Bosavi region and held for ransom.

    They were all released when the Papua New Guinea government paid a ransom of US$28,000 to the kidnappers to secure their release.

    Alex, who heads the Advancing Women’s Leaders’ Network, said that what the 17 abducted girls had gone through prompted her to speak out, after the country, she believed, had done nothing.

    A local said family members of the girls negotiated with the captors and were eventually able to secure their release.

    The villagers reportedly paid an undisclosed amount of cash and a few pigs as the ransom.

    Alex said she and the other women in her group had feared they would be raped when they were kidnapped.

    PNG Prime Minister James Marape shared a photo on Facebook of two of the hostages, including professor Bryce Barker, after their release.
    Professor Bryce Barker and an unnamed woman after being released by kidnappers in February. Image: PM James Marape/FB

    ‘My life preserved’
    “My life was preserved even though there was a time where the three of us were pushed to go into the jungle so they could do this to us.

    “We chose death over being raped. Maybe the men will not understand, but for a woman or a girl rape is far worse than death.”

    Alex said they had had received a commitment that they would not be touched, so the revelations about what happened to the teenage girls was horrifying.

    She said her experience gave her some insight into the age and temperament of the kidnappers.

    “Young boys, 16 and up, a few others. No Tok Pisin, no English. It’s a generation that’s been out there that has had no opportunities. What is happening in Bosavi is a glimpse, a dark glimpse of where our country is heading to.”

    The teenage girls from the most recent kidnapping are now safe and being cared for but they cannot return to their village because it is too dangerous.

    Need for focus
    Cathy Alex said there was a need for a focus on providing services to the rural areas as soon as possible.

    She said people were resilient and could change, as long as the right leadership was provided.

    Bosavi is one of the remotest areas in PNG, with no roads and few services

    It suffered significant damage during earthquake in 2018.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • Revolutionary change is not built by people, but by communities. As many oppressed communities will tell you, basing movements largely upon one leader will simply result in states destroying said leader. Martin Luther King and Fred Hampton could attest to that if they hadn’t been killed for their advocation for Black rights.

    Waiting on a saviour

    There are other movements we can turn to in order to see great leaders suppressed and overpowered by a seemingly irrepressible state. The crushing weight of the status quo often appears to stamp out any glowing embers that possible resistance might have conjured up.

    There is a particular tendency amongst left-wing white folks in the UK to rally around figures on the left as saviours. These figures are supposed to be the ones who come along and do the work. They’ll finally get rid of the Tories, save the NHS, and be good for a soundbite that does numbers on Twitter.

    But be they Jeremy Corbyn or Mick Lynch, that’s simply not going to happen.

    This is nothing to do with the proven talents of the likes of Corbyn or Lynch. Instead, it’s because unduly investing in one leader is no path to liberation. No one person can do it alone – nor should they have to.

    Ruminating and re-litigating

    My colleague Joe Glenton caused quite a stir when he asked Jeremy Corbyn supporters to accept what has come to pass over the Corbyn years and move on. Here at the Canary we’re hardly strangers to how Corbyn has been lied about and his supporters ridiculed. The man himself has been smeared, targeted, and subject to infuriating aspersions on both his politics and character. None of this is to criticise him, and I’d wager, he may well agree with what we’re saying.

    Given the Canary’s history of being a staunch supporter of Corbyn, it’s fair to say that our social media pages and comment sections are a reasonably accurate picture of the mood amongst supporters of Corbyn. One thing that hasn’t changed since 2019 is how much fans of Corbyn – and I would note, not necessarily Corbyn himself – insist on ruminating over how Corbyn was shoved out of mainstream politics.

    Now, you may well counter that it’s possible for people to care about more than one thing at once. However, our mentions demonstrate a huge amount of energy being sunk into re-litigating the Corbyn years.

    Parliamentary politics won’t save us

    It’s tempting to rally around political camps and leaders, but to do so is – as we should have learnt by now – a distraction that keeps us from finding connection and community with the people who suffer the most. Rallying around a memory of Corbyn is dangerous because it positions parliamentary politics as a legitimate source of change.

    Parliamentary politics will not save us. Voting cannot get us out of this mess. As many of us have asked so often since 2019, who on earth would you happily vote for anymore?

    Any kind of radical politics that actually helps the most vulnerable people in our society, that doesn’t operate through racism, classism, and transphobia, but through dismantling those very oppressions, is a politics that cannot – and will not – be found in Westminster.

    Perspective

    Our welfare system is operated by cruel and morally depraved people who are so determined to stamp out non-existent abuse of universal credit that they don’t mind stripping the meagre benefits of people struggling to feed themselves.

    Our government and media are throwing everything they have into demonising trans people whilst stripping back their basic healthcare.

    The Home Office has spent several administrations pouring money into the Prevent duty in the name of counter-terror. All this, to make sure Black and Brown Muslims are surveilled and abused as a matter of course.

    Our police forces operate with impunity and stifle dissent wherever they can. Those same police forces target and kill Black people with very little consequence. All conceivable levels of institutional power are engaged in anti-Blackness. Reports are then commissioned to confirm or deny such a thing, all whilst the anti-Blackness continues.

    Our country is paying to facilitate bombing Yemen. We’re raining down an apocalypse across regions Britain has already destabilised with decades of colonial and neocolonial violence. British companies are the ones making vast profits and causing the climate crisis, and are congratulated by the government and media for doing so.

    Consider all this. Consider the actual communities that are being crushed under this weight. Then, realise that it’s more than a little fucking annoying to see people rallying around the Corbyn years as though nothing else matters.

    A familiar blow

    For some of us, Corbyn’s demise as Labour leader was a blow. The man himself appears to have a proven track record politically and an admirable doggedness. He even has a rare ability amongst his skin folk to treat Black and Brown people as his equals. But, it wasn’t a blow that was unfamiliar.

    Poor Black and Brown people know what it is to be lied about, ignored, and shoved out of the way. We know because it happens to us. Not on the same scale, and perhaps not with the same level of scrutiny but it happens nonetheless.

    We know because our doctors don’t believe our pain. Our workplaces require us to not make too much of a fuss about racism. The people teaching our children are guided to report them to Prevent before they are to treat them as children. Whenever a famous Black or Brown person is caught in a racist storm, the rest of us get it in the neck.

    Our class identity is erased. We’re implicitly, and sometimes explicitly, shut out of queer spaces. Our disabilities are less often diagnosed, and are even questioned by the people who are supposed to treat us. Teachers look at us not with care, but with suspicion. Our fellow comrades fail to see us and our struggles, all while we’re supposed to be fighting for the same thing. These same comrades will often further marginalise and betray us.

    Communities, not leaders

    Corbyn was a breath of fresh air. There is more air to be taken in, fresh lungfuls, if we can lean on the communities some of us have had to build up in order to live.

    Black and Brown people – and queer, disabled Black and Brown people in particular – live with the knowledge that the systems we live under want us dead. We know what it means to only be able to rely on people like us in order to be seen. And, we also know the strength, and the necessity, of that kind of community.

    We shouldn’t be rallying around one person. Instead, we must rally around communities of people. After all, that’s what Corbyn himself has spent his political career doing.

    Featured image via YouTube screenshot/PoliticsJOE

    By Maryam Jameela

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • By Jeffrey Elapa in Port Moresby

    In what is described as a “significant relief”, seven Papua New Guinea teachers and their families were rescued from an attempted kidnapping in the remote Mt Bosavi region in Hela Province.

    Hela Education Director Ronny Angu said the teachers and their families were rescued safely by the Hela Education Division from their attempted kidnappers.

    He said the teachers are from the Wagalu primary school, the same primary school where 17 school girls were recently kidnapped, raped and held hostage for ransom.

    Angu said the teachers and their families have escaped from an organised kidnapping and potential harm by criminals after a successful rescue operation, executed with the help of key stakeholders that demonstrated “unwavering commitment and collaboration”.

    He said the “heroic efforts” from Hela police and Moro police, the Hela Provincial government and the Hela Education Division, ensured that the teachers and their families were successfully relocated to safety.

    “Their dedication and selflessness significantly contributed to the success of the rescue mission,” he said.

    “To commemorate the safe return of the teachers and their families and for God’s guidance and protection, the Hela Education Division organised a welcome party. It was a moment of immense joy and relief, where experiences and challenges were openly discussed, and tears were shared.

    Support for healing
    “Hela Education Division is committed to providing the necessary support to the staff members to help them settle back into their respective homes.

    “We aim to provide an opportunity to the teachers to reconnect with their families and begin the process of healing from the traumatic experiences they endured.

    “The success of the rescue mission is a powerful testament to the unwavering commitment of the education division to serve the community and provide quality education in Hela Province.

    “The division expressed sincere gratitude to those who supported and made the rescue operation successful, especially the Hela police, Moro police, Hela Provincial government, and Hela Education Division,” Angu said.

    “This successful rescue operation is a significant relief to Hela Province. The safe return of the teachers and their families after such a perilous experience cannot be more relieving news.

    “We wish all of them a speedy recovery from their ordeal.”

    Jeffrey Elapa is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Prosecutors in Germany confirmed a press report that police investigators listened in on phone calls of climate activists from Letzte Generation (“Last Generation”). The exposé sparked public outrage and rebuke from the activists.

    Climate surveillance

    Letzte Generation is known for members gluing themselves to roads to draw attention to the climate crisis. Police across Germany raided members of the group in May as part of an investigation into whether the protest group was raising funds to commit ‘criminal acts’. Police in the capital state of Bradenburg carried out similar raids in December 2022.

    A spokesperson for the Munich public prosecutor’s office said police are investigating whether Letzte Generation is “forming or supporting a criminal organisation”. Meanwhile, the group branded the police’s actions as “absurd”.

    The Sueddeutsche newspaper first revealed the wiretapping on 24 June. It said police surveillance had begun in October 2022. It included monitoring emails and voicemail accounts, and logging the GPS data of mobile phones.

    Following the exposé, Munich’s public prosecutor described some of the calls monitored. They included conversations between members of the climate activist group and journalists making media enquiries. Police didn’t target journalists directly, the prosecutor said, but they “were affected by the measures due to calls made via the monitored telephone numbers”.

    Disproportionate policing

    Reacting to the news, Letzte Generation wrote on Twitter:

    We protest showing our names and faces, publish our plans, accept the legal consequences.

    Nevertheless, the Bavarian LKA (police) logged telephone calls, emails and movement profiles. Even our press phone was monitored. That is absurd!

    The climate activist group added that it is unsure whether police are still surveilling its communications.

    Politicians weighed in on the news, too. Dietmar Bartsch, parliamentary leader of the left-wing Linke opposition party, called the surveillance “completely inappropriate”. And Lars Castellucci, an MP from the ruling Social Democrats (SPD), said the wiretapping “raises questions about proportionality”.

    Letzte Generation activists have vowed to continue their protests.

    Featured image via Letzte Generation/YouTube

    Additional reporting by Agence France-Presse

    By Glen Black

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Yamin Kogoya

    Last Monday, suspended Papua Governor Lukas Enembe was indicted on gratification, bribery and corruption charges in Indonesia’s central Corruption Criminal Court in Jakarta.

    Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) prosecutors accused and charged Governor Enembe of accepting bribes totalling Rp 45.8 billion (US$3 million) and gratuities worth Rp 1 billion (US$65,000).

    Tomorrow the ailing former high official will know the judges’ rulings and responses to his requests.

    Prosecutors argued that these funds came from private infrastructure development companies in West Papua.

    As the Governor of Papua Province, Enembe, along with his subordinates Mikael Kambuaya and Gerius One Yoman, are accused of giving the bribe in order to obtain the companies used by Piton Enumbi and Rijatono Lakka for the 2013-2022 procurement project within the Papua Provincial government.

    Enembe was charged under Article 12a and Article 12b of Law 31 of 1999 regarding the Eradication of Corrupt Criminal Acts, Kompas.com reports.

    A barefooted Governor Enembe sat in the middle of the courtroom beside his lawyer Petrus Balapationa, looking directly at the panel of judges. Both of his defence attorneys and KPK prosecutors were seated on opposite sides of the courtroom.

    ‘Empty speeches, trickery’
    During the 2.5 hour hearing, the governor shouted angrily at the KPK’s prosecutors, asking, “Woi (hey) — lying, where did I receive (Rp 45 billion)?” . . . “Not right, not right, empty speeches, you’re lying, empty speeches, trickery and lying, where did I get it?,” Lukas Enembe said during his indictment reading, reports Kompas.com.

    The governor’s lawyer Petrus Balap read out statements of objections written by Enembe in response to the allegations and charges.

    “I am being vilified, dehumanised, impoverished and made destitute,” said the governor in his statement to the judges and prosecutors, raising 32 objections to the indictment. He said:

    “To all my Papuan people. I, the Governor, whom you have elected twice, I am the traditional chief, I have been vilified, dehumanised, demonised, mistreated and, I have been [made] destitute and impoverished.

    “I, Lukas Enembe, never stole state money, never took bribes, yet the KPK provides false information and manipulates public opinion as if I were the most notorious criminal.

    The suspended Governor of Papua, Lukas Enembe, enters Jakarta's Corruption Criminal Court on 19 June 2023
    The suspended Governor of Papua, Lukas Enembe, enters Jakarta’s Corruption Criminal Court last Monday . . . He shouted out, “I am being vilified, dehumanised, [made] impoverished and destitute”. Image: Kompas.com

    “I have been accused of being a gambler. Even if this were true, it is a general criminal offence, KPK does not have the authority to investigate gambling issues. Even the alleged bribe of one billion dollars in my indictment grew into a bribe of tens of billions of rupiah, resulting in the confiscation of all my savings.

    “Not only was my money confiscated, but also the money of my wife and children. Even though I have emphasised in my BAP (minutes of the legal examination) that the one billion rupiah is my personal money and does not constitute bribes or gratuities.

    “On my oath as a witness against defendant Rijatono Lakkadi in court on May 16, 2023, I explained the same statement.

    “Once again, I dare to declare that the one billion rupiah is not the result of a bribe that Rijatono Lakka gave me at my request. I have never given Rijatono Lakka facilities, Rijatono Lakka’s wealth has come from his own work.

    ‘Cruel treatment’
    “I have never interfered in the tender process of the procurement of goods and services, nor do I know the participants of the Electronic Tender since I created the E-Tender process to prevent the participation of KKN (Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism) in the tender process.

    “Not only was I the target of the pensoliman (cruelty and inhumane treatment), but my wife and son were also called as witnesses for me, despite their refusal to cooperate which is protected by the constitution.”

    The governor continued to protest against the KPK’s arrest of Dr Stefanus Roy Rening, one of his lawyers who had defended Enembe against the allegations and the attempt to arrest him September last year.

    “It was also difficult for me to comprehend that my lawyer, Dr Stefanus Roy Rening, was made a suspect, obstructing the examination, despite the fact that he did not accompany the witnesses and stated that because of the statements made by Dr Stefanus Roy Rening who had defended me in public, which could affect the testimony of witnesses. He (Dr Roy) did not accompany the witnesses of my case.

    “Is it possible for Dr Stefanus Roy Rening to influence witnesses when they are not accompanied by a lawyer and at the end of every witness BAP [statement] a sentence is included stating that the witness’ testimony is free from influence, and it is the witness’ own testimony without any influence from others?”

    The governor concluded his statement of objections by stating:

    “What I have explained and [with] the facts stated above, I have the right in this court to be treated fairly, not to be slandered, vilified, or impoverished, as I have been accused of gambling to the tens of hundreds of millions in Singapore, despite the fact that no one has ever given a statement about gambling, or that I was involved in the purchase of KKB weapons (arms for West Papuan freedom fighters) by a pilot arrested in the Philippines.”

    Lawyers’ objection letter
    An objection letter by the governor’s legal team was released last Thursday stating:

    Lukas Enembe’s senior lawyer, OC Kaligis, expressed his objection to KPK officials’ attitude during the trial at the Jakarta District Court, Thursday (22 June 2023). Lukas Enembe’s legal counsel have only been able to consult with him for two hours a week since he has been detained.

    Is it possible that legal counsel will only be given two hours of visitation time per week? Kaligis stated that the two-hour period was insufficient for discussing all the witnesses in the case file (184 witnesses) and the 1024 minutes of seizure according to Article 129 of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

    According to Kaligis, his defence counsel had the right to provide legal assistance, as per Article 56 of the Criminal Procedure Code, in order to determine whether there were any witnesses who directly gave bribes or gratuities to Lukas Enembe.

    “The [details] in this case need to be explained carefully to Lukas Enembe, with adequate time. Two hours of consultation each week is definitely not enough,” said Kaligis.

    Kaligis stated that on June 19, 2023, following the indictment, when legal counsel sought to meet with Lukas Enembe, the time given was very short, and a KPK official who claimed to be the Public Prosecutor closely monitored the meeting.

    “Even though the legal counsel had requested that the seating be changed in the same area, the Public Prosecutor arrogantly still forbids, despite the fact that the panel of judges before the court had stated that we can meet Lukas Enembe after the hearing. Particularly now that the power of detention lies with the panel of judges and not with the KPK anymore,” said Kaligis.

    Detention visits
    His legal team requested that the panel of judges allow him to visit Lukas Enembe at the KPK detention centre every day before his trial.

    “The legal counsel team filed an application with the panel of judges, as the extension of detention is now within the jurisdiction of the court and is no longer under the authority of the KPK. The KPK prohibited us from meeting Lukas Enembe in court, everything was done based on the KPK’s power and arrogance.

    “Doesn’t that violate Article 56 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, granting a right to legal counsel to consult the law?” Kaligis said.

    Governor Enembe’s ordeal has been characterised by numerous twists and turns as the KPK, doctors, the governor himself, and the defence legal team strive to find a resolution to these problems.

    The situation is made worse by the fact that in Indonesia the lines between law enforcement agencies, KPK officials, medical doctors, and judges are blurred in a country notoriously known for corruption and impunity from top officials to local mayors.

    Dealing with cases like Lukas Enembe is even worse — coming from Indonesia’s most contested territory — West Papua.

    Legal system questioned
    Indeed, this case undermines the whole foundation of the Indonesian legal system.

    Judging whether Papua’s governor is guilty or not within Indonesia’s legal system — which regards Papuans as being “illegal” in managing Papuan affairs — is always going to be perceived with suspicion from the Papuan side. This is because the fundamental issue (West Papua’s sovereignty) underlying the West Papua-Indonesia conflict has never been resolved.

    What has broken down between Papuans and Indonesia’s government for the past 60 years is trust.

    Unfortunately, Governor Lukas and every Papuan considered to be breaking Indonesian laws, must face the Indonesian legal system. This in itself is so ironic and demoralising for Papuans, as every moral, ethical and legal framework Jakarta employs is viewed as fraught by Papuans within the West Papua sovereignty disputes in Indonesia.

    Jakarta’s criminalisation of Papuans is like criminalising innocents and accusing them of breaking the law through the perpetrator’s legal system.

    This is due to the fact that the Indonesian government has a long history of targeting Papuans for their political views and beliefs. This has led to an environment of fear and intimidation, where Papuans are often accused of crimes they did not commit and are treated harshly by the Indonesian legal system.

    For more than 500 years, most indigenous people around the globe have been criminalised and exterminated since a series of Papal bulls (decrees) signed by European Catholic popes and Christian kings during the early period of European colonisation in the 1400s and 1500s.

    Legal myths
    They were legal myths for conquests, civilising mission — the myth of discovery, the myth of empty lands, and the myth of Terra Nullius.

    It has been used to justify the exploitation of indigenous peoples, to strip them of their rights, and to deny them access to land and resources.

    By criminalising the indigenous population, colonial authorities have maintained an unequal power dynamic and control over them. These colonial myths have had devastating consequences for the original inhabitants.

    Today, Jakarta still propagates this myth in West Papua. Colonial myths have been made truer than truth, more real than reality, and unfortunately, indigenous leaders, such as Governor Lukas Enembe, have been swayed by them by their legal jargon, codes, numbers, symbols, grammar, and semantic power.

    Currently there are three high profile Papuan leaders locked up in KPK’s prison cells — Papua Governor Lukas Enembe; the Regent of Mimika Regency, Eltinus Omaleng; and the Regent of Mamberamo Tengah Regency, Ricky Ham Pagawak. All are accused of corruption.

    The status of the two regents remains unclear.

    As for Governor Lukas Enembe, he requested that the judges take his deteriorating health seriously and that he receive medical assistance from specialists in Singapore, and not from KPK’s appointed general practitioners.

    This is partially due to the breakdown of trust.

    Further, the Governor has also requested that the block on the bank account of his son (a student based in Melbourne) be lifted in order for him to be able to continue his studies.

    The judges are due to deliver their verdict tomorrow regarding the outcome of his requests and all charges against him.

    Yamin Kogoya is a West Papuan academic/activist who has a Master of Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development from the Australian National University and who contributes to Asia Pacific Report. From the Lani tribe in the Papuan Highlands, he is currently living in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.

  • By Miriam Zarriga in Port Moresby

    Papua New Guinea police will be able to use lethal force to deal with crimes that come under “domestic terrorism” through the amendments to the Criminal Code Act.

    Police Commissioner David Manning said this as the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary (RPNGC) continue to work for stronger law enforcement powers to fight against domestic terrorists causing havoc in some parts of the country, such as in the mountainous Bosavi region.

    Commissioner Manning said that the kidnappings and held-for-ransom cases were part of “domestic terrorism”.

    “The amendments establish clear legal process for the escalated use of up to lethal force, powers of search and seizure, and detention for acts of domestic terrorism.

    “It is high time that we call these criminals as domestic terrorists, because that is what they are and we need harsher measures to bring them to justice one way or another,” he said.

    “Domestic terrorism includes the deliberate use of violence against people and communities to murder, injure and intimidate, including kidnapping and ransom, and the destruction of properties.

    “An accurate definition of domestic terrorism also includes hate crimes, including tribal fight and sorcery and related violence.”

    New crime trend
    A new crime trend has emerged in PNG with kidnappings and held-for-ransom cases happening over the last six years with more than six kidnappings and ransom demands occurring since 2014.

    However, it took the kidnapping of the New Zealand-born Australian professor and the demand for ransom this year to bring to light several years of continued kidnappings and demand for ransoms on expatriates and locals working at logging camps and elsewhere in Western province and the Highlands region.

    Localised kidnappings have also continued with successful returns of victims particularly children.

    Other domestic terrorism crimes include:

    • Organised crimes;
    • Weapons smuggling;
    • Illegal drug production and distribution; and
    • People trafficking.

    “The RPNGC, through the Minister for Internal Security, is putting forward amendments to the Criminal Code Act that will strengthen police capacity to search, investigate, intercept and prosecute people and groups involved in domestic terrorism,” Manning said.

    Commissioner Manning said the way criminals operated had changed, particularly in the use of information and communications technologies, and police powers needed to be strengthened.

    “The amendments will enable more effective lawful communications interception of channels and electronic devices used by domestic terrorists,” he said.

    Criminal internet use
    “Many of our laws do not take sufficient account of the way criminals, including domestic terrorists, use the internet and phone systems in carrying out violent crimes, and this is a key area for reform.”

    Commissioner Manning said the new amendments would build on previous related legislation, and go even further to tip the balance of justice and public safety away from the criminals.

    “Amendments have been made to the Criminal Code, such as in 2022 by the government to strengthen laws against so-called glassman or glassmeri [people with the power to accuse women and men of witchcraft and sorcery] and the vile crimes they commit — especially against women, children and the elderly.

    “The amendments will further improve law and order co-operation and collaboration with international partners through training, equipment, technical advice and the use of new technologies and resources.

    “Having interoperability with domestic and international partners requires the proper and recognised definition of a domestic terrorist and acts of domestic terrorism, as will be clear in the amendments.”

    According to information put together by the PNG Post-Courier since 2014 there have been a string of kidnappings that have occurred with a report of K300,000 (NZ$140,000) paid for the return of six expatriates held by armed men allegedly from the Southern Highlands.

    The latest kidnapping saw 17 girls, two of whom were married, taken by armed men in the Bosavi LLG, also in Southern Highlands. They were later released with about K3000 (NZ$1400) paid and several pigs offered to the kidnappers.

    Police have remained quiet with Post-Courier understanding that investigations continue to be carried out in the latest kidnapping incident and the case of the abducted professor and local researchers.

    Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    The deposed Papua Governor Lukas Enembe has been indicted this week on charges of bribery, allegedly over about US$3 million.

    The amount of bribes in this indictment is far greater than the Corruption Eradication Commission’s initial allegation, when naming Enembe as a suspect at the end of 2022.

    The commission’s public prosecutor alleges that the money was given to the defendant in  an act that went against his duties.

    Enembe’s declining health has been a constant concern for his supporters, who claim the outspoken leader’s arrest in January was politically motivated.

    Earlier this week, Asia Pacific Report correspondent Yamin Kogoya reported that Enembe faced a critical “D Day” hearing about his controversial case as he had been seen as a critic of the Indonesian administration in Papua.

    “His drawn out ordeal has been full of drama and trauma,” reported Kogoya.

    “There has been indecisiveness around the case and the hearing date has been repeatedly rescheduled — from 20 more days, to 40 more days, and now into months.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    The deposed Papua Governor Lukas Enembe has been indicted this week on charges of bribery, allegedly over about US$3 million.

    The amount of bribes in this indictment is far greater than the Corruption Eradication Commission’s initial allegation, when naming Enembe as a suspect at the end of 2022.

    The commission’s public prosecutor alleges that the money was given to the defendant in  an act that went against his duties.

    Enembe’s declining health has been a constant concern for his supporters, who claim the outspoken leader’s arrest in January was politically motivated.

    Earlier this week, Asia Pacific Report correspondent Yamin Kogoya reported that Enembe faced a critical “D Day” hearing about his controversial case as he had been seen as a critic of the Indonesian administration in Papua.

    “His drawn out ordeal has been full of drama and trauma,” reported Kogoya.

    “There has been indecisiveness around the case and the hearing date has been repeatedly rescheduled — from 20 more days, to 40 more days, and now into months.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Three of the five lawyers who defended a Buddhist organization in a case in Vietnam last year – and who were later summoned for police questioning after publicly discussing the case – have fled the country and arrived safely in the United States.

    Dang Dinh Manh and Nguyen Van Mieng flew into Washington’s Dulles International Airport last week. A third lawyer, Dao Kim Lan, told Voice of America that he was in “a very safe place” and was arranging his new life.

    “When the plane landed, I felt really relieved after 100 days of being hunted down,” Mieng told Radio Free Asia. “With my visa, it took me only around 30 minutes to go through customs. I was so ecstatic that I almost forgot to pick up my luggage.”

    The lawyers defended six members of the Peng Lei Buddhist House who were found guilty in July 2022 and sentenced to a combined 23 years and six months for incest and fraud. 

    While they were providing legal support to the Peng Lei members, the three lawyers, as well as two others – Ngo Thi Hoang Anh and Trinh Vinh Phuc – also used the YouTube account Nhật ký Luật sư (Lawyer’s Diary) to frequently post information about the case. The account no longer has any video content.

    The public discussion of the case could be a violation of Vietnam’s Article 331 – a statute in the penal code widely criticized by international communities as being vague. Vietnamese authorities routinely use it to attack those speaking out in defense of human rights.

    Public search notice 

    Authorities in the southern province of Long An issued a summons to the five lawyers in March that required them to report to the police for questioning. When the lawyers didn’t appear, police 

    followed up with several more summonses. 

    Provincial Police on June 11 posted a search notice on its website, saying that Mieng, Lan and Manh had neither attended the meetings nor provided excuses for their absence. 

    “The police at their wards of residence confirmed they were not at their places of residence and there was no information about their whereabouts, what they were doing, and they could not be contacted,” the police notice said.

    The notice also said that investigators had begun searching for the lawyers and requested that anyone who sees them “immediately report to Long An Provincial Police’s Investigation Agency.” 

    The whereabouts and status of the other two lawyers in the Peng Lei case – Anh and Phuc – was unknown.

    In an interview with RFA after his arrival in the United States, Manh said that he was aware of the police decision to actively search for him. 

    “However, I don’t think I have the responsibility to abide by this decision as it is not aligned with the regulations on criminal procedures,” he said.

    Leaving Vietnam was within his rights as a citizen under Vietnam’s Constitution, he said.

    “It’s my right to leave the country, travel and choose a place to reside and work,” he said. “I don’t know much about the U.S., but so far, I’ve been fascinated and overwhelmed. I have some projects to do here and have just kicked them off.”

    ‘Will critical voices still exist?’

    The news about the lawyers’ arrival in the United States generated mixed feelings from friends and acquaintances in Vietnam.

    “I am happy for my friends but worried for those who still remain,” Hanoi lawyer Ngo Anh Tuan, who has worked as a defense attorney in many political cases, wrote on Facebook.

    “The total number of lawyers nationwide who dare to defend clients in political cases was less than the number of our fingers,” Tuan wrote. “Now nearly half have left. The quantity has decreased. I am not sure how the quality has been affected but the spirit of the remaining people has obviously gone down.”

    “Will this trend stop, or will people continue to leave the country? Will critical voices still exist or gradually disappear over time?”

    Over the last 15 years, Manh defended more than 50 clients, many of whom were human rights and democracy activists and independent journalists.

    Manh and Mieng stood out among the modest number of lawyers who dared to work in political cases, according to a young attorney from the Hanoi Bar Association who wished to remain anonymous for security reasons.

    It’s now more likely that prosecuting agencies will designate government-aligned lawyers to participate in political cases as defense lawyers, he said.

    “Their departure creates a gap in political cases,” he said. “Lawyers now tend to avoid political cases.”

    Evidence of a weak judiciary

    But another lawyer from Hanoi who did not want to be named said that the three lawyers’ departure wouldn’t significantly affect the situation in Vietnam. 

    “Escaping has never been a step forward, nor does it create any impact,” he wrote in a text message to RFA on Wednesday. “It’s simply a way to ensure the safety of those who left.”

    However, their departure is more evidence of the weak position of lawyers in Vietnam’s judiciary, he said.

    Lawyer Ngo Anh Tuan said that the Vietnamese government should change its treatment of lawyers.

    “I asked myself many times: Instead of pushing political dissidents to the corner so that they have to make extremist choices, why doesn’t the government listen to them and have a dialogue with them so that conflicts will be settled and their knowledge can be utilized to make our country more democratic and advanced?”

    RFA contacted Long An Provincial Police for comment on the search notice for the three lawyers. A message left with a staff member wasn’t immediately returned. 

    Translated by Anna Vu. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Vietnamese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Junta authorities have announced the deaths of four men and a woman, arrested in connection with an attack on a police station in Myanmar’s central Bago region, a local People’s Defense Force militia group told RFA this week.

    They were among 34 locals arrested on suspicion of involvement in the April 27 attack on the police station in Waw township’s Nyaung Khar Shey village.

    On Monday, an official of the Waw township People Defense Force told RFA that families had been notified of the deaths of 53-year old Tin Myo Khaing; 52-year-old Win Zaw Htay; 45-year-old San Shey; 60-year-old Mya Thein; and 35-year-old Kyaw Myint Thein, all from villages in the township. 

    They were told to hold funerals but did not receive the bodies.

    “Family members were called to see the body of Myint Thein from Kyon Par village last month,” said the official, who declined to be named for security reasons. 

    “He was shot and caught as he tried to flee from the roof of his house … We don’t know when the other people arrested died and did not see their bodies.”

    The official added that two other men, San Shey and Kyaw Myint Thein, were shot before their arrests.

    RFA tried to contact the families but they didn’t want to talk because of safety concerns.

    Calls to the junta spokesperson for Bago region, Tin Oo, seeking information on the deaths went unanswered.

    People’s Defense Joint Forces attacked the police station in April, leading to a police roundup of locals over several days. They took in 20 people for questioning on April 27 and 28 and another 14 on May 1.

    Locals said they don’t know if those arrested will be charged or released and RFA has been unable to contact the local police.

    Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Vietnamese security forces have arrested more than 50 people accused of being involved in last weekend’s deadly attacks on two commune offices in central Dak Lak province, a Ministry of Public Security spokesman told state media on Friday. 

    The June 11 attack left nine people dead.

    Those involved in the attacks were young people who harbored delusions and extremist attitudes and had been incited and abetted by the ringleaders via the internet, according to the ministry.  

    But officials didn’t say who or which organizations had incited or assisted the attackers.

    The attacks occurred in an area that is home to about 30 tribes of indigenous peoples known collectively as Montagnards. 

    Vietnamese state media have reported that the attackers were Montagnards, but the ministry did not identify those arrested as such. 

    Religious and civil organizations advocating for the Montagnard people told Radio Free Asia in an earlier report that they weren’t involved in the armed attacks and condemned the violence.

    Anger and frustration in the Central Highlands has built up after decades of government surveillance, land disputes and economic hardship, RFA reported earlier. In recent months, there have been a number of land revocation incidents by local authorities, police and military forces.

    Sought to steal weapons

    In the ministry’s description of what transpired, about 40 people wearing camouflage vests and equipped with knives and guns split into two groups for a dawn attack on the offices in Ea Tieu and Ea Ktur communes.

    Members of the two groups also had broken into Special Forces Brigade No. 198’s barracks in Hoa Dong commune in Dak Lak province to steal weapons, but failed, the ministry told state media.   

    Those arrested said they sought to steal weapons so as to make news headlines, which they hoped would give them the opportunity to immigrate to other countries, according to the ministry. In their preliminary statements, those arrested said they had been incited by others to kill police officers.

    Four police officers, two commune officials and three civilians were killed.

    The attackers also kidnapped three civilians, though one of them managed to escape, and the others were rescued later, the ministry said. 

    The ministry said it would “use all necessary measures” to hunt down and arrest all suspects still in hiding and seize their weapons and explosives. 

    Vietnamese police officers escort a suspect arrested in Dak Lak province.  Credit: Vietnamese State media
    Vietnamese police officers escort a suspect arrested in Dak Lak province. Credit: Vietnamese State media

    Vietnam’s one-party government has strictly controlled news about the shootings, heightening people’s curiosity about the incident, but Channel VTV1 of Vietnam Television and many newspapers have published the statements and photos of some of those arrested.

    Meanwhile, Prime Minister Hun Sen of neighboring Cambodia ordered armed forces in Mondulkiri, Ratanakiri and Kratie provinces to increase security along the border to prevent fugitives involved in the attacks from crossing the border illegally, China’s official Xinhua News Agency reported Friday. 

    Hun Sen said that anyone arrested would be returned to Vietnam if discovered. 

    Slapping social media

    In the past days, police have fined people who share news about Dak Lak shootings via social media. 

    At least five Facebook users have been slapped with administrative fines for sharing the news and their comments, deemed to be harmful to the state. 

    Police in Dak Lak as well as authorities in Kontum and Binh Phuoc — two other provinces in the country’s Central Highlands — have fined businesses that sell imitation camouflage military outfits.   

    Two human rights lawyers told RFA on Thursday that state media should not have publicly disclosed information from the suspects’ statements to police or their photos, though authorities often take advantage of their power and privilege to provide news organizations with unappealing photos of suspects.

    “Publishing citizens’ photos without their permission or without blurring their faces, even if they are suspects or defendants, is a violation of their rights in terms of their image and could cause many consequences, especially when they are in high positions or are influential people,” said one attorney from Ho Chi Minh City, who asked not to be identified.

    A human rights lawyer from Hanoi said the Penal Code or the Criminal Procedure Code clearly states that statements from suspects should be kept secret.

    Attorney Ha Huy Son, a member of the Hanoi Bar Association, said the country’s 2015 Civil Code contains a provision on the rights of an individual with respect to his image, stipulating that he must give his consent for its public use. 

    But he also pointed to another article stating that a person’s photo can be used without consent from the individual or his legal representative in cases where it serves national or public interest.  

    The attorneys also said those arrested should be given immediate access to lawyers to ensure fairness and avoid injustice.

    Neither the Ministry of Public Security nor Dak Lak provincial police have opened cases against the suspects, or provided information about their charges.

    Translated by Anna Vu for RFA Vietnamese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Vietnamese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The Department of Justice has released a scathing, 89-page report of the Minneapolis Police Department conducted after the police murder of George Floyd, shedding light on the culture of unlawful police violence and rampant racism that laid the groundwork for Floyd’s murder three years ago. The report, released Friday, finds that the Minneapolis Police Department, referred to as MPD in the report…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.


  • This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • ANALYSIS: By Damien Kingsbury, Deakin University

    New Zealand pilot Phillip Mehrtens has now been held hostage in West Papua for four months. Stalled attempts to negotiate his release, and an unsuccessful Indonesian military rescue attempt, suggest a confused picture behind the scenes.

    Members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) kidnapped Mehrtens on February 7, demanding Indonesia recognise West Papua’s independence.

    The Nduga regency, where Mehrtens was taken and his plane burnt, is known for pro-independence attacks and military reprisals.

    New Zealand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has said: “We’re doing everything we can to secure a peaceful resolution and Mr Mehrtens’ safe release, including working closely with the Indonesian authorities and deploying New Zealand consular staff.”

    Meanwhile, the Indonesian military (TNI) has continued its military operation to hunt down the TPNPB — including by bombing from aircraft, according to Mehrtens in one of several “proof of life” videos released by the TPNPB.

    Early negotiations
    From late February, I was authorised by the TPNPB to act as an intermediary with the New Zealand government. This was based on having previously worked with pro-independence West Papuan groups and was confirmed in a video from the TPNPB to the New Zealand government.

    In this capacity, I communicated regularly with a New Zealand Police hostage negotiator, including when the TPNPB changed its demands.

    The TPNPB had initially said it would kill Mehrtens unless Indonesia recognised West Papua’s independence. But, after agreeing to negotiate, the TPNPB said it would save Mehrtens’ life while seeking to extract concessions from the New Zealand government.

    Its current position is that New Zealand stop its citizens from working in or travelling to West Papua, and also cease military support for Indonesia.

    In late May, however, frustrated by the lack of response, the TPNPB again said it would kill Mehrtens if talks were not forthcoming.

    My involvement with the New Zealand government ended when I was told the government had decided to use another channel of communication with the group. As events have unfolded, my understanding is that the TPNPB did not accept this change of communication channels.

    Latest in a long struggle
    The TPNPB is led by Egianus Kogeya, son of Daniel Yudas Kogeya, who was killed by Indonesian soldiers in an operation to rescue hostages taken in 1996. The TPNPB is one of a small number of armed pro-independence groups in West Papua, each aligned with a faction of the Free West Papua movement.

    The West Papua independence movement grew out of Dutch plans to give West Papua independence. Indonesia argued that Indonesia should be the successor to the Dutch East Indies in its entirety, and in 1963 assumed administration of West Papua with US backing. It formally incorporated West Papua in 1969, after 1035 village leaders were forced at gunpoint to vote for inclusion in Indonesia.

    As a result of Indonesians moving to this “frontier”, more than 40 percent of West Papua’s population is now non-Melanesian. West Papuans, meanwhile, are second-class citizens in their own land.

    Despite the territory having Indonesia’s richest economic output, West Papuans have among the worst infant mortality, average life expectancy, nutrition, literacy and income in Indonesia.

    Critically, freedom of speech is also limited, human rights violations continue unabated, and the political process is riven by corruption, vote buying and violence. As a consequence, West Papua’s independence movement continues.

    There have been a number of mostly small military actions and kidnappings highlighting West Papua’s claim for independence.

    “Flag-raising” ceremonies and street protests have been used to encourage a sense of unity around the independence struggle.

    These have resulted in attacks by the Indonesian military (TNI) and police, leading to killings, disappearances, torture and imprisonment. Human rights advocates suggest hundreds of thousands have died as a result of West Papua’s incorporation into Indonesia.

    Illustrating the escalating conflict, in 2018 the TPNPB kidnapped and killed more than 20 Indonesian workers building a road through the Nduga regency. It has also killed a number of Indonesian soldiers, including some of those hunting for Mehrtens.

    Negotiations stalled
    TPNPB spokesperson Sebby Sambom has said foreigners were legitimate targets because their governments support Indonesia. Despite Kogeya’s initial claim that Mehrtens would be killed if demands were not met, Sambom and TPNPB diplomatic officer Akouboo Amadus Douw had responded positively to the idea of negotiation for his release.

    Since talks broke down, however, the TPNPB has said there would be no further proof-of-life videos of Mehrtens. With the TPNPB’s late May statement that Mehrtens would be killed if New Zealand did not negotiate, his kidnapping seems to have reached a stalemate.

    The TPNPB has told me it is concerned that New Zealand may be prioritising its relationship with Indonesia over Mehrtens and has been stalling while the TNI resolves the situation militarily.

    At this stage, however, Mehrtens can still be safely released. But it will likely require the New Zealand government to make some concessions in response to the TPNPB’s demands.

    Meanwhile, the drivers of the conflict remain. Indonesia continues to use military force to try to crush what is essentially a political problem.

    And, while the TPNPB and other pro-independence groups still hope to remove Indonesia from West Papua, they feel they have run out of options other than to fight and to take hostages.The Conversation

    Dr Damien Kingsbury is emeritus professor, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Deakin University.  This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Miriam Zarriga at Wapenamanda, Papua New Guinea

    Standing in the middle of the countryside, the sound of heavy gunfire is loud and the shouts of the people in rural Wapenamanda in Papua New Guinea’s Enga province are fearful.

    Police and the PNG Defence Force officers are crouched hidden on the hillside, safeties off their firearms, silently watching the melee below in Warumanda village.

    The echo of the military grade Mac 58 and self-loading rifle (SLR) comes from the tribal fight; bullets aimed at the security officers miss but hit close to their feet.

    A burst of machinegun fire is heard.

    Provincial Police Commander Superintendent George Kakas stands stoic in the thick of things.

    He said his men were outnumbered and outgunned.

    “We estimate about 500 men involved in this tribal fight, bullets are coming at us but instead they whiz past us and we can only take fire as we decide our next move,” he said.

    The fighting is between Sikin and the Itiokons.

    ‘Explosion’ of fighting
    However, the inclusion of other tribes into both tribes has seen an “explosion of all-out fighting”, Commander Kakas said.

    Joining Sikin tribe are the Kaekins, and other tribes from Tsak LLG, Wabag and Kompiam-Ambum and Mupapalu, while the Itiokons include the Nenein tribe.

    “I advised Air Niugini to cancel its current flight because of the intense fighting which was taking place right under its flight path towards its descent into Wapenamanda Airport,” Commander Kakas said.

    “I will advise them when the situation is conducive later this week.

    “We tried to cross over the only bridge over the Lai river to Warumanda village — where the destruction was taking place — and could not cross over because the metal decking has been were removed, preventing us from crossing.

    “We exchanged shots with the tribesmen, luckily none of my security force members were harmed in the exchanged,” he said.

    “I have now reorganised my men to remain static at strategic sites to prevent the marauding tribesmen to advance further.

    ‘I need men .. . support’
    “I need men, I need firepower and I need the support,” he says.

    “Homes are burning and lives lost, 10 people have died with countless others left without a home and without any hope of having one in the coming days.”

    “Three bodies were brought out of the battleground, 8 others unaccounted for, and more than 10 taken to hospital by security forces.”

    On Tuesday afternoon, security personnel were shot at and a shootout ensued with the personnel seeking higher ground.

    Enga Governor Sir Peter Ipatas said bluntly in Parliament last week that both sides of the House should stop with the projects and concentrate on fixing law and order.

    “We cannot keep on saying that everything is okay.

    “We need to think beyond our self-interest and start addressing the law and order issues in the country”.

    Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Police in China are keeping up their harassment of prominent rights lawyers, putting pressure on recently evicted Wang Quanzhang and his family, slapping a travel ban on Li Heping and his family, while denying rights attorney Xie Yang a phone call with his sick father.

    A police officer from the Beijing suburb of Changping pushed his way into the Wang family home on Wednesday, refusing to show ID and demanding to read the couple’s lease agreement, according to a video clip posted by Wang’s wife Li Wenzu on Twitter.

    “Comrade Policeman, please would you leave – this is our home,” Li tells the officer, who is identified as Wang Kaiguo in her tweet.

    “You can’t just go into people’s residences,” Li tells the officer in a heated discussion. “You didn’t produce any identification.”

    “I’m wearing a police uniform, so I can come in here,” he says.

    Police were claiming to have received a tip-off that the home had been illegally rented, according to the couple.

    ‘Stability Maintenance’

    The renewed harassment is the latest in a slew of “stability maintenance” actions by Beijing police and other Chinese officials, who have targeted the families of prominent rights attorneys and other activists who were previously jailed in a 2015 crackdown on rights lawyers and public interest law firms.

    In a video of an earlier conversation on June 12, Wang calls on a police officer via an entryphone to show some evidence backing up the claim that his family is living in the apartment illegally. He later tweeted a photo of the lease agreement with the landlord.

    ENG_CHN_LawyersHarassed_06142023_02.JPG
    Screen shot of the policeman identified as Wang Kaiguo by Wang’s wife Li Wenzu. Tweeter/ @709liwenzu

    “Police and corporate security personnel in Shunyi tracked us down to our new residence and reported us to the local police station,” Wang said. “They continued to follow us as we were apartment-hunting, and they accused us of ‘trespassing.’”

    “It’s not just us — a lot of Christian families across the country have been evicted and persecuted,” he said. “It’s very hard to live a stable life.”

    Wang’s family was forced to leave their last apartment in Beijing’s Shunyi district after the authorities cut off their utilities.

    “The content of the contract is true, legal, and valid, and should be protected by law,” Wang said via Twitter. “I hereby declare that I will not unilaterally terminate this contract within its validity period.”

    “We moved into this rented accommodation legally, yet police said they had been told that we moved in illegally,” Li Wenzu also tweeted on Tuesday.

    Can’t leave country

    Meanwhile, the family of Li Heping is now banned from leaving China, after their landlord smashed a window at their rented apartment in a bid to get them to leave last month, Radio Free Asia has learned.

    Police at Chengdu’s international airport prevented the family from boarding a flight to Thailand last week, as Li and his wife Wang Qiaoling are considered to be “a danger to national security,” Wang Qiaoling said.

    “He told us, ‘You aren’t allowed to leave the country … I’m going to read this notice out to you — Li Heping and Wang Qiaoling aren’t allowed to leave the country due to factors endangering national security.’” she said.

    ENG_CHN_LawyersHarassed_06142023_03A.JPG

    And a court in the central city of Changsha recently denied detained rights lawyer Xie Yang a video meeting with his ailing 90-year-old father, who is terminally ill with COVID-19.

    “The lawyer asked angrily whether the judges of the Changsha Intermediate People’s Court were raised by their parents,” the China Rights Lawyers Twitter account said of the June 7 hearing.

    Xie’s U.S.-based ex-wife Chen Guiqiu told Radio Free Asia in a recent interview that her father-in-law Xie Huicheng had been in hospital with a high fever for days at the time of the request.

    “Xie Yang is a very filial son, and the old man really wanted to see him before he dies,” Chen said. “The court just came up with various excuses to refuse.”

    Xie is currently being held in the Changsha No. 1 Detention Center, awaiting trial for “incitement to subvert state power,” and recently told his visiting attorney that he has been tortured while in detention.

    Chen said the court’s decision not to allow him to video call his dying father could be a form of retaliation, or a way to silence Xie.

    U.S.-based rights lawyer Wu Shaoping said that while there was no good legal reason to deny such a request, the ruling Chinese Communist Party is the ultimate arbiter of its citizens’ rights, not the law.

    “There was no reason to reject a humanitarian request of this kind,” Wu said. “They use [such requests] as a way of controlling suspects [to elicit a ‘confession’].”

    Translated by Luisetta Mudie. Edited by Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Gao Feng for RFA Mandarin.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Liberty writes to home secretary saying she acted unlawfully because parliament had rejected measures

    Human rights campaigners have begun legal action against the home secretary, Suella Braverman, after she forced draconian new police powers through parliament in a move described by the House of Lords as a “constitutional outrage”.

    Liberty wrote to Braverman on Wednesday, saying her move to empower police to curtail or restrict protests that caused “more than minor” disruption was unlawful.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Over 50 organisations have signed a letter calling for the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) to drop the charges against the Ely rioters. Riots broke out on 22 May in Ely, Cardiff, following the deaths of teenagers Kyrees Sullivan and Harvey Evans. 20 people have now been arrested.

    Kyrees and Harvey were killed in a road accident, after police chased them. The two boys had been riding an e-bike. The police initially denied having chased the boys, but CCTV later emerged of a police van following them just before the crash.

    Riots broke out after heavy police presence provoked a crowd of 150 mourners who had gathered after the collision.

    The Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) has confirmed that gross misconduct notices have been given to the two police officers who chased Kyrees and Harvey. However, these notices do not necessarily mean that the officers will face disciplinary proceedings.

    Drop the charges

    The Canary Worker’s Co-op has signed the letter, along with over 50 researchers, organisations, and individuals. The signatories include celebrated Hollywood director Boots Riley, Chumbawumba’s Alice Nutter, several academics and organisers, and local community organisations from Cardiff.

    The letter calls for Mark Drakeford, the first minister of Wales, to make a statement seeking an amnesty for the young people. They also call for the CPS to drop the charges. Many of the people under arrest are below the age of 18.

    According to the authors of the letter:

    Handing serious charges to children and young people will impact the course of their whole lives. Going to court or even prison will harm their current and long term mental and physical health, access to work, education, and support, and could see them face up to 10 years in prison, altering their lives forever.

    The authors point out that these are by no means the first deaths at the connected to police in Cardiff in recent years. Mohamud Mohammed Hassan died after being detained at Cardiff Police station in 2021. Leighton Jones died after South Wales Police restrained him the same year.

    Statements of support

    Welsh language publisher Cyhoeddiadau’r Stamp, a signatory organisation, made the following statement in solidarity with the people of Ely:

    We cannot ignore what the community in Ely are going through at this time, and we stand in solidarity with them in their loss. We hope, by signing this open letter, we are adding another voice in support of the calls to prevent further loss from a community which is already experiencing terrible grief, and to prevent further unnecessary harm to the young people there.

    Dr Dan Evans, a lecturer at Cardiff University and another of the signatories, wrote:

    Criminalising these frustrated young people will solve nothing. It will simply perpetuate social exclusion and marginalisation

    An ‘understandable emotional reaction’

    The open letter itself reads:

    Dear Mark Drakeford and the Crown Prosecution Service,

    First of all, we stand with, and send our deepest sympathies to the family and friends of Harvey Evans and Kyrees Sullivan in the wake of this terrible tragedy. The pain of losing these boys so young is unimaginable, and we hope you know that we wish to support you in any way possible as you seek justice.

    The letter points out that the riot was an “understandable emotional reaction” to the actions of South Wales Police:

    The unrest seen in Ely was an understandable emotional reaction to a tragedy that may or may not have been directly caused by the actions of South Wales Police.

    It calls for an amnesty for all those arrested:

    We call for an amnesty for these young people and an end to the criminalisation of the community of Ely in the wake of these riots.

    The lives of the family, friends and wider community of the kids who have lost their lives have been changed forever. There is no way to bring them back.

    There is no need to inflict more suffering on this community by locking up its young people.

    The authors of the letter invite individuals affected by the police repression in Ely to reach out to them at diffrwyscriafol@gmail.com.

    Organisations and individuals can also continue to sign up to the open letter via the same email.

    Read the full letter here.

    Featured image via screenshot / BBC

    By Tom Anderson

    This post was originally published on Canary.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Religious and civil organizations representing Vietnam’s Montagnard people said they weren’t involved in armed attacks on two police stations that left nine people dead over the weekend.

    Sunday’s attack took place in Dak Lak province in the remote Central Highlands – a region that’s home to some 30 tribes of indigenous peoples known collectively as Montagnards. 

    Two state newspapers, VnExpress and Cong Thuong, published detailed information about the incident, saying that at dawn on Sunday, around 40 people wearing camouflage vests split into two groups to attack the two police stations in the Ea Tieu and Ea Ktur communes. 

    Police on Tuesday updated the number of people arrested in the attacks to 45. Two people surrendered to police and 10 others were arrested on Monday night, according to a Vietnamese Ministry of Public Security update.

    The ministry used the phrase “the group causing insecurity and disorder at the People’s Committees of Ea Tieu and Ea Ktur communes” to refer to the attackers.

    A joint letter issued Monday night by a group of Dak Lak government agencies and organizations strongly condemned the attacks and called on the public “not to post or share related information that has not been verified.” 

    It also urged people “to stay vigilant and not ‘listen to, believe in, or follow” reactionary elements and hostile forces who take advantage of the situation to create distortion and entice people to oppose local authorities, causing political security in the area.”

    ‘Montagnard people are commoners’

    The Bangkok-based Montagnard Stands for Justice group said on Facebook that the organization had no connection with the incident and wasn’t affiliated with any groups or individuals assisting in the use of violence.

    The organization, whose founders are political refugees in Thailand and the United States, also said they were concerned that any armed uprising would hinder their efforts to advocate for religious freedom in Vietnam.

    Frustration in the region has grown after decades of government surveillance, land disputes, economic hardship and crackdowns on unofficial churches. 

    Pastor Nguyen Cong Chinh, the U.S.-based co-founder of the Vietnam Evangelical Church of Christ, told Radio Free Asia that he didn’t think any Montagnards were involved in the attacks. 

    “Montagnard people are commoners who live with their religious faith,” he said. “When their religious faith or land is violated, they, of course, will have to voice up. However, I don’t think Montagnard people in Dak Lak province were capable enough to organize such an armed force of 30 to 40 people.”

    He said he was able to contact church members in the area where the attacks occurred on Sunday. They expressed confusion and said they didn’t know what was happening, he said.

    The executive director of North Carolina-based Dega Central Highlands Organization, Y-Duen Buondap, told RFA that his organization also wasn’t involved in the attacks.

    “We don’t have any members involved in these incidents,” he said. “However, we have the information that the Montagnard people have rioted to demand their rights and interests, as they could not bear further suffering. They are suppressed, beaten, arrested and cornered daily.”

    Translated by Anna Vu. Edited by Matt Reed.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Vietnamese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A jury in Bristol found Kill the Bill protester Michael Truesdale not guilty on Monday 12 June. The majority verdict found Michael innocent of charges of affray and violent disorder.

    Avon and Somerset Police arrested Michael after the 21 March 2021 uprising against police violence outside Bristol’s Bridewell police station. They accused him of using a captured police riot shield against officers. Michael always maintained that he was acting in self defence.

    Judge Ambrose instructed the jury last week that if they found he was acting to defend himself or others then they should find Michael not guilty of both offences. After more than four hours of deliberations, the jury found that he was, indeed, acting in self defence. Michael was acquitted.

    Michael explained, in evidence last week, why he attended the 21 March protest. He said that the demonstration was:

    in relation to the Police Crime Sentencing and Courts (PCSC) Bill [now an Act]. We were there to protest against police powers and police practice, and the murder of Sarah Everard.

    Sarah was murdered by serving police officer Wayne Couzens on 3 March 2021.

    Michael said in evidence that the protest was arguably the most important he’d ever attended, and that the negative effects of the PCSC Act would last the for the rest of his life.

    More than two years of struggle

    Michael wrote a statement on the day of his acquittal. In it, he explained the emotional impact of waiting two years for trial.

    Michael was first arrested a month after the 21 March 2021 protest, and was initially charged with the more serious charge of riot. He wrote:

    That’s it. Not guilty. Over two years I have had to wait for my trial to take place, enduring the anxiety of a possible long prison sentence, watching as one after another the criminal justice system punished fellow protesters for standing up for our rights and each other. I’m finally free from prosecution but what justice have we really had? For me this is far from over.

    Bristol Crown Court has sentenced a total of 35 Kill the Bill protesters to over 110 years in prison between them. Several people are still awaiting trial.

    Last week, the jury heard how police deployed horses against the crowd and struck protesters with their riot shields and batons. Several police witnesses spoke about how, during the evening, the crowd’s ‘mood shifted’. Michael wrote scathingly:

    On the stand, police have regularly described a ‘mood shift’ outside Bridewell after the initial March. They conveniently forget the many unprovoked attacks on protesters over those hours leading up to that apparent shift. The moods changing because you’re hitting people, you idiots! And the more and more people who became direct victims of unprovoked police violence, or who witnessed those acts, the more upset the crowd became.

    ‘Proud’

    Michael explained that, when he saw the police violence against the crowd, he felt he had to intervene:

    I watched with dismay as police lashed out at innocent protesters and I felt I had to intervene to protect people. At first just using my body defensively, but at some point I got hold of a police riot shield and with that I was able to keep the cops back and protect people from their strikes much more effectively. As well as improper baton strikes, the police were using a really violent technique called shield blading against people who were just standing there.

    He further recalled the fact that many people in the crowd were injured or hospitalised.

    Michael also explained, in his own words, how he ended up on trial. He said that he remains proud of what he did:

    It sounds pretty crazy, but I was weirdly calm, and I never went too far. I never tried to harm a police officer, even though all cops are bastards and they were trying to harm us. That’s the way I was brought up, to be non violent, but never to turn a blind eye to the violence of others. I never thought I would actually have to do something like this, but in hindsight it is the proudest moment in my life. I have always felt I have strong principles but it is only when you are challenged that you find out how much you really mean them.

    The police ‘have shown no remorse’

    In his statement, Michael made the point that the police were working under the assumption that protest was illegal under Covid-19 legislation on 21 March. Last week, the court heard evidence that this had been their belief, and that, in fact, the police had been wrong in their interpretation of the law.

    Michael described how the threat of long sentences forced many of the other protesters to plead guilty. He said that this has served to strengthen the police narrative of what happened at Bridewell, and in the ensuing weeks of protest. Michael wrote:

    Under the pressure of even more serious prison sentences and the long drawn out process that wears people down, many have pled guilty to have it over and done with. That is the mission of Avon & Somerset police. To wear us down into submission, and get the guilty [pleas]. To paint a picture of violent protesters that has no bearing with reality.

    This they hope will keep burying the truth; being that during three protests in Bristol over one week in March 2021, Avon & Somerset police made protesting illegal, and then brutally attacked innocent people. They have shown no remorse, offered no apology, not even a hint they could share some blame. Instead, they have spent millions of pounds of public money and wasted vast resources to cover up their abuses, and it is the young passionate people who stood up for the right to protest, and stood up for each other, that are paying for their lies and abuse.

    Michael also reminded us that the police violence did not stop on 21 March. He described witnessing the violent attack on a Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) community demonstration on Tuesday 23 March 2021:

    Lets not forget that this police abuse did not end that night at Bridewell. Immediately, we were demonised by the national and local media. They printed lies from Avon and Somerset police without question, about punctured lungs and broken bones that didn’t exist. Then the police attacked a peaceful small protest on College Green in what has been described by political pundits across the board as ‘revenge policing’.
    Michael said that he watched as police beat protesters, and tore down a memorial for Sarah Everard.
    ‘Escalating police violence’
    He went on to describe another protest outside Bridewell on 26 March 2021. Michael said that police made another unprovoked attack on a crowd of people. He wrote:

    Protesters gathered to protest outside Bridewell once again, in defiance of the escalating police violence and threats. The more violent the police were, the more the protesters felt the need to protest about it. At that protest, there was a real strong sense of wanting to keep things totally peaceful even if the police tried to rile us. People did not want a repeat of the first protest. Everyone was working together to maintain that despite serious violence from the police. The most common chant was ‘peaceful protest’ and everyone was sitting down to show no threat to officers.

    Then they set dogs and horses on us and the previously sitting crowds were forced to flee in panic. I’ll never forget the looks in the eyes of the dogs’ handlers, even wilder than the dogs.

    Michael continued:
    We had nowhere to go. It was a huge crowd and we were being chased down the road next [to] Primark towards the Bear Pit with railings on both sides. It was a large crowd and people were running in fear but there was still people in front of you and nowhere to go. I could feel the dog breathing on my leg and at one point it’s teeth pinged on my trouser leg, and I was just able to pull my leg away before I could be bit.

    ‘Support the brave people imprisoned’

    Michael made the point that the charges of riot, affray, and violent disorder could just as easily be levelled against the cops. He also called for an end to the riot trials, which he termed a ‘witch hunt’:

    It is high time that Avon & Somerset Police and the CPS conclude this witch hunt and allow the city of Bristol to move on from the trauma of their violence. Either subject the police to the same scrutiny as the public, or call an end to Operation Harley and reconsider the sentences handed to protesters so far.

    Until then we will continue to support each other through this horror and we will keep standing up for what is right.

    Finally, Michael called for people to support those in prison by donating to the Anarchist Black Cross crowdfunder:

    If you are able, please donate to Bristol Anarchist Black Cross fund to support the brave people who have been imprisoned after standing up for democracy and each other.
    You can read the Canary‘s account of the trial, and Michael’s evidence, here.
    Featured image via Shoal Collective

    By Tom Anderson

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • British police are investigating an attack on two Hong Kongers in the southern English city of Southampton after a video clip of two people believed to be supporters of the Chinese Communist Party was posted to social media.

    “We have received a report of a hate-related assault in the Southampton area,” Hampshire police told Radio Free Asia in a statement on Monday, adding that the attack took place at around 4.25 p.m. local time on Sunday. “Two people received minor injuries as a result of the assault.” 

    “We are currently conducting an investigation and carrying out enquiries to ascertain the exact circumstances of the incident.”

    The investigation came after calls from an exiled democratic district councilor from Hong Kong and a London-based rights group.

    “A HKer was ambushed by a group of Chinese students after participating in #Southampton 6.12 Anni. Rally,” former district councilor Carmen Lau said via her Twitter account after video clips of two young men assaulting a young man and a young woman clad in the black T-shirts of the protest movement were posted by the Twitter account “Mr. Li is not your teacher.”

    “#PhysicalAssault on the British soil, @HantsPolice shd investigate, Home Sec & Foreign Sec shd also investigate for any foreign infiltration,” Lau said, calling on Hampshire police to investigate and tagging British foreign minister James Cleverly and Home Secretary Suella Braverman in the same tweet.

    The video clip shows two men kicking a man in a black T-shirt and shouting expletives, as a young woman shoves one of them away. 

    Social media reports said some of the people in the video clip were students at the University of Southampton.

    The university said it was investigating the matter, but declined to comment in detail on the incident.

    “We’re aware of the footage circulating on social media and are investigating,” the university told Radio Free Asia. “The university condemns violence of any kind and respects everyone’s right to free speech.”

    “As this matter has now been reported to the police, it would be inappropriate to comment any further at this time,” it said.  

    Infiltrating society

    The incident comes amid growing concerns over Chinese Communist Party infiltration of all aspects of British life, and warnings from Hong Kongers in exile over growing acts of violence by Beijing supporters and officials alike.

    Overseas activists frequently report being targeted by agents and supporters of the Chinese state, including secret Chinese police stations in a number of countries.

    Lau also posted photos of injuries sustained by the young couple in the assault, which took place near the 0086 Supermarket on Southampton’s Burgess Road, according to Google Street View images that matched the surroundings of the video clip. 

    Benedict Rogers, who heads the London-based rights group Hong Kong Watch, said the incident was a case of “appalling #CCP thuggery,” in a reference to the Chinese Communist Party, and had targeted Hong Kongers marking the fourth anniversary of the start of the 2019 protest movement at peaceful rallies in the United Kingdom.

    “This appalling #CCP thuggery against #HongKongers in Southampton marking #612 anniversary is unacceptable and outrageous and cannot be tolerated,” Rogers tweeted. 

    “These thugs even had the audacity to post videos of their violence … [and] must be arrested and prosecuted immediately.”

    Resisting Chinese infiltration and political influence was a key theme of Hong Kong June 12 protest anniversary rallies in London at the weekend.

    Exiled Hong Kongers calling on the British government to do more to publicly support political prisoners like jailed media magnate Jimmy Lai, to shut down the Beijing-backed Confucius Institutes in British universities, and to stop rejecting political asylum applicants fleeing an ongoing political crackdown in Hong Kong.

    Sheep Village Day Camp

    Hong Kong exile groups in the United Kingdom have hit out at alleged transnational repression by the Chinese Communist Party on British soil after a church in the southern British town of Guildford canceled a children’s workshop on justice, civil liberties and human rights last month.

    Three groups representing Hong Kongers in the country – Kongtinue, Hongkongers in Britain and Sheep Village 2.0 – had hired a venue at the Guildford Baptist Church to run a “justice education day camp” for children on May 29, but the church canceled the booking two days before it was due to go ahead.

    ENG_CHN_HKUK_06122023.2.jpg
    The Hong Kong Police National Security Department shows an illustration from three children’s books that revolve around a village of sheep that has to deal with wolves from a different village, before a press conference in Hong Kong in 2021. Credit: Associated Press

    Initially, the church’s operations manager told the groups that they were new to the role and unaware that May 29 was a public holiday and that the venue wasn’t available for hire that day.

    But when the groups offered to change the date, the person admitted that they were acting because they had found out that the event’s title, Sheep Village Day Camp, was a reference to a banned series of children’s books whose five authors were jailed in September 2022 for “sedition,” and were concerned about the impact on its multinational congregation.

    “Having had a look at the nature of the event, we have now since decided that we should decline on this occasion to host your event. We were not aware from your original inquiry that the event was in relation to the Sheep Village Day Camp,” the church said in an email, a screenshot of which was posted to Kongtinue’s Facebook page.

    “Our church community is made up of people from many nationalities, and whilst we do understand some of the underlying issues tackled by the Sheep Village books, we are mindful of the wider impact on our community,” the email said.

    Radio Free Asia has reached out to the Guildford Baptist Church for comment.

    Kongtinue wrote that the decision “goes against the fundamental values of freedom of speech and cultural diversity that are essential to British society.”

    Education through games

    The decision to cancel came as former Hong Kong leader Leung Chun-ying called on the British police to investigate the event.

    “All in the UK should be made aware of the fact that ‘Sheep Village’ is illegal,” Leung wrote on his Facebook page in late May. “The 5 authors are serving prison terms in Hong Kong. All collaborators in the UK will be reported to the Hong Kong and UK police.”

    The Chinese section of his post said, “Please could the U.K. police investigate!”

    ENG_CHN_HKUK_06122023.3.jpg
    “All in the UK should be made aware of the fact that ‘Sheep Village’ is illegal,” says former Hong Kong leader Leung Chun-ying, who called on British police to investigate the event. Credit: AFP file photo

    Isaac Cheng, founder and director of Kongtinue, said he had planned to use the Sheep Village books to illustrate the impact of an unjust society on a person’s life through game-playing.

    He cited the British government’s recent six-monthly report on Hong Kong, which raised the sentencing of five speech therapists to 19 months’ imprisonment for “conspiring to produce seditious publications” as evidence of diminishing freedoms under the 2020 national security law.

    Cheng said the cancellation was likely directly linked to Leung’s Facebook post.

    “He may no longer be chief executive, but he still wears an official hat as vice chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference,” Cheng said. “He is a high-ranking official in the Chinese Communist Party, with a leadership ranking.”

    “So for him to exert pressure in a public forum is going to create a sense of fear in some organizations, including those in the United Kingdom,” he said. “We are very concerned about this incident.”

    The three groups also hit out in a joint statement at Leung’s bid “to openly [encourage] his followers to report lawful education events to the U.K. police in bad faith, so as to seek extraterritorial enforcement of … the national security law in the U.K.”

    “Dissidents who are suppressed in their hometowns should be able to speak out for themselves freely while they seek refuge in liberal democracies,” the statement said.

    “We are deeply concerned that UK-based organizations may be unwittingly complicit in transnational repression,” it said.

    ENG_CHN_HKUK_06122023.4.JPG
    “Britain is a free and democratic country, and different opinions are allowed,” says Hongkongers in Britain founder Simon Cheng [right], shown at a London protest in 2020. Credit: Reuters

    Hongkongers in Britain founder Simon Cheng said the Sheep Village Day Camp incident wasn’t the first time Hong Kongers’ political views have been suppressed in the U.K., with the organizers of a handicraft fair asking stallholders to remove items bearing slogans from the 2019 protest movement.

    He said such censorship is often carried out by organizers wishing to preserve “political neutrality.”

    “Britain is a free and democratic country, and different opinions are allowed,” he said. “So why does that have to be avoided because it’s suddenly regarded as a political position?”

    “This tendency to avoidance will play easily into the hands of the Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda machine, or its supporters,” he said. “It is playing into the hands of a totalitarian dictatorship.”

    Translated by Luisetta Mudie. Edited by Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Amelia Loi for RFA Mandarin and Cantonese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • By Gorethy Kenneth and Majorie Finkeo in Port Moresby

    The arrest of Papua New Guinea former prime minister Peter O’Neill yesterday was prompted by a complaint by Chief Secretary Ivan Pomaleu to the Commissioner of Police David Manning after reviewing the UBS Commission of Inquiry Report.

    In a major incident brief for police obtained by the PNG Post-Courier, Chief Secretary Pomaleu, as the custodian of government’s commission of inquiries and submissions, made a referral on the recommendation of the UBS Report on the US$1.2 billion loan inquiry to police as an investigative authority.

    Pomaleu referred the COI report to the Commissioner’s office to commence its investigations on the 5 June 2023.

    “The Office of the Chief Secretary to Government in its capacity as the custodian of government’s inquiries and policy submissions including decisions implementations made a referral on the recommendations in the report to police as an investigative authority to cause an investigation,” the police major incident brief detailed.

    “On the 05th of June, 2023 the Chief Secretary to Government referred the COI Report to the Office of the Commissioner of Police to commence investigation in the report.

    “In the view of the report an obvious infringement was noted to be breached during the COI,” it detailed.

    According to the summary of facts, on the 8 June 2023, O’Neill was brought in to the Special Investigation Team office at Airport Police Station, 7 Mile, upon a complaint of offering “delusive evidence” at a Commission of Inquiry.

    Three counts of perjury
    Yesterday he was charged with three counts of giving false evidence under oath in the Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) loan, Commissioner of Police David Manning confirmed.

    O’Neill was later released on OR — own recognisance, granted by Commissioner Manning.

    The police major incident brief also stated that police conducted a clinical analysis to see whether or not the responses given by the defendant before the Commission on 17 June 2021 were false.

    In the responses, the defendant denied having knowledge of any transactions made between Oil Search and Elk-Antelope.

    He also denied having any agreements/discussions and correspondences about any potential investments with Oil Search and Elk-Antelope in 10 percent shareholding acquisitions and placements.

    Further investigations and deliberations conducted into the recommendations in COI discovered that statements and information produced before it by O’Neill between 2011 and 2019 were false and misleading when presented before the commission.

    “Police had to look at the Commission of Inquiry report with several volumes including the transcripts of the COI going over three years.

    ‘Further investigations’
    “Following further investigations by police it was discovered that statements and information produced by Mr O’Neill between 2011 and 2019 were false and misleading when presented before the commission, and contradicted National Executive Council Policy Submission 67/2014 on financial arrangements for the state acquisition of shareholding in Oil Search Limited and state borrowing,” Commissioner Manning said.

    “From police investigations, the evidence gathered confirmed that the answers given before the commission were flawed and untrue,” he said.

    Subsequently, three charges were laid on Peter O’Neill today as follows that he:

    • Did appear as a witness of the 17th of June 2021 before the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Processes and Procedures Followed by the Government of Papua New Guinea into Obtaining the Off-Shore Loan from the Union Bank of Switzerland and Related Transactions and given false evidence on oath, that he had “no knowledge whatsoever” of what Oil Search Ltd intended to do with the money paid by the State for the purchase of Oil Search shares in 2014, and that Oil Search Ltd intended to use the money paid by the State for shares in Oil Search Ltd to purchase an interest in PRL-15 Elk Antelope, before the Royal Commission of Inquiry;
    • Did appear as a witness of the 9th of August 2021 before the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Processes and Procedures Followed by the Government of Papua New Guinea into Obtaining the Off-Shore Loan from the Union Bank of Switzerland and Related Transactions give false evidence that, “there was never any discussion” about Oil Search Ltd using the money paid by the State for the purchase of shares in Oil Search Ltd to buy an interest in PRL-15 Elk Antelope and “this information did not come to the government’s notice or particularly at the leadership level” before the said Royal Commission of Inquiry; and
    • Did appear as a witness of the 17th of February 202 before the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Processes and Procedures Followed by the Government of Papua New Guinea into Obtaining the Off-Shore Loan from the Union Bank of Switzerland and Related Transactions give false evidence on oath that “there was never any discussion” about Oil Search Ltd using the money paid by the State for the purchase of shares in Oil Search Limited to buy an interest in PRL-15 Elk Antelope and “this information did not come to government’s notice”.

    Gorethy Kenneth and Majorie Finkeo are PNG Post-Courier reporters. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • PNG Post-Courier

    Former Papua New Guinea prime minister Peter O’Neill has been charged with three counts of giving false evidence in a national US$1.2 billion loan inquiry contrary to Section 10 of the Commission of Inquiry Act.

    He met reporters outside Boroko Police Station in Port Moresby today stating “this is politically motivated”.

    O’Neill, who is also Ialibu-Pangia MP, was at the station for police formalities to be completed in the charges against him.

    Earlier, the PNG Post-Courier’s Todagia Kelola reported that O’Neill had been requested to front up at the National Fraud Squad office at Konedobu by today for questioning on allegations of perjury.

    In a short media statement on Saturday, Police Commissioner David Manning requested O’Neill to make himself available for questioning on allegations of perjury emanating from the UBS Commission of Inquiry into a loan negotiated with the Union Bank of Switzerland by his government in 2014.

    In response, O’Neill said in a statement titled “Is Manning Police Commissioner or Chief of PNG Intimidation?”: “Firstly, I am surprised but heartened the Police Commissioner is working late on a Saturday evening.”

    “Violent crimes, kidnap for ransom, rape, and murders along with crippling corruption have been skyrocketing since his time in the high office of Police Commissioner.

    ‘Blatant intimidation’
    “I am sure it is comforting to all Papua New Guineans to know the Commissioner is choosing to go after me late on a Saturday night in what appears to be blatant intimidation rather than focus on keeping the people of Papua New Guinea safe.”

    Commissioner Manning in his statement said: “Based upon investigations into the UBS Commission of Inquiry report, we are satisfied that Mr Peter O’Neill gave false evidence whilst under oath.

    “I am appealing to Mr O’Neill to cooperate and make himself available by Monday morning to Director Crimes, Chief Inspector Joel Simatab, at the National Police Headquarters in Konedobu,” Manning said.

    Commissioner Manning said the ultimate objective of the Commission of Inquiry was to establish whether there were breaches of PNG laws and constitutional requirements in the negotiation and approval of the UBS loan, whether PNG as a country had suffered as a result of the deal, and whether people involved could be held accountable.

    “After a thorough investi­gation and assessment of the facts, we are satisfied and have sufficient evidence that Mr O’Neill has perjured the inquiry — thereby committing an offence under the Commission of Inquiry Act of giving false evidence under oath,” Manning said.

    O’Neill, in his statement in response said: “It is nearly 12 months since the internationally presided over UBS Commission of Inquiry ended with no findings against me, and now, late on a Saturday evening, I am instructed via a media statement by the Police Commissioner to attend questioning on the next day, a Sunday,” said O’Neill.

    “It appears that before I am questioned, Commissioner of Police in his statement seems to be directing his investigating officers to arrest and charge me of a crime of perjury while under oath in the UBS Commission of Inquiry.”

    Court opportunity welcomed
    “I welcome the opportunity to face the courts to test a politically motivated and very expensive Commission of Inquiry.

    “I have faith in the fairness of the courts but not in yet another Police Commissioner instructed investigation into me.

    “The perjury claim that I have learned of in Mr Manning’s statement is false.

    “I can only assume he is referring to the unsubstantiated claim given to the COI by a self-serving politician.

    “I will attend at 10am on Monday the 12th June 2023 for questioning at Konedobu Police HQ.

    “I assure all supporters that I remain steadfast and more committed than ever to Papua New Guinea and the foundations of democracy.

    “These terrible times we are all experiencing are temporary.”

    The UBS COI final report in its answer to the question, “Who was responsible and what remedies should be sought against them”, recommended that O’Neill should be prosecuted for giving false evidence to the Commission and referred to the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC).

    Todagia Kelola is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Finau Fonua, RNZ Pacific journalist

    The West Papuan Council of Churches says New Zealand hostage pilot Phillip Mehrtens’ life is in danger if negotiations do not take place with the West Papua Liberation Army (TPNPB).

    The council is calling on Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to cease military operations in West Papua and seek dialogue with TPNPB.

    Chief moderator Reverend Benny Giay said they are sending a letter to President Widodo.

    Since the kidnapping of 37-year-old pilot Phillip Mehrtens on February 7 by TPNPB local commander Egianus Kogoya, violence has escalated between the Indonesian Army and the guerrilla TPNPB, with both sides reporting military and civilian casualties as a result.

    “Egianus Kogoya could shoot the pilot,” Reverend Giay said.

    Reverend Benny Giay
    Reverend Benny Giay . . . the Indonesian government has to take a peaceful approach . . . “We are asking the Indonesian president to withdraw the military.” Image: Sastra Papua

    “In order to stop that, the Indonesian government has to take a peaceful approach,” he said.

    “We are asking the Indonesian president to withdraw the military and to allow the church to go in and to dialogue with the TPNPB for the release of the pilot.”

    Peaceful talk plan ‘ignored’
    “We know that the TPNPB leader has proposed a kind of peaceful talk, but the government has not responded, and we are asking this through our letter, the TPNPB have proposed a peaceful talk…so why can’t you [President Widodo] take it?” Rev Giay said.

    But Indonesian authorities say they are pursuing a “peaceful dialogue” to the crisis.

    Commander of the Indonesian National Armed Forces Admiral Yudo Margono told local reporters in Sulawesi last week that they were being cautious.

    Indonesia news agency Detikcom reported Admiral Margono saying on June 7: “We still prioritise [negotiations] carried out by religious leaders, community leaders and PJ regents there,” he said.

    “If we prioritise operations with the military, of course, there will be many negative impacts on public safety,” he added.

    It was a message repeated late last month by Papua Police chief Mathius Fakhiri.

    “I talked to various parties about this negotiation process including the Church, which includes the Church Council and the Bishop who will do as much as possible to negotiate with the Egianus Kogoya group to be able to release the pilot,” Fakhiri told Detikcom on May 25.

    “I opened myself to all parties, from the beginning, namely the Nduga government in collaboration with the Chief of Police and then there were also parties from Komnas HAM who offered themselves and we accepted,” Fakhiri added.

    Church leader claims Indonesia ‘not taking us seriously’
    However, Reverend Giay said the church could not mediate a dialogue unless the Indonesia military ceased its operations.

    “The Papuan police chief has agreed that church [negotiators] should go in and talk with Egianus . . . but that means the military has to be withdrawn from the area [and] that has not been done yet,” Reverend Giay said.

    “As of now, I cannot guarantee anything about church involvement because as of now the government is not taking us seriously,” he claimed.

    Both Indonesia’s military and TPNPB have confirmed shootouts in the Nduga Regency of the remote highlands of Papua.

    Indonesian authorities have confirmed the deaths of four Indonesian soldiers as a result of the fighting.

    Reuters reported two weeks ago that the TPNPB released a video of Merhtens saying he would be shot in two months if the group’s demands were not met.

    “If they [Indonesia] do not allow the church to go in and mediate, we will conclude that they are involved in the possible death of the pilot,” Reverend Giay said.

    “From our discussions here, we think the conditions of the pilot may be worsening.

    “We want to see the pilot . . . for Egianus to show us that he is okay…that is our first priority.”

    Mehrtens’ welfare ‘top priority’ for MFAT
    According to New Zealand’s Ministry for Foreign Affairs, everything is being done to try and seek Mehrtens’ release, but the details of this have been limited.

    The TPNPB maintains that New Zealand has not approached them for negotiation.

    “The welfare of the New Zealander at the heart of this situation is our top priority,” MFAT told RNZ Pacific in a statement in March.

    “We are doing everything we can to secure a peaceful resolution and the safe release of the hostage, including working closely with the Indonesian authorities and deploying New Zealand consular staff.”

    Reverend Giay said Wellington needed to pressure Jakarta into ceasing its military operations.

    “New Zealand government and the international community has to pressure the Indonesia government and military to seek a peaceful dialogue.”

    “That is only possible if the Indonesian military withdraw,” he added.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.