Category: Police

  • By Gynnie Kero in Port Moresby

    National Capital District Metropolitan Police Superintendent Gideon Ikumu has ruled out a proposal to impose a curfew in the capital city Port Moresby in the wake of the recent spate of violence.

    He said the situation was expected to return to normal after soldiers yesterday joined policemen on the city streets monitoring the crisis.

    A fight started on Sunday evening following a dispute between scrutineers of the Moresby Northeast candidates inside the counting venue at the Sir John Guise stadium.

    It spilled onto the main road where men armed with machetes attacked each other.

    It continued yesterday morning.

    Most business houses told their employees to stay at home yesterday for their own safety.

    Vanimo-Green MP Belden Namah called for an immediate declaration of a State of Emergency in troubled zones throughout the country.

    Namah calls for ‘state of emergency’
    “I am now calling for immediate declaration of the State of Emergency and curfew in Port Moresby, Enga and all the trouble zones,” Namah said.

    But Ikumu said a curfew was not necessary as security personnel were monitoring the situation.

    He hoped everything would return to normal today.

    He said police had rounded up 18 suspects since Sunday.

    “Less than 10 [people were] injured. Most didn’t go to the hospital,” Ikumu said.

    “No deaths. Police have to link those suspects to the incident.

    “They are subject to further investigations.”

    Police chief turned to military
    Police Commissioner David Manning asked Defence Force Chief Major-General Mark Goina for assistance.

    Caretaker Prime Minister James Marape yesterday said the National Capital District was no place for criminals.

    Marape said that additional manpower from the Papua New Guinea Defence had been deployed to support the Royal Papua New Guinea constabulary to police the nation’s Capital District.

    “If you do not like the results of the counting, take it to the court of disputed returns,” he said.

    “And let the Electoral Commission do its job and complete the counting process, send your scrutineers in to witness, and all candidates and supporters stay away from counting sites,” he said.

    Marape said that candidates who were contesting to become leaders should not try to take the law into their own hands.

    Gynnie Kero is a reporter for The National in Papua New Guinea. Republished with permission.

    Police and the PNG Defence Force jointly patrolling streets in Port Moresby
    Police and the PNG Defence Force jointly patrolling the streets in Waigani yesterday. Image: PNGDF

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    The Commonwealth group that has been observing the Papua New Guinea national elections has called for an urgent review of the electoral process.

    The leader, former Nauru president, Baron Waqa, said he was gravely concerned at the daily incidents of violence and tragic loss of life that were being reported.

    The Commonwealth Observers said the highly centralised structure of the Electoral Commission had undermined the effective delivery of the election.

    They said the 2022 rolls were missing a large number of names, which in some cases meant up to 50 percent of eligible voters were not on the rolls.

    They were critical of the late and insufficient disbursement of funds, and that unpaid bills and allowances from previous elections, created a lack of trust in the commission.

    The observers reported numerous allegations of bribery and treating involving candidates’ agents.

    They said they had witnessed the distribution of money and food to voters during the polling period.

    They said there were inadequate efforts to facilitate the inclusion and participation of women, youth, persons with disability, and other disadvantaged groups in the political and electoral process.

    The Commonwealth wants to see:

    • immediate reforms to strengthen voter registration;
    • the creation of a collaborative and decentralised Electoral Commission that is properly funded by government; and
    • a national network to support voter education and participation.

    Moresby governor shocked at election violence
    Meanwhile, the Governor of Papua New Guinea’s National Capital District has condemned the violence in the middle of Port Moresby on Sunday afternoon, reports RNZ Pacific.

    People presumed to be supporters of rival election candidates clashed at the Sir John Guise Stadium where votes from the national election were being counted.

    The attackers were armed with machetes and other weapons.

    There are unconfirmed reports that at least two people were wounded.

    NCD Governor Powes Parkop
    NCD Governor Powes Parkop … the culprits for these “grotesque acts of violence” must be arrested and charged. Image: EMTV News

    Governor Powes Parkop said he was shocked to see such “grotesque violence” in the country’s capital, and in broad daylight.

    He said it was totally unacceptable and no justification could be made for such unacceptable behaviour.

    Parkop said last week that he had asked for police to provide increased security in the election counting centres as he was concerned about the tension and the security risks, but he added that he was not aware that any such efforts had been made.

    He said those who committed these “grotesque acts of violence must be arrested and charged and if their candidates are also involved in the planning of these act of violence they too must be arrested and charged.”

    Parkop called on all candidates to restrain their supporters and show leadership.

    Bishops demand government return to capital
    The Catholic Bishops of Papua New Guinea called on caretaker Prime Minister James Marape and his cabinet to return to the city and sort out the problems from the unruly election.

    In a statement, the bishops said the leaders needed to return to supervise the proper completion of the electoral process; to direct the work and the intervention of the security forces; and to guarantee the safety of individuals, public institutions, and businesses.

    They said a severe deterioration of events in the National Capital District in the next few hours or days would deprive those currently holding positions of responsibility of any future credibility and trust for the welfare of the country and its citizens.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    Unrest over the Port Moresby Northeast election
    Unrest over the Port Moresby Northeast electorate voting in the capital. Image: Inside PNG

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Inside PNG News

    National Capital Dictrict (NCD) police have arrested 18 suspects following the slasher attacks on civilians yesterday outside Papua New Guinea’s national elections counting centre at Port Moresby’s Sir John Guise stadium.

    NCD Metropolitan Superintendent Gideon Ikumu said the men were “persons of interest” and police would continue investigating.

    “The men [suspects] are in custody with no charges laid until completion of the investigation by our CID,” Superintendent Ikumu said.

    He also reassured city residents and the public to remain calm as the police were now out in numbers to carry out patrols and maintain order in the city.

    “I hope this doesn’t happen again — our men are now dispatched to areas of concern to monitor and to ensure public safety is guaranteed,” Superintendent Ikumu said.

    Superintendent Ikumu said members of the PNG Defence Force were also assisting city police by protecting the counting area at the Sir John Guise Stadium.

    “This will now see support units assist regular police to maintain order in Port Moresby,” he said.

    The city police chief said opportunists were also taking advantage of the situation. He urged city residents and the general public to be vigilant.

    “While police and other security forces are out to ensure order, I call on residents to be mindful when moving around,” said Superintendent Ikumu.

    He had also asked the NCD Election Manager to suspend counting until tensions eased in the city.

    ‘Global shame’
    The National’s Rebecca Kuku reports that Papua New Guinea was “shamed internationally … when general election 2022 (GE22) candidates’ supporters turned the streets in the … capital Port Moresby into a battlefield.

    “Innocent people ran helter-skelter as political supporters wielding bush knives started chasing and slashing people indiscriminately on the streets in front of City Hall (the National Capital District Commission building) about 2.30pm.

    “People were seen running into the compound of the nearby Vision City Mega Mall for refuge as the assailants went about slashing their victims who collapsed on the spot.

    “The uncivilised electoral violence started at the nearby Sir John Guise Stadium where counting of GE22 ballots were in progress for the Moresby Northeast electorate.

    “Police said the knife-wielding offenders were supporters of two candidates and at least two were wounded.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Miriam Zarriga in Port Moresby

    Running like a pack of animals, a group of political party supporters in Papua New Guinea’s capital Port Moresby were armed with bush knives, iron bars and other weapons as they chased down two men outside the national elections counting centre yesterday afternoon.

    They reached the first man, and without a second thought they slashed him outside the Sir John Guise Stadium in Waigani.

    Then they reached the second man, he fell, they slashed him without hesitation, and they continued attacking him.

    The third man wasn’t so lucky, he was casually walking by and the mob turned their attention onto him. He put up his hands in a sign of protest. He was attacked, his hand sliced off, he fell and the mob mercilessly slashed him.

    Police Commissioner David Manning was disgusted by the turn of events, saying: “How many ways can you report animalistic behaviour?”

    The Post-Courier has confirmed that six men were wounded but no deaths were reported.

    The video showing these horrific attacks has now caught the attention of everyone. The response has been quick — all makeshift tents belonging to scrutineers, vendors and supporters were removed, burnt and everyone outside the Sir John Guise Indoor Complex were chased away by security personnel.

    What was the issue?
    What was the issue these men were angry about? It was alleged that the attacks were over nine ballot boxes from ward 6 in Moresby Northeast.

    The Post-Courier understands that scrutineers from Moresby Northeast demanded that the counting officials stop nine boxes from ward 6 from being counted and continue to wards 9 and 12 because a candidate was leading.

    The scrutineers argued among themselves and the argument was taken outside, where it led to an argument and eventually a fight broke out.

    "Barbaric act!" ... banner headline in the PNG Post-Courier 250722
    “Barbaric act!” … the banner headline in the PNG Post-Courier today. Image: PNG Post-Courier

    The Post-Courier was at the scene after the video was released and witnessed security personnel removing all makeshift tents along the John Guise Road which passes by the stadium where the election counting is taking place.

    For the next 30 minutes — from 3.30pm to 4pm — security personnel entered Vision City gates and checked the area.

    More security personnel were outside checking vehicles and removing any remnants of the makeshift tents.

    Shots were also fired into the air to disperse crowds that had gathered. It was a tense moment.

    Eventually the area was cleared.

    Nine suspects arrested with bush knives
    Police said that after the slashing of the men, about 30 minutes later, policemen stopped a blue land cruiser and nine suspects were apprehended with five bush knives in their possession.

    The nine were taken to the Waigani police station cells and their particulars were taken down by police investigators. Police are now investigating incident.

    Meanhile, shots were fired around the Rita Flynn Courts as police also removed and dispersed makeshift tents of scrutineers, supporters and vendors along the Bava road.

    According to a police source what happened at SJGS may also happen at other counting centres and thus police are not taking any more chances.

    Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • EDITORIAL: By the PNG Post-Courier editor Matthew Vari

    For weeks, we have seen the election violence as it spread in horrific proportions around the Highlands region, mainly in Enga and other provinces there.

    Men, women, and even children caught up in the fray costing lives and properties into the millions.

    Yesterday, the capital city also came under similar election related violence for the first time.

    PNG Post-Courier
    PNG POST-COURIER

    Video footage captured by pedestrians commuting between two of the city’s most busiest shopping centres, in the heart of the capital city at Waigani, adjacent to the municipal authority, the country’s major sporting infrastructure hub where counting is done, and less than a kilometre from the nation’s seat of power Parliament House, human beings were hacked in front of children along a main arterial road.

    It seemed the worst fears of the violence in the Highlands had just reared its ugly head yesterday around 3pm near the counting vicinity of the Sir John Guise stadium.

    Supporters of candidates contesting the Moresby Northeast clashed following disputes that originated within the venue and escalated outside into a fully fledged machete-wielding hunt that saw three individuals slashed.

    We wonder why this is taking place in the capital. Is it enough we have parts of the country facing turmoil and the weak and innocent already threatened with death, the capital then grinds to a halt at the hands of thugs?

    Thugs with nothing better to do
    Yes, thugs, who have nothing better to do then fighting to kill for just one individual and outcome.

    We commend the work of the security forces, who while they were not able to prevent the initial hacking that took place, were able to react swiftly and evict all those camping out in makeshift tents along the road reserves beside the stadium, the main gathering points sheltering such thugs.

    "Barbaric act!" ... banner headline in the PNG Post-Courier 250722
    “Barbaric act!” … banner headline in the PNG Post-Courier today. Image: PNG Post-Courier

    The Post-Courier joins the call by prominent Papua New Guinea business leader and advocate for change Anthony Smaré who reacted with a call on all leaders looking to consolidate their political future in the 11th Parliament to form government, while the capital seems set to ignite in violence if not addressed very soon.

    “So now we have people chopping up other people with machetes outside counting venues in the nation’s capital!

    “Law breakers want to become law makers!

    “This insanity is happening in Port Moresby, outside the national stadium, the largest shopping centre and opposite city hall, within 1km of Parliament House, Supreme Court, Government offices, and PM’s official residence! 500 meters from embassies of Australia, NZ, Britain, and China.

    ‘In the seat of power!’
    “It’s one thing when this violence happens in distant places like Porgera and people can cover their ears with their hands and say police should deal with it, but now it’s in the seat of power itself!

    “Potential Prime Ministers, you need to abandon your camps and come back to Port Moresby and show some national leadership calling for restoration of rule of law and calm.

    “Seize the opportunity this provides to you to act prime ministerial — come out in public and call for calm. If you want to be national leaders, show some traits of NATIONAL LEADERSHIP!” Smaré stated bluntly.

    We support this call and call on the very leaders who are supposed to lead, to lead, whether re-elected, new, or incumbent, heads of security forces, you all have a form of influence that goes beyond any win.

    Port Moresby is the capital city.

    If it falls into violence because proactive leadership was not taken, then God help us all.

    This editorial was published by the PNG Post-Courier today, 25 July 2022. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Jairo Bolledo in Manila

    A day before the first State of the Nation Address (SONA) of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr in Quezon City, a shooting incident inside the Ateneo de Manila University claimed the lives of at least three individuals, including the former mayor of Lamitan, Basilan, Rose Furigay.

    Furigay was supposed to attend the graduation of her daughter, Hannah, when she was shot about 3.30 pm yesterday. Furigay suffered gunshot wounds in her head and chest.

    Graduation rites of the Ateneo Law School were cancelled by the university.

    Aside from Furigay, her long-time aide, Victor George Capistrano was also shot and died on the scene.

    Ateneo security guard Jeneven Bandiala also died, Quezon City Police District (QCPD) director Brigadier-General Remus Medina said during his briefing on Sunday.

    Hannah was also wounded in the incident and was immediately taken to the Quirino Memorial Medical Center. Medina said she was currently in stable condition.

    Suspect Dr Chao Tiao Yumol was also wounded and suffered a gunshot wound. The police said they were still determining who shot the suspect.

    The police recovered bullets and two guns — one with a silencer. Medina said Yumol used the gun with a silencer in killing the victims.

    Yumol and his motive
    Yumol, 38, is a general practitioner doctor and a native of Lamitan City. The police said the doctor had personal motives for killing Furigay.

    “Initially, sa pagtatanong namin sa kanya, meron na silang long history ng away sa Lamitan, Basilan. So according to them, eh nagpapalitan na sila ng kaso. Itong si doktor naman ay laging nape-pressure sa pamilya ng Furigay. So lumalabas, personal ang away nila,” Medina said during his briefing.

    (Initially, based on our interrogation of the suspect, they have a long history of conflict in Lamitan, Basilan. According to them, they filed cases against each other. The doctor was always pressured by the Furigay family. So it turned out that they had a personal conflict.)

    Medina said Furigay filed 76 counts of cyber libel against Yumol, which temporarily prevented the suspect from practising medicine, according to the police. The suspect was detained for his libel cases, but was able to post bail, Medina added.

    According to the QCPD director, Yumol also alleged that Furigay had a history of corruption:

    “May ina-allege din si Doctor Yumol na katiwalian ng mayor. According to him, iyon po ang mga ina–allege niya, that is now subject for verification (Doctor Yumol is also alleging that the slain mayor was involved in corruption. According to him, that is what he is alleging, that is now subject for verification).”

    The suspect was currently in the custody of the QCPD and undergoing custodial investigation.

    No mention of human rights
    Meanwhile, Rappler reports that was zero mention of human rights when Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr delivered his inaugural speech as president of the Philippines on June 30, and he went on to serve his first month in Malacañang without appointing anyone to the board vacancy of the Commission on Human Rights (CHR).

    For his first State of the Nation Address (SONA) today, there is a mix of optimism and pessimism from the human rights community.

    Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director of international group Human Rights Watch, urged Marcos to seize the “chance to distance himself from the rampant rights violations and deep-seated impunity of the Rodrigo Duterte administration”.

    “President Marcos has a golden opportunity to get the Philippines on the right track by setting out clear priorities and policies to improve human rights in the country,” Robertson said in a statement.

    The progressive Filipino lawyer Edre Olalia, president of the National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL), in a forum that the human rights prospects under Marcos “quite candidly [do] not look good.”

    Jairo Bolledo is a Rappler reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Police monitoring groups have been busy keeping their local communities safe. On 10 July, Hackney Copwatch and Tottenham Copwatch showed up to Trans Pride. And on 14 July, the Copwatch Network took part in Mad Pride. Meanwhile, new groups are gearing up to challenge state violence in their areas.

    Trans liberation

    On 10 July, Hackney Copwatch and Tottenham Copwatch marched at Trans Pride:

    As Tottenham Copwatch suggest, our collective freedom from police and state violence necessitates trans freedom from this and all forms of violence. The state and its institutions are inherently transphobic.

    As LGBTQ+ prisoners’ rights group the Bent Bars Project highlights, trans people – especially those who are people of colour, disabled, homeless, and/or sex workers – are at extreme risk of policing and criminalisation. As extremely vulnerable and marginalised communities, they bear the brunt of state violence.

    The state detains trans and gender nonconforming people in prisons according to binary gender categories imposed at birth. Here, they are frequently subjected to violence, held in isolation, and denied access to basic healthcare. It is a basic right for trans people to be able to access gender affirming healthcare.

    Trans liberation doesn’t mean the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) opening a new prison unit to detain trans people. It means no trans people in prison, because it means no prisons.

    Mad Pride

    On 14 July, copwatching groups joined Mad Pride, an event run by the Campaign for Psych Abolition. The aim of the event is to resist the state’s stigmatisation, policing and detention of people with mental health issues.

    As explained in the campaign’s Twitter graphic, the state continues to use the 1983 Mental Health Act to police and criminalise people experiencing mental ill health:

    Mental health services are contributing to the traumatisation and criminalisation of those in need of support. As the graphic states, police have the power to detain members of the public who appear to be experiencing mental ill health by sectioning them against their will. When sectioned, the state has the power to force detainees take medication without consent. Patients who resist risk further violence and criminalisation.

    Casework and monitoring by INQUEST – a charity that works to support victims of state violence – shows that people with mental health issues are overrepresented in the number of deaths following the use of force. This was Olaseni Lewis’ fate. Lewis tragically died while held in a mental health hospital in 2010 after 11 police officers restrained him. The inquest into the fatal incident concluded that officers’ “excessive, unreasonable, unnecessary and disproportionate” use of force contributed to the 23-year-old’s death. This treatment is rooted in ableist perceptions of people with mental health issues as ‘dangers to society’.

    Alternatives to policing

    Coming up, Liverpool’s Bizziewatch will be hosting an open meeting to discuss alternatives to policing on 27 July:

    Spaces where we are able to imagine abolitionist alternatives are essential to the creation of a world without police, prisons, immigration detention, surveillance, and all other forms of the carceral system.

    It isn’t about having all the answers, but understanding that we can and must develop new ways of living that ensure everyone’s wellbeing and safety. This includes investment in the essential services that communities need to survive and thrive, such as health, education, and housing, rather than police and prisons.

    Freedom for everybody

    Noting the annual uptick in policing over the summer months, the Copwatching Network shared this helpful information on how to intervene in a police stop:

    New police monitoring groups are popping up in the face of state violence and surveillance. Barnet Copwatch is a brand new group, and is welcoming members. And Camden Anti-Raids is gearing up to challenge immigration raids in the local area. According to the Copwatch Network, Brighton will soon have its own police monitoring group.

    There’s no better time to join your local copwatching group. If there isn’t one currently operating in your area, find out how to set up a police monitoring group using Netpol’s practical guide. In order to resist state violence in all its forms, it’s vital that we build community power. The state and its actors don’t keep us or our communities safe, but collectively we can.

    Featured image via Karollyne Hubert/Unsplash 

    By Sophia Purdy-Moore

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • By Asia Pacific Report editor David Robie

    A lively 43sec video clip surfaced during last week’s Pacific Islands Forum in the Fiji capital of Suva — the first live leaders’ forum in three years since Tuvalu, due to the covid pandemic.

    Posted on Twitter by Guardian Australia’s Pacific Project editor Kate Lyons it showed the doorstopping of Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare by a melee of mainly Australian journalists.

    The aloof Sogavare was being tracked over questions about security and China’s possible military designs for the Melanesian nation.

    A doorstop on security and China greets Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare
    A doorstop on security and China greets Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare (in blue short) at the Pacific islands Forum in Suva last week. Image: Twitter screenshot

    But Lyons made a comment directed more at questioning journalists themselves about their newsgathering style:

    “Australian media attempt to get a response from PM Sogavare, who has refused to answer questions from international media since the signing of the China security deal, on his way to a bilateral with PM Albanese. He stayed smilingly silent.”

    Prominent Samoan journalist, columnist and member of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) gender council Lagipoiva Cherelle Jackson picked up the thread, saying: “Let’s talk western journalism vs Pacific doorstop approaches.”

    Lagipoiva highlighted for her followers the fact that “the journos engaged in this approach are all white”. She continued:

    ‘A respect thing’
    “We don’t really do this in the Pacific to PI leaders. it’s a respect thing. However there is merit to this approach.”

    A “confrontational” approach isn’t generally practised in the Pacific – “in Samoa, doorstops are still respectful.”

    But she admitted that Pacific journalists sometimes “leaned” on western journalists to ask the hard questions when PI leaders would “disregard local journalists”.

    “Even though this approach is very jarring”, she added, “it is also a necessary tactic to hold Pacific island leaders accountable.”

    So here is the rub. Where were the hard questions in Suva — whether “western or Pacific-style” — about West Papua and Indonesian human rights abuses against a Melanesian neighbour? Surely here was a prime case in favour of doorstopping with a fresh outbreak of violations by Indonesian security forces – an estimated 21,000 troops are now deployed in Papua and West Papua provinces — in the news coinciding with the Forum unfolding on July 11-14.

    In her wrap about the Forum in The Guardian, Lyons wrote about how smiles and unity in Suva – “with the notable exception of Kiribati” – were masking the tough questions being shelved for another day.

    “Take coal. This will inevitably be a sticking point between Pacific countries and Australia, but apparently did not come up at all in discussions,” she wrote.

    “The other conversation that has been put off is China.

    “Pacific leaders have demonstrated in recent months how important the Pacific Islands Forum bloc is when negotiating with the superpower.”

    Forum ‘failed moral obligation’
    In a column in DevPolicy Blog this week, Fiji opposition National Federation Party (NFP) leader and former University of the South Pacific economics professor Dr Biman Prasad criticised forum leaders — and particularly Australia and New Zealand — over the “deafening silence” about declining standards of democracy and governance.

    While acknowledging that an emphasis on the climate crisis was necessary and welcome, he said: “Human rights – including freedom of speech – underpin all other rights, and it is unfortunate that that this Forum failed in its moral obligation to send out a strong message of its commitment to upholding these rights.”

    Back to West Papua, arguably the most explosive security issue confronting the Pacific and yet inexplicably virtually ignored by the Australian and New Zealand governments and news media.

    Fiji Women's Crisis Centre coordinator Shamima Ali and fellow activists at the Morning Star flag raising in solidarity with West Papua
    Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre coordinator Shamima Ali and fellow activists at the Morning Star flag raising in solidarity with West Papua in Suva last week. Image: APR screenshot FV

    In Suva, it was left to non-government organisations and advocacy groups such as the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) and the Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre (FWCC) to carry the Morning Star of resistance — as West Papua’s banned flag is named.

    The Fiji women’s advocacy group condemned their government and host Prime Minister Bainimarama for remaining silent over the human rights violations in West Papua, saying that women and girls were “suffering twofold” due to the increased militarisation of the two provinces of Papua and West Papuan by the “cruel Indonesian government”.

    Spokesperson Joe Collins of the Sydney-based AWPA said the Fiji Forum was a “missed opportunity” to help people who were suffering at the hands of Jakarta actions.

    “It’s very important that West Papua appears to be making progress,” he said, particularly in this Melanesian region which had the support of Pacific people.

    Intensified violence in Papua
    The day after the Forum ended, Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) general secretary Reverend James Bhagwan highlighted in an interview with FijiVillage how 100,000 people had been displaced due to intensified violence in the “land of Papua”.

    Pacific Conference of Churches general secretary Reverend James Bhagwan … “significant displacement of the indigenous Papuans has been noted by United Nations experts.” Image: FijiVillage

    He said the increasing number of casualties of West Papuans was hard to determine because no humanitarian agencies, NGOs or journalists were allowed to enter the region and report on the humanitarian crisis.

    Reverend Bhagwan also stressed that covid-19 and climate change reminded Pacific people that there needed to be an “expanded concept of security” that included human security and humanitarian assistance.

    In London, the Indonesian human rights advocacy group Tapol expressed “deep sorrow” over the recent events coinciding with the Forum, and condemned the escalating violence by Jakarta’s security forces and the retaliation by resistance groups.

    Tapol cited “the destruction and repressive actions of the security forces at the Paniai Regent’s Office (Kantor Bupati Paniai) that caused the death of one person and the injury of others on July 5″.

    It also condemned the “shootings and unlawful killings’ of at least 11 civilians reportedly carried out by armed groups in Nduga on July 16.

    “Acts of violence against civilians, when they lead to deaths — whoever is responsible — should be condemned,” Tapol said.

    “We call on these two incidents to be investigated in an impartial, independent, appropriate and comprehensive manner by those who have the authority and competency to do so.”

  • By Miriam Zarriga of the PNG Post-Courier

    A brutal massacre in Porgera town yesterday afternoon in which 18 innocent people were killed has rocked Enga province and shocked Papua New Guinea.

    Local police chief acting Superintendent George Kakas was shocked by the act of violence in the wake of the country’s national elections — he was left speechless when told by field officers about the killings.

    Last night, caretaker Prime Minister James Marape said Porgera was now in a state of emergency.

    “We have called out additional manpower from both the military and police, not just for Porgera but for other areas that need special assistance as well,” he said.

    “We will beef up security as election requirements have diluted normal police work and the present killing is related to an ongoing tribal fight.”

    In his policing career, Kakas has seen worse but yesterday’s act was one he thought was the work of a deranged mob who had no respect for the sanctity of life.

    Of the 18 dead, 13 were men and 5 were women. They were going about their normal lives when men armed with machetes and axes hacked them to death.

    Hour of wanton destruction
    It was an hour of wanton destruction in which no one in the path of the rampaging tribesmen was spared, Kakas said.

    Pictures of the dead posted online showed a trail of destruction with murderous intent. It seemed none of the dead had any chance of escaping.

    PNG police Superintendent George Kakas
    Local acting police commander Superintendent George Kakas … “We will beef up security as election requirements have diluted normal police work and the present killing is related to an ongoing tribal fight.” Image: RNZ

    In one picture, a woman clad in a PNG meri blouse lay next to a young girl, probably her daughter.

    In another, a man and a woman lie side by side, having fallen where they were attacked.

    The woman is on her knees, cowering in a foetal position, probably having begged for mercy — a futile attempt to evade the inevitable.

    Men examining the scene looking for relatives were shown carrying bush knives and axes.

    In turbulent Enga these are normal weapons.

    Disputed gold mine
    Porgera is the site of the disputed giant gold mine which has been closed for almost two years.

    A violent tribal fight between the Aiyala and Nomali tribes has been raging, which has severely affected the elections in that part of the region.

    The 18 deaths brings to 70 the number of people killed in Porgera in the past four months.

    Although an emergency was declared in Porgera, the fighting between Aiyala and Nomali has continued, Superintendent Kakas said.

    RNZ Pacific's report today of the Porgera killings
    RNZ Pacific’s report today of the Porgera killings. Image: RNZ

    Security forces are present in Porgera Town. Together with local police, there are about 150 police and army personnel, however they are outnumbered by the tribal warriors, who are heavily armed.

    “The 13 men and 5 women were killed in Paiam and Upper Porgera on Wednesday afternoon,” Kakas said.

    Of the 18, five people were killed in Upper Porgera Station and 13 people killed at Paiam.

    “Out of the 18 deaths, 3 men from Porgera town area were killed by Kandeps. This killing related to the ongoing tribal fight at Paiam has now escalated to Pogera Town.”

    Troops moving in
    “Police Commissioner David Manning said last night the PNG Defence Force (PNGDF) contribution troops for the task force were in the process of moving into Enga.

    “There is no SOE declared, 120 soldiers from the 2nd PIR Bravo Company were sent in yesterday afternoon. They are based in Wabag and once all logistics are in place, they will further deploy to the electorates of Porgera, Laiagam, and Kompiam and join their RPNGC MS counterparts who are currently on the ground.”

    Manning said the task force had 60 days to restore the rule of law in the electorates, secure the mine and provide protection for repairs to be done on damaged bridges –– especially on the Wabag-Kompiam road.

    “We received reports of continuous killings in Porgera that began over the weekend. Priority deployment is to the Porgera valley, to quell the fighting between the local Porgereans and settlers from other parts of Enga Province,” he said.

    “We have received urgent pleas to also evacuate non-Engans who currently work up there — for them to be escorted to safety.

    “The 3 meter wide, 4-5 meter deep trench that was dug across the Surinki stretch of Wabag-Porgera road is still undergoing repairs. However, a temporary bypass has been constructed to allow traffic.”

    Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

  • By Rebecca Kuku in Port Moresby

    Fresh fighting among candidates’ supporters has left another two dead in Hela’s Margarima in Papua New Guinea’s general election.

    This takes the death toll to nine in the province since fighting broke out on July 4 – and nationwide election-related deaths have topped 45.

    Cars and trucks were set ablaze and houses razed in Lower Wage on Sunday.

    Papua New Guinea Defence Force liaison officer Major Joshua Dorpar said fighting erupted again following the counting of election ballots for Margarima.

    According to military sources in Margarima, the situation was still tense.

    “Since the last fight two weeks ago, when the death toll was at seven, two more people have been killed, raising the death toll to nine. A couple of people are in hospital.

    “Homes have been burnt down, vehicles destroyed, and we are working on restoring peace again, by talking to the of two groups that are fighting,” the sources said.

    Lack of forces
    Police commander Robin Bore said the fight started during polling on July 4 between incumbent Komo-Margarima MP Mannaseh Makiba’s (Pangu Pati) supporters and Independent Dr Benson Wakinda’s supporters at the Yambraka polling centre.

    Bore said he did not have enough security forces to deal with the situation.

    “We don’t have enough police manpower on the ground, especially armed/response units to attend to other law and order issues in the province, including the fighting in Margarima,” he said.

    “We have one platoon of soldiers and Mobile Squad 12 but they will be concentrating on the counting and providing security for ballot boxes.

    “Moreover, 40 regular members of Hela are on the roll over team led by Tari police station commander to provide polling security in nearby Highlands provinces.

    “So, after completion of elections in Hela, we will look into those areas that require police help,” he added.

    While election-related deaths reached 45 — as compiled by the media — many others went unreported or were unaccounted for.

    Rebecca Kuku is a National reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Schools have never been havens from the threat of policing. But recent narratives created by politicians and police departments falsify school violence as astronomically high and inaccurately suggest more police on campus as the only remedy, even as campaigns have pushed over the past two years to remove police from schools. The narratives cite anecdotal reports of violence in schools following students’ return to physical classrooms after the quarantine but fail to contextualize the violence or its causes and rarely mention that crime levels in schools are far below levels in the 1990s and 2000s. Instead of assuming more police are necessary, decision makers should be consulting students and educators — especially those of us in heavily policed schools — about solutions.

    I saw my friend slammed on a cop car in middle school. In high school, I witnessed students get pepper-sprayed by police in common areas between classes. When I was a freshman, there were one or two police officers on campus; today, four or five officers with security dogs patrol us. Their presence creates an intense atmosphere in which students wonder what caused the school to hire them.

    Arrested Learning, a national survey published in April 2021, asked students what makes them feel safe when physically attending school. Eighty-four percent referenced their friends; 63 percent answered teachers; 16 percent said police. Additionally, one-third of respondents felt police targeted them because of their identities.

    Students need investments in programs and resources that help us focus while learning, not more police. The real question: How can students voice their concerns and pressure school districts to make these changes? Local organizing around school board elections has proven the answer.

    Currently, school boards play a key role in deciding whether schools have a police presence. We’ve seen police officer associations fund pro-police school board candidates in Nassau and Suffolk counties in New York. In El Paso, Texas, the El Paso Municipal Police Officers Association and Sheriff’s Officers Association helped elect a former police officer.

    School boards rank among the best avenues to challenging on-campus police presence. Yet a 2020 National School Boards Association report revealed “discouragingly low” school board election turnout numbers (between 5 to 10 percent). That year in my home district (the fifth-largest school in the U.S. — Clark County, Nevada), only 33 percent of the electorate participated in school board elections; the winning margin was just 4,500 votes.

    Students can impact the presence of police in their schools by organizing through school boards effectively. The Center for Popular Democracy Action’s new toolkit analyzes how school boards affect students’ lives and how to use them to challenge injustices like school policing.

    School boards wield immense power. Far right conservatives and police interests understand this, but they aren’t alone. Community activists have challenged racist and classist policies through public school boards for decades. Recently, effective organizing examples have played out in places like Milwaukee, Wisconsin, where actions by Leaders Igniting Transformation led the Milwaukee Board of School Directors to unanimously pass a resolution ending their contract with Milwaukee’s police department.

    As a fellow at Make the Road Nevada, my classmates and I pressured our school board to create a student section at meetings to ensure a dedicated platform for elevating our voices. We’re pushing hard to remove police from our schools, add more counselors and support candidates who back our priorities. It isn’t easy, but we’ve won some victories, including helping elect our endorsed candidate to the school board this summer, and keep building a solid foundation to win more.

    Nationally, students have spent the past two years dealing with a pandemic that has compounded the existing troubles in our private lives. We need more social workers, counselors and teachers who care about us in order to get through such a turbulent period. My high school had a social worker before Las Vegas began its COVID lockdown. Post-lockdown, I haven’t seen them around, and it appears additional police officers took their place. That’s a tradeoff that has benefited no one but the police.

    Make the Road Nevada Action also helped create “Youth Mandate for Education and Liberation: A Mandate to Guide Us From Crisis to Liberation,” which details how police and security in schools don’t make students feel safe and instead, often lead to harmful interactions. It also shows that students overwhelmingly prefer that school districts focus on providing more student resources and support over police and security. In the Youth Mandate, youth groups within the Center for Popular Democracy Network demanded that schools divest from police to fund services and education programs that prioritize restorative practices over harsh discipline.

    Here’s the root problem with the police: They can’t prevent violence but can only respond to it, often with more violence. Our schools should foster creativity, healing, and joy — and work to prevent harm. That’s impossible with hardline disciplinary actions and on-campus police militarization. We need resources that focus on students and position us to succeed. Obtaining those resources requires students, parents and everyone who cares about our well-being to organize around school boards.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The Network for Police Monitoring (Netpol) has shown The Canary a training guide retrieved via a freedom of information (FOI) request. The document shows how the College of Policing goes about training police liaison officers (PLOs). Many people will have seen PLOs at protests, wearing their blue vests and often trying to chat to protesters.

    Copwatching groups often warn that protesters shouldn’t speak to PLOs. Now, with the benefit of this FOI response, we can take a closer look at just why that is.

    What are police liaison officers supposed to do?

    Green & Black Cross, an organisation that trains legal observers, defines the role of PLOs as follows:

    Police Liaison Officers (PLOs) are police officers sent to gather intelligence and spread unhelpful messages on protests. They are sometimes tasked with telling protesters information that can later be used to prosecute them.

    PLOs try to portray themselves as friendly people associated with the police who want to chat with protesters. However, it’s important to remember that PLOs gather information that can be used to prosecute people.

    Netpol’s access to the PLO training manual can give us an important insight into how PLOs are trained and what their objectives are. The training guide explains to PLOs that police officers have a duty to balance the right to assemble against the right to go about daily life:

    A balance has to be struck, a compromise found that will accommodate the exercise of the right to protest within a framework of public order which enables ordinary citizens, who are not protesting to go about their business and pleasure without obstruction or inconvenience.

    The right to assemble has become more contentious now that the Police, Crime, Sentencing, and Courts Act has been passed. Human rights organisation Liberty has said that the act “limits the freedom to protest“. And the Criminal Justice Alliance has warned that it will “deepen racial inequality.“. Whilst a balance has to be struck, it is very clear that the police are incapable of doing so.

    Core values

    The document goes on to state that:

    The key value is that policing in the UK is by consent, and its core values should be:

    • tolerant and winning the consent of the public
    • approachable
    • impartial
    • accountable
    • use minimal force

    Now, this refers to the general approach of policing in the UK. But when police officers took pictures with the bodies of Nicole Smallman and Bibaa Henry, was that “winning the consent of the public?” When serving police officer Wayne Couzens murdered Sarah Everard, was that the police being “approachable”? When the Metropolitan Police continue to have a remarkable number of failings, is that being “accountable”? When police strip searched a child, was that them using “minimal force”?

    There are so many incidents to choose from to show that the police cannot be trusted. The claims of their core values have no bearing on the reality of how they treat people.

    As Green & Black Cross’ above comments show, this same suspicion can be turned on PLOs, who are also police officers. The specific roles of PLOs are said to be mediation, initiation, negotiation, communication, and sensing. Each of these tasks is geared towards reducing an escalation from either protesters or the police. Indeed, the document says:

    By explaining to the demonstrators in detail why certain conditions for a demonstration have been made, and what might happen if they are broken, it might be possible for the demonstrators to accept the imposed restrictions and thereby decrease the risk of a confrontation.

    While the police need to strategise as they attempt to control protests, that is not the concern of protesters. In fact, Green & Black Cross – along with copwatching groups – warn against speaking to PLOs:

    There is no legal requirement to listen to them. We recommend people ignore them, walk away if approached and never take pieces of paper from PLOs.

    PLOs are still normal police officers, who have powers of arrest and who will testify against you in court.

    The FOI response shows that PLOs are trained to be seen as mediators and communicators, but that’s far from the truth.

    ‘Community policing’

    Interestingly, the training guide explains how they have had to come up with new methods for what they call “intelligence gathering” for PLOs:

    The use of Facebook especially to organise events months in advance and Twitter to run the event on a live time basis is commonplace. Gone are the days where we as police could focus on the activities of the protester using our traditional methods of intelligence gathering, as closed messaging is now utilised by groups.

    They conclude that:

    Social media is really an untapped source of intelligence capability.

    Dialogue is an essential part of the function of PLOs. The reason why copwatching groups so strongly advocate for not talking to the police becomes even clearer when we consider this part of the training manual:

    As PLTs will often have had long term contact with protest groups, they will be better able to interpret the mood and conduct of the group than someone who is unfamiliar with the group. Similarly, they can interpret and explain the actions of the police to organisers in an attempt to prevent negative responses from the protest crowd.

    Protesters are there to rally around a cause. Whilst they must obey the law, the right to assembly is a fundamental part of a functioning democracy. PLOs are able to go about their jobs, just as protesters are able to ignore them in order to avoid aiding their work.

    Undercover policing?

    Communication with protesters is fundamental to the very existence of PLOs. Their whole role, as shown above, focuses on getting protesters to give them information which they can relay to commanders who oversee policing at protests.

    The guidance says that:

    Others [protesters] may make it extremely difficult to contact them. First approaches to groups can take a variety of forms. This can include phone calls, items on websites, use of social media, leafleting etc. It is recognised that communication with some groups will be harder than others, however PLTs should adapt their communication methods to best suit the group they are engaging.

    It’s worth noting that, as is their right, some of this FOI response is redacted, particularly around discussion of plain clothes PLOs. This means that whilst they have shared some parts of the manual with us, not all parts are available.

    PLOs are there to aid fellow police officers, not protesters. The manual also states:

    The danger of officers being perceived to be working covertly should be borne in mind whenever PLTs wear plain clothes.

    The friendliness of PLOs can’t be taken at face value. Given that PLOs are able to wear plain clothes, and given that intelligence gathering is part of their job, this should cause even more wariness in protesters.

    Legal observers

    It’s undeniable that PLOs make an effort to appear friendly to protesters in order to gather information. Another group that are often present as supporters are legal observers. The Canary has previously explained the importance of legal observers. Back in May, we said:

    Legal observers are trained to independently monitor police behaviour at protests, and to give support to protestors. In the current climate, policing is becoming more aggressive. This includes restrictions on protestors, increased police powers that are proven to target minorities, and the use of excessive force.

    However, this document from the College of Policing takes quite a different view of legal observers. They say:

    During demonstrations a number of persons will wear tabards denoting ‘Legal Observer’. These are individuals who will gather evidence against Police officers, often to be seen with cameras or taking copious notes. They may also continually challenge officers on what powers/legislation are being utilised.

    If it’s acceptable for PLOs to gather information at protests, why would this wording in the FOI about legal observers be so hostile?

    They go on to say:

    They are not generally legally qualified and they are not impartial.

    This is a twisting of the truth. Legal observers do receive training. They don’t attend protests as protesters, but as independent observers who inform protesters of their rights and monitor police activity. If police forces are so supportive of PLOs, why would they object to legal observers?

    PLOs aren’t friends

    It’s nothing new for protesters to be distrustful of PLOs. What this FOI response from the College of Policing does show, however, is that protesters’ suspicions about PLOs have been true. PLOs are there to infiltrate protests and gain intelligence. Their goal is not to assist protesters in knowing their rights but to present a more palatable face of policing. They exist to help their superiors manage protests.

    With the draconian PCSC Act coming into force, it’s more important than ever that protesters know their rights, volunteer to be legal observers, and stand firm against efforts from the police to restrict the freedom to protest.

    The College of Policing had not responded to a request for comment at the time of publication.

    Featured image by Flickr/The Network for Police Monitoring – via CC by SA 2.0, resized to 770×403 

    By Maryam Jameela

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • By Miriam Zarriga of the PNG Post-Courier

    Papua New Guinea’s Police Commissioner David Manning has fired the first warning shot in the hunt for candidates who were involved in disrupting the national elections in Enga province.

    He is deploying a multipolice and army taskforce to hunt down 15 suspected candidates to bring them to justice in violence-torn Enga.

    He said Enga police have identified the 15 candidates who are alleged to have instigated criminal acts that impacted on the election.

    “This will allow for search warrants to be applied for on their persons, known associates, financial assets, and material property and if need be arrest warrants,” Commissioner Manning said.

    “We are not time bound by the elections. If these candidates think that we are, then they are sadly misinformed.

    “We plan to have this taskforce deployed in stages over the coming days.

    “In the last 72 hours there has seen an upsurge in the rate of lawlessness in parts of Enga.

    ‘Situation is serious’
    “The situation is very serious and I have grave concerns for the lives of many innocent people there who have become victims of barbaric and animalistic attacks,” he said.

    Manning has been up in the restive Highlands of PNG since day one of polling.

    “I have always maintained that the electoral process must be jointly delivered in partnership with the people, unfortunately certain candidates do not think this the way the elections should be delivered.

    “Reading through the reports on the situation on the ground it is frustrating and sickening to note that known candidates and their supporters have deliberately attacked opposing candidates and their supporters to influence a favorable outcome he said.

    PNG Post-Courier reports the Enga election crisis 150722
    How the PNG Post-Courier weekend edition reported the Enga election crisis. Image: PNG Post-Courier screenshot

    “To think that these candidates are considered to be highly educated and have successful careers, married and have children of their own, for them to condone such violent acts by their tribesman and supporters is sickening.

    “These so-called elites of the province despite their degrees are nothing but highly educated people with questionable morals.

    “We have a saying in many parts of the country with different versions depending where you are ‘mango diwai save karim mango, kapiak diwai save karim kapiak’, a law abiding upstanding citizen would not allow criminals to act on his/her behalf to better their chances of winning elections,” he said.

    Concerns given to PM
    “Similarly a citizen who resorts and supports illegal means of getting what he/she wants will never solicit the support of law abiding citizens to carry out their criminal activities.

    “I have conveyed my concerns to the Prime Minister as well as the Commander of the PNGDF, and we have resolved to establish a separate multiforce taskforce to enforce the rule of law in Enga immediately and also secure the Porgera mine.

    “The situation in Enga is no ordinary law and order situation, while many of the violent incidents are attributed to the elections there are sectors of the local communities in Enga that continue to engage in violent criminal activities pre-dating the elections and will continue throughout the election period.

    “It will be the joint taskforce’s primary objective to enforce the rule of law and respond appropriately where necessary to these individuals and/or groups.”

    “Candidates who have employed the services of these criminals or have supported these activities will be apprehended and face the criminal justice system.”

    Reports of violence in the last 72 hours include:

    Kompium- Ambum
    – Destruction of four bridges on the Wabag-Kompiam road.
    – Destruction of government Installations schools
    – Unconfirmed reports of widespread killings
    – Confirmed destruction of village homes and livestock
    – Continuous tribal fighting between rival candidates

    Lagaip
    – Destruction of culverts and the digging of a three-meter wide and six meter deep trench on the Sirunki section of the Wabag–Porgera Road.
    – Sporadic attacks on government security forces throughout the polling period.
    – Continuous tribal fighting between rival candidates.
    – Unconfirmed reports of killings.
    – Access by road to Porgera via Wabag continues to be cut off.

    Porgera-Paiela
    – Destruction of schools and teachers homes.
    – Destruction of shops and various other buildings in and around Paiam Station.
    – Tribal clashes continue between rival candidates.
    – Unconfirmed reports on unknown number of killings.
    – Manning said that so far boxes had been airlifted from Enga.

    Kompiam–Ambum
    – Despite efforts of the joint security task force, only a limited number of boxes were able to be located from Kompiam and extracted to Hagen.
    – All other boxes for the electorate that were extracted by road are currently being stored at the main storage containers in Wabag.
    – The Kompiam returning officer and his officials were on hand and were involved in assisting the extraction of the boxes from Kompiam and delivered to Mt Hagen.
    – All other remaining boxes not extracted will be left to the Returning Officer and Electoral Manager to decide as to what options to take.

    Wabag
    – All boxes that were in Maramuni were safely extracted and are securely stored in Mt Hagen after the use of Wampenamanda airport was discontinued.
    – Issues relating to the threat and risk assessment of counting has been assessed and recommendations for the counting of votes of specific electorates from Enga has been relayed to the Enga PESC and the PNGEC Commissioner. The key recommendation is to count these electorates outside of Enga province.

    Porgera-Paiela
    – PPC Enga had led a team by road through Southern Highlands to Porgera to extract the polled ballot boxes. The ballot boxes for Paiela were unpolled and were also retrieved and brought back to Wabag.

    Lagaip
    – Certain boxes were unable to be inserted into designated polling areas during the polling period due to rival candidates clashing in those areas.
    – The Returning Officer and the PEM will make representation to the PNGEC as to what can be done.
    – All remaining polled ballot boxes were retrieved and have been securely stored in Wabag.

    Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Miriam Zarriga in Port Moresby

    Papua New Guinea police have warned opposing candidates to return 50 missing ballot boxes for the Lagaip electorate in Enga province or the process would be declared a failed election.

    Provincial Police Commander acting Superintendent George Kakas emphasised this after earlier warnings went unheeded.

    He said police were investigating how the boxes disappeared during a confrontation between opposing groups last week in Lagaip.

    Kakas said he had made many calls to two candidates to tell police why their supporters had clashed and where the ballot boxes were.

    One of the candidates has been questioned as well about why there was a huge man-made ditch cutting off Laiagam station from Porgera and Wabag.

    The events of the past two weeks have raised questions about whether the election in Lagaip should be labeled as “failed”.

    A report has been given to EC Simon Sinai on the events in Lagaip. However, Sinai has not responded.

    ’14 boxes empty’
    “From the numbers I have received, about 14 boxes were brought back empty with no votes cast, about 40 plus are unaccounted for,” Kakas said.

    “The incident in Lagaip has led to a ditch dug at Sirunki by unknown men blocking of the highway and leaving passengers stranded on either side.”

    Kakas said he had called on the two candidates whose supporters were said to have dug the ditch to bring the culprits in or both of them would be arrested and charged.

    “As we tried to travel to Porgera the ditch stopped us, that ditch is about 4 metres deep and about 7 metres long, most likely dug by using a machine, we tried to use another way into Porgera instead trees had been chopped to block the road,” he said.

    “Now we are stuck in Wabag.”

    Enga province has turned into a fighting zone with security personnel walking into ambush and fighting with armed gunmen before escaping with their lives, it is alleged 10 men have been killed.

    Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Reiner Brabar in Jayapura

    Papua People’s Petition (PRP) protesters have braved brutal police blockades, forced dispersals and assaults while staging simultaneous mass actions across Papua.

    The actions were held on Thursday to demonstrate the people’s opposition to revisions of the Special Autonomy Law on Papua (Otsus), the creation of new autonomous regions (DOB) and reaffirming demands for a referendum on independence.

    Reports by Suara Papua have covered the following rallies:

    Jayapura
    A PRP action in Jayapura was held under tight security by police who subsequently broke up the rally, resulting in several people being hit and punched by police.

    Four students — Welinus Walianggen, Ebenius Tabuni, Nias Aso and Habel Fauk — were assaulted by police near the PT Gapura Angkasa warehouse at the Cenderawasih University (Uncen) in Waena, Jayapura when police forcibly broke up the student protest.

    According to Walianggen, one of the action coordinators, scores of police officers used batons and rattan sticks to disperse them.

    Meanwhile, PRP protesters arriving from different places conveyed their demands at the Papua Regional House of Representatives (DPRP) office. Although they were blocked by police, negotiations were held at the main entrance to the Parliament building.

    Several DPRP members then met with the demonstrators who handed over a document stating their opposition to the creation of the three new provinces (South Papua, Central Papua and the Papua Highlands) — ratified by the House of Representatives (DPR) during a plenary meeting in Senayan, Jakarta, on Thursday, June 31 — and and demanding that revisions to the Special Autonomy law be revoked.

    Timika
    In Timika, a PRP action was held in front of the Mimika Indonesian Builders Association (Gapensi) offices but this was broken up by police.

    Despite not having permission from police, several speakers expressed the Papuan people’s opposition to Otsus, the DOBs and demands for a referendum. The speakers also called for the closure of the PT Freeport gold and copper mine and the cancellation of planned mining activities in the Wabu Block.

    Nabire
    In Nabire, PRP protesters held their ground against the police but many people who had gathered at Karang Tumaritis, SP 1 and Siriwini were arrested and taken away by the Nabire district police.

    A short time later, demonstrators from several places headed towards the Nabire Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) office where they packed into the Parliament grounds.

    While they were giving speeches, the demonstrators who had been arrested rejoined the action after being dropped off by several Nabire district police vehicles.

    Meepago
    Speakers representing various different organisations and elements of Papuan society in the Meepago region took turns in expressing their views.

    PRP liaison officer for the Meepago region Agus Tebai said that the Papuan people, including those from Meepago, rejected Otsus and the DOBs in the land of Papua. Speakers also said that Otsus and the recently enacted laws on the creation of three new provinces in Papua must be annulled.

    Tebai said that the Papuan people were calling for an immediate referendum to determine the future of West Papua. These demands were handed over to the people’s representatives and accepted by three members of the Nabire DPRD.

    Manokwari
    In Manokwari, PRP protesters gathered on the Amban main road and gave speeches.

    The hundreds of demonstrators were blocked by police and prevented from holding a long march to the West Papua DPRD offices. Negotiations between police and the action coordinator achieved nothing and the demonstrators then disbanded in an orderly fashion.

    Similar mass actions were also held in Yahukimo, Boven Digoel, Sorong and Kaimana in West Papua province.

    Wamena
    In Wamena, meanwhile, the Lapago regional PRP conveyed its support for protesters who took to the streets via video. According to PRP Lapago Secretary Namene Elopere there was no action in Wamena for the Lapago region in accordance with the initial schedule because they were still coordinating with the Jayawijaya district police.

    Aside from protest in Papua, simultaneous actions were also held in Bali, Ambon (Maluku), Surabaya (East Java), Yogyakarta (Central Java), Bandung (West Java) and Jakarta.

    Translated by James Balowski for Indoleft. The original title of the article was Begini Situasi Aksi PRP Hari Ini di Berbagai Daerah.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Sirwan Kajjo in Dili

    In a deeply Catholic country, accusations that an American priest abused dozens of children at an orphanage stunned many in East Timor.

    So when independent journalist Raimundos Oki heard that a group of girls planned to sue authorities, claiming they had been subjected to unnecessary virginity tests as part of the criminal case, he knew he had to hear their story.

    Oki published interviews with the girls on his news website, Oekusi Post, ahead of the trial of Richard Daschbach. The then 84-year-old American priest was jailed in December for 12 years for child abuse.

    But now Oki is under investigation himself, on accusations that he breached judicial secrecy.

    The case is unexpected in East Timor. Also known as Timor-Leste, the country has one of the better records globally for press freedom.

    Groups including Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and Human Rights Watch, however, note that the risk of legal proceedings and a media law with vague provisions that journalists “promote public interest and democratic order” could encourage self-censorship on some subjects, including accusations of abuse in the Catholic Church.

    Call from police
    Oki learned that he was under investigation when police called on June 29, ordering the journalist to report to a police station in Dili, the capital, the following day.

    At the station, police informed Oki that the public prosecutor’s office had ordered an investigation into the journalist for allegedly “violating the secrets of the legal system.”

    The investigation is connected to the reports Oki published in 2020 about a planned lawsuit against authorities. In it, the claimants alleged authorities subjected them to virginity tests while investigating claims of abuse against the priest.

    Oekusi Post editor Raimundos Oki
    Oekusi Post editor Raimundos Oki … exposed a controversy over illegal state virginity tests on young girls. Image: VOA

    In their lawsuit and in interviews with Oki, the claimants said they had told authorities they were not among the minors abused by the priest, but that authorities still forced them to undergo the invasive procedure.

    “They wanted to share what they went through with the public,” Oki said. “As a journalist, it is my duty to share their stories with the world.”

    At the time that his articles were published, the priest was still on trial. Oki said a police officer told him the judicial secrecy accusation was linked to Daschbach’s trial.

    Authorities have not responded publicly to the lawsuit, which was filed in July 2021.

    The public prosecutor’s office in Dili didn’t respond to VOA’s request for comment.

    If convicted, Oki could face up to six years in prison.

    ‘Public interest’
    Both the journalist and his lawyer, Miguel Faria — who also defended Daschbach in his trial — deny that Oki breached judicial secrecy, citing public interest as a justification for publishing the interviews.

    “Cases of forced virginity tests are considered public interest, and it is very important for the public to know what happened to these victims,” Faria said.

    The lawyer said that in this case, “the victims speak firsthand about their experiences”.

    Judicial secrecy laws are often enforced to ensure the right to a fair trial or to prevent the risk of a jury being influenced by reporting. UNICEF and others also have guidelines for coverage of child abuse and trials to prevent minors being identified or retraumatised.

    Rick Edmonds, a media analyst at the Florida-based Poynter Institute for Media Studies, said that in some countries, interviewing witnesses during or even shortly before a trial takes place can jeopardise the trial or provide grounds for appeal if the jury was not entirely sequestered.

    Daniel Bastard, Asia-Pacific director at RSF, said that prosecutors should consider some legal arguments, including that the girls’ testimonies were published during Daschbach’s trial.

    But, he said, “from a press freedom point of view, we need to look at the bigger picture on this issue and think about the public interest.

    “I think the very key in this case is the idea of public interest. In a functional democracy, there can be some debate between the necessity of judicial secrecy and the need for the public to know exactly what is at stake,” Bastard told VOA.

    Showing the suffering
    Oki said his objective was to show the suffering the girls went through. At the time, he said, the media focus was the trial of the priest and not the experiences of minors, who say they went through unnecessary procedures while the case was investigated.

    “Forced virginity test is a violation of basic human rights,” he said. “This practice is against every international norm of human rights.”

    The reporter said authorities didn’t need to carry out such tests to build a case against the former priest.

    The United Nations has called for so-called virginity tests to be banned, saying the procedure is both unscientific and “a violation of human rights.”

    Parker Novak, a Washington-based expert on East Timor, believes Oki’s case is controversial because it touches on the role of the church in the Timorese society.

    “There is a reluctance in the Timorese media, in the Timorese society, to report critically on influential institutions and leaders,” he told VOA.

    The Catholic Church is arguably the most influential institution in the Timorese society, he said.

    “So certainly, any reporting that can be perceived as critical of the church, even if that reporting is wholly justified, whereas this case probably was, it’s still seen as taboo within the Timorese society, and that’s what causes controversy,” Novak added.

    Closed trial
    East Timor is said to contain the highest percentage of Catholics outside Vatican City, and the priest, Daschbach, was a revered figure in the community who had the support of former President Xanana Gusmao, who attended the sentencing.

    The Associated Press reported that Daschbach’s trial was closed to the public and that some witnesses complained of being threatened.

    A US federal grand jury in Washington later indicted the priest for illicit sexual contact in a foreign place and wire fraud.

    Oki has faced legal action previously for his reporting. In 2017, the journalist was accused of criminal defamation over a 2015 article published in the Timor Post about then-Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo.

    Charges in that case were later dropped, but Oki believes the case against him this time is more complicated.

    “If they want to politicise it, then I believe they will imprison me,” Oki said.

    “However, if they look at the story, which was published last year along with several videos, they will see that there is no wrongdoing.”

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    Fiji police have evicted two Chinese defence attaches from a Pacific Islands Forum summit in Suva while US Vice-President Kamala Harris was delivering a virtual address, reports The Guardian Australia.

    Kate Lyons, editor of The Guardian’s Pacific Project, reported that the the men were present at a session of the Forum Fisheries Agency when Harris announced the step-up of US engagement in the region, “believed to be in response to China’s growing influence”.

    According to The Guardian, the officials had been sitting with the media contingent, but one was identified as a Chinese embassy officer by Lice Movono, an independent Fiji journalist who has been covering the forum for the Australian edition of the newspaper.

    “Movono said she ‘recognised him because I’ve interacted with him at least three times already’, including during the visit of the Chinese foreign minister, Wang Yi, to Suva last month, at which journalists were removed from events and blocked from asking questions,” The Guardian report said.

    “‘He was one of the people that was removing us from places and directing other people to remove us,’ she said. ‘So I went over to him and asked: “Are you here as a Chinese embassy official or for Xinhua [Chinese news agency], because this is the media space. And he shook his head as if to indicate that he didn’t speak English”.’

    Movono alerted Fijian protocol officers, who told her to inform Fijian police, who then escorted the two men from the room. They did not answer questions from media, reported The Guardian.

    Diplomatic sources later confirmed that the men were a defence attache and a deputy defence attache from China, and part of the embassy in Fiji, The Guardian said.

    The report highlighted the intense geopolitical rivalry over growing Chinese influence in the region.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • That was when they suspended the Constitution. They said it would be temporary. There wasn’t even any rioting in the streets. People stayed home at night, watching television, looking for some direction. There wasn’t even an enemy you could put your finger on.

    — Margaret Atwood, The Handmaid’s Tale

    We are witnessing the gradual dismantling of every constitutional principle that serves as a bulwark against government tyranny, overreach and abuse.

    As usual, the latest assault comes from the U.S. Supreme Court.

    In a 6-3 ruling in Vega v. Tekoh, the Supreme Court took aim at the Miranda warnings, which require that police inform suspects that they have a right against self-incrimination when in police custody: namely, that they have a right to remain silent, to have an attorney present, and that anything they say and do can and will be used against them in a court of law.

    Although the Supreme Court stopped short of overturning its 1966 ruling in Miranda v. Arizona, the conservative majority declared that individuals cannot hold police accountable for violating their Fifth Amendment right to remain silent.

    By shielding police from lawsuits arising from their failure to Mirandize suspects, the Supreme Court has sent a message to police that they no longer have to respect a suspect’s right to remain silent.

    In other words, concludes legal analyst Nick Sibilla, “the Supreme Court has effectively created a new legal immunity for cops accused of infringing on the Fifth Amendment’s protection against self-incrimination.”

    Why is this important?

    In totality, the rights enshrined in the Fifth Amendment speak to the Founders’ determination to protect the rights of the individual against a government with a natural inclination towards corruption, tyranny and thuggery.

    The Founders were especially concerned with balancing the scales of justice in such a way that the innocent and the accused were not railroaded and browbeaten by government agents into coerced confessions, false convictions, or sham trials.

    Indeed, so determined were the Founders to safeguard the rights of the innocent, even if it meant allowing a guilty person to go free, that Benjamin Franklin insisted, “It is better a hundred guilty persons should escape than one innocent person should suffer.”

    Two hundred-plus years later, the Supreme Court (aided and abetted by the police state, Congress and Corporate America) has flipped that longstanding presumption of innocence on its head.

    In our present suspect society, “we the people” are all presumed guilty until proven innocent.

    With the Vega ruling, we have even fewer defenses for warding off government chicanery, abuse, threats and entrapment.

    To be clear, the Supreme Court is not saying that we don’t have the right to remain silent when in police custody. It’s merely saying that we can’t sue the police for violating that right.

    It’s a subtle difference but a significant one that could well encourage police to engage in the very sort of egregious misconduct at the heart of the Vega case: in which a police officer investigating a sexual assault isolated a suspect in a small, windowless room; refused him access to a lawyer or work colleagues; accused him of molesting a female patient; threatened him with violence; implied that he and his family would be deported; and terrorized him into signing a false confession dictated by the cop.

    Although Terence Tekoh was eventually tried and acquitted, the Supreme Court refused to hold police accountable for browbeating an innocent man into making a false confession.

    The Vega ruling threatens to turn the clocks back to a time when police resorted to physical brutality (beating, hanging, whipping) and mental torture in order to obtain confessions from suspects without ever informing them of their Fifth Amendment rights.

    This was exactly the kind of misconduct that the Warren Court sought to discourage with its 5-4 ruling in Miranda v. Arizona.

    As the Court concluded in Miranda almost 60 years ago:

    The prosecution may not use statements, whether exculpatory or inculpatory, stemming from custodial interrogation of the defendant unless it demonstrates the use of procedural safeguards effective to secure the privilege against self-incrimination. By custodial interrogation, we mean questioning initiated by law enforcement officers after a person has been taken into custody or otherwise deprived of his freedom of action in any significant way. As for the procedural safeguards to be employed, unless other fully effective means are devised to inform accused persons of their right of silence and to assure a continuous opportunity to exercise it, the following measures are required. Prior to any questioning, the person must be warned that he has a right to remain silent, that any statement he does make may be used as evidence against him, and that he has a right to the presence of an attorney, either retained or appointed. The defendant may waive effectuation of these rights, provided the waiver is made voluntarily, knowingly and intelligently. If, however, he indicates in any manner and at any stage of the process that he wishes to consult with an attorney before speaking, there can be no questioning. Likewise, if the individual is alone and indicates in any manner that he does not wish to be interrogated, the police may not question him. The mere fact that he may have answered some questions or volunteered some statements on his own does not deprive him of the right to refrain from answering any further inquiries until he has consulted with an attorney and thereafter consents to be questioned.

    The end result as one analyst notes: “Miranda v. Arizona, in creating the ‘Miranda Rights’ we take for granted today, reconciled the increasing police powers of the state with the basic rights of individuals.”

    By largely doing away with Miranda, the Supreme Court has made its present position clear: anything goes if you’re a cop in the American police state.

    Indeed, pay close to attention to the Court’s rulings lately, and the broader picture that emerges is of a judiciary that is playing fast and loose with the rule of law, picking and choose which rights to uphold and which can be discarded, in order to expand the power of the police state at the expense of the people’s rights.

    If left unchecked, this constitutionally illiterate ruling will open the door to a new era of police abuses.

    By shielding police from charges of grave misconduct while throwing the book at Americans for violating any of a rapidly expanding assortment of so-called crimes, the government has created a world in which there are two sets of laws: one set for the government and its gun-toting agents, and another set for you and me.

    If you’re a cop in the American police state, you can already break the law in a myriad of ways without suffering any major, long-term consequences.

    Indeed, not only are cops protected from most charges of wrongdoing—whether it’s shooting unarmed citizens (including children and old people), raping and abusing young women, falsifying police reports, trafficking drugs, or soliciting sex with minors—but even on the rare occasions when they are fired for misconduct, it’s only a matter of time before they get re-hired again.

    For instance, police officer Jackie Neal was accused of putting his hands inside a woman’s panties, lifting up her shirt and feeling her breasts during a routine traffic stop. He remained on the police force. A year later, Neal was accused of digitally penetrating another woman. Still, he wasn’t fired or disciplined.

    A few years after that, Neal—then serving as supervisor of the department’s youth program—was suspended for three days for having sex with a teenage girl participating in the program. As Reuters reports, “Neal never lost a dime in pay or a day off patrol: The union contract allowed him to serve the suspension using vacation days.”

    Later that same year, Neal was arrested on charges that he handcuffed a woman in the rear seat of his police vehicle and then raped her. He was eventually fined $5,000 and sentenced to 14 months in prison, with five months off for “work and education.” The taxpayers of San Antonio got saddled with $500,000 to settle the case.

    Now here’s the kicker: when the local city council attempted to amend the police union contract to create greater accountability for police misconduct, the police unions flexed their muscles and engaged in such a heated propaganda campaign that the city backed down.

    This is how perverse justice in America has become, and it’s happening all across the country.

    Incredibly, while our own constitutional protections against government abuses continue to be dismantled, a growing number of states are adopting Law Enforcement Officers’ Bill of Rights (LEOBoR)—written by police unions—which provides police officers accused of a crime with special due process rights and privileges not afforded to the average citizen.

    In other words, the LEOBoR protects police officers from being treated as we are treated during criminal investigations: questioned unmercifully for hours on end, harassed, harangued, browbeaten, denied food, water and bathroom breaks, subjected to hostile interrogations, and left in the dark about our accusers and any charges and evidence against us.

    These LEOBoRs epitomize everything that is wrong with America today.

    Now every so often, police officers engaged in wrongdoing are actually charged for abusing their authority and using excessive force against American citizens. Occasionally, those officers are even sentenced for their crimes against the citizenry.

    Yet in just about every case, it’s still the American taxpayer who foots the bill.

    The ones who rarely ever feel the pinch are the officers accused or convicted of wrongdoing, “even if they are disciplined or terminated by their department, criminally prosecuted, or even imprisoned.”

    In fact, police officers are more likely to be struck by lightning than be held financially accountable for their actions.

    No matter which way you spin it, “we the people” are always on the losing end of the deal.

    With the Supreme Court’s ruling in Vega v. Tekoh, the scales of justice have shifted out of balance even more.

    Brace yourselves: as I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, things are about to get downright ugly.

    The post Dismantling the Constitution first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • By Miriam Zarriga and Gorethy Kenneth in Port Moresby

    Caretaker prime minister James Marape has retained his Tari-Pori seat as the first politician to be declared for Papua New Guinea’s 11th National Parliament with a landslide victory after the first count ended in Hela province.

    Quality checks confirmed Marape scoring an absolute majority of 40,913 votes from the five local level governments in Tari-Pori.

    Runner-up Justin Aluja Haiara polled 7226 votes and Benson Angore was third with 6477 votes.

    Marape was declared member re-elect at 4.49pm Sunday in Tari by Tari-Pori Returning Officer Willie Kara.

    Shedding a tear, Marape’s voice broke as he thanked the people of Tari-Pori for returning him for a fourth term in the Eleventh parliament.

    “Thank you to my people of Tari-Pori, I want to thank my family for standing by me, especially my wife Rachael and my children,” he said.

    Electoral Commissioner Simon Sinai, when asked why counting was allowed in Tari-Pori ahead of other Highlands centres, said: “It was allowed as gazetted.”

    Gazetted and approved
    He said the decision to have Hela Province go to the polls and declare first was gazetted and approved.

    But he did not answer questions on why the province started counting first while the other provinces were yet to poll, especially in the Highlands region.

    Sinai gave a rundown of the schedule to date of what is happening around the country starting with the declaration of Hela and polling for Southern Highlands.

    “In most parts of the country, polling was held according to the polling schedule,” he said.

    “However, as has been the case in previous elections, and as is provided for by law, slight variations were necessary to enable polling teams to address local issues and ensure that polling takes place under the best conditions possible.”

    Counting began for Hela Regional seat and Tari-Pori Open electorate on Friday and by Sunday afternoon, Marape was declared.

    Declaring “I love Tari-Pori”, he wasted no time in promising his people that for the next five years, he wants unity and peace for Hela and he wants education to become the key focus of the district and province.

    ‘Lay down your arms’
    Marape said he wanted more Hela people to become businessmen and women.

    “Lay down your arms, work together for unity and peace, bring your children to school and become business oriented people to be financially independent,” he said.

    “I will try my best not to let you down in the next five years.

    “I want to work with whoever wins the Hela Regional person seat to deliver Hela into a new age of change.”

    The counting for Tari-Pori was completed with quality checks done in Tari before noon.

    Election manager John Tipa said once quality checks were completed, a formal announcement would be done.

    He said the absolute majority for Tari-Pori was 30,635 plus one with Marape receiving 40,913 votes.

    Meanwhile, Hela provincial police commander Superintendent Robin Bore said three Papua New Guinea Defence Force platoons with police mobile squad and local police officers were manning the counting venues in Tari-Pori.

    Miriam Zarriga and Gorethy Kenneth are PNG Post-Courier reporters. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • On 28 June, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) placed London’s Metropolitan Police in ‘special measures‘ following a series of scandalous failures.

    Since then, even more police failings have come to light. Public trust in the force is at an all-time low – and with good reason. Now is the time to reconsider the role of the police in our society, and develop new ways of dealing with social issues.

    Special measures comes as no surprise

    Following an HMIC inspection, the watchdog placed the Met – the UK’s largest police force – in special measures. This means that the force is failing to meet the acceptable standards required of a public service.

    According to the Guardian, the unpublished report cites 14 recent “significant failings” in addition to a series of scandals. This comes as no surprise, following several years of disgraceful, immoral, and illegal conduct from Met police officers.

    In March 2021, we saw the rape and murder of Sarah Everard by serving police officer Wayne Couzens, followed by violent policing of her vigil. This horrific case shone a light on the institutionalised misogyny at large within the force.

    Institutionalised misogynoir – ingrained prejudice against Black women and girls – came to the fore when Met police officers shared selfies with the dead bodies of murdered sisters Bibaa Henry and Nicole Smallman. This foul treatment came after a bungled investigation in which the sisters’ family was left to discover the remains of their loved ones.

    Meanwhile, stories of the Met’s shameful strip searches of children such as Child Q and Olivia highlight the harm and violence that officers routinely inflict on children and young people. In particular, cases such as these raised concerns about the adultification of Black children.

    Reflecting the force’s institutional homophobia, the 2021 inquests into the murders of four young gay and bisexual men by Stephen Port identified several “missed opportunities” to prevent these deaths.

    And in 2022, a barrage of racist, misogynistic, and homophobic messages shared by officers at Charing Cross police station came to light.

    Tip of the iceberg

    These ghastly cases are just the tip of the iceberg. Since HMIC placed the Met in special measures, further serious failings have come to light.
    On 5 July, the public inquiry into the death of Jermaine Baker concluded that a Met police officer “lawfully killed” the unarmed man. The fact that a police officer can legally shoot and kill an unarmed man at close range shows just how woefully low the bar is for policing standards. And yet the force has failed to meet them. 
    In spite of this disappointing conclusion, the Baker inquiry noted a barrage of damning failures that took place from the outset and throughout the police operation.
    Baker is one of at least 1,823 people who have died in police custody or following police contact in England and Wales since 1990. Black and racially minoritised people are overrepresented in these heartbreaking figures.
    On 6 July, the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) revealed the force’s “unacceptable” handling of 19-year-old Richard Okorogheye’s disappearance. This was one of a number of clumsily and incompetently handled recent missing people cases.

    On 29 June, footage emerged revealing that Met police officers lied about the “fighting stance” of a Black social worker they tasered. That same day, the Good Law Project issued legal proceedings against the force over its Partygate investigation. And on 30 June, the College of Policing published a report revealing that officers accused of domestic abuse are escaping accountability and still on duty in law enforcement. The list goes on.

    Defund the police, refund our communities

    According to the Met itself, the force’s purpose is to “to serve and protect the people of London by providing a professional police service”. We don’t need any further evidence that the police do quite the opposite.

    It’s undeniable that the Met is institutionally corrupt, racist, misogynistic, and violent. HMIC’s findings present an opportunity to reconsider the role of police in our society, and to move towards systems and strategies that actually work to make the world a safer place.

    This begins with investment in and the empowerment of communities, not the police. We need strategies that actively prevent harm from occurring, and foster accountability when it does.

    We can get the ball rolling by intervening in every police interaction we come across. In order to reduce the detrimental impact of the police, we must all learn how to intervene in police stops. The next step is joining a local copwatching group. The police can’t keep us or our communities safe. We can.

    Featured image via Ehimetalor Akhere Unuabona/Unsplash resized 770 x 403px 

    By Sophia Purdy-Moore

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    The Papua People’s Council (MRP) says that a Coordinating Ministry for Security, Politics and Legal Affairs (Kemenko Polhukam) deputy has told them that the creation of new autonomous regions (DOB) in Papua is to narrow the space for the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement (TNPB-OPM) to move.

    MRP Chair Timotius Murib said that the Coordinating Minister for Security, Politics and Legal Affairs Mahfud MD also made the statement during a meeting between the Kemenko Polhukam and the MRP.

    Murib said that during the meeting, the MPR had received a great deal of input from the Kemenko Polhukam.

    “One of the deputies told the MRP that the MPR should know that the DOB is an activity by the state to narrow the space for the TNPB-OPM or KKBs [armed criminal groups] to move,” said Murib during a virtual press conference on June 30.

    Murib said the deputy also said that the government would build large numbers of regional police (Polda) headquarters and regional military commands (Kodam),

    Because of this, the MRP believed that the creation of new autonomous regions in Papua was aimed at bringing more military into Papua and encircling the TPNPB.

    According to Murib, the government was not prioritising the interests of ordinary people but rather the desire to exploit natural resources in Papua.

    “And they want to build [more] Polda, Kodam, in the near future,” said Murib.

    Murib revealed that there were many people who had heard the statement by the deputy.

    The MRP believes that it is no longer a secret that the government is pursuing natural resources in Papua and ignoring the interests of local people.

    According to Murib, the government also wants to exploit natural resources without being disturbed by other parties by bringing in large numbers of military personnel.

    “But brought in so that when natural resources [are managed] in Papua no one disrupts this. Because the country’s debt is indeed very big at the moment,” the deputies said.

    Earlier on June 30, the House of Representatives (DPR) enacted three laws on the establishment of new provinces in Papua — Central Papua, the Papua Highlands and South Papua.

    Note
    The original text of the second paragraph in which Murib said that Minister Mahfud MD made the statement, rather than the unnamed deputy, read: “Ketua Majelis Rakyat Papua (MRP), Timotius Murib mengatakan, bawahan Menko Polhukam, Mahfud MD menyampaikan pernyataan itu dalam salah satu pertemuan Kemenko Polhukam dengan MRP”.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was Majelis Rakyat Papua: Bawahan Mahfud Sebut DOB Papua Tuk Persempit OPM.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • PNG Post-Courier

    Chaos. That is the one word for Papua New Guinea’s 2022 national general election.

    Unfortunately, the election has descended to that level, and polling is slowly slipping out of the set timetables as chaotic scenes nationwide, manpower problems, logistics issues and unexpected postponements hit the schedule.

    In the capital Port Moresby, voters were further shocked to learn that yesterday’s polling was suddenly pulled from under their feet at the 11th hour.

    The big surprise shocked voters and businesses alike as the postponing of polling to Friday — is the second postponement to hit the nation’s capital.

    Thousands of voters and candidates in Port Moresby returned home from polling stations around the city, angry, disappointed and even confused that they could not cast their votes while business are counting their losses.

    The Post-Courier was told businesses were losing up to K1 million (NZ$455,000) for the one day stoppage and they will lose more on Friday when they close again to allow their employees to go to the polls.

    “What’s happening? Money was allocated for this exercise. It looks like we have very incompetent people in leadership roles in the Electoral Commission.

    ‘Not doing their jobs’
    “They aren’t doing their jobs,” said Wilma Kesi, a frustrated mother summing up the feeling among voters.

    Polling in NCD (National Capital District) was initially planned to be held on Monday, July 4, together with the rest of the country except for the Highlands provinces but it was postponed to Wednesday, due to “logistic” problems.

    Voters, among them hundreds of workers who took the day off from work to vote, woke up as early as 5am and went to the polling sites in anticipation for voting, only to be informed of the postponement after a long wait.

    “This is not good. I left work just to come and vote and when they keep deferring, it’s not right because we can’t take too many days off work. My employer may not give me another day off to vote,” Collin Bill said.

    The employers Bill is referring to include business houses in Port Moresby who shut down operations throughout the city to allow the workers time off to vote and they stand to lose millions of kina just to close operations for one day.

    Major companies we spoke to agreed they stand to lose millions if kina for a day and this will rise when they close up again on Friday.

    “We cannot deny our workers their right to vote. We have no choice but to close down operations again if the PNG Electoral Commission wants to conduct polling on Friday,” a senior manager of a leading retail company said.

    Disruptive, costly
    PNG Chamber of Commerce and Industry president Ian Tarutia said the deferral of polling was disruptive, costly and an inconvenience for workers, employers, business houses and candidates as well.

    “This is inexcusable and unacceptable. Voters, candidates cannot be inconvenienced because of the incompetency of the electoral administrative process.

    “It is already bad enough as it is that half our voting population will miss out because names are missing from the common roll. If the new date for voting in NCD is Friday, stick with Friday.

    “No more changes,” Tarutia said.

    Speaking on behalf of the candidates, NCD regional candidate Paun Nonggorr blasted the PNGEC for the continuous deferral of polling, adding that all candidates and the voters must not accept this “amateurish display by the constitutional office holder”.

    “I am confused as to what is going on and why this is also casually happening. Can you enlighten me on the reasons why this is happening,” Nonggorr asked in a message to Electoral Commissioner Simon Sinai.

    Not tolerated
    He said the people should not tolerate this and he, as a candidate certainly could not tolerate this.

    NCD Election Manager Kila Ralai explained at a press conference later in the day that interference from candidates and incomplete preparation by his office prompted the deferral of polling.

    “We are not disorganised; we are trying our best to deliver elections for NCD. In the previous elections, they were chaotic, I just want to manage this election thoroughly, make sure we manage it properly.

    “We just need to fix up our processes in order to deliver the elections,” Ralai said.

    PNG Post-Courier reporters. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    Radio broadcaster Federico “Ding” Gempesaw has been shot and killed in broad daylight in front of his home in Carmen, Cagayan de Oro City, Mindanao, reports the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ).

    The IFJ and its affiliate, the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP), condemn the murder and urge the local authorities to immediately bring the perpetrators to justice.

    Gempesaw was a political commentator and host of the daily block-time programme Bitayan Sa Kahanginan, which aired on the local community radio network Radyo Natin.

    According to the police report, two masked gunmen shot at Gempesaw on June 29. One of the perpetrators shot him at close range after Gempesaw stepped down from his taxi, which he owned and drove.

    Although he was wounded, Gempesaw wrestled with one assailant before a second bullet hit his head. He died at the scene.

    According to witnesses, the murderers fled on a motorcycle without a licence plate.

    Gempesaw is the third radio broadcaster to be killed in Mindanao this year. In January, Jaynard Angeles, a station manager of Radyo Natin, was shot dead in Carmen, Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat, by unidentified suspects.

    On April 24, Jhannah Villegas was killed in the town of Datu Anggal Midtimbang, in Maguindanao province. Like Gempesaw, Villegas was also a block-time broadcaster on Radyo Ukay in Kidapawan City, North Cotabato.

    Latest blow
    The NUJP said Gempesaw’s murder is the latest blow to press freedom in the Philippines.

    The term of former President Rodrigo Duterte, who left office on June 30, has been characterised by attacks on the media, including the murder of journalists, blocking access to alternative media, and red-tagging.

    The NUJP said: “The brutal murder of Gempesaw has no place in a democratic society, and we demand that the police leave no stone unturned and bring the perpetrators, as well as the mastermind, to justice.”

    IFJ general secretary, Anthony Bellanger, said: “The IFJ condemns the killing of Federico Gempesaw. The authorities must take immediate action to investigate the murder and bring those responsible to justice. We also urge the government of the Philippines to take the strongest efforts to create a free and safe environment for journalists and media workers.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Boston officials claim they had no prior knowledge of a march through the city by about 100 members of the white supremacist group Patriot Front on Saturday. Local anti-fascist organizers confronted the marchers, who also attacked a local Black artist named Charles Murrell. We speak to Boston civil rights activist Reverend Kevin Peterson, who is an adviser to Murrell; investigative journalist Phillip Martin, who has documented the rise of the neo-Nazi movement in Massachusetts; and Michael Edison Hayden with the Southern Poverty Law Center. Peterson is calling for an internal investigation into the Boston police over its response to Saturday’s violence. His group, the New Democracy Coalition, is also calling for Boston Mayor Michelle Wu to develop a race commission to explore what would constitute reparations for Black people.

    TRANSCRIPT

    This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

    AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, as we turn to Boston, where Mayor Michelle Wu joined federal officials Tuesday to respond to the march through downtown Boston Saturday led by a hundred members of the white supremacist Patriot Front carrying shields and a banner that read “Reclaim America.” Officials claim the Boston Regional Intelligence Center had no warning they were coming. Local anti-fascist activists confronted the marchers. Mayor Wu also said the Boston police Civil Rights Unit is investigating how Patriot Front members were seen attacking a local Black artist and musician named Charles Murrell as police looked on.

    Charles Murrell posted online about the attack, writing, quote, “Just another day in the office. Yesterday as I was walking to work, a group of white men wearing masks and holding military weapons were marching on the sidewalk. I was walking past the historic Copley Hotel. I thought it was odd that a protest was happening on the sidewalk and not the street. When I tried to get my phone to record the masked mob, this happened (see photos),” he said. He went on, “Now, fake bot accounts are in my DM and on my social media pages trying to instill fear into myself and community. I assume these are the same masked white men. I share this to first say, things have not changed much. Secondly, this is why I do the work that I do with passion,” Charles Murrell wrote.

    Charles is not doing interviews while he seeks legal advice, but he did speak out Monday.

    CHARLES MURRELL: I am appalled that even as a healer, I have to get my cup poured into in this incident. But in this incident, I will continue to pour into other people’s cup as a way to pour into my own cup.

    AMY GOODMAN: For more, we’re joined by three guests. In Boston, Reverend Kevin Peterson, longtime civil rights activist, founder of the New Democracy Coalition, adviser to Charles Murrell, is with us. In Cambridge, Phillip Martin, an award-winning journalist and senior investigative reporter for GBH News Center for Investigative Reporting, where he recently wrote a piece headlined “It is happening here: Massachusetts has a growing neo-Nazi movement.” And still with us, Michael Edison Hayden, senior investigative reporter with the Southern Poverty Law Center, who focuses on internet radicalization and far-right extremism.

    We welcome you all to Democracy Now! Reverend Peterson, let’s begin with you. Explain — I’m sorry we can’t have Charles Murrell on today, but you are his close friend and adviser. Can you tell us more about what happened on Saturday?

    REV. KEVIN PETERSON: I’m not sure if I can tell you more about what happened beyond what you’ve already said, but we do know that Mr. Murrell is currently traumatized. He has a focus around racial healing in this city. He uses it through the arts. He believes that this is an opportunity where he can redirect the trauma that he experienced in terms of engaging these children of the KKK on Saturday, use that experience to engage the city, particularly Mayor Wu, in terms of changing things around, changing the narrative of the city.

    Boston is not unlike other places across the United States with regard to endemic racism. Boston was founded during the slave trade. The legacy of slavery and systemic oppression towards Black people persists even into 2022. Just two weeks ago, the Boston City Council apologized for its complicity in the slave trade and ongoing systemic oppression.

    Mr. Murrell’s experience is reflective of that systemic oppression, that this environment in Boston, I believe, provided a way through which — or rationale through which the children of the KKK came into Boston to try to spew their toxin and their hate.

    AMY GOODMAN: Reverend Peterson, how did the police respond? Where were they when Charles was being attacked?

    REV. KEVIN PETERSON: Well, Mr. Murrell’s narrative is that the police were in close proximity to him. And in fact, Mr. Murrell suggests that he engaged the police for help, but that help at that point wasn’t forthcoming. So, we have at this point different narratives coming from the administration, from the police, from Mayor Wu, and Mr. Murrell’s account. I’m confident to say that I’ve had a number of conversations with Mr. Murrell, and he’s clear that the police were present, he asked for help, the police officer, or one of them, claimed that they were overwhelmed and they couldn’t respond to the assault that took place on him. That’s disturbing.

    Even more disturbing is the fact that such an organized group of white supremacists, the children of the KKK, descended on the city and marched through the streets with brazen activity, unmonitored for the most part by law enforcement. It left thousands of Black citizens, of course, vulnerable to any kind of racial violence that they would have fostered. And in fact, Mr. Murrell became a victim of that racial violence.

    AMY GOODMAN: And we’re showing video from Twitter of these people, who have khaki pants, which of course reminds me of the University of Virginia “Unite the Right” rally —

    REV. KEVIN PETERSON: It does.

    AMY GOODMAN: — and dark shirts, either long-sleeve or short-sleeved, and then white masks over their faces, and baseball caps. Phillip Martin, you’re with GBH News. You wrote an extended piece in May called “It is happening here: Massachusetts has a growing neo-Nazi movement.” Now, the mayor, Michelle Wu, said they had no idea these people were coming this weekend. But this is the third march this year. Explain how you see this movement growing. What’s happening? Why Boston?

    PHILLIP MARTIN: First of all, thank you for having me here, Amy.

    And I find it — I’m a bit incredulous that the Boston [inaudible] the mayor, others seem to have been taken by surprise. Granted that this was a [inaudible] demonstration. They should not have been surprised [inaudible] taking part in flash [inaudible] exits on freeways, holding banners over freeways, leaving graffiti everywhere, defacing Black Lives Matter signs. Across the state, including Brockton not long ago, there have been reported assaults by this group and a similar group, NSC-131, for a long time. And so, I can see this as a — without question, they did not know about this, it seems, but to be taken by surprise is — I mean, I’m incredulous over that, given the growing activity of these organizations over the past few years.

    And you have cited it correctly with the Unite the Right rally that you mentioned. That’s where the Patriot Front began, by this individual, Thomas Rousseau. And what’s happening in Boston is not that dissimilar from what’s happening around the country. But a Unicorn Riot treasure trove of documents revealed that Massachusetts, New England are the areas that they consider prime recruiting grounds, despite the region’s reputation for liberalism. As Reverend Peters was just pointing out, there are multiple contradictions that make their presence here [inaudible] this community, though there’s also, I should point out, massive pushback against these groups, against Patriot Front, by people on the ground — Jewish organizations, Black organizations, anti-fascists, academics, others. So they are not getting a warm reception.

    That’s the reason I believe they decided to descend on the area over the weekend. It gave them the attention they wanted. They are in competition with NSC-131 but also in collusion with them. NSC-131 has had a presence in the area, protesting at Brigham and Women’s Hospital in January, taking part in a demonstration at the St. Patrick’s Day Parade in March, where they displayed a Boston is — “Return Boston to the Irish” sign, or something to that effect.

    And so, again, this, Amy, is something that has been taking place. It is a growing movement, growing, as ascertained by observation from those who study fascism, that these are groups that had two or three people at rallies maybe a year ago, three years ago, and now are able to get 30 people at rallies, people largely from this area, though this 100 who had descended on Boston over the weekend, without question, they came from various parts of the country. And it’s believed that Thomas Rousseau was among them.

    AMY GOODMAN: That Rousseau was among them, which brings me back to Michael Edison Hayden. Michael, you’re with the Southern Poverty Law Center. We last had you on giving us background on the Patriot Front. So, talk more about who Rousseau is, how this group was founded, what it’s doing, why in Boston, and before that, what, there were protests in Philadelphia, these historic American cities.

    MICHAEL EDISON HAYDEN: [inaudible] —

    AMY GOODMAN: Michael —

    MICHAEL EDISON HAYDEN: I like that — yes.

    AMY GOODMAN: Go ahead.

    MICHAEL EDISON HAYDEN: Oh, sure. Yeah, I like that phrase, “children of the KKK.” That was great. You know, I think that they are not the KKK yet, but they — in its heyday, but, boy, do they want to be.

    And, you know, there was a group called Vanguard America that marched at Unite the Right, and you may remember James Fields, who murdered Heather Heyer. He actually marched with that group. And they kind of rebranded under this veil of patriotism, and kind of to try to pull from the Republican Party shtick and make a more marketable version of what is essentially neo-Nazism.

    And they have had some success at building a movement across the country. They’ve had people across the country. They have absolutely, you know, been successful at doing these marches where there are about, you know, anywhere between 30 and 100 people marching on the street.

    But yeah, they did something also on July Fourth last year, or in the July Fourth weekend, regarding — like in Philadelphia, for example. They are picking these places that have historical importance in the United States. You know, their slogan is “Reclaim America,” and it’s this idea of restoring America to their imagined past, this — well, certainly America does have a deeply racist past, but they envision this perfect version of the United States that is going to come from their activism, that’s going to be essentially just a white supremacist ethno-state.

    AMY GOODMAN: And how do they organize online?

    MICHAEL EDISON HAYDEN: Yeah, I mean, they — you know, they’re all over Telegram. They were using Discord. They are essentially building little cells across the country and communicating with each other this way. They don’t often reveal their names to one another until they get to know each other in person. They are trying to lock down their communications, but, quite frankly, they’ve been poor at it, because they are frequently getting ID’d by anti-fascist activists all over the country and also by our organization.

    AMY GOODMAN: And their connection to January 6th, the Patriot Front members marching, part of President Trump’s insurrection?

    MICHAEL EDISON HAYDEN: No, they — so, they are superficially anti-Trump. They’re superficially anti-Republican Party. But they work kind of in tangent with the Republican Party, in the sense that they run parallel to them. You know, for people that believe that Trump is too cozy with Jewish people, the Patriot Front is there to kind of recruit you. It is their — they do essentially the same things. You know, you see Stephen Miller’s America First Legal is going to be attacking all kinds of things that he describes as “woke.” What does that really mean? It’s LGBTQ+ rights, stuff like, you know, this critical race theory bogeyman that they keep trotting out, whatever else. It’s sort of the same stuff that Patriot Front is talking about, but this is for people who are further along the line of radicalization and don’t want to associate themselves with the Republican Party. But they absolutely work in tandem with them, and they run parallel to them.

    AMY GOODMAN: And, Phillip Martin of GBH News, you report about this, that members were represented in D.C. during the insurrection.

    PHILLIP MARTIN: That’s right. This is, of course, before they branded themselves — rebranded themselves as Patriot Front. And you had members of NSC-131 present. They, of course —

    AMY GOODMAN: What does ”NSC” stand for?

    PHILLIP MARTIN: Nationalist Social Club, and the 131 is alphanumeric code for anti-communism. They consider, of course, anyone anti — they consider anyone communist, whether they be a liberal, a moderate, a so-called RINO within the Republican Party, people advocating for equality. The notion of communism [inaudible] they have incorporated into their talking points, in which they see anyone, again, who oppose fascism as communist. But they are neo-Nazis. They are described as a small army of neo-Nazis by both the Southern Poverty Law Center and the Anti-Defamation League.

    And so, yes, they started off in Charlottesville. They have — Thomas Rousseau has attempted to grow this movement based on some of the grievances that were — my colleague from Southern Poverty Law Center was just talking about, within — that have been amplified by the Republican Party. They have been amplified and animated by the so-called [inaudible] theory of — and believing that that is something that people are in fact reacting to.

    And you can see some of the comments that appear on social media, where, in fact, here in Boston, you found individuals who were condemning the Patriot Front, but you also found comments on Twitter and Facebook, folks were saying, “Well, what about the communists? What about the Democratic Party? What about the antifa? What about Black Lives Matter?” where they basically try to create this false equivalency that these groups, the Patriot Front and others, are simply the flip side, and thus they have — and it’s mythical, the whole notion of bothsidesisms in the context of fascism.

    AMY GOODMAN: And —

    PHILLIP MARTIN: But, anyway, the point is — I’m sorry. Go on.

    AMY GOODMAN: And, Phillip, the role of the police, the reverend describing — or, actually, Charles Murrell himself saying they didn’t help him, and the mayor saying they had no idea this was happening? I think we’re going to have — we will end it there.

    PHILLIP MARTIN: We have to be incredulous of whether — if the police were nearby and they did nothing, that’s a problem. If the police were not in the proximity to where this man was being beaten, then that’s a problem also. It means that they really weren’t monitoring well this procession of neofascists through downtown Boston on Fourth of July weekend.

    AMY GOODMAN: And finally, Reverend Kevin Peterson, you know, a news conference was called with Black leaders. You were among them.

    REV. KEVIN PETERSON: Yes.

    AMY GOODMAN: What are you calling for now?

    REV. KEVIN PETERSON: Well, we’re calling for a couple things. One is, as much as the police department is investigating what crime occurred, what civil rights were violated against Mr. Murrell, we’re also calling for Boston, the police or the mayor, to conduct an internal investigation in terms of police activities on that day on site. Were there police present? We asked for the release of videotape from Starbucks, which captured the incident, can perhaps identify more succinctly if the police were present. We’re asking for any body-camera visuals that might be present.

    Beyond that, Amy, we’re asking the mayor to take a deep dive into engaging in more robust conversations around race in a city that has been dogged by race for so long. Those pictures of Mr. Murrell are reflective of the racial legacy in the city of Boston that persists. Beyond the conversation, we also call for a race commission, where the city of Boston will bring to fore the enormous resources in the city of Boston in terms of the academic and legal community to explore the legacy of racism up until 2022, provide information, perhaps throughout the schools, but throughout the neighborhoods, of course, so that the residents of Boston can learn more about what racism is and how it is impactful in its subtle and most obvious ways.

    And then we ask for the commission to look into what would constitute repair or reparations in the city of Boston. How do we address the historic wrongs fostered upon Black people as it relates to the legacy of slavery and systemic oppression? How do we address those issues of unequal housing situations with relation to Blacks? How do we address the unequal health morbidities? How do we address income inequality with regard to Blacks and whites in the city of Boston? Those things are enormous. They reflect an incredible gap in terms of how Blacks maintain their lives in Boston against the privilege of white lives or how whites are privileged.

    So we ask for something comprehensive, something carefully thought through. We ask the mayor to move beyond the soothing words and apologies and get to some substantive policies and actions that brings Boston into the current situation where we’re trying to address the issue of racism in a more substantive way.

    AMY GOODMAN: Reverend Kevin Peterson, we want to thank you so much for being with us, founder of the New Democracy Coalition, speaking to us from Boston. Phillip Martin, investigative reporter with GBH News, we’ll link to your pieces, “It is happening here: Massachusetts has a growing neo-Nazi movement” and your latest piece. And Michael Edison Hayden with the Southern Poverty Law Center.

    Coming up, a new Supreme Court case threatens another body blow to our democracy. We’ll speak with the former law clerk for the retired Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer. Yes, we’ll speak with Carolyn Shapiro, professor. Stay with us.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • By Marjorie Finkeo and Miriam Zarriga in Port Moresby

    Six suspects, including a woman, have been charged in connection with more than K1 million in cash seized at Komo airport in Papua New Guinea’s Hela province last weekend.

    The six were charged on Monday with two counts each of money laundering and being in possession of state properties and were released on K2000 police bail each from the Tari police station on Monday evening, police said.

    Hela provincial police commander Senior Inspector Robin Bore told the PNG Post-Courier yesterday that five men in their late 20s and 30s, from Papiali village outside Tari, were allegedly involved in the movement of K1.3 million (NZ$590,000 ) in cash and four single PNG Defence Force uniforms from Port Moresby to Tari on a chartered plane.

    “A woman on the same flight was also charged with being in possession of a firearm,” Senior Inspector Bore said.

    “The suspects were supposed to appear before court on Monday but because of the [PNG general election] polling scheduled for Monday, the courthouse was closed. They will appear for mention once the courthouse is open.”

    He said all the cash and other seized properties were now locked away at the police station as exhibits for further investigation, as the police were still investigating.

    On July 2, police in Hela, acting on intelligence reports, seized the cash and other property from the suspects when the plane touched down at Komo from Port Moresby.

    ‘No evidence’ for poll allegations
    Police Commissioner David Manning told the Post-Courier in Hela that he was aware of allegations [related to the election] about how the money was to be used, but police had not found any evidence to support the allegations.

    Police Commissioner Manning said the cash was still in police custody.

    “It is a very serious allegation that we are putting to the five suspects we have in our custody and the onus is on us to ascertain those facts that will lead to further action to be taken,” he said.

    Earlier, Prime Minister James Marape had denied any links with the cash, even though his eldest son Mospal was one of those arrested on that day.

    “People are saying the money was meant to assist me, I can confirm that it is not my money, I do not need that money and I did not charter that flight,” he said.

    “It is a company charter and for safety reasons they run checks at the airport, because my son was in the vicinity, police rounded up all of them.

    “My son was part of a security detail that was providing security to reporters who had travelled to Komo and the Hides gas site.”

    Marjorie Finkeo and Miriam Zarriga are PNG Post-Courier reporters. Republished with permission.

  • PNG Post-Courier

    Angry voters in East Sepik and Hela have destroyed ballot boxes and set fire to ballot papers after finding that their names were not on the common roll in Papua New Guinea’s general election.

    No reports were received of people or election officials being hurt in the violence.

    Polling started on Monday and will run through to Friday in all 22 provinces.

    Despite an assurance by the Electoral Commissioner Simon Sinai that more than five million eligible voters would cast the ballots, many voters have been turned away because their names are not on the common roll, while in other locations there are not enough ballot papers for the number of eligible voters.

    In Hela, nine ballot boxes were destroyed in various polling stations by angry voters while in Morobe, 300 ballot papers went up in flames by disappointed eligible voters who could not cast their votes because they were not registered on the common roll.

    When responding to rumours of hijacking of ballot boxes, Hela provincial police commander Senior Inspector Robin Bore confirmed that ballot boxes were burnt and destroyed by voters on Monday morning.

    He said the boxes destroyed were in Komo (4), North Koroba (2), South Koroba (1), Hulia (1) and Tari Pori local level government (1) while polling continued in the other parts of the province.

    Polling boycotted
    In Morobe, frustrated voters from Wampar urban local level government in Huon Gulf district boycotted polling on Monday and ordered the burning of about 300 ballot papers in the presence of police and Electoral Commission officials.

    Huon Gulf returning officer Daniel Wasinak said eligible voters were frustrated that they were not registered on the common roll and they could not cast their votes.

    He said about 700 ballot papers were designated for the ward, with two polling places identified.

    First polling place is the Igam market just outside the PNG Defence Force Igam Barracks gate while another polling place was inside the army barracks for soldiers and their families.

    In Wewak, East Sepik, polling at ward 12 Wewak Urban was suspended, again when names of eligible voters. This time PNG Defence Force soldiers from Moem Barracks could not find their names on the electoral roll.

    Polling in Moem Barracks started at 11am with officers opening up the boxes but polling was halted for over two hours and cancelled at 2pm when soldiers argued that if their names were not on the roll, no one would vote, including their wives and children who were registered on the roll.

    Polling was suspended indefinitely.

    Voters devastated
    At another polling station, also in Wewak, hundreds of voters who turned up at the polling booths yesterday were left devastated that they could not vote because they were not registered on the electoral roll.

    Many of these voters were not first-time voters as they had voted in previous elections.

    Long time families and residents of Makun and Malasi, including the Sauns, Koskys, Bangus and Silings are among those who have not found their names on the electoral roll.

    In Aitape-Lumi, West Sepik Province, polling will commence when fuel and candidate lists are made available to the election officials on the ground.

    Aitape-Lumi returning officer John Awas said polling has been deferred to whenever polling materials and fuel were made available.

    He further confirmed that polling teams were yet to be deployed to their respective polling areas in the district.

    Polling deferred
    “Aitape-Lumi has deferred polling because payment for fuel to the local suppliers were not received and the suppliers would not give us fuel on credit either to enable us to move around and insert polling teams to their assigned location,” Awas said.

    Meanwhile, candidates for several seats in Hela have warned that counting would not be allowed until they sorted out the disputed ballot boxes on record.

    Candidate Francis Potape said there were two deaths from fighting at polling stations and six ballot boxes were allegedly hijacked at Takali.

    He said yesterday that helicopters were still picking up people who were still polling in places only accessible by air.

    Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape has confirmed reports his eldest son is one of two men arrested in relation to a suitcase found with US$440,000 at a domestic airport in the Highlands province of Hela last weekend.

    The arrests occurred after police became suspicious of the suitcase amid heightened security in preparation for the general election which began on Monday.

    One of the men arrested is Mospal Marape.

    James Marape told media as he cast his first vote on Monday that his son had no association with the luggage.

    “The person who was transporting the money is the director of a construction company in Hela Province. Knowing there are checks at the airport, he brought the money, for him he felt the money was legal,” Marape said.

    “He was transporting money for his company. He was being picked up and police felt the money was suspicious on the eve of an election.”

    Marape dismissed rumours the money was linked to his campaign.

    “I don’t need the fund for the elections. Police have kept the fund.

    ‘Voting here without fund’
    “I’m voting here without the help of the fund. Some think that it’s a link and influenced by me, far from it.

    “That fund is not needed. We’re running elections on Friday.

    PNG Prime Minister James Marape
    PNG Prime Minister James Marape … “Some think that it’s a link [with the elections] and influenced by me, far from it.” Image: RNZ Pacific
    “The message to my people is vote with no condictions. And as sitting prime minister, personally I want people to vote whether they value the office of prime minister or not.”

    In an interview from Tari with the Post-Courier’s Miriam Zarriga, Marape said that rumours going around were “false” and that he “does not need the money”.

    “People are saying the money was meant to assist me. I can confirm that it is not my money, I do not need that money and I did not charter that flight,” Marape said.

    “It is a company charter and for safety reasons they run checks at the airport, because my son was in the vicinity, police rounded up all of them.

    “My son was part of a security detail that was providing security to reporters who had travelled to Komo and the Hides Gas site.

    ‘Two nights in the cell’
    “Just like any citizen, if police feel you are a suspect, they will lock you up and the process will follow.

    “Just because he is my son, I have never gone to the police and demanded his release, just like everyone else he stayed two nights in the cell, initiated bail and now the due process is being followed.

    “It is not illegal money but money for the company [which] uses the money to pay their workers. Most people don’t prefer banks because of fees.

    They would rather receive cash.

    “I have gone to polling without the use of that money as I have no use for it.”

    Police confirmed that the main suspect in the incident had been allegedly released without any charges laid.

    However, the money was still being held by police as an exhibit.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Frank Rai in Port Moresby

    Papua New Guinea went to the polls yesterday to begin electing the 11th national Parliament only to find out that there were names missing on the common roll while some polling stations were short of ballot papers around the country.

    The distribution of ballot papers and the common roll update has been an issue over the past few months with the Electoral Commission continuing to provide assurance. But this was not the case yesterday.

    In Lae, former four-term Lae MP Bart Philemon was turned away at his Butibam village polling booth because his name was not on the common roll.


    Stefan Armbruster reports from Tari on the opening day of the PNG election.
    Video: SBS News

    “If this can happen in an urban village in Lae city, how can we be sure if people living in the vast remote areas around the country are casting their votes?,” he asked.

    “Are they or will they exercise their fundamental democratic right which comes only after 5-years?”

    Reports from other centres around the country included East New Britain, Central, Northern, Hela and Morobe provinces also facing the same issues yesterday.

    Several locations in Central Province, voters had to argue with polling officials because their names were not on the common roll and these were the voters who had voted in the 2017 general election.

    Central provincial police commander Superintendent John Midi confirmed that several commotions between voters and election officers had been reported at various locations in Hiri Koiari electorate.

    ‘Explain for peace’
    “It is to due to ballot papers and voters which only the PNG Electoral Commission officials assigned to these areas have the powers to explain for peace among people during polling,” Superintendent Midi said.

    Meanwhile, Philemon said the Electoral Commission had five years to update the common roll and to ensure that all eligible citizens were listed but it had failed the people of this country.

    “I fail to understand the Electoral Commission failing its primary responsibility to update the roll,” he said.

    The former MP said the Electoral Commission cannot in uncertain terms deny the fundamental democratic rights of its citizens to elect their leaders which falls every five years.

    Philemon said the incompetency of public servants in the government workforce was a contributing factor not only to elections but other issues affecting health, education, transport infrastructure, law and order as well.

    Frank Rai is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Both Republicans and Democratic leaders have been pushing increasingly hyped-up narratives to persuade us that crime is exploding, and calling for increased policing and police funding. This is standard Republican rhetoric across the board, and Democratic mayors like Lori Lightfoot of Chicago and Eric Adams of Chicago have been parroting a similar message. Even Stacey Abrams, the Democratic candidate for governor in Georgia who has received widespread support from progressives, announced Thursday that she is in favor of raising police pay.

    In recent weeks, we’ve also been repeatedly told that bail reform has caused crime to skyrocket. But according to the American Civil Liberties Union, this is a “false narrative.”

    Yes, homicide is up since 2020, but it is very possible that the increase is tied to the expansion of neoliberalism and the dislocations caused by the pandemic rather than the “fall guy” of minimal bail reform. It is imperative to reject this alarmist rhetoric, which obscures the racist, classist, sexist, and homophobic realities of police violence in the United States.

    Even communities we may perceive to be one step removed from the harms of police-perpetrated violence can be targeted by it, and should speak out against so-called “toughoncrime” approaches.

    As an Arab American who has witnessed the chilling effect of surveillance on my community, three factors have inspired me to stand with the movement to defund the police.

    First — as organizations like Chicago’s Arab American Action Network and San Francisco’s Arab Resource and Organizing Center (AROC), the Abolishing the War on Terror movement, the Arabs for Black Lives Collective, and the U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights exemplifyArab Americans have a responsibility to stand with Black (including Black Arab), migrant and Indigenous social movements challenging oppressive policing systems.

    Middle-class Arab immigrant communities should especially be engaged in these matters, as some of us have benefited from anti-Blackness, the theft of Native land, and the exploitation of working-class migrants perhaps not as directly as white people, but by virtue of living on stolen Indigenous land, or because our families have gained economic privileges related to anti-Black systemic racism.

    We should be challenging the privileges we do hold in relation to oppressive systems. The forms of state violence Arab and Black communities face are not the same, but solidarity is both our responsibility and a means to acknowledging accountability to those upon whose backs this country was built and continues to operate.

    Second, the racist structures targeting Arab and Muslim migrant communities including airport profiling and government surveillance are part of the U.S.’s increasingly broad systems of policing and incarceration. Therefore, we should be in coalition with communities striving to end systems of policing.

    U.S. policing systems are broad and work through many forms of containment and punishment, such as racist neighborhood policing, as well as surveillance like police use of gang databases and terrorist databases. Both rely on racial profiling, which civil rights groups assert is unconstitutional because the practice infringes on privacy rights.

    Furthermore, the “war on terror” normalizes the militarization of the police while the military and police are increasingly pushed to share strategies, technologies and trainings to intensify repression of social justice movements and poor communities.

    This is evident in military surplus equipment and gear going to police, including armored vehicles and high-powered rifles. After the police-perpetrated killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, police in combat gear made communities look like war zones. There is no evidence that this reduces crime, but the practice raises profound concerns about what we want public safety to look like and whether we are being primed to accept a more militaristic and authoritarian future. (When President Donald Trump renewed a military surplus program reformed by the Barack Obama administration and spoke with amusement about police not roughing people up too much, this sent a clear signal to police and endangered communities of color.)

    Across the country, communities have been expressing concerns about how cops target people who they perceive to be Muslim, including Arab Americans who may or may not be Muslim, in Islamophobic rhetoric and actions. The well-known New York Police Department spying campaign, confirmed in 2011, entailed wholesale surveillance of Arabs and Muslims in the New York City area — from “terrorism” investigations of mosques to attempts to infiltrate the board of directors at the Arab American Association of New York.

    Recent examples include two Michigan lawsuits, one involving officers who forced a Muslim woman to remove her hijab and another, where officers held three Arab Muslim men for nearly three days without charges. The men had called the police for help. Caught on a police body camera, the cops said, “the Muslims lie a lot” and tried to arrest them by fabricating information about them, according to the lawsuit.

    In May 2022, Chicago’s Arab American Action Network (AAAN) released a report demanding the abolition of “Suspicious Activity Reports (SAR).” They evidence how the Department of Homeland Security’s “If You See Something Say Something” campaign encourages police officers and “the entire population to report…seeing something that they find suspicious.” They found these reports focus on suspicions “about people who are or are assumed to be Arab, Muslim, or from the Middle East” for benign activities termed “suspicious” and “promote information sharing that can enable multiple law enforcement and intelligence agencies to conduct their own follow-up investigations.” Overall, the AAAN explains, they have the effect of repressing dissent and surveilling and criminalizing Arabs and Muslims while reinforcing white supremacy.

    In this sense, scholars and activists working with Chicago’s working-class Arab immigrant communities have helped expand how we define policing and the communities we refer to as those targeted by policing.

    Along similar lines, across the U.S., the “Countering Violent Extremism” program seeks to enlist Muslim leaders as active participants in spying on their own communities, destroying trust and dividing and undermining those very communities.

    “The U.S. empire’s surveillance, counterterrorism and counterinsurgency have been imported from the global war into policing practices domestically and have always had an import/export approach to their carceral strategies,said University of Illinois Chicago doctoral candidate Sangeetha Ravichandran. This creates a dangerous reality for communities of color, who are subjected to a violent, high-tech, white supremacist policing culture in need of abolition.

    For many Arab Americans, mistrust in the police is not new. In 1993, Arab Americans filed damage claims against Los Angeles, San Francisco, and San Diego police for sharing confidential information with the pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League after hundreds of Arab Americans were notified that their names were included in files sent to them. After 9/11, FBI agents collaborated with police to gather intelligence about Arab Americans.

    The third reason why we should support defunding the police is made clear by the Institute for Research on Race and Public Policy’s report on the Status of Racial Justice for Arab Americans, which found that, although Arab Americans are targeted by police in different ways and to different degrees than Black and other communities of color, they are direct targets nonetheless. It is not only terrorism-related surveillance that entails harmful racial profiling practices impacting Arab and Muslim migrant communities, but the direct violence of police rather than just the Department of Homeland Security and the FBI.

    We found that some Arab Americans face police officers that cite their experience fighting in the so-called war on terror to justify threatening Arab immigrants. One research participant recalled a police officer making racist assumptions about the interviewee’s Muslim faith and said the cop intimidated him by referencing the war on terror. An officer saying, “I was crushing skulls in Iraq,” is intimidating to a Muslim and conveys more than a hint of violent intent.

    Another interviewee called the police to protect them against hate speech. Rather than defend him against slurs like “camel jockey,” the cop defended the perpetrator by saying, “You have to understand, he is a veteran.”

    In the context of Arab American life, radicalized veterans from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars with supercharged racist views who interact with Muslims and Arabs as police cannot be viewed as a “few bad apples.” The entire policing system promotes racism and Islamophobia.

    As a result of such disturbing interactions including a cop jokingly asking an Arab woman if she was hiding a bomb under her hijab — many Arab Americans have lost faith in the police.

    In San Francisco, the Arab Resource and Organizing Center report, “Build the Block, Alternatives to Policing,” explains that day-to-day interactions with law enforcement among youth in schools coupled with the infiltration of organizations “necessitate a deeper understanding of surveillance, policing, sentencing and imprisonment… We need ways to respond to harm and fear that do not make us rely on law enforcement or on the criminalization of other communities.”

    We need to ways to develop internal capacity to respond, defend, and build power in places that are most vulnerable. The work we did together has laid the groundwork for AROC to move in that direction with clarity and alignment with our values and principles.

    Their report reminds us of how Arab Americans have been drawn into U.S. systems of policing. One Arab family has a parent that was a political prisoner in Palestine. They also had the FBI visit their home in the Bay Area and witnessed their son incarcerated through the same system that criminalizes young Black and Brown men and their activist daughter and her friends living with the ongoing fear of surveillance.

    As more and more Arab Americans lose trust in the cops, Arab American social movements are expanding the basis of our solidarity with Black liberation movements. For decades, U.S. police departments’ collaboration with Israeli settler-colonial occupation forces has helped foster Arab American (and specifically Palestinian diasporic) resistance to policing, igniting Palestinian solidarity with Black struggle. Today, long-standing ties between Arab and Black liberation struggles remind us that it is time to depart from outdated activist frameworks that reduce “ Arab and Muslim struggle” to Palestine and the war on terror on the one hand, and “Black struggle” to defunding the police on the other. Police violence harms working class Arab migrants and refugees right here in the U.S. First and foremost though, it is crucial to affirm and resist the disproportionate impact of police violence on Black communities. At the same time, organizing from the standpoint that the struggle to free Palestine, abolish the war on terror, and abolish the police are conjoined, or more broadly, that policing is a foundational strategy of the U.S. nation-state to further its many agendas — from the prison-industrial complex, to settlercolonialism, the control of borders, and war — can go a long way in freeing more and more people.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • RNZ Pacific

    Voting in the Papua New Guinea general election begins today.

    Voters will elect 118 members of Parliament, including governors of the 22 provinces, from the 3600-plus candidates nominated.

    There are 6000 polling teams in the 22 provinces.

    There have also been reports that polling in the capital, Port Moresby has been delayed.


    Papua New Guinea’s caretaker Prime Minister James Marape appealed to the nation to pray for peace and calm ahead of polling.

    Electoral Commissioner Simon Sinai said the polling dates would differ according to the regions and provinces.

    Electoral Commission headquarters.
    Electoral Commission headquarters in Port Moresby … 3600-plus candidates and 6000 polling teams in the 22 provinces. Image: Johnny Blades/RNZ Pacific

    He said most of the polling would take place on 11-12 July, and not go beyond 15 July, to give time for counting officials to do their jobs before the return of writs.

    Jame Marape said voters must treat their duty to choose their leaders seriously.

    Police Commissioner David Manning said callers can call the hotline number 1-800-500, which has five lines available 24 hours a day until 31 August to help people with election questions.

    PNG Pandemic Response Controller David Manning
    Police Commissioner David Manning … briefing on elections hotline number. Image: EMTV

    All police complaints to the hotline will be referred to the Joint Security Task Force Command Centre for assessment before the information is forwarded to the various police commands around the country to take further action.

    Commissioner Manning said during the election period members of the security forces, especially police will be heavily engaged in election security operations so the people are not given the assurance that someone will be there to listen to them.

    He said all commands from around the country were being positioned to provide security for polling when it commenced.

    Commonwealth Observers Group
    The Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) is in Papua New Guinea and has begun the assessment of the electoral process.

    Chaired by the former President of Nauru, Baron Waqa, the group is composed of nine eminent people from across the Commonwealth. They include specialists in politics, elections, civil society, academia as well as the media.

    The Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) are in Papua New Guinea
    The Commonwealth Observer team … nine eminent people from across the Commonwealth and specialists in politics, elections, civil society, academia and media are included. Image: The Commonwealth

    As part of its work to support the election the group will now meet various stakeholders, including political parties, the police, civil society groups, citizen observer and monitor groups, and the media.

    During the 21 days of polling, the group will observe the opening, voting, closing, counting and results in management processes. The interim statement of its preliminary findings will be issued on 24 July.

    The group will then submit its final report for consideration by the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who will, in turn, share it with the Papua New Guinea government and other stakeholders. The group is scheduled to leave Papua New Guinea by 31 July 2022.

    The Commonwealth Observer Group members are:

    • Baron Divavesi Waqa – Chairperson, former President of Nauru
    • Dr Nicole George, university lecturer and researcher, the University of Queensland, Australia
    • Makereta Komai, editor, Pacific Islands News Association, Fiji
    • Luamanuvao Dame Winifred Laban, assistant vice-chancellor (Pasifika), Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand
    • Makereta Vaaelua, Deputy Returning Officer (DRO), Electoral Commission of Samoa, Samoa
    • Hendrick Gappy, former Chairman, Seychelles Electoral Commission, Seychelles
    • Johnson Honimae, chief executive officer, Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation (SIBC), Solomon Islands
    • Emeline Siale Ilolahia, executive director, Pacific Islands Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (PIANGO), Tonga
    • Wilson Toa, country manager, Vanuatu Balance of Power, Vanuatu

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.