Category: Policing

  • Free speech is not free in this country and hasn’t been for quite some time. During a raid earlier this month, a dozen police officers arrested three members of the Atlanta Solidarity Fund, a bail and legal defense fund, which has helped activists arrested while protesting the construction of a multimillion-dollar police and fire department training center dubbed “Cop City” in a forest southeast…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The ongoing attack on the network of environmental and abolitionist activists in Atlanta should make all people concerned with the right to protest, the future of the environment and the rise of militarized police forces take notice. At 5 am on June 6, after over 200 community members had spoken against moving forward with the facility, the Atlanta City Council voted to allocate $31 million in…

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  • Arkansas resident Shawn Chaperone was cut off by a reckless driver and was shocked that police chose to pull him over. However, it was the local police department’s turn to be surprised when they discovered how well Shawn knew his rights and local ordinances! Join us for this episode of the Police Accountability Report, which illustrates the importance of knowing your rights and the dangers of arbitrary police power.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis, Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today, we will achieve that goal by showing you this video of a cop who tries to entrap a motorist with false accusations about a costly traffic violation. However, it’s how this driver fought back, and how police responded when he did, that shows how cops can bend the law when they’re caught misusing it.

    But before we get started, I want you to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com, or reach out to me at Facebook or Twitter @TayasBaltimore, and we might be able to investigate for you. And also please like share and comment on our videos. It helps us get the word out and can even help our guests. And of course, I read your comments and appreciate them. You see those hearts down there. And we do have a Patreon, Accountability Reports. So if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated.

    All right, we’ve gotten that out of the way. Now, as we’ve reported on this show, there was no process more fraught with potential for both abuse and overreach than the American traffic stop. It is in some ways unique to our American version of law enforcement, simply because cops here think there is no better way to catch criminals than by randomly pulling over hundreds of people. How else can you explain the myriad of stops we have reported on for this show that have led to, let’s just say, bad outcomes, unnecessary and often futile efforts to entangle innocent Americans in our sprawling criminal justice system that often seems more motivated by greed, stupidity, or even just a hunger for power? And to prove my point, I’m going to show you this video of a traffic stop that explains all the preceding overreach and backwards rationalizations that American police use to justify their addiction to lighting up the roof and ensnaring often innocent motorists in the labyrinth system of tickets, fines, court fees, and more.

    But this take on over policing also has a twist, which you’ll see leads to an even more revealing truism about law enforcement’s addiction to traffic stops than all the aforementioned incidents combined. Now, this story starts in Stuttgart, Arkansas. There, Sean Chaperone was driving home after a long day at work. He was traveling at the reasonable speed of 35 miles per hour, when suddenly a motorist jumped in front of his car, slowed to 20 miles per hour, slammed on their brakes, and cut him off. Now, Sean did what any driver would do when confronted with a reckless motorist, he switched into the next lane to avoid a collision and maintained his speed. But this seemingly reasonable reaction to a reckless motorist apparently caught the eye of the ever vigilant Stuttgart Police. This laser-like attention was not drawn to the driver who cut Sean off. No, these able practitioners of law enforcement where apparently focused on the fact he changed lanes to avoid an accident. Just watch.

    Sean Chaperone:

    So he’s behind me, but you couldn’t catch him, but you could catch me?

    Speaker 3:

    This is what I seen. I seen you slam on your brakes and come to a sliding stop in the middle of-

    Sean Chaperone:

    That is correct because he cut me off, sir.

    Speaker 3:

    Listen to me. Listen to me. Listen to me. First of all, I’m not going to roadside court. Second of all, your attitude, you should probably lose it right now. Do you understand?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Or what?

    Speaker 3:

    Do you understand?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Or what do you going to do, man?

    Speaker 3:

    It is a simple yes or no.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I don’t answer questions, man. You go do what you got to do.

    Speaker 3:

    All right.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, it’s interesting to note that this alleged traffic infraction caught the attention of not one, not two, but three Stuttgart cops, a veritable posse of law enforcement that descended on his car with a variety of allegations. Take a look.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Got a officer right here over here. Can I get your name and badge number? Are you going to be officer right here too?

    Speaker 4:

    Oh, the reason why I pulled you over, because I’m the one that actually pulled you over, is a high rate of speed.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Okay, well, I was cut off. Did you get my speed?

    Speaker 4:

    What I saw was a high rate of speed.

    Sean Chaperone:

    So this is-

    Speaker 4:

    I’m worried about people walking down the street.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Right. And I’m worried about someone cutting me off.

    Speaker 4:

    Okay. My issue is people walking down the street. I get it. At that point you should have called 911. “Hey, this is my issue.” We could have solved it then. But you speeding down the street, that’s-

    Sean Chaperone:

    Doing 35 in a 35?

    Speaker 4:

    Nu-uh.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Yes, ma’am. Absolutely.

    Speaker 4:

    Okay, so the reason why I pulled you over was a high rate of speed. We’re not going to play this game, okay?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Yeah. No, we’re not. We’re just going to go to court.

    Taya Graham:

    But even though Sean was now confronted by a full interrogation by these traffic enforcement vigilantes, he had an ace in the hole, so to speak. Because unbeknownst to the cadre of cops, Sean had a dash cam, which was running at the time of the near collision. And when he lets the cops know this, I think it’s curious how they respond to the fact that there is evidence that might challenge their capricious interpretation of the law. Take a look.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I ain’t got a problem with it. I got a dash cam. Y’all want to say that I’m speeding? Go for it. But the dash cam’s going to make y’all look really funny.

    I mean, if she’s going to shine her light in my eyes, I can do the same back.

    Speaker 4:

    [inaudible 00:05:47], you mind coming up here please?

    Sean Chaperone:

    I’m going to need a supervisor. Can y’all give me a supervisor?

    Speaker 4:

    No problem. He just rolled up on here.

    Sean Chaperone:

    All right, perfect. Hey-

    Corporal Williams:

    How you doing, sir? Corporal Williams, Stuttgart Police Department.

    Sean Chaperone:

    All right.

    Corporal Williams:

    What’s going on, man?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Not much, [inaudible 00:06:01]. You don’t have to roll it all the way down. How’s it going?

    Corporal Williams:

    Pretty good. What’s going on?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Oh, not much. I had someone cut me off back there. They were on a traffic stop. They decided to pull me over. The guy that was behind me was the one that initially cut me off. They told me that they couldn’t catch him, that they decided to pull me over even though he was behind me.

    Corporal Williams:

    Okay. If he cut you off, how was he behind you?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Because I jumped around in front of him.

    Corporal Williams:

    All right.

    Sean Chaperone:

    He was doing about 25, getting ready to turn. I pulled back over in front of, got in the left-hand lane, passed him, got back over in the right-hand lane, took the right right back here at the stoplight.

    Corporal Williams:

    Okay. Well, according to the other officer, he said all he saw was you slam on your brakes, stop in the middle of Michigan-

    Sean Chaperone:

    I did. I slammed on my brakes because I had just gotten cut off and I slammed on the horn. That’s absolutely what I did.

    Corporal Williams:

    Okay.

    Sean Chaperone:

    He’s got that part right.

    Corporal Williams:

    All right. And the car cut you off?

    Sean Chaperone:

    That is correct. 110%.

    Speaker 4:

    Well the horn part-

    Sean Chaperone:

    Can you ask her to get her light out of my eyes, please?

    Speaker 4:

    [inaudible 00:07:02]-

    Corporal Williams:

    What’s that?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Can you ask her to get her light out of my eyes?

    Corporal Williams:

    Well, if he didn’t see what took place is what I’m saying. You understand that? If he didn’t see the car cut you off because he was on a traffic stop, obviously he’s paying attention to this traffic stop.

    Taya Graham:

    As I watch this video, I’m reminded of an idea that I think we sometimes forget: the notion that enforcing the law is often subjective and therefore arbitrary. But despite that truism, what happened to Sean here is a stark reminder that once the law is aimed at you, the subjective aspect of law enforcement is simply forgotten. Instead, we, and Sean, are subject to its exacting consequences, often solely because an officer, in their opinion, deem you guilty. And this exacting judgment persists even if the evidence presented challenges their assumptions. Just watch this idea play out as officers give Sean a ticket while simply ignoring his version of events.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Hey, it’s been well more than 15 minutes. Are we going to go or what? Are we being detained? We free to go? It’s been more than 15 minutes. Turned into an unlawful detainment three and a half minutes ago. We’ve been here 20 minutes, man.

    Speaker 3:

    Okay.

    Sean Chaperone:

    All right.

    Speaker 3:

    Go ahead and roll your window down for me.

    Sean Chaperone:

    It’s cracked. I can hear you just fine.

    Speaker 3:

    Okay. That’s cool. I need you to roll the window down.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I mean-

    Speaker 3:

    Roll the window open.

    Sean Chaperone:

    No, sir. I’m not going to. That is against my constitutional rights. I do not have to.

    Speaker 3:

    Okay. First of all, you need to learn your constitutional rights.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I do know my constitutional rights. Do…

    Speaker 3:

    So roll the window down.

    Sean Chaperone:

    … you know that your vehicle’s an extension of your house?

    Speaker 3:

    Yeah. Okay.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Okay.

    Speaker 3:

    So roll the window down so you can sign this citation.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I’ll sign the citation. All you got to do is just hand it to me right here.

    Speaker 3:

    No, I don’t hand my clipboard through the window. Roll your window down.

    Sean Chaperone:

    If you won’t hand it through your window, then how is rolling my window down going to help?

    Speaker 3:

    You’re going to lean toward me, you’re going to sign this citation, and we’re going to go about [inaudible 00:08:57], or-

    Sean Chaperone:

    I can step out and we can sign it. I can step out and we can sign it.

    Speaker 3:

    Or I’m going to take you to jail for obstruction. You understand?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Obstruction is a physical crime. You do realize that?

    Speaker 3:

    You are obstructing my justice.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Obstructing is a physical crime.

    Corporal Williams:

    You can go ahead. [inaudible 00:09:15] refused to sign, hand him his copy, and go [inaudible 00:09:17]. It doesn’t change it either way.

    Speaker 3:

    Are you going to sign my ticket?

    Sean Chaperone:

    I mean, did he just said… What did he just say?

    Speaker 3:

    [inaudible 00:09:27].

    Sean Chaperone:

    That’s why we have to have y’all’s supervisors here to keep y’all honest.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, the ticket was just the beginning of Sean’s ordeal, a series of events that have forced him to fight back in a way we will be discussing with him soon. But first, I’m joined by my reporting partner, Steven Janis, who’s been looking into the case. Steven, thank you so much for joining us.

    Steven Janis:

    Taya, thanks having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    So Steven, you’ve been reaching out to the Stuttgart Police. What are they saying?

    Steven Janis:

    Well, Taya, not a lot right now. I reached out to the Chief of Police of Stuttgart through his departmental email, asked him a couple questions, most notably, why the obstruction of justice charges? I thought that was kind of weird. I asked him if he actually thought that was a legitimate use of that charge in that situation. I also asked him why they didn’t take into account Mr. Chaperone’s version of events, why they didn’t look for the other driver. I’m waiting to hear back. If I hear something, I’ll mention it in the chat. I haven’t heard it back yet, but I will keep reporting on it.

    Taya Graham:

    Often when reporting on these types of questionable tickets, there are some underlying reasons rather than just public safety. You’ve been looking into the town itself. What have you learned?

    Steven Janis:

    Well, it’s really weird. I went to the Stuttgart town website to look through their financial information, budgets, et cetera. Nothing was posted. It was completely blank. I’m showing you on the screen right now. They do not share budget information with the public, which I think raises a lot of questions. They’ve also given police officers a raise, although they weren’t making a lot of money, like $11 an hour for a rookie, so maybe they need to raise money and write a lot of tickets. I get that feeling because they really don’t share information. Lack of transparency always leaves questions unanswered.

    Taya Graham:

    So I talked about the idea of an arbitrary nature of police power and how it can infect the process of law enforcement. I know you have some ideas on the topic. Can you talk about them?

    Steven Janis:

    Yeah, Taya. There’s nothing more anti-democratic than arbitrary power, especially police power, because the consequences of when it is imposed upon us are life altering. So, really, giving someone the ability to, say, write you a ticket when it’s not justified, or put you in a cage when there’s no real basis for criminal charges, all results in the same thing, a sort of roving sort of mobile fascism that really can entrap you in a system that’s unjust. And I think that’s why we have to keep our eye on, and always hold in check, indiscriminate and, what we say, arbitrary police power.

    Taya Graham:

    And now to discuss this confrontation with Stuttgart Police, why he challenged the officers, and how he’s fighting back against the ticket, I’m joined by Sean Chaperone. Sean, thank you for joining me.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Thank you for having me.

    Taya Graham:

    So first, tell me why you were pulled over. What are we seeing at the beginning of this video?

    Sean Chaperone:

    So initially, I had turned left onto the street that I was on. There was a vehicle that had cut me off and had their right turn signal on. After they cut me off, they turned their turn signal on signaling that they were going to turn into the motel. Well, when they had cut me off, I was doing approximately 35. They were doing about 20. They cut me off, I slammed on my brakes, slammed on the horn, and then got in the left-hand lane, went around them, and then got back in the right-hand lane. They never ended up turning into the motel and ended up coming up behind me. Well, I took a right at the stoplight, and that’s when the police got behind me and pulled me over and said that I was going at a high rate of speed.

    Taya Graham:

    I think it’s interesting that the officer said that he chose to stop you as opposed to the more reckless driver. How did they explain that?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Yeah, well, initially in that video, he says that he saw both vehicles. He saw me and the vehicle that had cut me off. And then in the video three times, he denies ever seeing the vehicle cut me off. So my question is, what did the officer really see? I think he just heard some things. He just heard me slamming on my brakes and blowing on my horn, and then decided that I was the aggressor even though I was driving defensively.

    Taya Graham:

    Sean, some people might say you were confrontational, and others might say you were standing on your rights. How did the cop respond to your pushback?

    Sean Chaperone:

    He initially walked up to the vehicle with an attitude, yelling at me. Personally, I mean, I was just acting defensively. Yet again, I was driving defensively, and then when he comes up acting aggressively, now I’m acting defensively. And I’ve seen people say that, “Well, this is a bad time for an audit.” Well, first of all, this wasn’t an audit. I’m just on my way home. So this is… Exactly, this is just me standing up for my rights. And unfortunately, he got a little upset about it.

    Taya Graham:

    You seem very knowledgeable about your rights and the rules surrounding traffic enforcement. How do you think that helped you in the situation? How do you think things would’ve turned out if you hadn’t?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Oh, it definitely helped me in the situation. I mean, towards the end of it, they’re threatening to arrest me. So, I mean, definitely know your rights and record the police. Even if you don’t know your rights, just record the police to hold them accountable because there’s so many times that their body cams come up missing when it comes to court, and the only thing that you have to stand on is your evidence.

    Taya Graham:

    How did you become so knowledgeable about your rights? What inspired you to learn so much?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Well, my father’s a retired police officer. He is a retired K9 officer, so that definitely helped. As well as him being a police officer, he has also gone over the last probably four or five years and really hammered to me, educating me on my rights, because he sees it as well. He sees the officers that are stripping people of their rights and he never was that way, but he sees it happening now and he sees that if we don’t stand up for it, we’re going to lose it.

    Taya Graham:

    Did you have any concern that the officer might violate your rights because of your pushback, because of the way you asserted yourself?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Absolutely not. If they’re going to violate my rights, if they want to arrest me, I guess that they have every right to do so. I’m not going to let them intimidate me or try and bully me in any way, shape, fashion, or form. Let’s say they would’ve arrested me. I mean, we’d be going to court right now on a counter suit for unlawful arrest. So, no. I mean, for me, personally, it doesn’t intimidate me.

    Taya Graham:

    So I noticed that you were counting down the time, that the officer only had 15 minutes to write you a ticket. What was your next move if he took over 15 minutes?

    Sean Chaperone:

    I mean, I wasn’t going to run. That’s for sure. It’s a state specific law. It’s Arkansas Criminal 3.1 that states that an officer only has 15 minutes to write you a citation. So it’s a very state specific thing. I wasn’t going to leave, but I was definitely going to get out of my vehicle, start asking questions, because now it’s starting to turn into an unlawful detainment. So that’s pretty much what I would’ve done.

    Taya Graham:

    So what exactly was the ticket for?

    Sean Chaperone:

    So the ticket ended up being for… I think it was reckless and prohibited driving. It’s $150 ticket and currently we are going to court. The court date is, I believe, August 3rd. So it’s going to trial and I will be representing myself and I look forward to seeing the officers on the stand.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, I think it’s important to expound a little bit on the idea Steven and I discussed, namely the arbitrary nature of police power. It’s important because I think it acknowledges that policing is just as much an idea as it is an institution, and for that reason, something worth examining beyond the usual critiques that views cops and badges as the inevitable result of our ongoing experiment with self-governance.

    Let’s remember, as we’ve said before, modern policing was one of the last iterations of democratic governance to emerge, an institution that didn’t evolve until the form resembles today until the mid 19th century. Which is why we need to sometimes examine it in a way that doesn’t simply assume it should, or even inevitably, exist. Not so much to say we don’t need police, but rather a way to truly understand what the prevalence of policing in our country truly engenders. In other words, how does the existence and growth and proliferation of law enforcement actually affect the way we live? To answer that question, as I already mentioned, we need to explore the notion of the arbitrary nature of police power, meaning how the latitude to enforce the law, take our freedom, and sometimes even our lives, affects how we both move through the world and even view ourselves.

    First, we need to focus on the idea of what it means to be subject to arbitrary power and how it affects us. I want to examine this idea through the prism of another refrain we hear over and over again from politicians and other elites. Namely, “No one is above the law.” Now, this idea has become an oft used talking point of the mainstream media and their elite group of proselytizing pundits. The concept that the law is an unbiased arbiter that applies to everyone is pretty much a mantra for elites to pat themselves on the back as objective arbiters of justice.

    Well, fair enough. But it’s an intriguing invocation when you consider just how the law works, especially if you view it through the lens of the stories we have reported on for this show. Because as we’ve seen, in case after case, how the law is applied can be quite arbitrary. In other words, whether we’re talking about a Texas firefighter falsely accused of a DUI, a man whose car was searched while he was walking his dog, or this story about a quite subjective rendering of traffic laws, all of this means, in reality, is that the law is arbitrary for those of us who actually have to live with it. Which, of course, sits in stark contrast to those who don’t, namely the cops who enforce it. How do I know?

    Well, consider the predicament of a dedicated New York City traffic cop, Matthew Bianchi. Bianchi was a veteran officer who actually liked enforcing traffic laws. That’s because, at a young age, Bianchi lost a friend in an accident to a reckless driver. Therefore, when he felt someone was being particularly over the top and driving poorly, he would write a ticket as the law requires. That is with one fairly broad exception. Turns out New York cops are given what are known as courtesy cards. What are courtesy cards? Well, basically a get out of jail free pass handed out by police unions, so officers can give them to friends, family, and anyone else they want to. So when an officer pulls someone over, regardless of the infraction, the informal rule is to let them go, provided they have a courtesy card.

    Unfortunately, for Bianchi, this was a problem. He found himself often having to let people go who were endangering others. To prove his point, he cited an encounter when he pulled over a driver who was not just recklessly speeding but didn’t even have a license or insurance. That same motorist had a courtesy card, which he refused to honor and subsequently ticketed the driver. But this exercise of officer discretion did not go unnoticed. Soon he found himself the recipient of retaliation across the department. He was demoted and the union told him it would not protect him. He was sent to work in the borough of Staten Island, where he estimated half, that’s 50% of the people he pulled over, had courtesy cards.

    To make matters worse, officers can buy them for a dollar a piece from the union, no word on who keeps the dollar by the way, and hand them out to anyone they want. Things came to a head when Bianchi refused to honor a card from a relative of the department’s highest ranking officer, a move that led to further demotion. Now, Bianchi is suing over what he says is unfair retaliation and abuse of his discretion. But I think this whole ordeal makes a more interesting and important point. And that is, of course some people are above the law. In fact, the people who are empowered to enforce it are not just above it, but can grant impunity to friends, family, and anyone else they please. And this so-called unqualified immunity is applied indiscriminately to anyone and everyone who happens to know a cop who happens to have a dollar.

    But it also points out the impact arbitrary enforcement has on a democratic, supposedly free society. Because if the people who enforce the law are not subject to it, then the law itself truly has no meaning. If the cops who profess to be the bastion between uncivilized and civilized society can dole out pardons like confectionary treats, then what we have is not a nation of laws, but a Congress of tyranny. That’s right. I said it. I know it sounds a little discomfiting, but it’s true. And please let me explain why I used it.

    Let me start with a question. Have you ever worked for a bad boss who made your life miserable? Who constantly changed your assignments, ignored your input, belittled you in front of others, called you at all hours and otherwise just treated you like a toy? Because if you have, then you know what it’s like to work for a tyrant. Someone who’s bounded by no rules, a person who implicitly works under the assumption that what applies to you does not apply to them. And by embracing that notion, they are then free to wreak havoc on your life any way they see fit. Well, that’s called tyranny, and I think you can see how this concept is applicable to the police. Because if cops in New York can enforce laws on others that don’t apply to themselves and their friends, then they’re basically above the law. And if they can retaliate against people who follow the law honorably, they can assure they are immune from it. That means they, in a sense, become the law itself, which literally allows them to engage in a form of individual tyranny towards the people they subject to it.

    Think about it. How can the institution that professes to fairly enforce the law simply exclude themselves from it? How can a group of people called law enforcers use that same power to evade it? The point is that this idea of occupational immunization simply makes the law wholly subjective. That is, when the law enforcers can also be the lawbreakers, the whole process becomes subject to the whims of an individual, namely a tyrant. That is why we have to continue to hold cops accountable, because clearly it’s up to us, the people, to guard our freedoms and preserve our rights from the people who would otherwise abuse them.

    I want to thank Sean for coming forward and helping educate us about our rights and sharing his experience. Thank you, Sean. And of course, I have to thank intrepid reporter, Steven Janis, for his writing, research and editing on this piece. Thank you, Steven.

    Steven Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    And I want to thank friends of the show, Nolie D and Lacey R, for their support. We appreciate you. And a very special thanks to our Patreons. We appreciate you, and I look forward to thanking each and every one of you personally in our next live stream, especially Patreon associate producers, John E.R., David K., and Louis P., and Super Friends, Shane Busta, Pineapple Girl, Chris R., Matter of Rights, and Angela True.

    And I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @EyesonPolice on Twitter. And of course, you can always message me directly @TayasBaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. And please like and comment. You know I read your comments and appreciate them. And we do have a Patreon link pinned in the comments below for Accountability Reports. So if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated. My name is Taya Graham and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In the dawn hours of June 6, the Atlanta City Council voted 11-4 to approve funding for the Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, an 85-acre police and fire training facility that plans to include a shooting range, a gym, and an urban environment simulation featuring an apartment building, a house, a nightclub, and a gas station. The city council vote is just the latest in a string of actions on…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • In two separate incidents in separate years, Emily Hauze and Harsh Kumar were found dead at the bottom of a trash chute in the Park Charles apartments in Baltimore. Police ruled both incidents to be accidents, but could this truly just be a coincidence? Land of the Unsolved returns to the case, now with crucial evidence previously withheld from the public by police.

    Production: Stephen Janis
    Audio engineering: David Hebden


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Stephen Janis:

    Anyone who watches crime dramas could reasonably conclude that when someone is murdered, barring bizarre and extenuating circumstances, the case is solved. That is, through high-tech forensics, moral resolve or simply the near mythic competence of American law enforcement, killers are ultimately sent to jail. But as an investigative reporter who has worked in one of the most violent cities in the country for nearly 15 years, I can tell you this is not true.

    Taya Graham:

    And that is the point of this podcast, because unsolved killings represent more than just statistics. It’s a psychic toll of stories untold that infects an entire community, the final violent moments of a victim’s life that remain shrouded in mystery.

    Stephen Janis:

    I’m Stephen Janis.

    Taya Graham:

    I’m Taya Graham.

    Stephen Janis:

    And we are investigative reporters who live in Baltimore City.

    Taya Graham:

    Welcome to the Land of the Unsolved. Welcome back to the Land of the Unsolved, the podcast where we explore both the evidence and the politics of unsolved murders in the City of Baltimore and beyond. Before the break, we told you about the mysterious death of a young woman in 2011. Her name was Emily Hauze, and she was a recent graduate of Loyola University who left a party with a young man and was found dead the next morning in a dumpster. Now, before we move forward, Stephen, can you tell me a little bit about the victim in this case, Emily?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, a lot of her friends talked to police after her body was found, and what we gleaned from that was that she was a energetic, bright young woman with a bright future who had gone to a local university, Loyola, studied education and was waiting to get placement as a teacher either in Baltimore or somewhere else. She was a world traveler, someone who had traveled during her studies and done a lot of exciting things, and a very vivacious person and someone that was deeply loved by her friends. So it was very sad to read some of the statements they made about her because you could tell this was a woman who was going someplace and had a passion for teaching and things like that, and so just tragic.

    Taya Graham:

    So what made her death even more troubling is how she got there. That’s because the dumpster was at the bottom of a trash chute, a chute that was connected to every single floor of the 25-story building, a fact that raised an even more mysterious question: where was she before she went down the chute? Who was with her before she died? And what, if anything, could the trash chute tell us about how she died? And then even more complicated, did she fall down the chute at all? These are questions that my reporting partner Stephen Janis had tried to answer, but was thwarted when the medical examiner made a crucial ruling.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah. I mean, the medical examiner did what they always do, and we see it in cases. They wrote it up as an accident without doing, I think, an adequate investigation. And so that pretty much put the case on a back burner because no police, homicide detective who handle understandably a large amount of cases is going to work on something that isn’t ruled a homicide, because it’d just be a very difficult case to bring to court if nothing else.

    Taya Graham:

    But there was also very little public information released by the police. Where was she before she was found? Who was she with? What had she been doing just before she vanished? And was she spotted in the apartment building? With little to go on, Stephen stopped writing about the case even though he wanted to continue. And there was one other fact about the case that bothered him as well, something that really made him wonder if the police were truly being above board.

    Stephen Janis:

    As I said before, pretty early on in the case it came out that there was another death in the building of a person who fell down a trash chute, which always made me think I had to keep working on this case.

    Taya Graham:

    That’s right. A year before, a man named Harsh Kumar had also fallen down the trash chute and died. His case was ruled a suicide. Police never gave a reason that the 30-year-old Hopkins technology specialist died other than that he had been drinking and had taken a strong anti-insomnia sedative just prior to his death. And for Stephen, it was just too much of a coincidence to ignore.

    Stephen Janis:

    And I think that’s why the case always stuck in my mind, because sometimes things in Baltimore happen and you just can’t rationalize them, but you also can’t solve them. So they just stick around in your head like, “Someday, I’ll get to this. Someday, I’ll try to tell this story.” But once there were two deaths, it was just too weird to let go of.

    Taya Graham:

    Still, even with the new information, the police weren’t talking. And so the case became another dead end in a city that has many, a frustrating tale untold that Stephen couldn’t write about, but also could not forget, an impasse that would change with a single phone call. And what was said, and why, changed everything.

    Steve Tabeling:

    My name is Steve Tabeling. I’m a retired lieutenant Baltimore City Police Department, former chief of police in Salisbury, Maryland. And after retirement, called back to the police academy to teach for about seven years.

    Stephen Janis:

    So Steve is a great investigator, as I said before, and he often shares information. But when he started talking about a young woman found in a dumpster, I was like, “Wait. Hold on a second. I need to hear about this.”

    Taya Graham:

    It turned out that Tabeling was not only familiar with the case, but had actually been involved. That’s because he’d been hired to look into the case by a relative of Emily’s.

    Steve Tabeling:

    Well, I was working for a private company and we got the job to reinvestigate it. I did the best I could with the case. The police department, the officers that investigated, they wouldn’t talk to me. I saw some discrepancies in the case, but without getting any additional information, I wasn’t able to prove anything.

    Taya Graham:

    Tabeling told Stephen not just about what he learned working the case, but his concerns over how it was handled.

    Steve Tabeling:

    Part of the theory is that she wanted to go to the bathroom and she left the apartment. And when she came back, she couldn’t find the apartment. Finally, she opened the door and she saw… This sounds silly. And she saw what she thought was a dog entrance to the building, and she opened the door and jumped in. Now, that’s impossible because I checked that and you can’t hold that open. You could’ve never done it yourself.

    Stephen Janis:

    I mean, Steve is a really thorough investigator. And if he has a litany of concerns about the case and questions about the case that he couldn’t answer, to me it was like a sign that I needed to look into the case or that we needed to cover it.

    Taya Graham:

    He even spoke to the medical examiner, a conversation that left him with doubts.

    Steve Tabeling:

    I talked to the medical examiner and asked the medical examiner. She called it an accidental death, and I could never get this medical examiner to explain to me how it’d be accidental. And she said she interviewed all the police and all, and she felt confident that she did this herself.

    Taya Graham:

    So the fact that Tabeling had actually looked into the case and had serious questions about how it had been investigated only made Stephen more adamant that he wanted to report on the case. But the most troubling aspect of what Tabeling said was their theory of how Emily ended up where she did, an explanation that both found difficult to believe.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah, I mean that just sounded absurd to me that a young woman would leave an apartment and walk around naked in a hall and then climb through a hole like she was going through what he described as a little door that you would have for a pet. I really couldn’t wrap my mind around it. It didn’t make any sense to me.

    Taya Graham:

    But even with Tabeling’s impression that the investigation was flawed and the fact that the veteran homicide detective had doubts about how investigators had interpreted the evidence, there was little new information to go on. That was until Tabeling revealed something else, something he had in his possession which would open up a whole new chapter in the story. All that coming up next on the Land of the Unsolved.

    Hey, this is Taya Graham from the Land of the Unsolved. If you enjoy our podcast and would like us to investigate even more cases, consider supporting our work by either subscribing on our anchor page, or you can also buy one of the books Stephen and I wrote that are available on Amazon and a variety of other websites, Why Do We Kill?: The Pathology of Murder in Baltimore written with former homicide detective Kelvin Sewell and You Can’t Stop Murder: Truths About Policing in Baltimore and Beyond, also in collaboration with a former detective and guest on our show, Stephen Tabeling. Or if you’re in the mood for a fictive take on how Baltimore’s struggle with violence and aggressive policing has affected the psyche of the city, I recommend you pick up This dream called Death, a book Stephen wrote while he was covering the city’s failed attempt to implement zero-tolerance policing and how he reveals the truly corrosive power of that policy by casting it into an alternate reality where the mind and our dreams become the new frontier for government surveillance.

    Welcome back to the Land of the Unsolved, the podcast that explores both the evidence and the politics of unsolved murder. Today, we are recounting the mysterious death of Emily Hauze, a 23-year-old Loyola University graduate who was found dead in a trash dumpster of the Park Charles apartment in 2011. Police said little about the events leading up to her death. The Maryland medical examiner ruled it an accident. So with very little to go on, Stephen had stopped covering the case. But then a phone call from former Baltimore homicide Detective Stephen Tabeling changed everything. He told Stephen he was actually investigating the case. But there was more to it because as a part of Tabelings investigation, he had come into possession of the actual criminal case file, two binders full of documents that recounted every element of the investigation and, for the first time, a depiction of the events leading up to her death.

    But he didn’t just read it for himself. He also asked a friend, legendary investigative reporter Jayne Miller, to review the case as well. Jayne, thank you so much for joining us.

    Jayne Miller:

    Happy to be here.

    Taya Graham:

    And now, for the first time here, is the story of Emily’s last hours on Earth, taken from witness statements from the case file itself. The night of October 15th, 2011 was like any other for Emily and her friends from college. Emily had attended and graduated from Loyola just a year earlier and was waiting on a job in her chosen path of education.

    Jayne Miller:

    So we’re talking about October 15th, 2011, which was a Saturday. So a Saturday night. Like many, many, many young people, all people, Emily was out partying with friends not in the part of town where the apartment building is, but in another part of town. And in the course of this socializing, et cetera, and the partying, she met this particular individual who was a medical student who happened to live in the Park Charles apartment. So after drinking and having a good time, she ends up going back to his apartment, which is in the Park Charles. And so that’s what puts her in the building sometime late at night on the 15th or early on the morning of the 16th.

    Stephen Janis:

    And one thing that’s interesting to note about what was said by her friends later on, or after the case began with police, was that this was a new acquaintance for her. This was not someone she had known before. This was someone she met at the party and was introduced to for the first time. So this was not someone she knew. It was a person that she had met the party. And that’s where this all begins.

    Taya Graham:

    So after an evening of socializing, Emily left the party with a man her friends later told police she had just met. The pair left, but Emily had not told her friends where she was headed. The next morning, friends could not get in touch with Emily. And that’s when the frantic phone calls began.

    Stephen Janis:

    Now, we know from the police reports, from what this young man eventually told police, that her friends had been calling her cell phone and it had not been answered, which started a panic with them because they didn’t know where she was headed that night. So they didn’t really know where she was, and so that’s why they kept calling.

    Jayne Miller:

    That’s also not unusual for friends to keep track of one another, check up on one another, especially if initially they don’t know exactly where she went.

    Taya Graham:

    And so that was the very first indication that something was terribly wrong, because the young man on the other end told her friend that Emily had left his apartment and had not returned.

    Jayne Miller:

    8:13 in the morning, this is now Sunday morning, the maintenance worker in the Park Charles apartments, in the apartment building, finds a really grisly discovery in the dumpster on the ground floor of the building, and it’s the body of a young woman, no clothes on, in the dumpster. Kind of partially in the dumpster, partially out of the dumpster, but obviously suggesting that she had come down the trash chute.

    Taya Graham:

    Police began investigating, but were stumped. For one thing, they had no way to identify the body. And two, this task was made particularly difficult by the fact that the dumpster was connected to a trash chute. Jayne, can you describe for us how this trash chute system works?

    Jayne Miller:

    Well, this is a tall apartment building, first of all. It’s actually two towers, and it’s really downtown Baltimore. And so the trash chute goes all the way through the building, and each floor has access to it. But the access to the trash chute is a really critical part of the questions about this story, because this isn’t some big opening to get into the trash chute. But that’s how it works.

    So all of the trash comes down through that chute from each floor. Everybody uses the trash chute and dumps the trash in it. So she’s down there, I mean in the dumpster, and obviously people keep putting the trash down the chute.

    Taya Graham:

    But then a chance encounter between a police officer on the scene and a resident changed everything.

    Stephen Janis:

    From the notes in the case file, a patrol officer or a uniform officer on the scene talks about observing a young man in the lobby carrying a plastic bag and according to the note says, “This man was observed exiting the lobby.” I’m not exactly sure what that means.

    Jayne Miller:

    It turns out the encounter was with the medical student who lives in the apartment that Emily was visiting. So this is how police were able to… begins the process of how they were able to identify the body in the trash chute. The medical student in the lobby tells the officer that he’s searching for the woman who had been in his apartment. And I think we are to presume from the case notes that what was in the trash bag were her belongings. But this is critical in terms of identifying her, and quickly identifying her I might add. I mean, this wasn’t a case that went days and days and days without being able to identify her. They were able to identify her that day.

    Taya Graham:

    The police officer in the report writes that she encountered the man after she asked what he was doing. The man explained to her that a visitor had left his home last night and had not returned. That’s when the officer discovered what was in the bag.

    Stephen Janis:

    So it’s my understanding from the police notes that there was belongings of a woman in this bag, as Jayne mentioned, and it soon was… Those belongings were able to determine, or police were able to link those belongings to the woman in the dumpster, is my understanding.

    Jayne Miller:

    In the bag that the resident medical student of the apartment was carrying was, this is according to the case notes, female clothing, a purse, cellular phone and photo ID. And he advised the officer that friends were looking for the woman that he was with. And so he was… At that point, obviously this is somebody the police wanted to talk to. So he became a person of interest just in terms of being able to get information about what may have happened here.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah, I think that the fact that he had her belongings told police that he was probably the last person to see Emily alive. And that, of course, as Jayne mentioned, made it very important, I think. It made him probably the central interest in their investigation because you always want to talk to the last person to see someone alive when they end up dead.

    Taya Graham:

    The report about how police came to possess Emily’s belongings differed from what was written in the summary. The summary says a white male contacted police in the lobby, but the officer wrote that the male was observed exiting the lobby. However, the actual police report, to quote directly from the report, “A white male was observed exiting the lobby carrying plastics containing various articles of female friend’s whose whereabouts was unknown,” the officer wrote. Nevertheless, police took the young man in for questioning, an interview that we have obtained the transcript of. But before we get to it, the police also served a search warrant along with knocking on the door of residents both above and below the apartment where Emily had apparently entered the trash chute.

    Jayne Miller:

    So they executed a search warrant in the apartment which Emily was visiting, in the apartment of the medical student, and found some lidocaine in the apartment. Now, this was explained… I think we need to point out that the medical student had a roommate, and the roommate also confirms that Emily Hauze was in the apartment because he saw her. He was actually getting up. He worked in the medical field as well and was getting up early in the morning to go to work, and saw her come into the apartment and saw her for some period of time. Very short period of time.

    Anyway, the lidocaine in the apartment was described as being used to… Somebody had an abscess in their ear. One of the two had an abscess in the ear, and was used for that procedure. That these are medical students, so medical people, and it was used as they were treating that particular problem.

    The case notes also reflect that there were a number of used condoms in the trash in the bathroom along with some suspected blood and hair in the trash can, which certainly sets off alarms, et cetera, and that there was a scalpel with some blood in the sink. But again, there’s an explanation here that one of the two men who lived in the apartment had a problem with an ear and that there was some treatment going on, just how you treat cuts or whatever yourself, that that may well be what would explain at least that, the blood and the hair, and the scalpel, et cetera, would be used for treating some kind of a problem.

    Stephen Janis:

    And Taya, also police did some door knocking because they wanted to see if anyone had heard or seen anything. And they went from floors below the floor that Emily was on to the floors above Emily was on and knocked on all the doors. And those records are in there, and they probably talked to a couple dozen people. And according to the notes in the case file, police got nothing from that. No one said they’d seen anything or heard anything. Only one person mentioned, again, that this had happened before, and so that was all they gleaned from that.

    But no one had actually seen Emily, no one had heard anything and no one knew anything about what had happened. Also, it should be noted, and this is important to note, that there were no security cameras in the floors going up from the residential area up to the top.

    Jayne Miller:

    At least in 2011.

    Stephen Janis:

    At least in 2011. There were no security cameras. There was security cameras in the lobby, which confirmed that Emily had entered and confirmed some of the stories about when they had entered the building, but there was nothing on the floor that she was on at that time or anything that would allow people to see how she had gotten from where she was to the trash chute. That was pretty much a preliminary part of the investigation, which is why it turned to the young man she’d been with.

    Taya Graham:

    Records show police tested the DNA of both young men who lived in the apartment. So Jayne, although the records show that police tested the DNA of both young men, did they actually perform any tests on Emily Hauze’s body?

    Jayne Miller:

    Not that is evident in the case file that we have in terms of if there was… Well, part of the story here is that she and the medical student had sex, so there’s not a whole lot additional rape kit testing or anything like that might reveal. There could be, but it’s already acknowledged that she and the medical student, they were in the apartment together and they had sex together.

    Taya Graham:

    But it could be of interest to look for the DNA of the roommate, perhaps, on Emily Hauze’s body.

    Jayne Miller:

    Or anything else that might… Exactly. But no, as far as you can tell from the case file that that kind of testing was not performed.

    Taya Graham:

    However, there was some key missing evidence as well.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, I think it’s interesting because if you look in the case file, phone records weren’t pulled as far as I could tell. So there’s no indication of who he might’ve been calling or who might’ve been using her phone or even tracing where her phone was. So that was something that struck me as odd because I would’ve thought they would’ve pulled phone records to get a sense of what calls were made at what time and who might’ve been trying to get in touch with her or who she might’ve been trying to get in touch with. It’s a way to figure out where people are at the moment, but nothing was pulled.

    Taya Graham:

    But for police, all these questions would boil down to the interview that took place the day Emily’s body was found with the last person to see her alive. All that coming up on the next episode of the Land of the Unsolved.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • As right-wing legislators accelerate their push for violent measures like banning abortion, outlawing trans health care and shutting down racial justice curricula, they’re also advocating for another type of institutional violence: reinstating the death penalty, and making that penalty more likely to be carried out in states where it’s already legal. The U.S. has long been trending toward fewer…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Bradley was finishing a walk with his dog along a nature trail near the rural town of Plattsmouth, Nebraska when local police suddenly pulled him over. When the officers immediately went for Bradley’s center console and produced a CBD pipe, he knew something was off. When he confronted the police, they admitted they’d searched his parked car while he was away—and then waited for him so they could pull him over while driving. Police Accountability Report examines this disturbing case, and what it says about the activities police departments devote their bloated budgets toward.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis, Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today we will achieve that goal by showing you this video of a cop who tried to search a man’s car while it was parked and he was walking his dog. But it’s what happened when the officer confronted the motorist on the road that reveals just how destructive and unfettered police power really can be.

    But before we get started, I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com, or reach out to me on Facebook or Twitter @tayasbaltimore and we might be able to investigate for you. And please like, share, and comment on our videos. It does help us get the word out and can even help our guests. And of course, you know I read your comments and appreciate them. You see those hearts down there. And we do have an Accountability Reports Patreon page, so if you feel inspired to donate, please do. Anything you can spare is truly appreciated. Okay, we’ve gotten that out of the way.

    Now, if there is one refrain we hear from police unions and cop partisans and tough on crime politicians, it’s that there just aren’t enough cops. The complaint, no matter how much we fund them, is that law enforcement is simply stretched too thin to do their jobs. Of course, if that is true, I think the video I’m about to show you now will require some explaining from the elites who demand more dollars for cops and less power for us because the encounter with the cop on the screen now calls into question the entire, “We need more cops,” mantra, a sequence of events that paints an entirely different picture than the conjured crisis of a country chronically short on law enforcement.

    Because if it’s true, why would the officer who I’m showing now on the video do what he did here? That is, searching for a parked car in rural Nebraska next to a nature trail with no evidence of a crime. If there are too few cops, then I am all ears as to why this particular act of law enforcement is worth the precious time of the dwindling number of officers on the job.

    Now the story starts in Plattsmouth, Nebraska. There, Bradley Connolly was walking his dog on a nature trail after a hard day at work. At the time, Connolly was building a dollar store for the town, which is why he was taking a breather and enjoying nature with his beloved dog, Rosebud. Afterwards, Bradley and Rosebud hopped into his car and headed on their way. However, he was almost immediately pulled over for a traffic stop and was surprised that the officer reached straight into his car and headed for the center console and retrieved his CBD pipe. When Bradley confronted the officer and asked the officer how he knew where the pipe was, he made a shocking discovery. Just listen.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I said I smelled marijuana coming from your vehicle, and that’s not marijuana, sir?

    Bradley Connolly:

    You went in my car… No, that’s CBD, but you went in my car when I was over there.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    So now you know you’re playing games with me.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m not playing games.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, because you knew.

    Bradley Connolly:

    That you went in my car. You went right to it. Yeah. You shouldn’t have went in my car. Nobody gave you permission to go in my car.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yes. So let me explain how this works, okay? Your vehicle is a rental car. It’s parked in a place that it’s not supposed to be.

    Bradley Connolly:

    We’re on a trail.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Let me me explain to you the situation. If you want to listen, I’m more than glad to explain to you, okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m listening. I’m listening.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Like I said, you’re parked in an area where you’re not supposed to be parked. We just had a bunch of break-ins and cars stolen out here last week.

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s not me, man. I just explained to you, I’m here-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    It doesn’t matters if it’s you. I’m explaining to you, your car is not registered to you. It’s a rental car and it’s parked in a place-

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m here-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’m not going to continue to talk over you.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You’re being idolatry.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You can stop and listen-

    Bradley Connolly:

    This should be a consensual conversation.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    It should be a, you listen to me because I’m explaining to you the reason why we are where we are right now. Okay?

    Taya Graham:

    This officer revealed that he had opened his parked rental car, carried out a search without his permission or presence, and then waited for him to drive away to pull him over.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Okay? You’re parked in a place where you’re not supposed to be parked.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Not a crime.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’m sorry?

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s not a crime.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Blocking the road is. I could have towed your vehicle.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I was off to the side.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Your tire’s in the roadway, okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m glad you didn’t. I’m glad you didn’t tow.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, I’m glad I didn’t either. I was waiting because you know what? I’ll be honest with you. I’ve already run you. I know you have warrants in Illinois for burglary-

    Bradley Connolly:

    They’re unextraditable.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    … For burglary and drugs-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Out of Illinois.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    See? Exactly. You know, all this, and yet you want to play games with me.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I do. I’m not playing games.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    When I asked you for your ID, you could have simply given me your ID and we would’ve been done.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I didn’t want to.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    But you want to argue and you want to play games.

    Bradley Connolly:

    So you broke into my car…I’m not.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I did break into your car. I have a right to determine if this car is stolen and who owns the vehicle.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You could have run the plates. All that other stuff is irrelevant.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I did. You know what? Rental cars aren’t reported stolen until 30 days after.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, Bradley was of course disturbed by the officer’s actions. So he did whatever US citizen has the right to do and he asked the officer to legally justify the search. But how the officer responded is a troubling commentary on the state of our constitutional rights at this particular moment. Just watch.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You can sit here and argue the law with me all day, but guess what? I’ve been a cop for over 20 years.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Okay.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I know what the law is, okay? So all you have to do-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Then you know that warrants are unextraditable.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, exactly.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah, and so-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    All you had to do was provide me a driver’s license.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I shouldn’t have to, man.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, you should.

    Bradley Connolly:

    This this isn’t Nazi Germany.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    If you’re in an area doing something illegal-

    Bradley Connolly:

    This isn’t Nazi Germany. I wasn’t doing anything illegal. I was walking my dog.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I have reasonable suspicion that you have a vehicle that’s not registered to you.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Not so.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    It’s a rental car parked illegally in an area that had break-ins last week.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Not so.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I have every right to do an investigation. That’s what I’m going to do.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Listen, I’ve been up here seven weeks building that store, man.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Right.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No trouble. As a matter of fact, the police in Plattsmouth were very, very good.

    Deputy Murphy:

    [inaudible 00:05:39].

    Bradley Connolly:

    I can’t believe you went in my car.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    This is very simple.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No, it’s not simple. When you break into my car-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    It’s not breaking in, sir.

    Bradley Connolly:

    It is. You can’t-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    No, it’s not.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You can’t just go in the car.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You left the vehicle unlocked.

    Bradley Connolly:

    It doesn’t matter.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I have a right to go-

    Bradley Connolly:

    No, you don’t.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    … In your car and determine who owns it.

    Bradley Connolly:

    So anybody has the right to go-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I have a right to-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Come on, man.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’m a law enforcement officer. It’s a difference.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah, and I’m a citizen of the United States. Free.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    There’s a big difference.

    Taya Graham:

    Just a note. Searching a car that is on a public road requires two prongs, so to speak, for it to meet the threshold of conducting it lawfully. One, the officer must have probable cause to search, and that means reasonable, articulable suspicion that a crime has occurred. And two, there has to be exigent circumstances. That means the car has to have been on a public road where someone can move it.

    So in this case, that means probable cause is critical to making this search lawful because the car is parked on the side street where, conceivably, it could drive off. Which is why I want you to listen again to the officer legally justifying the search. But also, take note of how once he realizes how his case is weak, he throws every theory against the wall, so to speak, to see if it sticks. Take a look.

    Bradley Connolly:

    And I’m a citizen of the United States. Free.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    There’s a big difference.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Free.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, exactly.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah, exactly what? You can’t just go-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    And you want to stop arguing. Yes, I can. By law, I can determine who owns this vehicle and where it’s supposed to be be, okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    You don’t have a supervisor?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I am the supervisor.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Man. You can’t go into go into somebody-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You lied to me, first off. Okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I did not lie to you.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’ve explained this and I’m not going to continue to explain it.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I understand what you’re saying.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You did lie to you. I did say I smelled marijuana in your car. You said, “There’s no marijuana.”

    Bradley Connolly:

    You went in my car and you found it, man. Without my permission.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I smelled it before.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No you didn’t.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Because I haven’t smoked it in two days.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Guess what? It doesn’t matter. Marijuana has a distinct smell and I smelled it earlier. It’s on my body camera. When I was looking in your vehicle for a rental agreement to determine who owned the vehicle to make sure it wasn’t stolen.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Okay.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    All completely legal-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Was it stolen?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Under the state law and under the constitution, okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    Well, I’m not trying-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Simple. Plain and simple. And so this is CBD, it’s not marijuana?

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s correct.

    Deputy Murphy:

    [inaudible 00:07:47].

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s correct.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Okay. So when it gets tested, it’s not going to come back as marijuana.

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s absolutely 100% true.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh really? You smelled marijuana, Officer? But wasn’t the car door closed? Isn’t that what you admitted on camera? So how did you smell this marijuana? I mean, had Bradley literally been smoking a bong two hours prior to your arrival so that the car reeked? Because your probable cause only works if you opened the door, and that is before you have met the legal threshold. So we’re going to have to give you a fail on our impromptu field constitutional policing test.

    But don’t worry, I’m not going to ask you to touch your finger to your nose or stand on one foot. I would just suggest you take some time to review a few law books. You may find it enlightening. But I digress.

    Now, Bradley’s obvious discomfort turns into a heated discussion about the law, which the officer declares he doesn’t have to explain. A curious assertion given his clear lack of understanding revealed by his haphazard and possibly illegal search. Just take a look.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    So then why were you so worried about it?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m not worried, man. This is my right.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You’re making a complete issue out of it.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m trying not to.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    No, you absolutely are.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You should watch some of my videos, man. I highlight great officers all over the country.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Right.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I do.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Okay. And I appreciate that you-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah, but you’re not. You’re acting like a tyrant right now.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You know what? Here’s the situation. If your job is to drive around and try to all lure officers into doing something-

    Bradley Connolly:

    I don’t do that, bro.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Because-

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s not me.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    … Obviously you parked in a place that you shouldn’t have been.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No, it’s a golf course with a walk. I came back with my dog. The first thing you should have said is, “Oh, he just took his dog for a long walk.”

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Right.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Right.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Do you think I’m going to take my dog to break into fricking houses? Come on.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You know what, sir? All kinds of things happen, unfortunately.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Well-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    My job is to investigate those things. Again, like I said, last week, multiple cars were stolen… I’m sorry. Multiple vehicles were broken into-

    Bradley Connolly:

    That happens all over the country, man.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    … And a car was stolen.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m all over the country. I’ve seen it.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    And that’s fine. I’m glad that you’re all over the country and I’m glad that you’re doing your part to be a great citizen.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Can I have your name and badge number?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Sergeant Summer. 92021.

    Bradley Connolly:

    S-O-M-M-E-R?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    That’s correct.

    Bradley Connolly:

    And you, sir?

    Deputy Murphy:

    Deputy Murphy.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Murphy? And your badge number?

    Deputy Murphy:

    [inaudible 00:09:58].

    Bradley Connolly:

    One more time?

    Deputy Murphy:

    92032.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Thank you.

    Taya Graham:

    You know, just watching the video and the officer’s justification that there have been car break-ins is intriguing. Is that why he had to then break into Bradley’s car? I mean, if, as officer says, he is investigating the crimes, how is going through someone’s car going to solve it? How is searching out parked cars for a supposed criminal who’s breaking into cars productive?

    Finally, the officer decides that contrary to the evidence, he has to entangle Bradley in the legal system by issuing him a citation. But he also, without justification, confiscated Bradley’s wallet, which Bradley alleges had $2,000 in it. Money he has yet to get back. Just watch.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    All right. We’re going to get you a citation for the paraphernalia and the marijuana. If it comes back that it’s not marijuana, then most likely they’ll drop the charge. But I can’t field test it at this point right here. It smells like marijuana. It appears to be marijuana.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Same thing as CBD, you know?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Okay. I don’t use marijuana, I don’t use CBD, so I can’t think of the difference.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Well maybe you should, because you’re a little high-strung.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    No.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yes.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Well unfortunately, that happens when people are uncooperative.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    That’s what happens.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m not uncooperative.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You were absolutely uncooperative.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You have no right to go through my vehicle. You have no-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’m not going to continue.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I don’t care if you want to continue or not.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Why don’t you Google the constitution?

    Bradley Connolly:

    Why don’t you Google… Man-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You’re good.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Tell me what the first amendment is in.

    Deputy Murphy:

    Right.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I choose to-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Because you love to put people in cages.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Sir, if you choose to be a criminal and be belligerent to officers-

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m not a criminal.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    That’s your-

    Bradley Connolly:

    You’re a criminal.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    That’s your decision.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You went through my car while I was walking my dog.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Legally check… If I leave-

    Bradley Connolly:

    He’s got my wallet. That’s the only money I have.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Think that matters that he has your wallet?

    Bradley Connolly:

    Shut up.

    Taya Graham:

    But this encounter was just the beginning of the legal repercussions for Bradley, because the officer and department contacted his employer after he posted a video exposing the illegal search. And the consequences for Bradley were devastating.

    And for more on that, we will be speaking to Bradley shortly. But before we do, I’m joined by my reporting partner Stephen Janis. Steven, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    So Steven, first I know you have some breaking news about the case we reported on last week involving a former Texas firefighter. Denton County sheriffs used a bogus DUI to destroy his career and run him out of the department. What’s your update?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, what’s amazing to me is when I sent the case to prosecutors for comment, because I’m like, “Why did you prosecute this case?” They said they have no evidence of this case even existing. And I said, “Blood tests, whatever?” They’re like, “No, we have nothing. We never received this case.”

    I think it’s really questionable. I mean this case was devastating for Thomas. He was basically run out of the fire department. It turned his life upside down, and yet this case ever made to prosecutors. Let’s remember, prosecutors are a check on police. They’re very, very, very important to make sure the police don’t file bogus charges. In this case prosecutors haven’t seen it, and I think it raises a lot of more questions about the Denton sheriff’s office.

    Taya Graham:

    Wow. Steven, that is really disturbing. Please continue to follow up on that and keep us updated.

    Okay. So back to Bradley. You have been reaching out to the Nebraska Police Department. How are they explaining this case?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, I reached out to the Plattsmouth prosecutor because I really wanted to see how this case was processed, and he sent me a very detailed email about what happened with the charges. First of all, the charges were dropped. He would not comment on the legality of the search, but he did say nothing was used against Mr. Connolly from that search, and he also said that he disputes, or at least was not able to reach a conclusion about the $2,000 that Bradley said was missing.

    He says that he did an investigation, it’s still ongoing, but at this point he has no evidence either way. So that’s where this case stands. Certainly the prosecutor seemed to take it seriously and the prosecutor also said there were no charges brought against him. The case was dropped. So that’s pretty much where we are right now with this case.

    Taya Graham:

    So the officer seems to suggest that the smell of marijuana is probable cause, but using that as a pretext is facing some pushback. Can you talk about that?

    Stephen Janis:

    If there is one statement into probable cause that is really eroded our constitutional rights, it’s the smell of marijuana. It’s basically been used as a bogus pretext for decades and it’s wreaked a lot of havoc. In our own city, we had police officers chase two young men for the smell of marijuana at 100 miles per hour and cause a fatal accident that killed three innocent people.

    So really, a lot of states and a lot of legal authorities are saying it is time to end this. This is not a statement of probable cause. It’s absolutely irrelevant in the particular case we’re talking about. Supposedly searching for cars that have been rifled through or stolen. What the hell does marijuana have to do with that? So it’s evidence not even pertaining. It is bogus and it really erodes our rights and a lot of states are saying, “Stop.”

    Taya Graham:

    And now to talk to the man who endured this invasive search and some of the lingering consequences for him. I’m joined by Bradley Connolly. Bradley, thank you so much for joining me.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Absolutely. Thank you. I’ve been watching you since the beginning. You and Steve, I love you guys.

    Taya Graham:

    So first, what are we seeing at the beginning of the video? I mean, at first I didn’t even realize it was a traffic stop.

    Bradley Connolly:

    If I may back up just a little bit. So for the past five years I’ve built Dollar Trees and Family Dollars around the country, and I built one in Plattsmouth, Nebraska, which is a small town. Her and I actually went through a tornado there during the build, but I had to come back to hang up a couple signs and do a couple things, and I’d rented a car. I drove 12 hours approximately with her. Of course we stopped along the way and stuff, but while I was up there building the store, we always went to this rural golf course and there was long paths and walks and it was not in golf season, so nobody golfed.

    And we had got there maybe 20 minutes before dusk or so on this long drive and I said, like I always do for her, “Hey, do you want to go to the park or golf course? Do you want to go to the park?” And she gets really excited. So we pulled off there and I actually had pulled behind somebody, and like I say, there’s a few neighborhoods around, but cornfield surround the thing. I mean it’s out in the middle of nowhere. And we went on a walk and I came back and I got in my car and it was completely dark when we got back. And when I started the rental car, I noticed that some lights came on in the back of me. And me being an advocate, I was just like, “I hope that this isn’t a cop.” Of course I’m following all the speed limits and the laws and as I turn at the stop sign, I see the insignia. And he started the lights and I pulled over and he asked me for my license, and me being an advocate, I wanted to know what I did wrong.

    Taya Graham:

    So why were you initially pulled over by the officer?

    Bradley Connolly:

    When I asked him why he pulled me over, he said I was suspicious. And I asked him, of course, “A suspicion of misdemeanor or felony, and how am I being suspicious?” And then he went from that to, “It smells like marijuana in the car,” which it definitely didn’t. It was a rental car. And that’s when they pulled me out and went into the center console.

    When he pulled me over, I rolled down the window. He wanted my ID and I said, “If I haven’t committed a crime, I’m not going to give you my ID.” And he called his back-up, and that was Deputy Murphy, came up and pulled the taser at my passenger side window and told me to get out. So I got out and I had no idea that they had went through my car. And I’m not the smartest person in the world, but I got out and the only thing I had in the car… It was a rental car. I don’t smoke marijuana in the car, CBD or anything, so I know that the car didn’t smell. It was in the center console, it was a pipe, and he went right to it and pulled it out. And like I say, I’m not the smartest person in the world, but I thought, “He’s been in my car.”

    Taya Graham:

    Were you surprised to discover through your conversation that the officer had admitted to searching your car before he pulled you over?

    Bradley Connolly:

    Honestly, I was mind baffled. I couldn’t believe that he had went into my car. I mean, if I would’ve broke into his car in his reasoning, which, again, mind baffled. It gives me chills. It makes me so upset. He said it was because I left the car door unlocked, and now that should tell everybody how rural the place is. My wallet was on the front seat with $2,000 on it. That’s how rural the place was.

    I questioned him that way and sure enough, he said he had every right to go through my car and he’d been through my car. If you find a pipe in a car as an officer, you probably are going to want to search the trunk. He never looked in the trunk. You’re probably going to want to search under the seats. In my presence, he never looked under the seats. So anyway, from my point of view video, you can kind of see… And I stopped at one point and went live, and I think I’ve tried to air that, but it’s all bits and pieces. That’s kind of why I wanted the dash cam footage. And I’ve been trying head over heels. I’ve spoke with the prosecutor.

    Taya Graham:

    Do you think your knowledge of the law helped protect you from the situation becoming worse?

    Bradley Connolly:

    To answer your question, I think it could have went both ways and I’ll tell you why. Because if I wouldn’t have known my rights, I probably would’ve handed over my ID and I knew I had warrants for theft of my dog right here. Long story, but ex, easy. It’s nothing. But I knew they were non-extraditable. I could have just handed him my ID and been on the way, maybe. He probably would’ve escalated it, the way he is.

    Now, the other aspect of that is I was really angry that he went into my car. All I wanted to do a after a 12-hour drive was get to the store, finish up what I had to do, get some rest, and go back. He stole my wallet that night. I ended up having to sleep in my car because I didn’t have any way to pay for anything. That being said, I don’t like bullies and the way I reacted isn’t typically how I talk to people. I try to treat everybody with kindness and respect, and I have so much mad love for people and things. I really do. And I try to portray that, but with auditing cops who seem to be untouchable and above the law, something in me just gets so mad because I see them treat people… And I’ve been in areas where I’ve seen what they do because they can. And just because you can doesn’t mean it’s right.

    Taya Graham:

    Why do you think the officer was so fixated on it being a rental car?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I have no idea. That’s a good question. I’ve never really thought of it before, so I don’t have an answer that I know to be the truth. All I can say is that all the police in Plattsmouth, they would stop by and see me building the store. I built it with one other guy, and I got to know them. They were okay. They watched my tools and my equipment. So it was really, really odd to me. I don’t know why.

    Had he just been doing his job… And I have no problem with him running. He sees a car, they’re running the plates, see if it’s stolen or whatnot. But when he broke into it and then ran my license and all that good stuff, that really irritated me. There’s no burglary tools. There’s a dog and a leash and a guy coming back on a trail. I mean, use your common sense. If somebody didn’t call in that there was a burglary, why are you bothering me?

    Taya Graham:

    I have to admit, this does seem a bit like what some people call a fishing expedition.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I know exactly what you mean. Even in the video, if you watch the entire video, I told them that’s all the money I had on me. I had $2,000 in it. Well, when they released me, I took off, obviously, and then I realized that they never gave me my wallet or my money back. So it was two miles up the road and I called dispatch, the sheriff’s office, and I told them, “Hey, they never gave me my wallet back.”

    And they told me… Mind you, two miles, two minutes. It’s 15 minutes to the police station. They told me it was in the property, I could get it tomorrow. And that’s when I went in live and they told me that the property officer wasn’t there. So a month later they sent me back my wallet without my money in it. So they stole my $2,000. And that’s all on video, too.

    Taya Graham:

    How has posting this encounter impacted you? I mean, it did cost you your job.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Well, it’s affected many nights of sleep. I have made countless calls to the prosecutor’s office, countless calls to the police department and he called my work, Southwestern Services, who gets the contracts from Dollar Tree. I don’t know what he said. It was never told to me what he said. I tried to FOIA request that phone call and apparently there wasn’t one, but they told me that I could no longer work for them because of the video.

    And my response was, “I did nothing wrong.” I didn’t commit any kind of crime. I actually highlighted Dollar Tree and Family Dollar, and I put my blood, sweat, and tears into it for five years. I’ve built maybe 60 by myself, ground up. I hired a few people to help me along the way, but I know them backwards and forwards. I practically don’t even need the plans. So anyways, to answer your question, they told me that I could no longer work for him.

    Taya Graham:

    Okay, so the officer referred to a warrant. What was the warrant for?

    Bradley Connolly:

    So the warrants are… There’s two. I was building a store in Iowa and I had a passenger and he had four grams of marijuana on my center console. We actually worked so long that we slept all day. And I’m not saying that I’m a perfect person and I’m not saying that I smoke or don’t smoke marijuana, but I’ve never done another drug in my entire life. So it’s not like I’m out there committing crimes for drugs. Actually, I was in the parking lot that I was building, resting, taking a nap with one of my workers that I hired. And he came up on us and I’m not one to tell on anybody, and they were asking us, so they did a walkthrough, four grams, a walkthrough in jail, and I told them I’d never be back in Iowa. Forget it, right? What’s in Iowa? Beans?

    So anyways, the other one is my dog that I’ve had since a baby, supposedly, allegedly was taken. And it’s a long story, but to make a long story short, my ex of three and a half years tried to take my dog from me and it’s the love of my life. So that didn’t happen. So I have two warrants, felony warrants with a $75,000 bond, but they’re unextraditable as of present, and as they were, out of Illinois, I’m not saying I was a perfect child, but I haven’t had a conviction on my record for… Oh, no, this is going to date me. Since 2000.

    Taya Graham:

    What would you like to see change about policing or how do you hope posting on your auditing channel will help?

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s an amazing question. I just want police… Because we’re all human. We are all going to make mistakes. We do some pretty idiotic and dumb things at some certain times. A couple months training is not enough for an officer. I want them to treat everybody, whether they’re drug-induced, mental health. You see these videos where the police kill these mentally ill people. I mean, I could have got them out of the car with maybe a butter knife and they shoot them in the head. It just doesn’t make any sense.

    And don’t get me wrong. I want to make it very clear, I do not hate police. I actually have a lot of police friends on my Facebook and officers. And not all officers are bad, but I think that being in a negative environment along with the… And I would almost… Man, I’ve just seen it too much to not say that to become an officer, you have a certain personality. And that personality needs to, or persona, it needs kindness, love, respect. There is going to be times when evil is there and you got to do what you got to do. I get that. But if you see somebody’s hurting, if you see somebody that is maybe able to talk down, negotiation skills, deescalation skills and realizing that that’s another human on this planet.

    Taya Graham:

    Now I want to address something that I’m sure police partisans are soon going to squawk about in the comment section after they watch the show. It’s the off-sighted, but nevertheless unchallenged assertion that the right to search a car is simply a legal question. And so long as police can conjure, and notice I’m using a very specific word here, a reasonable, articulable suspicion, they should be able to search when and wherever they please.

    What usually companies that argument is this addendum.”Why should you have a problem with a search if you have nothing to hide? What’s the big issue with cops doing their job? I mean, aren’t you always calling them out for not solving cases? I mean, why are you making such a big deal about constitutional rights when you should be more concerned about crime?” Well, besides the fact that we’ve had several cops here in my hometown, Baltimore, caught on their own body camera planting drugs, I think we need to consider for a moment just how the system, so to speak, only amplifies bad policing. Not just by abusing search powers, but turning those illegal searches into the life-altering stigma of criminality that happens all too often. How the system created to ensure cops don’t overstep and the innocent aren’t unjustly charged has been warped by our culture of indiscriminate guilt. So what do I mean?

    Well consider this recent ruling by the Massachusetts Supreme Court regarding the misuse and withholding of evidence by the state police over a faulty breathalyzer test, a case that could lead to the possible dismissal of over 27,000 convictions. That’s right. Convictions. The case focuses on the fact that a common breathalyzer machine, the Dräger Alcotest 9510 breathalyzer, which the state police crime lab determined could produce false positives when not calibrated correctly, was still used despite the evidence. In fact, in 2017, a representative of the company that made the machines said that of the 400 they tested in the state, none were correctly calibrated and thus capable of flagging false positives.

    Fair enough, no machine is perfect and certainly if the lab quickly and appropriately revealed the problem, the state could have fixed the problem and perhaps procured a different device. But that’s not what happened. Not hardly. The state continued to use the machines despite the fact that the concerns had been raised publicly and were found to be factual. Instead, thousands of people had to live with convictions for a serious crime despite the real potential of tainted evidence. That is until the recent state Supreme Court decision giving everyone, every single person convicted, the right to ask for a new trial.

    This is an unusually sweeping case, but it didn’t happen because the state who had imposed harsh sentences on innocent drivers asked for it. No, this all occurred because one of the victims of a false conviction sued, and that case was finally decided last month. In that decision, the court called the state’s actions egregious government misconduct, which is why the court made the sweeping decision to allow anyone, meaning 27,000 people, to ask for the new chance to prove their innocence.

    Now I want you to think about that number in relation to Bradley’s case or to the case we just updated of Thomas the Texas firefighter falsely charged with a DUI. How sweeping and consequential the impact of a decision to ignore the flaws in the machines was for the people who were victimized by it. How many lives were turned upside down or thrown into chaos and otherwise destroyed by this inexplicable decision to ignore the facts? How many licenses were revoked, jobs lost, and opportunities cast aside because the state, the state, simply chose to ignore evidence?

    It’s kind of an interestingly cavalier attitude towards the consequences of our massive law enforcement industrial complex, a defiance to the truth, which I think can only be countenanced by people who are simply immune to it, meaning only the elites cosseted from the law could simply stand by while thousands of people suffered. And that’s kind of what you have to conclude when you attempt to understand the cruel indifference of the people who made the decision to allow innocent people to go to jail.

    That’s right, and it was not elected officials or anyone in power who felt compelled to act in defense of the innocent. It was not a governor or a state legislator, or anyone with the ability to intervene who defended people unjustly accused. It was solely up to a victim of their malfeasance to take up the defense of the people wrongly accused, someone who had to hire lawyers and battle the case all the way up to the state’s highest court.

    That’s why I think it’s important to remember that when we see videos like Bradley’s to put them into the proper context, that we remember the larger and broader injustices when we analyze how these same forces bear down on smaller but no less insignificant cases like the one we reported on today. Because I think the same sense of entitlement and immunity that prompted that Nebraska cop to illegally search Bradley’s car and confiscate his wallet is similar to the callous indifference of the Massachusetts State Police. I think the sense of careless impunity exhibited by that individual cop is really part of a larger process that allows an entire state to put innocent people in handcuffs.

    It’s all about that intangible but potent power of unconstitutional entitlement. The idea that I, meaning the cop, I am the law, not representing it. That I, the cop with the gun in a badge, I am the sole arbiter of your rights, and that the power conferred upon me is not a privilege to be exercised with prudence, but a legally prescribed intoxicants that allows me to confiscate your rights, put them in handcuffs, and then discard them on the roadside like an abandoned vehicle.

    This impudence, both in one case and in thousands, is the result of the culture of our version of an untouchable elite. Those elites who don’t pay taxes, have amassed ill-gotten fortunes, and who simply aren’t worried about the law. It’s their power, conferred upon cops, that we witnessed on that video. And also what spurred Massachusetts police to act without conscience. It’s also why the institution of policing must be watched as ardently as they like to watch us. Their utter disregard for our rights must be matched with the vigilance of our cameras. Their casual and consequential indifference must be overwhelmed by our passion for the rights that we must refuse to relinquish. What they treat as unimportant, we must make paramount. What they think is just the cost of doing business, illegal searches, unjust DUI convictions, we must define as unambiguously wrong.

    The plethora of fake charges and false criminal records that they cast upon us like a blanket unconstitutional conviction, we must throw back at them with the indignity of a people who know our lives and our rights should not, cannot, and will not be torn asunder. That’s what we do on this show and that’s why we will continue to grow our community of constitutional activists, of defenders of rights and believers in the proposition that all of us, and I do mean all of us, are entitled to the rights to often ignored, but I believe will endure if we are willing to fight for them.

    I’d like to thank Bradley Connolly for joining us and for sharing his experience. Thank you, Bradley. And of course I have to thank intrepid reporter Stephen Janis for his writing, research and editing on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, Thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    And I have to thank friends of the show, Nolie D. and Lacey R. or their support. You know I appreciate you. And I want to thank every single Patreon that supports us. In our next live stream, make sure to listen for your name. I want to thank you too.

    And of course, I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And of course, you can always message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook.

    And please like and comment. You know I read your comments and appreciate them, and even if I don’t get to answer every single one, you know I read them. And we do have a Patreon link pinned in the comments below for Accountability Report, so if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We do not run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is greatly appreciated.

    My name is Taya Graham and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The consequences of a questionable DUI charge against Thomas, a former firefighter,  have been devastating. 

    “The fire department was my family. I didn’t want to lose them, and I definitely didn’t want it to end this way,” Thomas (who does not want to use his last name out of fear of retaliation) told TRNN, explaining how the since-dropped allegations that he was driving under the influence cost him his nearly 30-year career 

    Along with losing his job, Thomas spent thousands of dollars on attorney fees, and was spurned by friends. All over charges that, as a Police Accountability Report investigation revealed, were levied against Thomas even though police were caught on body camera admitting he was not drunk.

    But now new developments in Thomas’ case are raising questions about the Denton County sheriff who charged him.

    PAR has learned that the Denton County District Attorney which would be responsible for trying the case, has no record of it—no blood tests, statement of probable cause, or documents pertaining to the charges. In fact, a spokesperson for the agency that prosecutes cases in Denton County said that, for them, the case simply does not exist. 

    “We did not receive any documentation from the DCSO (Denton County Sheriff’s Office) regarding this case,” Kim Geuter, an administrator with the Denton prosecutor’s office, told PAR in an email. 

    “We would have no way of keeping track. The only reason I knew this was not submitted to us is because I looked it up specifically.  Police agencies do not notify us when they have not submitted a report to us,” she added. 

    Along with losing his job, Thomas spent thousands of dollars on attorney fees, and was spurned by friends. All over charges that, as a Police Accountability Report investigation revealed, were levied against Thomas even though police were caught on body camera admitting he was not drunk.

    The fact that the DCSO, which initiated these devastating charges against Thomas, did not turn said charges over to prosecutors raises troubling questions about how cases are adjudicated in Denton County.  

    Normally, charges filed by a sheriff or police officer are submitted to a prosecutor for review in the jurisdiction where the arrest was made—in this case, Denton County. Eventually, the charges go before a judge to determine whether or not the prosecutors have sufficient legal grounding to proceed. But Thomas says that, other than a preliminary bail hearing, he never had a day in court to contest the allegations against him.  

    “The only appearance I made was at the jail before they let me go. They brought a bunch of us into a courtroom and read the charges,” Thomas said. 

    The Denton County Sheriff’s Office did not respond to multiple emails and phone calls for comment.

    PAR has since filed a public records request with the DCSO for the number of DUI cases initiated by the department; in order to determine the number of cases initiated by Denton sheriffs which have not been turned over to prosecutors.

    Even though this two-year-old case never found its way to a courthouse, the impact it has had on Thomas’ life in that timespan has been devastating. The charges spurred an internal affairs case against Thomas inside the fire department where he had served for nearly three decades.

    That probe led to Thomas’ departure from his job. But that was only one part of the ordeal he faced after he was charged. 

    He was hauled off to jail and forced to fork over $1,000 for bail. His dog was handed over to animal control. His movements were restricted by bail bondsmen while his father lay on his deathbed. He had to hire a lawyer—another $3,400. And then, the aforementioned internal investigation led to his separation from a fire department to which he had devoted a lifetime of service. 

    “It’s hard because they look at you differently. People think you must have done something wrong to get arrested,” Thomas said. ”But I haven’t had a drink in 30 years!” 

    Thomas’ arrest was caught on a body camera. Three Denton deputy sheriffs audibly admitted on the recorded video that he was not drunk or otherwise impaired by alcohol.  Instead, they based their charges on his “slow talking,” his “heavy-footed” gait, and his lack of balance during a field sobriety test.   

    “I was stone sober and they turned my life upside down… It’s a good thing to catch drunk drivers, but it’s just not right to turn innocent people into criminals.”

    Thomas, former texas firefighter arrested by Denton County sheriffs on false dui charges

    However, Thomas had a tumor, a neuroma, only recently removed from his left ear, which affected his balance. Moreover, Thomas freely admitted to the sheriffs he had taken his legally prescribed medication, Adderall, to treat adult attention deficit disorder—a medication that was prescribed to almost 41 million people in 2021, according to NBC News.

    He was shocked that being forthcoming with officers about his medical conditions, and in particular about his ADHD medication, was the beginning of the downward turn in the interaction. 

     “I explained my right eye was bloodshot from my detached retina, it was why I was on light duty at the [fire] department. They asked me if I took any prescription medications so I told them about my ADHD meds… the Adderall. I think from that point the questions became more intense.”

    The charges against Thomas weren’t resolved, his lawyer simply told him they were dropped.

    But even though the DUI was effectively dismissed, his life has been fundamentally changed. 

    “I think I should practice the field sobriety test every time I leave the house now,” Thomas said halfheartedly. “I was stone sober and they turned my life upside down… It’s a good thing to catch drunk drivers, but it’s just not right to turn innocent people into criminals.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Thomas, a Texas firefighter, was driving in Denton County when he was suddenly pulled over by local sheriffs. Despite being completely sober, he quickly found himself railroaded into a DUI charge by police, who claimed he appeared “slow” and “heavy footed.” Body camera footage has since revealed that the arresting officers even commented during the arrest that they did not believe Thomas was drunk. So why was Thomas arrested, and what does this reveal about the capricious nature of police power? Police Accountability Report examines the evidence.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis, Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose, holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. To do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. Today, we will achieve that goal by showing you this video of yet another questionable DUI arrest, a video that catches officers in shocking unguarded moments, making admissions about the whole process of DUI arrests that raises troubling questions about what aspect of public safety they’re actually intended to address.

    But before we get started, I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. You can email us tips privately at PAR@TheRealNews.com and share your evidence. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @EyesonPolice on Twitter. Of course, you can always message me directly @TayasBaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. Please share, like, and comment. It really can help our guests, and it helps us get the word out. And as you know, I really do read your comments and appreciate them. We have a Patreon to donate for Accountability Reports. So, if this type of work is important to you, please help us keep doing it.

    Okay, now we’ve gotten all that out of the way. We all know that drunk driving or driving while impaired is a serious and consequential crime. In 2021, roughly 13,000 people died as a result of motorists operating under the influence. As a result of this tragic toll, authorities have passed laws that have profound consequences for people who are charged with it. They’ve also rolled out federal grants to incentivize catching DUIs that encourages officers to rack up arrests and thwart people who insist on driving under the influence. All of this is allocable, and certainly no one disagrees with the underlying goal, public safety. Just like any power conferred upon the government, it also requires vigilance to make sure it is not abused. The DUI arrest we will show you today reveals just how important that task is.

    The story starts in Lakewood Village in Denton County, Texas in April 2021. There, a lifelong firefighter, Thomas, he does not want us to use his last name, was driving home from work. That’s when police started following him and eventually pulled him over. From the outset, even though he had not exhibited any conceivable type of erratic driving. The officer began questioning him about being impaired for reasons, that at that moment remained unclear. Let’s watch.

    Male Officer:

    How much you had to drink today? What have you taken today? You taken prescription, narcotics, or anything like that? No? Okay. Are you prescribed anything?

    Thomas:

    Actually, I’m prescribed Adderall with medication.

    Male Officer:

    Okay. What time you took that?

    Thomas:

    I think it was today earlier [inaudible 00:03:18].

    Male Officer:

    [inaudible 00:03:18] at work? What time did you work today?

    Thomas:

    From 7:00 to 3:00.

    Male Officer:

    Okay. 7:00 to 3:00? Where at?

    Thomas:

    Downtown Dallas. I work for the fire department. Right now, I’m on light duty.

    Male Officer:

    Okay. Okay.

    Thomas:

    For my eye, I had a detached retina a few years ago, and then I had five surgeries since then. It’s now starting to plow down [inaudible 00:03:47].

    Male Officer:

    Okay.

    Thomas:

    Anyway, they won’t let me work in the field.

    Male Officer:

    I gotcha.

    That’s a better excuse for his eye. He’s still acting kind of odd. You think he’s normal, or do you think he’s just-

    Female Officer:

    He’s lethargic.

    Male Officer:

    Lethargic, mm-hmm.

    Female Officer:

    Slow-moving. Slow-talking.

    Male Officer:

    Very. Do you think he possibly could be intoxicated?

    Female Officer:

    Maybe.

    Male Officer:

    You want to run him through FSFTs?

    Female Officer:

    I can.

    Male Officer:

    Even if he has only good eye, we can in theory still do HGN on him.

    Female Officer:

    Tell him to cover up his bad eye?

    Male Officer:

    We’re going to let him run with it open-

    Female Officer:

    Okay.

    Male Officer:

    … because even to do HGN, you work the good eye out, you’re still going to see signs of that.

    Female Officer:

    Okay.

    Male Officer:

    He mentioned Adderall. Adderall’s a stimulant. So, we may not see HGN on a stimulant. We should see a lot of other stuff.

    Female Officer:

    He’s acting so lethargic. You think it’s…

    Male Officer:

    From the indications of a stimulant? He’s very rigid.

    Female Officer:

    Yeah.

    Male Officer:

    Like very weird. A lot of body movement, almost like he sort of moved everything out of his wallet and just kind of maneuver in general. Go ahead and pull him out. We’ll just talk to him outside of the car for a little bit. He told us he’s on light duty because of his eye. Everything else should be fine. We’ll see what comes of that.

    Female Officer:

    Okay.

    Male Officer:

    Go get him then.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, in the sworn affidavit, the officer said Thomas had been speeding, which Thomas denies. But he also made a somewhat curious claim about Thomas’s behavior, which is odd to say the least. He wrote that Thomas appeared “slow” when he handed over his ID. He also noted that he made exaggerated movements while he responded to the officer’s demand. It’s a somewhat puzzling take on Thomas’s behavior because the video tells a different story. Take a look and decide for yourself.

    Thomas:

    No, my right eye. It’s your left.

    Female Officer:

    Yeah, my left. Yeah, your right.

    Male Officer:

    What happened to your eye again? I only caught part of that.

    Thomas:

    I had a detached retina, and then the subsequent surgeries have led to… Its kind of got a blue haze around there. And so, it’s just hard to see through this eye. Sometimes it gets kind of irritated and it turns red. I don’t know if it is now, but-

    Male Officer:

    It looks a little tender right now.

    Female Officer:

    Yeah.

    Thomas:

    Is it really? This one is-

    Male Officer:

    It’s clear.

    Thomas:

    … clear, okay. Yeah, so.

    Male Officer:

    Well, when’s the last time you said you took your medication today?

    Thomas:

    Like 3:00, 2:00-

    Male Officer:

    About 3:00 today?

    Thomas:

    2:00 or something, 1:00.

    Male Officer:

    I just wanted to ensure you’re safe to operate a vehicle, just giving kind of the [inaudible 00:06:29] so far. I just want to make sure you’re safe to operate your truck. We’re run you through just a few standardized field tests, and we’ll kind of go from there.

    Taya Graham:

    This, at the very least, questionable rendering of Thomas’s actions led to what’s known as a field sobriety test. This test was to say the least a bit surreal, a series of instructions that seemed at once contradictory, and at the same time hard to understand what exactly they were intended to prove. Just a note before we watch, Texas has several tests as part of the field sobriety assessment that you will see during this video. They are as follows, a leg turn test where the person has to walk in a straight line, heel-to-toe, turn, and walk back. The one leg stand test, where you raise one foot and stand in place for 30 seconds. And, the modified Rhomberg balance test, which requires the subject to bend their neck, close their eyes, and count to 30. Finally, the finger-to-nose test, which is self-explanatory. Take a look.

    Female Officer:

    All right, look at the tip of the pen. Don’t move your head. You’re just going to look at the pen. The next test, stand over here in the grass real quick. Imagine there is an inch-long line right here in front of you. One foot on the line. You put your right foot right in front of your left foot, with her heels touching your toes. Your arms down by your side. You’re going to take nine heel-to-toe steps forward.

    Thomas:

    I did.

    Female Officer:

    All right, look down.

    Thomas:

    It’s sloppy isn’t it?

    Female Officer:

    You said your legs feel weak?

    Thomas:

    Yeah.

    Female Officer:

    Okay, we probably got one more test for you okay? Arms down by your side. You’re going to keep your arms just like that. In excess, you’re going to raise one foot, either one, approximately six inches above the ground with your foot parallel to the ground.

    Thomas:

    Okay. One thousand one. One thousand two. One thousand three. One thousand four. One thousand 15, 16.

    Female Officer:

    Okay, you’re good.

    Male Officer:

    I just have maybe one or two more I’d like you to run through real quick.

    Thomas:

    Are you going to tell me when 30 seconds are-

    Male Officer:

    No, you’re going to tell me when 30 seconds is up.

    Thomas:

    Okay.

    Male Officer:

    To the best of your knowledge. Do you understand that? Okay. How long was that?

    Thomas:

    30 seconds or so.

    Male Officer:

    36. Pretty close. When I tell you, I’m going to pick a hand. I’m going to say, “Right.” You’re going to bring your right finger up and touch the tip of your finger to the tip of your nose. Right. Left. Right. Left. Left. And right. Go on and have a seat for me right there on the bed of your truck for a second.

    Taya Graham:

    Now I want you to think about what you just witnessed. Not just how Thomas performed, but how bizarre and counterintuitive the test was. Even more important, the conclusions the officers reached based upon Thomas responded. I’ll read them as you watch what unfolds on the screen. “Thomas was heavy-footed as he walked,” the officer wrote. “During the walk-and-turn, Thomas’s actions were exaggerated and he forgot instructions. During the hand-to-nose, Thomas used the pad of his finger.” And so, as you can see, this process led to officers being able to charge Thomas with a DUI, but not before having a very revealing conversation captured on body camera that calls the entire series of events we’ve just witnessed into question, an admission that these officers probably never thought would see the light of day. But we are going to show you now. Just watch.

    Female Officer:

    Miscounting steps. Turned wrong. Stopped on walking. Used arms.

    Male Officer:

    He stepped out of position briefly during the [inaudible 00:10:07] phase. On the Rhomberg, I was to estimate 30 seconds to kind of see where the clock’s at. He came in at 36 seconds, which is right on the edge of the window of error. The error is 25 to 35. I told him to close his eyes, watching it. His eyes were flooding like crazy, and his body’s super rigid. He does have a messed up eye. He’s been on light duty. He has a detached retina. I asked him, I’m like, “What else besides your eye hurts? Anything else?” “No, just fine.” I gave him every opportunity to explain to me legs not working right, arms not working right. He came out of the truck looking good, walking pretty decent. A little heavy-footed, but he wasn’t stumbling out. Do you believe he’s intoxicated?

    Female Officer:

    I believe he’s unable to drive from whatever he has. I don’t know the alcohol-

    Male Officer:

    That a medical emergency? Or are we talking about intoxication?

    Female Officer:

    Intoxicated on something, but I don’t think alcohol.

    Male Officer:

    Do you think we have a medical emergency here?

    Female Officer:

    No.

    Male Officer:

    No, so this is not a medical emergency. Is he normal or do you believe he’s possibly intoxicated under something?

    Female Officer:

    Yeah, I think he’s intoxicated on something.

    Male Officer:

    Okay, we’ll try to get [inaudible 00:11:02]. I don’t think it’s alcohol. I don’t see any signs of alcohol. I see some signs of a narcotic that he admitted to. So, we’re going to go that route. There’s also the dog in the car. We’re going to have to [inaudible 00:11:12].

    Female Officer:

    [inaudible 00:11:12] or just go?

    Male Officer:

    We’ll cross that bridge [inaudible 00:11:17]. Let’s first get him taken care of, and then we’ll address everything else.

    Taya Graham:

    That’s right, even though the officers wrote a statement of probable cause that Thomas was guilty of driving under the influence, they admitted on camera, on camera no less, that he was not drunk. The only substance in his system they suspected was a legally prescribed non-narcotic adult deficit attention disorder medication known as Adderall. For that, without an apparently legally sufficient justification, Thomas was arrested.

    Female Officer:

    [inaudible 00:11:48].

    Male Officer:

    Our decision’s made.

    Female Officer:

    So go up and tell him, “More tests. Put your hands behind your back?”

    Male Officer:

    Go that route if you’d like to. Or you can tell him point-blank… I’ve done it both ways depending on whether they’re engaging. If they’re [inaudible 00:11:56] compliant, I’ll tell them “Hey, be advised that you’re placed under arrested [inaudible 00:11:59].” If I don’t believe that’s going to work, I’ll play the tricker. I’ll be “One more test. Turn around for me,” and that’s what I’ll do. I gave the guy that wanted to do that. I think we can go that direction with him.

    Female Officer:

    Sir, we are putting you under arrest for driving while intoxicated. We believe that you’re unsafe to drive. Stand up. Put your hands behind your back.

    Male Officer:

    Turn around.

    Female Officer:

    Turn around.

    Male Officer:

    Do you have anybody at home who could come up here and pick up your dog and possibly your truck?

    Thomas:

    No.

    Male Officer:

    No one at home?

    Thomas:

    Nope.

    Male Officer:

    Okay.

    Female Officer:

    Do you have a friend that could get your dog?

    Thomas:

    I don’t know.

    Female Officer:

    Can’t think of anybody?

    Thomas:

    No, I’d have to make some phone calls.

    Male Officer:

    All right, like I said, if you’re willing to give me somebody to call, a person I can call myself, if not, I’m going to have to call my Animal Control officer and they’re going to pick up your dog, and they’re going to put him in our shelter for the night. I’m trying to avoid that option.

    Thomas:

    I haven’t had a drink in over 30 years.

    Male Officer:

    I didn’t say you were drinking, sir.

    Thomas:

    I haven’t had a drug in over 30 years. Where’s the Animal Control?

    Male Officer:

    He works for my agency. I’ll have to call him to come over with me.

    Thomas:

    Where is he?

    Male Officer:

    It’s just in Denton. About five minutes from our jail.

    Taya Graham:

    But even this highly questionable arrest was not the end of Thomas’s ordeal. That’s because the police, after admitting he was not drunk, filed a complaint against him at his job, which I’m showing on the screen now. That complaint led to an Internal Affairs investigation which then prompted his employer, a local fire department, to let him go. That’s not all the problems with this arrest, because we have been investigating and digging deeper into both the department and the county where it occurred. What we have uncovered is that there was more behind-the-scenes driving police to make this arrest than is readily apparent. That evidence shows just how far astray American policing can be from it’s overarching goal to keep us safe.

    So soon, we will be talking to Thomas about what he has endured since his arrest and how it has changed his life. But first, I’m joined by my reporting partner, Stephen Janis, whose been reaching out to police and as already mentioned, investigating the motive that may have been driving police to charge Thomas. Stephen, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    Stephen, before we get into the behind-the-scenes maneuvering regarding this case, I want to do something kind of different. I want to administer a field sobriety test to you, just to make a point of how tricky these tests actually are, and show that even in less stressful circumstances they can be difficult to pass.

    Stephen Janis:

    What? No.

    Taya Graham:

    Okay, you have two choices. Do the test, or stay outside.

    Stephen Janis:

    You know what, Taya, I haven’t had anything to drink, but still, I don’t want to do a test.

    Taya Graham:

    All night.

    Stephen Janis:

    Fair enough.

    Taya Graham:

    But first, have you had anything to drink?

    Stephen Janis:

    No. No, I haven’t anything to drink. No. Taya, nope I have drank a freaking thing.

    Taya Graham:

    Now first, I want you to walk in a straight line by pacing one foot in front of the other, heel-to-toe, then turn around and walk back with your hands at your sides.

    Okay, not too good. Let’s try balancing on one foot for 30 seconds and don’t use your hands.

    Not too good, Stephen. Last chance. Touch your hand to your nose with your eyes close, left then right, then right then left.

    All right, that’s not bad. One out of three. Unfortunately, despite your claims to the contrary, I’m going to have to refer you to the nearest law enforcement agency for reporting while intoxicated.

    Stephen Janis:

    You know what, I spend so much time outside, I don’t care. Refer me to anyone who will give me a place to sleep for the night. So, fine.

    Taya Graham:

    But we’ll put that on hold for a moment. So, you’ve been looking into the Denton Sheriff’s Department and their DUI program. What have you found?

    Stephen Janis:

    As you can see what I’m showing you on the screen now, Denton incentivizes DUI. They have this whole program. One of the major parts of it that we found was that they actually incentivize officers to make arrests. They have a small section where they say they want to give them awards. So clearly, Denton has some incentivization of DUI arrests that’s in black and white, and you can see it right there.

    Taya Graham:

    Did the Denton Sheriff have any comment about this arrest, and why Thomas was charged? What was it that you dug up in Denton County that might explain why police were so aggressive?

    Stephen Janis:

    I sent an email to the prosecutor, because that was my main concern, why did they even continue with this case when there was no sign of alcohol and the officers admitted on body camera they should have dropped it right away? What I did find is very interesting. Number one, Denton takes in about $2 million in fines from traffic arrests, traffic enforcement. One thing I found in their budget that’s really interesting, they said “Fines are a very important source of revenue.” So, just do the math. You have one thing in their sort of police procedure book that says, “Hey, we need to incentivize arrests.” You have something in the budget that says, “We need fines.” Put two and two together, you add it up, you get really crazy enforcement like I think we saw in this body camera footage. That perhaps explains why they did what they did.

    Taya Graham:

    And now, I’m joined by the man who was the subject of the unrelenting scrutiny of the Denton County Sheriffs to discuss how the arrest has impacted his life, and the status of the case going forward. Thomas, thank you so much for joining me.

    Thomas:

    Thank you, Taya. I love your program.

    Taya Graham:

    Thank you, Thomas. I really appreciate that. First, you mentioned something to me that could not be seen on the dash camera footage. How did the officers initially follow and approach you?

    Thomas:

    I’m coming up over a bridge and once I kind of reached the top and come over the top, I noticed there’s a car sticking in the lane. The front of this vehicle is sitting in the lane. When I work as a fireman, once you see that you assume it’s a wreck. We look for wrecks all the time. You get called out and you see cars all turned around, facing the wrong way on the freeway. That’s what it reminded me of. And so I just kind of tapped my brakes and slowed down, but I continued on and that’s when I noticed ah, it’s a police car. They just sat there. They didn’t move.

    As soon as I passed them, I could see them real aggressively spin around, because they were facing me where I passed them. They do a U-turn and come right up on on me real close. And so I thought wow, they’re going to pull me over. Well, he didn’t pull me over. He was just following me. When he hits his lights, I pull over. I’m ready to be pulled over because they’re still behind me. Now he’s not right up on me like he was at the beginning, but it almost felt like he was trying to get me to do something, or scare me, or something.

    Taya Graham:

    When the officers pulled you over, what did they say was the reason?

    Thomas:

    All they said was, they asked me for my identification, driver’s license, and my insurance or whatever. While I’m getting that she said, “Do you know fast you were going?” Or she said, “Do you know the speed limit?” I said, “I think it’s 50. Is that right?” She goes, “Yeah, it’s 50.” I said, “Well how fast was I going?” She goes, “You were going a little faster than that.” I’m thinking okay, a little faster than that. I’m thinking, well are they going to give me a ticket for going a little faster than that? What is happening? Five miles an hour over the speed limit or something like that? Now, what I was thinking at the time was a little over the speed limit. That’s it. How this would turn into an arrest, I’m just thinking this is… Blew me away.

    Taya Graham:

    Okay, so the officers asked you to pull over to a second location, and you were polite and compliant while the officers asked you very personal questions. Did you have any idea of what was going to happen next?

    Thomas:

    When he said that I look really lethargic and sunked, and all that, just from when I handed him my driver’s license, that was only about 30 seconds, maybe a minute. That’s how it was started. Then when the second time they told me, he starts asking about medications and medical history, and all this stuff. I’m thinking, I know the HIPAA laws for privacy. At the same time, I’m thinking, well I understand they’re police officers. If someone’s a diabetic or something, they’re going into a coma, and I’ve seen this happen where they’re on the freeway and literally one time a car turned around on the freeway going the opposite way. I get it.

    This was a diabetic who was going through that, and had lost their consciousness more or less, but was able to still drive the car. Ended up crashing and we got her out of the car or whatever. But, I get it. I just went ahead and answered those personal medical questions, but before that even happened I was offering to them, because of my eye, I had this issue where it’s blue now. I don’t know if you can see it, but there’s a blue haze over it. If you ever looked at my mugshot, you can see that that is significant enough that you can’t even see my pupil very well. You would have to look real hard. You’d at least have to a pen light and shine it in there to see my pupil. If you were looking for a reaction.

    Well, they never did check my pupils. They checked my gaze. They’re looking for the horizontal gaze. That’s not checking pupils. Pupils, you’re going to check for a reaction. Kind of why I said more than I should have, because looking back now I shouldn’t even have opened my mouth. I should have just told them “I don’t talk to police.”

    Taya Graham:

    Now, I apologize for having to bring this up, but you have two health conditions that could affect your responses on the DUI test. You’re hard of hearing in one ear, and you have a detached retina in one eye. How do you think that impacted your reactions to the field sobriety tests? And how do you think this impacted the officers’ response to you?

    Thomas:

    He brings it up that I talk extremely slow. He said it quite a few times in the body cam footage. I’m thinking, I can’t even understand this guy. I checked just one small clip, he said seven words in one second. They were all like [inaudible 00:23:37]. As I was watching on the replay, I’m thinking yeah, I don’t talk that fast, but I’m not sure I talk that slowly either. But he kept bringing that up. The thing is about me hearing them, that affected it too.

    It also, because it’s a neuroma, it’s a tumor actually, so it affects your balance as well. I haven’t had really issues with it, but watching the replay on the video… That’s why I was so surprised. I can’t do this because I was flopping around trying to balance on one leg. Now, I did it, but I was having to balance like I’m on a high wire or something. Anyway, the point is, is that yes, my hearing affected me understanding him, and he’s picking up every little detail. He’s looking for anything. If I asked him or repeat something, he turned that into kind of like “There’s something wrong with him.” Be that as it may, it’s clear to me. They wanted a DWI from the word go.

    Taya Graham:

    So you complied with the field sobriety test. Were you surprised to discover how stringently they were judging you? Were you surprised by their comments?

    Thomas:

    I wasn’t surprised what she said because she’s doing this for the first time. But if she saw a drunk person doing these tests, she might have a different viewpoint of the whole thing. I am stone-cold sober, and I’m actually very agile. So, I don’t know if my hearing or my ear was better… I had that tumor treated, and I don’t think it’s gotten worse, but my balance was off. Yeah, I can pick out stuff, but he had her looking every little thing. It was just sudden. I was not prepared for it. In your mind, you think this easy, but when you’re doing it, it’s a little different. I probably should practice my DWI field sobriety tests every time I leave the house because if that’s what determines if I’m intoxicated or not, if they send my blood to Austin, Texas and it takes over 10 years to get back the results, then they’re going to charge me and convict me if they want. The fact that he keeps calling this… The medication he keeps calling it, a prescription narcotic, it is not a narcotic.

    Taya Graham:

    How long were you in jail, and what was your experience like? What were the exact charges?

    Thomas:

    I was charged with DWI. I got to the jail probably… I think the video started about 6:00 PM. I got to the jail about 7:00 PM. I was there until 3:30 in the afternoon the next day. I had to go to an arraignment and make my plea. I had no access to a lawyer. I had no access to a phone. I couldn’t call anyone. Which surprised me. Not only that, but I was on my way home to get something to eat when this started, and so I was already hungry. Then we get this little sandwich thing, two pieces of white bread and a piece of bologna at about 11:00. So, I hadn’t eaten since 7:00 in the morning or something. And then we got another one at about 4:00 in the morning, the same thing, two pieces of white bread and a piece of bologna. They’re already punishing you for nothing. They made up their mind before they pull you over, or the initial stop that they’re going to take you in. Don’t you need more evidence than just somebody looks lethargic?

    Taya Graham:

    Despite the difficulty in being arrested, separated from your pet, and having them taken to Animal Control, there were other consequences. You almost missed your father’s funeral because of this. And it cost you your job, and impacted your finances, right?

    Thomas:

    I had already been on light duty because of my eye. I would need a cornea transplant to get my eye fixed. The fire department only gives you so long to be on light duty before they turn you loose and no more pay. If they have another job, I believe they’re obligated to you offer you another job. So, they sent me to go work in Communications as a dispatcher. I was in training to become a dispatcher at the time. Because of the DWI, I was no longer allowed on the floor of the dispatch center. Because I was no longer allowed on the floor of the dispatch center, they ended up giving me a letter “You can retire now or go work in another department in the city,” or by then I already knew that once I’d been charged, I go to tell someone, “You wouldn’t believe what happened. I got charged with a DWI. I don’t even drink. I haven’t in 33 years.” I never heard of someone getting a DWI that doesn’t even drink.

    Taya Graham:

    You mentioned something to me that stood out, because it’s an impact that isn’t measured. That is, people often aren’t believed when they say that they are innocent, and that being charged and arrested can be very isolating. Can you talk about that?

    Thomas:

    People start distancing themselves from you a little bit. I’ve got friends that didn’t care, but at the same time, that was my family. The whole fire department, it’s a big department and it’s a good department. We’ve got some incredible people working there, and I had some really close friends that were like family. So, leaving was, although I had 30 years already, leaving was going to be difficult. I knew it. But leaving like that was kind of… It wasn’t really what I had hoped for.

    Taya Graham:

    Because of the legal entanglement, you almost missed saying goodbye to your father before he died.

    Thomas:

    The issue with my father was, when he passed away, just before he passed away, I had to call my bail bonds people. If you leave the county you’re supposed to call them. I called them and they seemed kind of resistant to me leaving. I had to just tell them, “I’m going anyway.” You could hear them on the phone, kind of in the background going “Whoa.” You know, they could have theoretically arrested me for doing that without their permission. This is happening before he died. My sister called me up and said, “Dad’s passing away. He might not make it until tomorrow.” So I’m trying to throw everything together and go, and I had to call the bail bonds people, and they’re going to resist? Come on. I hadn’t done anything, but I haven’t been convicted either. So it’s like you’re already convicting me. You’re treating me like I’m a criminal already.

    Taya Graham:

    You told me you were worried about your dog. In the video, you can even hear the dog whimpering as police take you away. How much did this ordeal cost you? It cost you your job, but there were out-of-pocket costs, right?

    Thomas:

    First of all, the bail. Check this out, they say “Well, we need to get to your credit card to pay the bail.” There’s a phone on the wall and there’s a list of bail bond agencies, and the phone only goes to them. You couldn’t call anyone else except collect. Sign a release, and they take my credit. Well, they took the cash out of my wallet. I had $80.00 in my wallet. They gave me a debit card. Come to find out, there’s no money on it at all. Instead of giving me the $80.00 cash back, they gave me the debit card. There’s no money on it. It has no value. I had no access to a phone.

    The next morning, I wanted to call my employer. The employer at their jail should have access to right there through a main line of some kind called a dispatch center in Dallas and tell them, “Hey Tom’s up in jail in Denton,” just to let them know. Because I’m supposed to be at work now. I pay bail for $1,000.00. They took it off my credit card. That was the first one. Then I went to get a lawyer. I asked random, “What do you do when this happens?” And the lawyer cost me $3,300.00. Then to get my truck back the next day, to get my truck it cost $470.00. For one night overnight. Then I had to get my dog, which cost me… He had to stay in the pound for two nights because I couldn’t get him out in time. I had heard horror stories in the past, so I’m thinking they’re going to see him, he looks ferocious, and they’re going to strangle him with one of those ropes or something.

    The way that deputy was acting, there’s no telling… To me, I’m thinking there’s no telling this guy has no conscious, because he’s just deliberately ruining my life. For nothing.

    Taya Graham:

    I have quite a bit to say about the arrest of Thomas, little of it having to do with the usual complaints about law enforcement that seem to, in my opinion, limit the debate over the broader structural issues that prompts the type of arrests we have witnessed in this story. As I’ve said before, our fixation on the particulars of law enforcement, i.e. bad cops and bad arrests, often limits our ability to critique the justifications that empower them. What do I mean? Well, let’s drill down into the details. Not of the arrest itself, but the actual paperwork used to facilitate it. What I mean is, let’s take a look at some of the details of how cops are enabled to make these kinds of arrests that at least on the surface seem hard to justify.

    As we do, I want you to hold a question in your head that hopefully when I’m done you’ll be able to answer. That question is simply, why are cops empowered with making arrests by just using adjectives? In other words, since when did we bestow the right to put us in a cage solely based on their subjective interpretation of our behavior? I mean, how many times have we had police apologists say, when confronted with police brutality that, “Cops aren’t social workers, and police aren’t worried about your feelings. They enforce the law.” It said simple, “You either broke it or you didn’t.” Well, apparently based on the form used to turn Thomas into a criminal, cops are actually very perceptive clinical psychologists. I wish I were kidding, but I am not. Just take a look at the form given to Denton Police to assess a DUI that I am showing you on the screen now. It lists, and I’m not kidding, a series of adjectival descriptions to justify charging a motorist with a DUI.

    I just want you to ponder this for a second. The flexibility this list provides cops who want to make an arrest and contrast it with the harsh consequences is apparently literary description can impose. Let’s start with clothing. Is it torn, stained, or disorderly? You’re drunk. Or how about your attitude? Yes, your attitude. Are you cocky, indifferent, or apologetic? You clearly shouldn’t be driving. Or is your speech thick-tongued? I’m not even going to touch that one. Or slow? Again, are charges justified? Just remember, never drive with droopy or watery eyes because that’s apparently a crime too. My point is these descriptors are not meant to evaluate a person’s condition. They are so utterly subjective. They’re more like a tool to justify an officer’s desire to make an arrest. I mean, if you look at the document it looks more like a fictive or ChatGPT writing prompt than an objective assessment of someone’s ability to drive. It’s a random list of enforcement adjectives, for lack of a better phrase, intended to give cops the illusory pretext for racking up arrests and earning those rewards Stephen was talking about earlier.

    Now, this criteria is even more suspect given the technical tools police have at their disposal to determine if someone is drunk. I mean, don’t we have blood tests and breathalyzers to figure out if someone is drunk? Can’t we find a way to utilize this same technology to more objectively assess a person’s ability to drive, especially considering the consequences if they’re charged? Well, I think what we have here is a manifestation of the cultural power conferred to policing that in some ways is much more insidious than the already-consequential ability to arrest and imprison us. An excessive amount of social capital bestowed upon cops makes a questionable form we showed you before not only possible, but in some ways inevitable.

    So, what do I mean? Well there’s actually a cultural theory that explains this phenomena. It generally applies to advantages of being rich and powerful. I think it merits application to this question as well. It’s called the “Hierarchy of Credibility”. It was a concept proffered by sociologist, Howard Becker, in an attempt to explain a thorny question, who gets to set the narrative or define the truth about the present conditions in which we live? Whose interpretation of current events is used to set the agenda for policy decisions that affect millions of lives? Becker said that the richer and more powerful person, the more likely their interpretation of current events would be believed and accepted. This process, he argued, led to the perpetuation of the injustice and inequality we see today, where a working class person can toil their entire lives, pay taxes, follow the law, and still end up broke, bankrupt, and homeless just because they got sick.

    I think it also applies to policing because how can you justify destroying a man’s life over a baseless allegation, other than by acknowledging that the Hierarchy of Credibility applies to police as well? How can you use such scant evidence to force a man into a cage, out of a job, and into a world where he cannot be hired and will forever be branded a criminal, unless you’ve been bestowed the immeasurable power of cops to brand us unworthy of fairness and justice? I can prove to you just how potent the police version of the Hierarchy of Credibility is. I have the receipts, so to speak, to show you just how this works. To do so, I want to share with you a piece about a very sketchy fundraising scheme that was the subject of a New York Times investigation. You might even be familiar with it because it’s primarily facilitated by robocalls.

    These calls are made to millions of people every day. During the call, a person whose actually a pre-recorded voice solicits funds from groups with names like The American Police Officers Alliance. The voice asks a person who answered to consider donating to support law enforcement. The pitch is, support cops because they deserve it. Now, the New York Times investigation found that these robocalls raised roughly $89 million over a seven-year period. They also found that the organizations that ran them spent almost nothing on funding the politicians who support policing over the years the fundraisers were the most active. In fact, almost all the money raised was spent on, you guessed it, more fundraising. Oh, and by the way, the Times investigation also found that the organizations that purported to support cops paid hefty fees to political consultants, totalling millions of dollars.

    So, we have a fictitious charity making questionable claims able to raise tens or millions of dollars, all while doing nothing to support it’s purported cause, a scheme that led thousands of people to donate multiple times without a single iota of proof that the organization had done anything to work on behalf of law enforcement itself. Which brings us back to the concept of this so-called Hierarchy of Credibility, because let’s remember, the ruse used to extract money from the unsuspecting donors was simply to invoke the name “police”. All they had to do was say the word “cop”, and people parted with their money apparently no questions asked, which shows how police fit into the pyramid of credibility because there are few institutions that can prompt you or I to simply turn over cash without explanation. There are even fewer professions so to speak that can literally open your wallet without having to provide anything tangible in exchange.

    I think what this example points out is the crucial role police play in reinforcing the Hierarchy of Credibility for the powers that be, and why disseminating copaganda in our media and culture is a vital part of that process, and that by making arrests like what we just witnessed, the police become enforcers who impose essentially a sociology of silence on the working class. That is, through fake arrests, false charges, extortion-level fees and fines, and other impediments police make our stories theirs. They construct a narrative so to speak where our police for justice for equity are sullied by false charges and bogus arrests. It’s really an insidious calculus, a method to the madness that enables our system of growing income and wealth inequality to flourish unchecked. It’s essentially the scaffolding of our structural divide between the ultra-rich and the rest of us buttress by bad policing.

    In a way, police in this capacity amplify the voices of the most powerful, and they do so by telling a tale of us, the people who act indifferent, whose clothes are stained, and whose eyes are watery. If that is the basis to convict us and take our freedom, and sully our future, then we must battle the system that makes it possible. Certainly, on this show, we will continue the fight to do so. I’d like to thank my guest Thomas for joining us, and for sharing his experience with us. Thank you, Thomas. Of course, I have to thank Intrepid Reporter, Stephen Janis, for his writing, research, and editing on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    And I want to thank friend of the show, Nole Dee and Modley CR for their support. Thank you both so much. A very special thanks to our Patreons. We appreciate you. I look forward to thanking each and every one of you personally in our next livestream, especially Patreon Associate Producers John ER, David K, Louie P, and super friends, Shane Bushtup, Pineapple Girl, Chris R Matter Writes, and Angela True. I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at PAR@TheRealNews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct.

    You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @EyesonPolice on Twitter. Of course, you can always message me directly at @TayasBaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. Please like and comment. You know I read your comments, and that I appreciate them. We do have a Patreon link pinned in the comments below for Accountability Reports, so if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated. My name is Taya Graham, and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The movement to Stop Cop City in Atlanta has brought environmental defenders and police abolitionists together to fight a mega-project that would demolish the historic Weelaunee Forest to create a massive urban warfare training facility. For standing up for people and the planet, more than 40 Cop City activists have been struck with domestic terrorism charges. Will Potter, author of Green Is the New Red, joins The Chris Hedges Report to place the repression of Cop City activists in a longer history of labeling environmental activists as ‘domestic terrorists.’

    Will Potter is an investigative journalist whose work has focused on social justice and environmental movements, and attacks on civil rights post-9/11. He is the author of Green Is the New Red, among other books.

    Studio Production: Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Adam Coley
    Audio Post-Production: Tommy Harron


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Speaker 1:

    (singing)

    Chris Hedges:

    When police in Atlanta stormed a music festival in March being held by activists protesting Cop City, the proposed $90 million police and firefighter training center that would be built on forest land, 23 of the activists were arrested and one, Tortuguita, a 26-year-old Indigenous environmental activist and community organizer was shot and killed. Those who were arrested were accused of carrying out acts of vandalism and arson at a Cop City construction site over a mile from the music festival under George’s domestic terror statute, although none of the arrest warrants tie any of the defendants directly to any illegal acts.

    Cop City is yet another complex designed by the corporate state to train police in urban warfare. The plans include military-grade training facilities, a mock city to practice urban warfare, explosives, testing areas, dozens of shooting ranges, and a Black Hawk helicopter landing pad. “It is a war base where police will learn military-like maneuvers to kill Black people and control our bodies and movements,” Kwame Olufemi of Community Movement Builders points out. “The facility includes shooting ranges, plans for bomb testing, and will practice tear gas deployment. They are practicing how to make sure poor and working class people stay in line so when the police kill us in the streets again like they did to Rashard Brooks in 2020, they can control our protests and community response to how they continually murder our people,” he said.

    But just as ominous as the militarization of domestic police forces and training complexes to turn police into internal armies of occupation is the use of terrorism laws to charge and imprison activists, protestors and dissidents. Former Chicago Tribune reporter Will Potter, in his book, Green is the New Red, documents how terrorism laws are used to crush dissent, especially dissent carried out by animal rights and environmental activists. He likens the campaign to McCarthyism in the 1950s and warns that we are on the cusp of cementing into place a police state.

    Potter, who became a vegan when he was a student at the University of Texas, participated in a canvassing campaign organized by a group called Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty while working at the Tribune. The goal was to close down the laboratory of Huntingdon Life Sciences, which still uses animals for testing. The organizers were arrested for trespassing, and then Potter got a firsthand look at what was happening to civil liberties in the United States. Two FBI agents appeared at Potter’s apartment demanding information about the group. If he refused to cooperate, he was told his name would be included on the domestic terrorist list. Potter would eventually leave the paper to report on the government’s intimidation of activists, including nonviolent activists who spoke out against the corporate state and the seizure of political and economic power by the 1%. Joining me to discuss the Orwellian world being erected around us is Will Potter.

    You open the book in the Chicago Tribune newsroom. We both come out of the newspaper industry. I think we both worked at one point in the Dallas Morning News, and there’s a story, you’re sent out to cover the killing of a child. And I think for those who don’t come out of that environment, they don’t understand the cynicism, maybe even numbness that takes place in those newsrooms and how difficult that is if you actually care. I mean, I always say there’s two types of reporters, the ones who care and the ones who don’t. That’s the real divide in a newsroom. It’s not politics. But let’s just open with that since we both come from that environment.

    Will Potter:

    Yeah, I think that’s a great observation. I mean, it’s something that journalists, we rarely ever talk about. That kind of environment is one in which in order to survive just the onslaught of daily news and blood and guts and violence and kind of despair that comes with it, you have to really get a hardened shell. And I think that’s kind of fetishized a little bit in journalism. We embrace that machismo and just kind of push full steam ahead without acknowledging trauma and acknowledging some of these things that we encounter. And that’s certainly an environment I felt I encountered at multiple newspapers. Like you said, I think like a lot of people, you go into news with ideas about making a difference in the world, educating the public, allowing and creating an environment for change and social change to happen. But it can be quite crushing and cynical, as well.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, those news organizations will beat that out of you if you let them.

    Will Potter:

    Very quickly.

    Chris Hedges:

    Very quickly. Exactly. Let’s talk about the Huntingdon Labs. You were just handing out leaflets, I think, or something. I mean, it was pretty innocuous.

    Will Potter:

    Yeah.

    Chris Hedges:

    Explain what it was, why it’s important, and then I want to go in, because this was a pivotal moment in the animal rights movement.

    Will Potter:

    It was. This was a pivotal campaign, and in that moment when the FBI agents came to my door, that time period was pivotal in the campaign, also. And so as a little bit of background, this laboratory had been exposed multiple times by undercover investigators working with groups like PETA, and they had documented egregious acts of cruelty, things like punching beagle puppies repeatedly in the face because the technicians were frustrated at their small veins to get an injection or dissecting a monkey that was still alive. And all of this was caught on video and was used in a very savvy way to mobilize and push forward this emerging movement.

    What was different about this campaign compared to other animal rights or other protest campaigns is they operated quite differently. I mean, they were not intended on having signs and banners outside of the laboratory because they knew the lab didn’t care. The people in the lab didn’t care and the people investing in this lab didn’t care. So they started targeting the finances of this company. They went after everyone from UPS to toilet paper suppliers. Anyone who had business in any way with the laboratory was the target of protests. Sometimes this was kind of spontaneous demonstrations, sometimes this was as simple as people anonymously putting stickers or wheat paste or breaking out a window. I mean, the campaign was really that diverse, from these really kind of small, seemingly insignificant acts of sabotage or even harassment to mass protests outside the laboratories.

    What happened is that it was so incredibly successful internationally that it brought the campaign near bankruptcy. And as that was happening, these corporations mobilized their allies in Congress and they worked together behind closed doors in order to label these protest groups as terrorists and ultimately to convict them and send them to prison as terrorists, as well.

    Chris Hedges:

    And we should be clear, so Huntingdon, which still exists under another name, but it’s Envigo I think is who bought up-

    Will Potter:

    That’s right.

    Chris Hedges:

    Right. So at the time, it was killing between 71,000 and 180,000 animals a year, and these animals were being killed to test for household cleaners, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals, pesticides, and food ingredients for major companies such as Procter and Gamble, Colgate, Palmolive. In the book, you write about the two kind of major organizations that confront of animal activists. One is the underground organization, that’s groups like Animal Liberation Front, and then the aboveground groups. And the underground groups I think at one point invaded the labs and caused significant damage. And the aboveground groups, the ones who ended up being prosecuted, engaged in nonviolent activity and organizing. But the relationship between those two groups, we’ll get into it later, but the ones who engaged in nonviolent traditional organizing ended up in essence being charged for the crimes of the underground organizers, even though they had nothing to do with it. But talk about those relationships.

    Will Potter:

    That’s really the heart of this entire protest campaign and the heart of why I think this case sets such a dangerous precedent for social movements. In the sixties in the anti-war movement, there was a phrase among activists that, “We didn’t do it but we dug it,” meaning I was not engaged or I don’t know who was engaged in illegal protest activity against the war, but it was loosely in the name of the same cause and it was nonviolent, and so I will support it. And that was the mentality of Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty. And specifically they ran a website, and on this website everything related to the campaign was published. Everything from those stickerings and wheat pastings that I mentioned all the way up to groups like the Animal Liberation Front doing things like stealing animals from laboratories and breaking into facilities connected to HLS, and also property destruction, vandalism, sabotage. In the scheme of this protest movement, though, there were no targeting of human beings. I mean, this is something that Animal Liberation Front has made sure of for decades and something the organizers of SHAC were very passionate about.

    Chris Hedges:

    SHAC, by the way, is Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty.

    Will Potter:

    That’s right.

    Chris Hedges:

    That’s the organization that was organized to confront Huntingdon.

    Will Potter:

    They’re the ones who were organizing this protest campaign. And really by organizing, the government said this was a couple of people in a house in Philadelphia and in New Jersey that were running a website. And as news came in on the website, there was a real intensity around this at the time. I mean, this was kind of pre-social media. In a lot of ways, I would argue this was one of the first digital campaigns of this new era that relied heavily and even almost exclusively on online organizing. And so what the government argued, as you indicated, is that by the SHAC organizers, by the aboveground lawful groups saying through their words and their website that they support the ideology of those crimes and they also support people doing them, they thought that this was all legitimate in the name of this struggle, the government argued that this created a conspiracy and that conspiracy created an environment that allowed the illegal activity to take place.

    So in other words, the people who ran the website were never accused at any point of doing any of the illegal things that were on the website or for that matter, the legal things that were on the website, but the government in this ambitious court case argued that they needed to be held responsible for creating a criminal conspiracy under the Animal Enterprise Protection Act. So these activists were convicted of animal enterprise terrorism, is the name of the charge, conspiracy to commit that and conspiracy to violate the telecommunications law, which means that they were collaborating across state lines in order to protest this multinational company.

    Chris Hedges:

    So in your book, you write that the reason terrorism laws, this of course was in the wake of 9/11, the reason terrorism laws were employed against animal rights activists was because the corporations were being hurt. And they essentially prodded the political leadership in both parties, beholden to corporate money, of course, to declare these kinds of activities, even nonviolent activities, as acts of terrorism. They also, through tremendous resources, surveillance resources at these groups, I think if I remember correctly, in your book you say it’s the longest criminal investigation by the FBI in US history or something. You write about a woman, her name, she went by the name Anna. Her real name was Zoe Elizabeth Voss, a paid FBI informant. We saw this with Muslims after 9/11, where she provided the money, the logistics, at one point a cabin that the FBI wired to essentially prod people to discuss carrying out a bombing that never took place.

    There’s this one poor 26-year-old kid who kind of falls for her and it was entrapment. I think he ended up spending a decade in prison, but the FBI withheld 2,500 pages of evidence. And so he got a what, a 20-year sentence roughly and served 10. You write that the FBI is estimated to have had 15,000 informants in these environmental and animal rights groups. Let’s talk about the tactics that were employed against these groups.

    Will Potter:

    I think the most important tactic is the recognition of the power of language. And that’s something that began really in the 1980s when industry groups made up, I mean they actually invented the term ecoterrorism and they were quite proud of it. And for the next several decades, as you know, there was an international focus on terrorism in a very different context. So in that time through the eighties and nineties, there wasn’t a lot of headway on these corporate efforts. I mean, there were gains being made, without a doubt, but what I found in my research is that after September 11th, the infrastructure and the strategies that were being developed and honed for decades leading up to 9/11 were implemented incredibly quickly and boldly after the attack, to the point where as first responders were still trying to clear survivors from the rubble after 9/11, you had multiple members of Congress speculating that the terrorist attacks were the work of environmentalists or animal rights activists. I mean, that’s the kind of climate that these groups created.

    In that climate where the unreasonable becomes reasonable, where you’re blaming nonviolent groups or saboteurs for the most costly loss of life in US history, in that environment, they were able to kind of manipulate other structures to push this agenda. And what I would kind of summarize is that they really did this in three ways. There were three parts to their playbook. There were legal efforts, there were legislative efforts such as creating new terrorism laws and new protest restrictions, and then there was what I would call extra legal or operating outside of the law. And that’s where some of these informant tactics come in.

    The FBI has been called to the carpet multiple times by their Inspector General’s office and oversight boards for the rampant misuse of informants. And that certainly has taken place in the animal rights and environmental movements, but this has also been corporate-driven, as in corporations hiring private investigators in mercenary firms that operate outside of the very little restrictions that the FBI has to pursue activists and to create dossiers on them. We’ve seen this not just in the campaigns we’ve talked about so far, but also in things like the Standing Rock protest and the Keystone Pipeline protests where these major corporations are sitting down, and I literally have some of the documents showing it, that they give PowerPoint presentations to law enforcement. They identify protestors, they recommend prison sentences in specific criminal statutes that can be used to go after their opposition. At really every step of the way, these corporate groups have sat down and worked in lockstep with the FBI and with those mercenary companies.

    Chris Hedges:

    Yeah. Well, you talk about fusion centers, so these are state programs that essentially collate or put together information coming from various law enforcement agencies, but they also work, as you point out in the book, with these corporate security firms. When I went to Standing Rock or you couldn’t, they blocked the roads, and the people blocking the roads were wearing Kevlar vests and carrying long-barrelled weapons with no identification. They were private security drawn from police, drawn from military. And so there’s this kind of centrifugal force where all of these entities are coming together to target these activists with tremendous amounts of resources. The film The Animal People is a documentary about this campaign, and in that documentary you show or there’s an attempt to show the staggering kind of sums of money and manpower that’s been put in to crush these groups.

    Will Potter:

    Oh, the amount of resources is just, it’s unbelievable. I mean, as you all with this show, you’re monitoring social movements and protest campaigns and you know how little resources these activists have. And so as one of the defendants, one of the protestors put it, when you see those court papers that say the United States versus Will or versus Chris or whatever it is, it really is that full weight of the US government combined with the full weight of the corporate state. In addition to some of the things you’ve mentioned like how this was the largest domestic terrorism investigation in US history, they’ve thrown just an ungodly amount of money into making these policies happen.

    One thing that I would throw out is when these activists were awaiting prison sentences on the Huntingdon campaign, so they were already convicted under this ambitious previous law called the Animal Enterprise Protection Act. They were already being sentenced to prison as terrorists for a protest campaign. And politicians and members of Congress and also these corporate representatives were simultaneously arguing, “Our hands are tied. We need more power, we need more money, we need more funding, police resources.” And like you said, I think you put it quite well, that there is this kind of centrifugal force that emerges of this revolving door of state agencies and private sector, and really that’s what’s happened with this issue. Those forces together have worked over the last several decades to turn nonviolent protestors into the FBI’s, “Number one domestic terrorism threat.” And it’s really because of their money and influence.

    Chris Hedges:

    They also have twisted the courts. Maybe you can talk about the terrorism enhancement laws. These can add 20 years to sentences. They can, in some cases, quadruple sentences. And let’s be clear, these are nonviolent crimes.

    Will Potter:

    And this was something, the terrorism enhancement is something that was passed by Congress after the Oklahoma City bombings by right wing groups who killed, up until that time, was the most civilians that had ever been targeted. So in this kind of specter of fear of violence, that’s when this provision was passed. And instead, it’s been deployed to elevate the sentences of nonviolent environmental protestors that were convicted, for instance, as part of the Earth Liberation front. Those sentences not only are exacerbated by the terrorism enhancement, but it also redefines who these prisoners are.

    I saw that personally visiting prisoners after they’ve been sentenced, and also in my interviews with countless former prisoners, that their experience once they’ve been classified that way is quite different. These activists in general have very little priors. They have no serious criminal history, and yet after being sentenced for their protest activity, they can end up in medium or even maximum security facilities. They are called red tagged by the BOP, by the Bureau of Prisons, and red carded. That means they have to sometimes carry and wear a large red card identifying them as a high risk terrorism inmate. They’re treated differently by guards, they’re singled out.

    The ramifications of this in terms of from a human rights perspective extend far beyond just the disproportionate and I would call malicious sentencing of these protestors. It really redefines them. And I think that’s, to me, one of the most surprising takeaways of this language of terrorism is that even though it began as a public relations maneuver, it’s completely taken on a life of its own to the point where it’s worked its way into bureaucracies within power that kind of self-replicate these systems after people have even been convicted.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, they’re put in management control units. I went out to Marion, Illinois, and I know you went out there as well in the book, which replaced Alcatraz as the kind of supermax prison. Now we have in Florence the kind of latest iteration of that. But I went out to visit Daniel Hale, who leaked the drone papers, and he, again, it’s a nonviolent crime. In fact, he shouldn’t even be in prison, but he, like these activists, was placed in a high security prison in the middle of farmland, the middle of nowhere, but in a special, highly restrictive unit. And that’s what’s happened to many of these activists.

    Will Potter:

    To be clear, I think when people, in my experience, start hearing about things like this, there’s a tendency to either think one, that can’t be true because this is the United States, or similarly, something like, “Well, this only happens in X, Y, or Z other country that has a disdain for human rights.” And the truth is that there’s actually a long history of using political prisons in the United States in these types of cases, including for social movements that we now regard by members of Congress even in these kind of heroic terms, the anti-war movement, the Black liberation Movement, the American Indian movement, all have been targeted. And many of those protestors ended up in experimental prisons.

    What’s I think significant here is these communications management units were opened as clearly, explicitly political prisons for political prisoners, targeting prisoners because of their communications and their ideology. People were sent there because of their, “Anti-corporate and anti-government beliefs,” according to government documents. And as this is happening, it further codifies and cements political repression. It is stabilizing and really introducing what are quite extreme tactics of destroying and subverting social movements, and has turned them into something that’s now part of the official government apparatus. And these CMUs, these secretive prisons are now being codified into the law, and they are receiving more and more prisoners every year. What started as an, “Extreme response by the government for dangerous and violent prisoners,” is now being used against people that are very far from that. And I think that’s the mission creep that we see and that you’re really pointing to here.

    Chris Hedges:

    Yeah. We just have a few minutes left right in there about the loyalty oaths that mainstream environmental groups, Sierra Club, Greenpeace, National Wildlife Federation, were kind of called upon to denounce these underground groups, which unfortunately most of them rapidly did or quite willingly did. But let’s talk about where we are now. This has created the foundation for a very frightening kind of police state where any kind of dissent becomes terrorism. And that’s why I opened with the incident in Cop City.

    Will Potter:

    And that’s exactly why I’ve been following Cop City so closely as well, because the dynamics that we’ve talked about are really starkly on display in that campaign. Not just the repressive tactics, but the movement tactics, as well. I mean, it’s a similar dynamic to that Huntingdon Life Sciences campaign where in the Cop City protest, you have people that are protesting, writing letters, working with church groups, running websites, doing free concerts like you mentioned, offering free childcare, food, all of these kind of multiple aspects of movement organizing. And then you also have people that have sabotaged property and broken the law.

    And what the state has done in this case is argue that all of it, the entire campaign is reflective of domestic terrorism, anarchism and threats to public safety. So that dynamic is still at play. So is that, I think it’s right to call a loyalty oath that’s being put on mainstream organizations. If you run a national group, it’s understandable why it would be tempting to come out and publicly condemn someone who vandalized a bulldozer because you run a nonprofit, you have donations and staff, and you’re not involved in protest activity like that, and you certainly don’t want to be at risk threatened by the FBI. And that’s the type of fear that they prey into.

    And what happens, though, is when more mainstream and established groups start making public comments about the radicals with Cop City or the Anarchists, which is the kind of classic boogeyman that has rolled out, it drives a wedge. And I think in terms of state repression, the intention is to drive a wedge between these social movements inside themselves, between the aboveground and the more radical groups, and then to drive a wedge between Cop City protestors and everyone else in the more liberal or mainstream left. And they do that by really tightening the screws on mainstream organizations that have something to lose.

    Chris Hedges:

    Yeah. Although as you point out in your book, these nonviolent protestors ultimately get charged for acts they did not commit. I’m not going to go into the details. People should read the book and watch The Animal People, the documentary, but they weren’t even physically there. They didn’t even know these things were happening in many cases, but they’re charged.

    Will Potter:

    In the Cop City case, it gets even more just kind of surreal. I mean, you have bond hearings where protestors are being denied and police are pointing to mud on their shoes as evidence-

    Chris Hedges:

    Right, right, right.

    Will Potter:

    [inaudible 00:30:33]

    Chris Hedges:

    That’s right, muddy clothes.

    Will Potter:

    Muddy clothes, black hoodies. The raids of some of these activists that happened recently in Georgia, the warrant, I have to tell you, I don’t think either of us would look very good if we were raided, Chris. I mean, our bookshelves can be quite incriminating. And that’s the type of stuff that they’re listing in these warrants and then dragging into court as evidence of illegal activity. And I think that’s why it’s so important for mainstream organizations to fight back militantly against what is happening right now. Staying silent has never protected social justice groups from political repression like this, period. Historically, it has never worked. It has never worked to try to cozy up to corporations or to politicians hoping that they’re not going to be targeted in the backlash, because what happens every single time is at the point you become truly effective, at the point you become a true threat to business as usual is when the full weight of that apparatus is deployed.

    So I think that what we’re seeing in Cop City, I’m not going to say I’m I optimistic or hopeful yet. I mean, I am a journalist after all, but it is quite inspiring, I’ll say, to see church groups, community groups, and the diversity of voices that have come out against Cop City. And to me, I think that’s really the best defense that we can have against these tactics is bringing everyone under the tent and saying very loudly that we’re part of this same movement, the same cause, and we’re not going to be singled out as terrorists to stop us.

    Chris Hedges:

    Great. I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team, Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, David Hebdon, and Kayla Rivara. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.

    Speaker 4:

    And the Chris Hedges report gets some extra time now with a few minutes of bonus material with Chris and his guest.

    Chris Hedges:

    So in this second part, I want to ask you about the underground/aboveground groups. I was very involved in the Occupy movement and very critical of the black bloc and critical of property destruction, because I thought it was effectively used by the police and the state to demonize the Occupy movement. And it didn’t achieve much, especially in cities like Oakland, where throwing a trash can through a window in a Oakland is… Ishmael Reed, who lives in Oakland said, “If they want to throw a trash can through a window, why don’t they go up to La Jolla where the rich people live and throw a trash can through,” Mitt Romney apparently has some kind of estate up there, his place.

    So I’ve always been very critical. The other thing, and I think this is captured in your book, and it was something that I often said to Occupy activists, is you just go back and read COINTELPRO. That’s kind of the primer on how it works. They have so many resources that the only effective strategy is transparency and the kind of the azan provokatörs, they love the black bloc because they could cover their faces so they couldn’t be identified. But you’re much more forgiving to the underground groups. But I just wanted you to address that.

    Will Potter:

    Yeah, I think those are valid critiques. I feel like the more I’ve been immersed in this for so many years now, the more I’ve kind of come to believe one, how little I know about ultimately what tactics work and what don’t, but to a greater point, seeing the response of the FBI and the state to a wide range of protest activity. So I think that the argument could be made that seeing property destruction like you see in a black bloc protest, it could give the immediate pretext in that moment for a political crackdown on those groups of spreading to other movements at that time. But what I’ve seen more broadly is that the repression that activists experience seems to have very little to do with the legality or the tenor of their actual tactics, if that makes sense.

    So for instance, the underground groups who have done things like break into laboratories, steal animals, burn down buildings, I mean, at some cases these are very serious property crimes that someone could have been hurt. But what we’ve seen in the last few years is the FBI and the industry, I guess on the animal rights side of things more broadly, has focused on national groups. They’ve been much more concerned with undercover investigators in criminalizing photography and people that document animal abuse on farms.

    And so I guess to respond to your question, I see that there is kind of a spectrum that exists in protest activity, and really the determining factor of whether any of that activity is going to be hit with intense state repression is whether it starts moving the needle. I feel a little bit naive, I’ll admit, in the last few years to see how quickly, rapidly and forcefully these tactics have been deployed against activists who had no sensible connection whatsoever to anything illegal. Right? I mean, for years, that’s what they said in going after the Animal Liberation Front and Earth Liberation Front. “We have to crack down on these radicals. We have to go after the black bloc.”

    And what we’re seeing is that the FBI seems much less concerned with that on the whole right now than it does about true movement building. So I don’t know where this goes from here. I don’t know if those tactics are going away. I feel like anytime that there is a heavy-handed or a violent response from the state, we might see protest tactics like that, but we’re also seeing in Cop City, I think a lot more sophistication and movement creation and bringing lots of different people together and not, I guess I’ll say not turning some people off with some of those tactics that you mentioned.

    Chris Hedges:

    I want to talk about what’s happened. At the end, the movement, the Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty Movement does cripple the lab, but it’s bailed out, and then eventually it merges with other laboratories, Harlan Labs, NDA Analytics, et cetera, and creates this new super company, Envigo. What’s the lesson from that?

    Will Potter:

    Well, it’s kind of a similar story from your time in Occupy, right? That they’re too big to fail. That’s what the industry said with HLS, with vivisection industry, but also just all these diverse industries that have something to do with animals rallied behind them because they said, “If HLS falls, if this lab falls, everybody’s going to be vulnerable.” And I think that kind of too big to fail mentality is what caused people to rally behind such an abusive, corrupt facility as this one. And it also really speaks to just the overwhelming power of these industries.

    My work focuses on political repression, which is pretty dark and depressing beat, but you also see the strength of social movements. And in this case, the industry was absolutely terrified about a protest campaign that was being run by a half a dozen people, allegedly in the United States with a couple of computers and who were bringing a multinational company to the point where it’s kicked off the New York Stock Exchange and kicked down to the pink sheets in the market makers. I mean, this was the power of this movement, and it just rattled them to their core. And I think that fear is still there. I mean, that’s why we still, there isn’t a campaign like this happening right now, but I think you’re still seeing this level of repression and kind of paranoia by corporations because they know it’s possible and they know this is always right around the corner.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, they also know what they’re doing, which is why they hide it.

    Will Potter:

    Oh, without a doubt. Without a doubt. Jon Stewart used to do a good bit on his show called Evil or Stupid, where he would debate something and be like, “Oh, this is happening because they’re so horribly evil.” And then the other guy would say, “Oh no, it’s because they’re so stupid.” And I kind of do that a lot with this issue, but I think I firmly come down on the side of evil. I have to say that after seeing this for so long, there is nothing unintentional about any of these maneuvers. There’s some people that are just following orders. But as you mentioned with the SHAC case, when that was happening in New Jersey, Chris Christie was one of the people that was really trying to make a name off of it, just to give you an idea. And these are political opportunists. They’ve used this war on activism to make a name for themselves as being tough on crime or tough on terrorism and to catapult their careers.

    I think we’re still going to be seeing that for quite some time. In the fallout of January 6th and the rise of fascist groups internationally, more and more people are going to be fighting back because we don’t have a choice but to fight back against it. And I think that state apparatus is going to be employed against them, as well.

    Chris Hedges:

    Great. That was Will Potter. His book is Green is the New Red, and you can see the documentary, which he is in, The Animal People, it’s on, where is it? On Amazon?

    Will Potter:

    Yeah, you can watch it on all the streaming stuff.

    Chris Hedges:

    All the streamings have it. Yeah, it’s a great documentary. Thanks, Will.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Vincent Quiles, a 28-year-old father and union organizer in Philadelphia, is part of a fledgling labor effort to support the months-long protests against construction of the notorious Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, popularly known as “Cop City.”

    For Quiles, this also means speaking out against his former employer: Home Depot.

    When he was fired from a Home Depot store in northeastern Philadelphia in February, Quiles was already struggling to support his toddler son on his salary, which he says never felt like enough, given the meager benefits. He says he was forced to lean on his “very strong support system.” This was despite his demanding job as a receiving supervisor, he notes, in charge of tasks like tracking incoming merchandise and overseeing maintenance of machinery in the store.

    Quiles had been with the company for almost six years and played a leading role in a unionization drive that sought better pay, staffing and training. The drive was inspired by the successful unionization of an Amazon fulfillment center in Staten Island. His store’s effort, he says, was met with a “vicious union-busting” campaign from Home Depot management and culminated in an unsuccessful union election in November. Quiles, who comes across as friendly and direct, is adamant that he was fired about three months later in retaliation for trying to organize what would have been the first union in a Home Depot store. He says he is currently pursuing a wrongful termination charge with the National Labor Relations Board. 

    “The company would dispute this,” he says, “but I was fired for organizing.” Home Depot did not return requests for comment about Quiles’ claims or any of the other assertions about Home Depot in this article.

    But Quiles is not only concerned with his own situation—he is deeply upset about how the company’s policies and priorities are playing out in a city 800 miles away. Tax returns show that the Home Depot Foundation is a funder of the Atlanta Police Foundation (APF), the private entity driving the fiercely opposed plan to build a $90 million police training center in the South River Forest, which protesters refer to by its Muscogee name, the Weelaunee Forest. Cop City is slated to include a shooting range, a driving course, and a mock city to train police from across the country in urban warfare, as activists put it, and would raze an important ecosystem and carbon sink in a majority-Black part of the Atlanta metro area.

    “So Home Depot has money to allocate toward things like this, things that many people in that community don’t want because of the harm to the environment,” says Quiles, “but you can’t pay people more for the measurable value they bring to your company?”

    Approved by the Atlanta City Council in 2021, the plan has been met with months-long opposition from neighbors and protesters concerned with the destruction of the forest at a time of intensifying climate change and environmental racism. Protesters are also alarmed by the expansion of policing and its associated violence, and “Stop Cop City” has become a national rallying cry for environmental and racial justice movements. Law enforcement, in turn, has responded with a ferocious crackdown that has left one forest defender killed (Georgia state troopers riddled 26-year-old Manuel “Tortuguita” Terán with 57 bullets in January) and 42 charged with domestic terrorism. Three organizers with the Atlanta Solidarity Fund, a bail fund, are now facing money laundering and charity fraud charges, following SWAT arrests at the end of May.

    Quiles is not alone in expressing concern; his voice is part of an emerging labor effort publicly speaking out against police repression of the “Stop Cop City” protests. He is flanked by two unions—United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE) and the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades (IUPAT), a list that activists hope will grow—and quickly.

    Quiles, meanwhile, is the president of Home Depot Workers United, an independent union which he says is in touch with workers at 25 stores around the country, some of which are actively planning union campaigns. He declined to disclose the exact number because he was concerned about retaliation and union busting tactics from the company. Home Depot Workers United released a statement in early April calling on Home Depot “to pull their support, both financial and otherwise, from the Atlanta Cop City project.” 

    The Home Depot Foundation gave $25,000 to the APF in 2021, $35,000 in 2020, and $50,000 in 2019. When asked about these payments, Terrance Roper, a spokesperson for Home Depot, said over email, “I can tell you we haven’t donated to The Atlanta Police Foundation’s proposed training facility. We have specifically donated to The Atlanta Police Foundation’s veteran housing program.”

    But Maurice BP-Weeks, a fellow at Interrupting Criminalization, says, “This doesn’t pass the smell test. A dollar is a dollar, and Home Depot’s dollars have helped enable APF’s programs. Cop City is the signature program of APF at the moment.”

    The corporate relationship goes beyond funding: As LittleSis pointed out, Daniel Grider, Home Depot’s vice president of technology, sits on the APF’s board of trustees. (Grider is also on the leadership team of the Home Depot Foundation.)

    “Corporations the size of Home Depot don’t have executives join boards like this by accident,” says Maurice BP-Weeks, a fellow at Interrupting Criminalization. “They are sophisticated political actors, and when you see someone on a board, it’s a sophisticated action. Home Depot clearly expects something out of the relationship.”

    Grider isn’t the only connection. Arthur Blank, the co-founder of Home Depot, has a family foundation that pledged $3 million to the “Public Safety First Campaign,” which is the term the APF uses for the project. (In a statement to In These Times reporter and editor Joseph Bullington, the foundation sought to distance itself from the project by claiming the funding went to a different project of the APF.) Furthermore, Derek Bottoms, vice president of employment practices and associate relations for Home Depot, is the husband of Keisha Lance Bottoms, the former mayor of Atlanta who supported the construction of Cop City.

    I spoke with a Home Depot worker and organizer who played a lead role in drafting the Home Depot Workers United statement—he requested anonymity to protect himself from retaliation. The worker said he was especially outraged to learn about these direct donations. “Home Depot’s profits come from my labor,” he says, “and we get a tiny fraction of that. The rest they get to decide what they do with. So often, what they do with that money is they enrich themselves or they give it to organizations or other things that don’t help the associates, and that actively harm workers.”

    Some union leaders say the fight to stop Cop City has significant stakes for the labor movement as a whole. “Working people always have to be wary of any repression against protesters, because there is a history in our country that once it’s used against anyone protesting government policies, it can be turned against workers in their union,” Carl Rosen, the general president of UE, says over the phone from Erie, Pennsylvania, where 1,400 UE members who work for Wabtec Corp. could soon go out on strike.

    This is especially concerning amid increasing enthusiasm about unions, even if density remains low. “At a time when workers across the country are increasingly willing to strike and use other militant tactics to oppose rampant corporate greed, working people must remain vigilant and united against any attacks on our right to peacefully protest against injustice,” UE officers, including Rosen, wrote in a June 2 statement. UE says it represents at least 30,000 workers.

    The leadership of IUPAT was the first major union to weigh in, a significant development from a construction trades union that says it represents “over 100,000 workers across the United States, including across the Atlanta metro region.” A late March statement from general president Jimmy Williams Jr. emphasized racial justice issues at the heart of the matter. 

    “The IUPAT was proud to stand in solidarity during the height of the pandemic with the Black Lives Matter protests in Washington D.C.,” according to the statement. “Today we stand in solidarity with the protesters in Atlanta who are facing egregious and unnecessary violence by the Atlanta Police force and others for simply disagreeing around matters of public policy.” 

    When Williams became president in September 2021, he was hailed as a progressive new leader, unafraid to talk about tough issues like racism. 

    The unions that have spoken out in defense of activists only represent a tiny fraction of the labor movement. But BP-Weeks says, “We are at the very beginning of reaching out, and the support we have is really exciting—good on them for getting out in front.” BP-Weeks is part of an effort to circulate a sign-on letter so that unions can show their solidarity.

    “Larger institutions generally don’t move as quickly, so we are continuing to reach out to the rest of labor, and we expect more sign-ons in the future,” BP-Weeks continues. “And we also realize not all of labor is in the same place on that. This moment can be a tool to organize and do some political education with unions as well.” 

    But even where union leaders—or their memberships as a whole—have not signed on, some workers and union members are involved in Stop Cop City organizing. Among them is Bill Aiman, a part-time United Parcel Service (UPS) worker who is a member of the Teamsters and is also involved in Teamsters for a Democratic Union, a rank-and-file movement for improved democracy and militancy. He is based in the Atlanta metro area and says over the phone that he has “been attending protests, and trying to organize where possible.”

    “When I talk to coworkers,” he says, “the Cop City project is extremely unpopular.”

    “Cops are the first line of defense for business owners and employers, so I think it makes sense for labor to be opposed to Cop City,” he says. “These cops are being trained at Cop City and will use the tactics they learn to crush our strike if we go out.” The UPS contract will expire on July 31, and around 350,000 Teamsters could go on strike

    Some union leaders say, in addition to the immediate interests of labor, there are bigger principles at stake. In their statement, UE officers noted that, “In a democracy, decisions about the use of publicly-owned land and public funds should be driven by robust public debate, including the right of members of the public to peacefully protest. Instead, Atlanta has chosen repression.” 

    Early Tuesday, Atlanta’s city council approved the allocation of $67 million in public funds for the project: around $31 million in public funds for the construction of Cop City, along with $1.2 million a year over 30 years for use of the facility. This was approved despite an outpouring of impassioned public opposition. The rest of the funding will be raised privately. The APF’s board is filled with a host of Georgia-headquartered corporate leaders, ranging from Delta Air Lines to Waffle House to UPS. Protesters say that the supporters of Cop City—in government, the corporate world, and police-aligned nonprofits—are ramming through the project without meaningful democratic input. Emory University conducted a survey in March which found that a plurality of Black Atlanta residents oppose Cop City. Many protesters say the funds should instead be invested in public programs that improve human and environmental wellbeing. 

    Kerry Cannon, the interim vice president of Home Depot Workers United, says, “Home Depot has a set of core values they like to say they live by, and their financial and other support of Cop City is in complete contradiction of their values, from destroying a forest to ignoring the will of the people of that area.” The company advertises a wheel of “core values” on its website—these include “respect for all people” and “taking care of our people.”

    Cop City is not the first time Home Depot has come under fire for the actual values it promotes. Another co-founder, billionaire Bernie Marcus, has donated to the campaigns of far-right politicians, including former President Donald Trump and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. In 2021, a coalition of Black faith leaders called for a boycott of the company, which is headquartered in Georgia, for its “indifference” to a sweeping law to curb voting rights, even as other corporations spoke out. Numerous Home Depot employees have also spoken out about a host of nightmarish working conditions, ranging from sexual harassment to timed bathroom breaks.

    After losing his job, Quiles is organizing for Home Depot Workers United in a strictly volunteer capacity, and says he is having to “limit expenses in the household” and is “cutting it fairly close.” The “current corporate culture in the country” is what inspires him to keep organizing, he says, and speaking out about Home Depot’s links to Cop City is a critical part of that.

    “The point of labor organizing,” he says, “is to improve society as a whole.”

    This article is being co-published with Workday Magazine and The Real News.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The 2020 protests that took place in the immediate wake of Minneapolis police murdering George Floyd were a historic call for America to reckon with its racist, oppressive system of state-sanctioned police violence. Three years later, rather than a reckoning, that same system, along with the political and business elites propping it up, are giving us “Cop City” (ie, the Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, the Atlanta Police Foundation’s 85-acre, $90-million police militarization and training complex where law enforcement from around the US and beyond will, among other things, train for urban warfare scenarios). Plans to build Cop City have been mired in controversy and civil rights violations from the beginning—from the city government’s attempts to ignore residents’ and activists’ objections and force through the construction of Cop City in Atlanta’s ecologically vital Weelaunee Forest, to police raiding an encampment of peaceful protestors and murdering one of them, Manuel (“Tortuguita”) Esteban Paez Terán, who was shot 57 times, to the truly Orwellian crackdown on protestors and advocates, dozens of whom are being arrested and charged with “domestic terrorism.”

    As Micah Herskind writes, “The struggle to Stop Cop City is not just a battle over the creation of a $90 million police urban warfare center. It’s not just a fight to protect the 381 acres of forest land, known as one of the “four lungs” of Atlanta, currently under threat of destruction. It’s not just a conflict over how the city invests the over $30 million it has pledged to the project, to be supplemented by at least $60 million in private funding. The movement is all of those things. But even more fundamentally, the struggle to Stop Cop City is a battle for the future of Atlanta. It’s a struggle over who the city is for: the city’s corporate and state ruling class actors who have demanded that Cop City be built, or the people of Atlanta who have consistently voiced their opposition and demanded a different vision for the city.” Make no mistake, though, the fight to Stop Cop City is all of our fight, and that very much includes the labor movement. In this mini-cast, we speak with Kamau Franklin and Mariah Parker about Cop City, the fight to stop it, and why labor needs to get off the sidelines and join that fight.

    Kamau Franklin has been a dedicated community organizer for over thirty years, beginning in New York City and now based in Atlanta. He is also a lawyer, writer, and the founder of Community Movement Builders, Inc. Mariah Parker is labor and community organizer, a rapper (known by the stage name Linqua Franqa), and recently served as District 2 County Commissioner for Athens-Clarke County in Athens, Georgia, from 2018 – 2022.

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    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Kamau Franklin:

    Hi, my name is Kamau Franklin. I am the founder of a new grassroots organization called Community Movement Builders, where we do a combination of the things organizing against the issue of gentrification, and we also do a lot of organizing against police violence, which is what led us into the struggle against Cop City. We also do what we call sustainable development, which is to provide resources to people in southwest Atlanta, a working class, a poor black community, one of the last of such communities still intact. But we also do cooperatives, mutual aid, so forth. So we’re a power building organization that’s meant to support building institutions that black community controls and fighting against institutions that we feel oppress and control our community to its detriment.

    Mariah Parker:

    My name is Mariah Parker. I’m an alumni of the United Campus Workers of Georgia 3265 at the University of Georgia where I was a PhD student. I also, from 2018 to 2022, served as an Athens-Clarke County commissioner was very focused on worker empowerment from living wages for city employees to developing worker ownership models that we could back with public funds and things of that sort. But these days I am down in Atlanta organizing low wage workers in the fast food industry and stopping Cop City.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    All right, well welcome everyone to another episode of Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. Brought to you in partnership with In These Times magazine and the Real News Network produced by Jules Taylor and made possible by the support of listeners like you. Working People is a proud member of the Labor Radio Podcast Network. So if you’re hungry for more worker and labor focus shows like ours, go check out the other great shows in our network. And of course, please support the work that we are doing here on Working People by sharing these episodes with your friends, your coworkers, and your family members, please leave us positive reviews on Spotify and Apple Podcasts. And of course, the single best thing you can do to support our work is become a paid monthly subscriber on Patreon. Just go to patreon.com/working people, that’s P-A-T-R-E-O-N.com/working people.

    Smash that subscribe button and you’ll immediately get access to all of our great bonus episodes. We’ve published some really great ones of late, including most recently an interview that I got to do with the industrial correspondent Taj Ali at the Tribune in the United Kingdom. Taj is doing great work covering the strike wave going on across the UK so you guys don’t want to miss that great conversation. So my name is Maximilian Alvarez, and as y’all heard, we’ve got a really special and urgent episode for y’all today. This is an episode that we’ve been wanting to record for a while. It’s one that touches on a subject that folks have been asking us about, especially after we posted the recording of our live show that we recorded down in Atlanta, which I started by mentioning like the issue of Cop City and the draconian repression of all those who are standing up and fighting against it.

    And we wanted to kind of bring Mariah and Kamau on the show, two true working class warriors, folks fighting the good fight in their communities, standing up for poor black working people, oppressed people all across the south and beyond. And they are really on the front lines along with others in this incredible and necessary fight against Cop City. And so we wanted to bring them on to sort of answer our listeners’ questions about what the fuck is Cop City? Why is this massive thing called Cop City being rammed through against the wishes of working communities in the area? Who is supporting this move to build Cop City and especially what the hell is going on with these really Orwellian draconian crackdowns on protestors charging them with terrorism for standing up against Cop City?

    I’m sure you guys have been seeing the headlines about this and we’re going to link to more coverage about it, but things are getting really, really dark down there in Atlanta and we ultimately want to make sure that people know about this struggle, why they should care about it, how they can get involved in the fight against it.

    And also given that we’re having this conversation on this show, Mariah and I were talking about this in Atlanta, we need to also have a serious conversation about why labor needs to get its ass off the sideline and get involved in this fight and what that could look like, right? We’ve seen occasional hopeful signs with workers and union members kind of joining the protest against Cop City. We’ve even seen occasionally statements from union leadership like Jimmy Williams of the painters union speaking out against the crackdown on protestors against Cop City. But so much more is needed and that’s really where we are. That’s why we wanted to bring Kamau and Mariah on the show today because as I said, they’re right there on the front lines. I know that they got answers to all of your guys’ questions.

    And so without further ado, let’s dig into this because I know you guys are super busy and I don’t want to keep you for too long. So I was wondering if we could just go around the table and just sort of give each of your takes on, if you’re sitting down across from someone who just heard about Cop City and the crackdown against protestors, what do you think they most need to know about what Cop City is, where it’s come from and what’s been going on down there in Atlanta these past few months? So Kamau, why don’t I turn it back over to you?

    Kamau Franklin:

    [inaudible 00:07:03]. When I talk about Cop City, I try to make sure that folks understand that this is not just some benign police training center that’s being built up because the police’s current training center is dilapidated or they just need a new area to train in. I think it’s really important to situate the idea of Cop City within the 2020 uprisings against the police murders of people like George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and here in Atlanta, Rayshard Brooks, that it was after these uprisings that took place across the country that Atlanta in particular felt flatfooted, like it didn’t have a proper response to the organizing that was happening across the city.

    And as part of that response, they decided to initiate the idea of a 265 acre training center, what we call Cop City, basically a militarized slash paramilitary training center where [inaudible 00:08:02] practice such things as urban warfare where they’re going to have over a dozen firing ranges where they’re going to have, well, at least originally in their plans, they’re claiming they took this out, but we shall soon see a station for a Black hawk helicopter to land where they’re going to be doing training with dozens of forces across the country, including internationally training with Israeli police.

    And for us, this was a clear sign that the building of this training center via the Atlanta Police Foundation with funds from private corporations over 60 million dollars was pledged from private corporations, 30 million dollars at the very least, numbers are starting to tick up as we speak, that the city was supposed to give. And so we see this as a response to when people were calling for the abolition of the police or defunding the police or finding alternatives to public safety. Atlanta, the corporate class and the Atlanta Police Foundation decided to double down on militarized policing, which would be targeted not only towards movements and organizing, but continue the over-policing of black communities. Here in Atlanta, 90% of the arrests that take place in Atlanta slash Fulton County are of black people, even though black folks represent now less than 50% of the proper population of Atlanta.

    So it’s really important for folks to understand that, again, in response to or organizing against Cop City, what the city of Atlanta decided to do was to double down on the militarized police and to continue with the over-policing which caused the uprisings in the first place in response to the police killing innocent people.

    Mariah Parker:

    To that I would add, and I think that’s a perfect explanation of how we got here and what we’re dealing with. This facility is set to replace large swaths of the largest urban forest in North America, what they call one of the four lungs of Atlanta. So when you’re walking down the street every day, that air you breathe in, you have the Weelaunee forest. As you know, the Muscogee people originally named the river along which the forest sort of runs, the Weelaunee river, now that we call it the Weelaunee forest in their honor, that the air we breathe is cleaned by the trees that are currently being cut down in the forest. So this is not only an issue of police brutality, of honestly the rise of fascism as Kamau said, this is going to be training a paramilitary force that will be able to put down uprisings and control black neighborhoods.

    But this is also an environmental justice issue, an environmental racism issue. This area surrounding the forests are overwhelmingly neighborhoods of color. Black people are the ones that are living near the aquifer that’s being poisoned by the lead in the soil from the bullets that the police are shooting already, have been shooting already at this site. Already environmental protections have been neglected along this aquifer. And even in the construction of this site, the Atlanta Police Foundation and others who are conspiring with them have been able to get away with getting around standards for construction and anyone else would have to follow to ensure that the environment is being minimally disrupted. And so what’s one thing that’s very interesting about this movement that has brought together police abolitionists, prison abolitionists, folks that just are not about the cops generally, as well as folks from the environmental movement who see this as a climate change issue, who see this as an issue of environmental degradation.

    Another thing I would add about how we got here is that in response to the uprisings that’s come out, said liberals were able to co-op the demand to defund the police and things like that and argue for more training, [inaudible 00:12:01] is more training. Even though studies have found that more training does not decrease police violence. In fact, officers that killed Rayshard Brooks had recently been involved in advanced training doesn’t actually help anything. But they’ve then used that argument to push through this facility because they’re aiming to train officers better. And I bring this up because we want to talk about fascism, we want to talk about repression, government repression. These are Democrats, these are liberals that are standing behind this project trying to push this project forward who have co-opted the movement to say that training’s what we need when we know that we need affordable housing.

    We know that we need better access to healthcare. We know we need access to healthy food systems in order to keep our community safe. Now, the last thing I want to say on this, bringing it back around to why this is important to labor as Kamau also brought up, the Atlanta Police Foundation had pledged 60 million to help fund this project. Now, where is that money coming from? That money is coming from the corporate elite across the city of Atlanta and across the south. Talking about Delta, we’re talking about Waffle House, chick-Fil-A, talking about Inspire Brands. That is the parent company of Dunkin’ Donuts. We’re talking about the who’s who of the corporate elite in the city and across the south. Now, where are they getting their money from? They’re getting [inaudible 00:13:14] money from, if it’s Chick-Fil-A, they’re getting that money from wage theft and abusing child labor, if they’re getting it from Waffle House, they have wage theft written into their employee handbook.

    They’re taking that money from the workers that are creating all this profit and they’re reinvesting it into their oppression. And so even Delta, which right now they’re having a big union fight with the Delta workers here in Atlanta, they just recently fought for three years to get cost of living increases in their contract. Now, Delta doesn’t have money for that and wants to fight all day about that, but somehow they have all this cash [inaudible 00:13:50] can lavish the Atlanta Police Foundation in order to build this facility. And so that to me is part of why this project is really nefarious and unites labor as well as folks that are liberation minded and want to get people free from cops. It’s that a lot of the money that’s been promised to put into this paramilitary facility is just [inaudible 00:14:12] straight out of the pockets of working people through these corporations that are funding the Atlanta Police Foundation and funding this facility.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    I want to circle back to kind of the point that Kamau, you started with because this was not lost on me and it’s so indicative of this perverse American psychosis when it comes to policing. The three of us are recording this episode on Friday, May 26th. Yesterday was the three year anniversary of Minneapolis Police murdering George Floyd. And at the Real News Network we released an interview that I was honored to do with George’s brother Philonise and his wife Keeta, talking about that horrific event that changed their family and in many ways changed the country forever. We talked about how they wanted George to be remembered, what they hoped change would look like, so that what happened to George would never happen to another person again. And we saw the uprisings that hit all 50 states in the wake of George Floyd’s murder three years ago.

    We saw how much that movement spread even around the world. And for a moment it did feel like we were at the brink of a reckoning in this country. And here we fucking are three years later and saying, okay, the institutions, the establishment’s response is to construct an 85 acre, 9000 million dollar facility where militarized police can come and train and do sort of training operations, simulating urban warfare with the very same people who were protesting against their abuse just three years later. That’s where we are. We’re in America, of course that’s where we are. But I don’t want that ridiculousness and Orwellian nature of the situation to be lost on people because I think it does really highlight, as you were both saying, that there is a fundamental class warfare component to all of this. There is a sort of top-down pressure to stamp out the resistance that scared the establishment three years ago.

    There is, the capital always does. It relies on this increasingly militarized arm of the police to push poor and working people back into subservience, to push us into jails and prisons to kill us as the kind of surplus of the system that they categorize us to be. So even just from the fundamental beginnings, we can see how and why working class people have a stake in this fight because this is a fight that is being directed back at us. That’s what’s going to be happening not just with the construction of Cop City, with the crackdown on protestors, but ultimately what is going to be produced at this fucking massive facility. Pardon my language.

    And to build on what you were saying, Mariah, I want to sort of talk about that element of the forces that are arraying here to push this Cop City into reality, even if it means bulldozing this massive necessary forest, even if it means bulldozing the people trying to stand in the way of it. Can we talk a bit about, I guess, maybe over the past year, what that fight has looked like on the ground to you all? What sort of forces are involved here and what the resistance has looked like to the construction of Cop City?

    Kamau Franklin:

    Sure. I mean, I think when we go back, this fight has been going on for now over two years. When we heard about Cop City again after the uprisings, organizers, activists, environmentalists, other folks understood again right away what this meant. And at first, the organizing was what you would consider standard campaign politics where we were doing everything from petition drives to demonstrations to call your city council person, call the mayor, town halls. This was before the city council took a vote, and we were doing those things to try to pressure the city council and the mayor who thought that this was a done deal. They didn’t think that they would have to do any explaining to the public, that they were just going to push this through. And even at that time, the police were violent in their tactics in terms of targeting organizers and activists.

    So even in the early parts of the fight against Cop City, the police would come to the demonstrations. They would make arrests, people who were just standing on sidewalks. People would get pepper sprayed, they’d get thrown to the ground after they arrested, they’d have their paperwork threatened to be lost if they complained about the food and the conditions. So that was happening early on. At that time, they weren’t charging people with domestic terrorism. They were charging people with things like disorderly conduct, obstruction of governmental administration. As we moved past the vote, when the city council decided to give the Atlanta Police Foundation basically this gift of over 265 acres of land for approximately, if I’m not mistaken, $10 a year in terms of a lease payment, part of the movement broke off and started doing forest defense particularly, and I think we should always call out and compliment young anarchist kids who decided that part of the struggle was to actually go in the forest, as Mariah mentioned earlier, with the Weelaunee forest and take up camp there.

    And they packed up in trees, they created tree huts. They did everything they could to stop the forest, to put this into a space where you could see that the force needed to be defended and where you can see that people needed to understand what was happening in terms of the reaction to these young people doing it. It was shortly after that, and some of the tactics and tactics that we accept as tactics of fighting back to make sure that the trees weren’t burnt down, that basically the Atlanta Police Department joined in a task force with the [inaudible 00:21:14] County Police Department, with the Georgia Bureau of Investigation, with the Federal Bureau of Investigation with Homeland Security to form a task force. And they began discussing the idea of charging organizers and activists and forced offenders with domestic terrorism.

    And so last year in December, the first raid in the force, which resulted in approximately six people being charged with domestic terrorism, then we had another raid in the force, and not only another six people was charged, but that is when for the first time in American history, an overt environmental activist was killed by the Georgia Bureau of Investigation and various SWAT teams in Atlanta, [inaudible 00:21:56] the Atlanta police, that young activist, [inaudible 00:22:01] was murdered by the police, shot 57 times or having 57 bullet holes we should say, which include entrance and exit holes. That was as much as they could count. And then after that, there was another six or seven folks arrested in a demonstration downtown.

    And then later on doing a music festival, doing a week of action, another 23 organizers who are arrested and charged with domestic terrorism. And so basically, the tactics of the state have been to intimidate, to criminalize and to scare people out of being supportive of this movement. But during that time, this movement has only grown. This movement has grown from one of a local issue to one where people were coming from outside and joining with those local protestors to one which took on a national significance. One that’s now taken on an international significance and one that now at this time is probably the preeminent issue amongst folks who are fighting against police terror and violence in this country.

    And so that struggle continues. It’s been a long struggle. Many different factions, as Mariah has mentioned earlier, have come into this struggle and played a great role in forwarding, adding resources, adding nuance to it, putting word out to their particular constituencies that has kept this movement building and going, even as the city continues to push to build this, the movement is pushing back. And I think that’s one of the things that we have to remember again, particularly over the last year that this movement has not basically been run down under the heel of oppressive corporate interlockers, the city government, the state government, again, with federal helpers of all political stripes themselves, both Democrats and Republicans joining together to fight this fight against organizers and activists who are fighting against police violence. As that’s been happening, folks have continued to fight back and to try to stop Cop City from being built.

    Mariah Parker:

    To that I would add, I’m really glad that Kamau spoke to the nature of [inaudible 00:24:03] building in the movement in its early years, it’s a ton of canvassing, community outreach, and to this day, it’s a very important part of that as well as forest events. People actually taking up space in the forest to physically stop the construction from happening. But in this iteration of the movement with the forest now cleared under the violence of police that have taken the life of a protestor, folks have been leaning back upon typical civic engagement strategies like showing up to City Hall. And most recently when the legislation was first introduced to give 30 million dollars of taxpayer money to support this project, there was a record breaking seven hours of public comment of Atlantan’s who came out. And unanimously. 300 people came out and unanimously spoke against this project, folks who have been lobbying their city council people, trying to use these formal legal organs and political organs to ensure that their voices are heard by their supposed representatives.

    So we have a ton of, I say this because we have ton of folks trying to do this, quote on quote, the right way, but ultimately if folks are unheard through these channels where we are supposed to have a voice, where we are told that these folks are supposed to represent the public, people have become really frustrated.

    And that’s when we see things like folks taking to the streets, an extra legal means of making sure that they are heard and that the construction and the forces that are coming together to destroy this forest are stops.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    I mean, it’s just, they’re just so upfront with their bare contempt for what the public wants, what people say they want. I mean, they just want to squash us into silence or comfortably put us in those little protest zones where they can comfortably ignore us. I mean, it’s just so obvious what they’re doing and it’s so infuriating, which is why we need increasing kind of public pressure around the country and beyond to make sure that they know that this is not an issue that is just going to go away. And I’m going to circle back in a second to that kind of crackdown on free speech, on dissent, on the draconian use of anti-terrorism laws to silence people standing up against Cop City. But I guess I wanted to just hover really quick since I’ve got two seasoned community and labor organizers on the call right now.

    And this is a show where we talk to workers every single week about their lives, jobs, dreams and struggles where we try to hear out what they are going through in their workplaces and make the connections with them between their lives, their struggles, and the struggles that we talk about with other workers around the country and beyond.

    I wanted to just ask in the sort of day-to-day conversations that y’all have been getting into with other folks down there, I guess could you maybe share a little bit of that with our listeners?

    I guess, how are people talking about this? How are working people sort of talking about this and seeing this as an issue that concerns them? What can those of us who are organizing in our workplaces in other parts of the country, what can we do better to talk to our coworkers about why this is such an important issue that all of us should care about?

    Mariah Parker:

    I mean, one thing I’ll say from being out in the streets talking to a lot of fast food workers, retail workers, folks in low wage jobs, it is, first of all, not everyone has heard that this is going on, which I think speaks to a failure of public engagement on the part of the government that wants to see this happen. And I think that is partially by design. You want to have a city council meeting in the middle of the day when people are either picking their kids up from school or they’re themselves working, and so they can’t come and be part of that public comment. The fact that the paper of record for the city of Atlanta, state of Georgia is also owned by folks that are fundraising for Cop City. And so it’s very hard to get messages out about what the public is saying, that the public that is engaged in this project.

    I am finding that a lot of the initial conversations we’re having work with people [inaudible 00:28:36] introducing the idea that this is happening in the first place, but you know what people do bring up and what people do know about and know needs to change? The fact that so many of the workers I talked to are living out of their cars or in hotels because they can’t afford housing in the city of Atlanta right now, folks that have experienced premature deaths of people in their family because they don’t have access to healthcare. And I bring this up because folks recognize that these needs, housing, healthcare, et cetera, are not being invested in. They live that day in and day out firsthand. And so when you bring up the fact that they don’t have money to make sure that you have affordable housing, well, I’m sorry I don’t have money so that your friend that passed away suddenly from a stroke in his thirties, sorry, that he didn’t have any healthcare, but they do have.

    They did somehow find 90 million dollars to fund this facility. It really, really strikes people in a way that it’s [inaudible 00:29:32] is get as infuriated as I am pretty quickly to know that if they had a magic wand and could spend 30 million dollars anywhere they wanted, 30 million of taxpayer money anywhere they wanted, nobody you meet at a McDonald’s, an Arby’s at a Dollar General is going to say, we should have a small army here in the city of Atlanta. That’s what I would pay for. So that’s what I would really notice [inaudible 00:29:57] conversation with people. Not everybody is like we’re still doing a ton of outreach to get people involved and get people up to speed on this issue, but if you approach a conversation from like, yo, what’s going on in your life and learn about the issues people are facing, nobody wants Cop City, people want housing. People want the things that actually make communities safe, and that starts with investing in the neighborhoods where these people live.

    Kamau Franklin:

    I’ll back that up completely. I think Mariah’s completely correct. When we speak to folks in the community, there are folks who are informed, but there is a good amount of people who don’t know about it. And there are other folks who are carrying on with their day-to-day lives trying to survive, trying to make it out of here. But once you start talking about it, the innate reaction based on the conditions that people live in is like, well, why do we need that? We know that that means they’re going to just be [inaudible 00:30:46] out neighborhoods and communities, arresting more people, taking away our young people that instead of providing centers for our folks to go to, providing other things and activities or improving the education system that they would rather spend again, not only just the 30 million that the city is supposed to be giving. And that number, again, is increasingly going higher once we do further investigation into how the money is actually getting to the Atlanta Police Foundation.

    But the same corporations who [inaudible 00:31:17] several years ago were saying that they were on the side of Black Lives Matter, have now given 60 million dollars or close to 60 million dollars to fund a project like this. People see it on their face that these same corporations which underpay us or have enough money like Mariah mentioned earlier, to give to a project like this. So it’s not hard to convince people or it’s not hard to make it clear for folks what the purpose of a Cop City is and what the role is of police in their lives. And so when folks understand that and hear that, for the most part they have questions and they are opposed to the idea that this is the way the city should spend its money.

    I will also say for the people who are working class, people who live adjacent to the forest, and it is mostly a working class black community that lives adjacent to the work to the Weelaunee forest, those folks were promised that the forest would stay intact and that it would be used for nature trails, for parks, for places [inaudible 00:32:16] their kids to enjoy and understand nature and again, to continue to serve as a preventer of climate change.

    That area’s prone to flooding. Clear cutting that’s already happening in that forest will only add to the flooding in that neighborhood which will impact working class black communities. Those communities overwhelmingly have said that they are opposed to the building of Cop City. That that was not what the promise was. The promise was for them to have an area where they can bring their kids to, where they can have a park and so forth. It was not to build a militarized training center, which is going to have shooting ranges where cops are practicing how to shoot day and night in that forest next to this working class community, that people understand that this is a targeted approach to dealing with working class communities as opposed to giving resources to these communities. They’re going to flood these communities with more cops.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    I’m going to lose my shit, man.

    Mariah Parker:

    Does it not make you feel insane. It makes me feel so insane.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    I’m losing it.

    Mariah Parker:

    It makes you feel so insane. And particularly they started clear cutting the forest a little bit earlier this year. And so photography and drone footage is coming out where there’s this scar on the earth where this beautiful forest used to be. Where I was at a music festival. There are people out there doing [inaudible 00:33:36], there are people just vibing, enjoying music. There’s folks camping out, there is families, there’s children. They used to take children here to do field trips, to study the ecology of the forest. And now there is this, you see footage come out, they’re giving some journalists a tour of the forest today or what used to be the forest. And it drives me totally insane to see this. And I feel like speaking of common reactions of working class folks, that same shit of just being mind boggled and infuriated instantly is something I get all the time when I’m talking to people about this who haven’t heard about it before.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    And I know our task is to turn that into action, which again is why I’m so grateful to folks like yourselves and everyone else out there doing that unsung work, everyone listening to this who is also doing that work day in, day out. We need you guys always, and we need more folks doing that work even just to make sure that people know that this is happening in the first place, let alone building on that and talking about why we should be invested in the fight against it, what the future looks like if we don’t fight. And I think, yeah, it’s the point you both made is just so poignant and I really want folks listening to sit with it because in many ways you guys know this, but it does really bear repeating. The safest communities are not the ones with the most police.

    They’re the ones with the most resources and the most kind of shared wealth access to things like drinkable water and a bed to sleep in, a house to live in, schools to send your kids to, grocery stores, not just dollar stores, so on and so forth. It’s not throwing more police at poor and working class neighborhoods, is not going to somehow magically make those neighborhoods safer. How do I know that? Because that’s what we’ve been fucking doing for the past half century or more. And it hasn’t worked, at least by the supposed goals of that approach to policing. But anyway, I digress. So because I know I only have you guys for about 10 more minutes, so I wanted to bring things back to, I think we’ve done a great job of communicating to people why the push to build Cop City, the construction thereof, the sort of shadowy government and industry forces behind it, why all of those are already an issue for working people that we should care about.

    But then there’s also the draconian crackdown on the protestors against Cop City and it’s a fundamentally connected issue, but it is almost sort of an issue within itself that we and that the labor movement needs to have a serious discussion about, because that is also going to directly impact us. It’s not just that they’re all the other kind of aspects to labor, workers’ relationship to the police that we already know about when we’re on strike. Who are the ones beating picketers and clearing way for scabs to come through the picket lines? It’s the cops, right? So when coal miners in Brookwood, Alabama at Warrior Met Coal were on strike for two years, who was it who was escorting scabs past their picket lines? Who was it who was enforcing these business friendly rulings by local judges, these injunctions limiting the amount of people who could picket, how far away from the entrance they could picket?

    It was the police. And so we already know that in terms of limiting workers’ ability to exercise their right to free speech, their right to assemble, their right to go on strike and to withhold their labor, the quote on quote, criminal justice system has a historically antagonistic relationship to working people expressing those rights. But it goes even deeper than that. And I hope that folks listening to this can sort of hear the resonances with the interviews that we’ve done with workers in different industries over the past six seasons. Just think about the railroad workers. They had their right to strike, stripped from them by the most, quote on quote, pro-labor union president that the US has ever seen, and a congress that happily went with that decision and they gave the bosses, the rail carriers, everything that they wanted. And so when workers have our rights to withhold our labor to speak up and to exercise those basic fundamental rights, the bosses win.

    And also most people in this country can be fired without just cause. So it’s not even a question of do I have these rights at work? Most people fucking don’t. We already know that they don’t, you can’t speak up for shit without losing your job and potentially thus losing your home and if you lose your home and we live in a society that criminalizes poverty, so you’re going to get beat up by the police and shuttled into prison. So are you guys seeing the connections here link?

    Mariah Parker:

    Look, just a couple months ago I was helping organize a labor action downtown Atlanta. They actually haven’t even started yet when the police rolled up and told us to leave. And when we got to the target location, somehow there’s just people. So it was like some security there waiting for us when we got there. But we have to plan how we’re going to go about actions. It’s a huge factor in it that we’re not just dealing with the police, that we’re dealing with the Atlanta Police Department because we know what frenzy they’re in right now because I think they [inaudible 00:39:52] fear progressive social movements of all kinds rising up against them as even some liberal orgs have joined in the chorus of folks saying, stop Cop City. I’ve seen firsthand that they are here to break up any kind of working class movement. Labor isn’t excluded.

    In fact, just yesterday the Atlanta Police Department moved into the building across the street from where all the major labor unions in the state of Georgia are headquartered. And that to me is not any kind of like, oh, coincidence and nothing like that. It’s keeping an eye on the folks that could be the missing piece to the movement puzzle of really stopping this. If labor unions came out in support of the movement, if they were leveraging their power within institutions like Southern Company, like some of these businesses that are giving money to cop city like Delta to make this demand on the bosses, these people, these employees who are stakeholders in these companies, that would be their worst nightmare. And so I mean we are already seeing even intimidation, I think, taking place. Not only out on the strike line, but in the very physical proximity of police departments to try to keep an eye on actors like this.

    That could be very game changing in the movement. So yeah, no, we know, [inaudible 00:41:09] there’s a long robust history all over and including in Atlanta, there’s a robust history being made now of police repression, of labor movements as well, which is why this is also an issue that labor units have a personal stake in. That, in order to have those robust rights to withhold our labor and to disrupt these businesses, to get what we are owed, we have to be a part of this movement to fight back on the people that would put down our movements as well. In my opinion.

    Kamau Franklin:

    I mean, and I’ll only add, you mentioned what’s happening now around the police in the intimidation tactics, and I’ve already talked about the fact that over 40 folks have domestic terrorism charges. There has been well over 70 or 80 arrests in a total movement against Cop City by the police. And again, this is being done in conjunction or together with folks who could have right wing white conservatives. i.e the governor of Georgia with folks who claim to be moderate and or progressives i.e talking about the democratic black mayor of Atlanta. And so it doesn’t matter what their so-called political stripes are in terms of these elected officials, they are all about having a strong police force, a militarized police force that they can call out at a moment’s notice to protect property, to stop movements and to over police communities. They know what they want, they know how they want to deploy them.

    The idea of Cop City is an idea that lets them have other police forces, as mentioned earlier, come down and train with them, basically having common tactics and strategies as if it was a national police force as well as international players who are coming in and training on tactics that they use to oppress their own or people or land that they stole from. Those tactics are being imported here. i.e the Israelis in terms of their work, their tactics and strategies oppressing Palestinians, that’s all being brought here. So we understand that the policing that’s happening is something that’s controlled by the elites for the purposes of supporting corporations, supporting developers in Atlanta.

    This is around pushing out poor working class people, particularly poor working class black people, and turning Atlanta further into a playground of the rich, making Atlanta akin to a San Francisco in terms of a city where all you see is a vast amount of differences in wealth from the most poor to the richest, who are the only ones who can afford to live here.

    And the poor folks are the homeless ones that people are trying to kick out and continue to criminalize. This is the city that they’re creating, the so-called black Mecca that they’re creating as they empty out black people from the actual city and they’re using the police as the tip of the spear, as their forward force in which they are going to push people out, control movements and stop Atlanta from having any sense of having a working class population here that can afford to live here and prosper here.

    And they’re doing it knowingly, no matter what they say. You can’t have 40 years of gentrification under, again, majority black city councils and under black leadership and suggest that somehow it’s a fluke, it’s a mistake. We don’t know how we got here. It is under this leadership that we’ve got here because in the terms of the class issue, the black bourgeois leadership has sided with the corporations and the developers again to empty out the city of working class and poor people, particularly working class and poor black people.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Man, again, it’s like so powerfully put by both of you and I’m just so grateful for you for the time that you’ve given us to kind of break this all down. And I want to kind of round things out. I’m going to ask y’all both in a second if you just have any final words about how people listening can get involved in this struggle or where they can find you all and the work that you and your orgs are doing, and then we’ll round out there. But I guess by way of getting there, I just wanted to read for folks listening, like I said, there has been some support from the organized labor movement, not nearly an enough, but it was encouraging to see Jimmy Williams, the general president of the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades make a statement which we will link to so y’all can check it out.

    It was short, but Jimmy did say, and I quote, “the right to speak up and peacefully protest is fundamental to our union and to all working people. Since the protest began, we’ve seen violence including the death of one protestor as well as dozens of arrests and incredulous charges of domestic terrorism in some cases stemming from the Defend the Atlanta Forest movement. I believe that these tactics are designed more to quell dissent and to dissuade working people from exercising their rights to protest and demonstrate than they are to legitimately uphold the law. It has to stop. Our rights as working people must be upheld, and we deserve to live in a society free from police violence.” End quote. So shout out to Jimmy, shout out to the painters, but again, we need more. And in that note, Kamau, Mariah, I wanted to thank you both once again for joining me and ask if you could close us out with any final words that you have to working people out there listening to the labor movement in general and where can folks find you and what can they do to get involved in this struggle?

    Kamau Franklin:

    I’ll go really quickly. So to find us. Our organization is Community Movement Builders, the website, communitymovementbuilders.org. We have a Stop Cop City page there where folks can learn a whole bunch of different ways in which they can be involved. Very important coming up is June 5th, which is going to be another day of action at City Hall where they’re actually going to take the vote to allocate the over 33 million dollars to the Atlanta Police Foundation. So we definitely want people to call in if they’re not in Atlanta. If they are in Atlanta, we want people to come down to City Hall from 11 o’clock eastern time on to protest, to organize, to speak out.

    And my message to working class people is that we won’t win until we continue to get out into these streets, organize, push back and fight back. This is not a time period where we’re going to be able to bargain our way out of fascism, where you can only win against fascism if we fight back. If a large part of that fight back is organizing, being involved in the struggle, fighting in the streets, and winning victories for our people and challenging the oligarchs and the corporations which are trying to divide and conquer us.

    Mariah Parker:

    Hallelujah. Amen. Only thing that I would add is that I mentioned earlier that stakeholders in some of these companies that are funding this project, Delta, Southern Company, a lot of these fast food restaurants, Inspire Brands. You can find out who is giving money to or somehow financially implicated in Cop City by going to stopcopcitysolidarity.org. And if you live in a city, no matter where you live, you might be able to find a target, someone like [inaudible 00:48:45] Bank that’s giving the insurance for the project.

    You maybe find a Wells Fargo or [inaudible 00:48:50], maybe you work at a Wells Fargo and you and a couple, the clerks behind the window want to have an action to demonstrate to the overlords that y’all not happy with the complicity in this project. Anyone anywhere can take these kinds of actions. They’ve been very helpful for us for helping erode the power of capital and supporting this project for yanking some of this corporate support away from the project and ultimately undermining their ability to put that private money into Cop City. So if you go to copcitysolidarity.org, you can look up somewhere near you that is financially tied to this project and mobilize some folks, take some kind of action to let them know that their actions to support Cop City will not stand, not in your community, not anywhere.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Fiji’s government is reviewing a police cooperation agreement with China, the Pacific island country’s prime minister said Wednesday, underlining the balancing act between economic reliance on the Asian superpower and security ties to the United States.

    Sitiveni Rabuka, who became Fiji’s prime minister after an election in December broke strongman Frank Bainimarama’s 16 year hold on power, has emphasized shared values with democracies such as U.S. ally Australia and New Zealand. His government also has accorded a higher status to Taiwan’s representative office in Fiji, but has not fundamentally altered relations with Beijing. 

    “When we came in [as the government] we needed to look at what they were doing [in the area of police cooperation],” Rabuka told a press conference during an official visit to New Zealand’s capital Wellington. “If our values and our systems differ, what cooperation can we get from that?”

    The agreement signed in 2011 has resulted in Fijian police officers undertaking training in China and short-term Chinese police deployments to Fiji. Plans for a permanent Chinese police liaison officer in Fiji were announced in September 2021, according to Fijian media.

    “We need to look at that [agreement] again before we decide on whether we go back to it or we continue the way we have in the past – cooperating with those who have similar democratic values and systems, legislation, law enforcement and so on,” Rabuka said.

    China, over several decades, has become a substantial source of trade, infrastructure and aid for developing Pacific island countries as it seeks to isolate Taiwan diplomatically and build its own set of global institutions. 

    Beijing’s relations with Fiji particularly burgeoned after Australia, New Zealand and other countries sought to punish it for Bainimarama’s 2006 coup that ousted the elected government. It was Fiji’s fourth coup in three decades. Rabuka orchestrated two coups in the late 1980s. 

    Last year, China signed a security pact with the Solomon Islands, alarming the U.S. and its allies such as Australia. The Solomons and Kiribati switched their diplomatic recognition to Beijing from Taiwan in 2019.

    The Chinese embassy in Fiji has said that China has military and police cooperation with many developing nations that have different political systems from China.

    “The law enforcement and police cooperation between China and Fiji is professional, open and transparent,” it said in May. 

    “We hope relevant parties can abandon ideological prejudice, and view the law enforcement and police cooperation between China and Fiji objectively and rationally.”

    China also provides extensive training for Solomon Islands police and equipment such as vehicles and water cannons. 

    Solomon Islands deputy police commissioner Ian Vaevaso said in a May 31 statement that 30 Solomon Islands police officers were in China for training on top of more than 30 that were sent to the Fujian Police College last year. 

    Rabuka has expressed concerns about police cooperation with Beijing since being elected prime minister. 

    “There’s no need for us to continue, our systems are different,” Rabuka said in January, according to a Fiji Times report.

    BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news organization.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Stephen Wright for BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • In a new report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), federal researchers acknowledge in detail that police-perpetrated killings are a major cause of violent death in the United States, and Black and Indigenous men are disproportionally killed by police compared to all other groups tracked in the data. Experts say the analysis is a step forward for the CDC, but crucial data on…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The terror of police power is a recurring fact of American life, particularly in this country’s poorest communities and in communities of color. The power of officers comes not only from the strength of arms, but also from a legal system that is swift to protect its enforcers, yet slow to hold them to account. Where did this virtual immunity from prosecution come from? Has it always been this way? And if not, how has police power and impunity changed through the ages? Historian Joanna Schwartz joins The Chris Hedges report to discuss her new book, Shielded: How the Police Became Untouchable.

    Joanna Schwartz is a professor of law at UCLA, where she teaches civil procedure and courses on police accountability and public interest lawyering.

    Studio Production: Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Adam Coley
    Audio Post-Production: Tommy Harron


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Chris Hedges:

    The police in the United States through a series of Supreme Court decisions as well as policies enacted by state and city governments have become largely immune from prosecution even when they commit serious felonies such as murder. Police officers are criminally charged in less than 2% of fatal shootings and convicted in fewer than one third of those cases. When officers injure but do not kill, they are even less likely to be prosecuted. Police in America are virtually omnipotent, prosecuted in a handful of high profile cases that receive national attention, but otherwise free to engage in lawless behavior, especially in poor communities.

    University of California law professor Joanna Schwartz, in her book, Shielded: How The Police Became Untouchable, details the myriad of ways the legal system has stripped the citizens of protections from police abuse. The wholesale blocking of civil rights litigation means the police are rarely held accountable for the crimes they commit. Blunting all efforts to enact meaningful police oversight, legal accountability and reform. Joining me to discuss her book, our failed justice system in police forces that function especially in poor communities as rogue militias, is Professor Joanna Schwartz. Let’s begin as you do in the book with the legal antecedents, especially Section 1983 became law in 1871. What was Section 1983? Why was it made law and how did it protect the citizenry and why and how has it been rolled back?

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Section 1983 was first passed by Congress in 1871 following the Civil War during reconstruction when newly freed slaves, former slaves, black Americans were being tortured and killed by the newly created Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist groups and local law enforcement and government was doing nothing to intervene if they were not themselves participating in the violence. And Congress looking at this evidence, decided that there needed to be a federal law allowing people to sue for violations of their civil constitutional rights in order to give those rights actual meaning. And so they enacted what is now known as Section 1983 for its place in the US code, but was at the time referred to as, the Ku Klux Klan Act. Very soon after Section 1983 became law, decisions by the Supreme Court and by Congress made Section 1983 and other reconstruction era acts lose much of their power.

    And it was really not until 1961 when the Supreme Court first recognized that Section 1983 could be used to sue government officials, police officers in the case, which is called Monroe versus Pape, for the violations of their constitutional rights. So after 90 years in obscurity and disuse, Section 1983 was recognized by the Supreme Court as being this tool that could be used to sue for constitutional violations in 1961. But then after a sort of momentary heyday with the power and potential of 1983, the statute has lost progressively its power and it’s lost its power through Supreme Court decisions primarily that have cut away at the ability to sue in a variety of different ways that I outlined in the book that begin at the very initial stage of trying to find a lawyer through pleading a complaint with the court through proving a constitutional violation, qualified immunity, holding local governments responsible and beyond.

    Chris Hedges:

    So this 1961 decision opened as you write in the book, a kind of flood of lawsuits. I remember talking with the civil rights attorney, Lynne Stewart, and she said this was a kind of golden era in the judiciary where citizens really had the capacity to hold government agencies including police accountable, and that it was essentially that surge in suits that produced the backlash. And including in that backlash as you write in the book or accompanying that backlash was a kind of mythology. Can you explain how that worked?

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Absolutely, and I should say that the evidence definitely shows that the number of claims that were filed under Section 1983 increased dramatically after 1961 as well, you would expect because it was the first time the Supreme Court said you could sue under this statute. But the claims that were alleged, the story that was told about the effect of these claims really does take mythological proportions. The story goes that courthouses were overflowing or threatened to be overflowing with frivolous lawsuits, that these lawsuits were bankrupting or would bankrupt officers who were simply doing their job in good faith and that all of these lawsuits would discourage people from taking on the job of a police officer or from aggressively enforcing their duties as a police officer and without a robust police force that we as a society would descend into chaos. And truly you can see versions of that story or pieces of that story told by courts, by journalists and by politicians in the years after Monroe versus Pape was decided.

    Chris Hedges:

    One of the effects was that states passed laws, cities passed laws where they obliged local governments to pay damage awards and lawsuits against police officers. Can you explain that process and what effect it had on police misconduct and what happened when line items and the budgets for damages exceeded the amount set aside for damages?

    Joanna Schwartz:

    So in the seventies and eighties, particularly, I should say sixties, seventies and early eighties, states and localities across the country enacted what are called indemnification statutes. And indemnification is an idea that we see in private industry all of the time. If there’s a truck driver from a company, the truck hits you, you would want to sue not the driver themselves, but the company that hired them. The idea being that the driver probably isn’t going to have the resources to pay that settlement or judgment, and it’s really the work of the truck owner or the truck company that should be held responsible. This is the same idea that states and local governments had when they created these indemnification statutes which provide that when an officer is sued, they will be given a lawyer free of charge and that settlements and judgments against them will be paid by the local government or by their insurer instead of by the officer themselves.

    And these indemnification provisions vary. There’s usually some exceptions to the kinds of things that the city agrees to cover and the coverage is limited to conduct taken in the course and scope of employment. Although when I have researched settlements and judgements and police misconduct suits across the country, what I found was, that virtually all of the money comes from the local governments and from insurers. I found in 81 jurisdictions, a six-year period, 99.98% of those dollars came from the local governments and their insurers. And notably it does not come from the police department’s funds. I did a follow-up study where I looked to see what financial impact these settlements and judgements had on the police departments. And what I found was often the money may come technically from the police department’s budget, but that money was already budgeted to the police department from the central budgeting process.

    And when departments went over budget, when they spent more money than expected on lawsuits, the extra money came not from the police department. They weren’t required to cut back on overtime or equipment or anything like that. Instead, the money was taken from other parts of the central budget. And what I found when I looked into how this practice worked in Chicago was that the excess money ends up coming from portions of the budget that were earmarked to go to those least politically powerful people within the community. There was a city attorney for the city of Chicago who said when payouts went up in lawsuits, led paint testing went down. And so the very communities that are disproportionately the subjects of police surveillance, searches and violence are also the ones who have their budgets and the parts of the budgets earmarked toward them stripped away to satisfy settlements and judgements in cases alleging police misconduct against people within their very communities.

    Chris Hedges:

    And in cases like Chicago where you had Burge and that torture center, that sort of clandestine torture center, we’re talking about millions of dollars.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Absolutely. I mean, in the last 10 years, I think Chicago paid half a billion dollars in settlements and judgements and they pay an extra many millions of dollars toward private attorneys that they use to defend their lawyers or excuse me, their officers in some of these cases. And as I describe in the book, there are many instances of cases where the Chicago police officers had extreme egregious allegations against them. Many millions of dollars were spent defending these cases only to lose at trial and have to spend many millions of dollars more. And the police department is playing with house money in these situations. They suffer no consequences of spending extreme amounts of money to fight these cases instead of what would be better for the community as a whole, which would be to resolve these cases, to satisfy the demands of people who have righteous claims and then to work to prevent these things from happening again in the future.

    Chris Hedges:

    Can you talk about the role of prosecutors and internal affairs divisions and both these two institutions you write in the book really serve as a way to protect police from legal accountability?

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Yeah, in the introduction I talk about the fact that if you are trying to seek justice following a right’s violation, there are really three paths. And I focus in the book on civil lawsuits, lawsuits seeking money damages or other kinds of forward-looking relief. And in part I focus on that because the other two paths which are criminal prosecution and internal affairs, investigations and discipline are so dysfunctional. As you mentioned previously, officers are very rarely criminally prosecuted, rare when they kill people, but far rarer when they use force or other kinds of misconduct that don’t result in death. And internal affairs investigations are also extremely difficult to have brought and successful. When the Department of Justice has looked at police department internal affairs investigations across the country, it’s found that police investigators don’t use the basic crime fighting tools that they would use if they were trying to solve criminal cases.

    They don’t interrogate officers, who offer virtually verbatim statements to their fellow officers about what’s happened. They don’t interview all of the witnesses to the event. And for these and other reasons, officers are rarely disciplined or terminated. In addition, law enforcement unions have worked with passion to create law enforcement officers bills of rights that create a great deal of protection for those officers in the disciplinary process and the ability to appeal and arbitrate decisions that are against those officers. So even in the rare instances in which officers are disciplined or terminated, those decisions are often overruled or overturned through that arbitration process.

    Chris Hedges:

    Can you explain qualified immunity and how it works?

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Qualified immunity, which has been in the news a great deal, although it’s a term that remains elusive to many, perhaps because it is so nonsensical, it is a defense that was created by the Supreme Court in 1967. So six years after Monroe versus Pape was decided. And at the time it was described as a good faith defense for officers who had violated the Constitution but who had acted in good faith, thought that they were following the law. That standard for qualified immunity shifted dramatically in 1982 when the Supreme Court said, forget about officer’s subjective intent that will take too long to resolve.

    The question is whether officers violated clearly established law. And the Supreme Court’s descriptions and definitions of clearly established law have gotten more and more constrained over the years fueled by these myths about the dangers of making it too easy to sue so that today officers are protected by qualified immunity from damages, awards in civil cases, unless there is a prior court decision holding unconstitutional, nearly identical facts, it’s not enough to find a prior case that offers a general principle like that an officer can’t use force against a suspect who is surrendered. You have to find a prior case in which an officer uses a similar type of force against a person who has surrendered and demonstrated that they’ve surrendered in a factually similar way.

    Chris Hedges:

    Public attorneys are provided for people convicted of a serious crime who can’t afford one, but they’re not provided for those whose constitutional rights have been violated by a police officer. How has this barrier benefited police?

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Well, it’s very difficult to bring a civil rights lawsuit without a lawyer. People do it and do it regularly, but when you think about trying to overcome a defense like qualified immunity, it’d be very hard to do that without the assistance of a lawyer. And the Supreme Court has made it more difficult for people whose rights have been violated to find lawyers. The Supreme Court has done this through a series of decisions that limit the ability of lawyers to get paid in these cases. Congress in 1976 created a statute which is called Section 1988, which gives prevailing plaintiffs the ability to get their reasonable attorney’s fees. And Congress wanted to enact the statute to make sure that there were enough financial incentives for lawyers to bring cases alleging constitutional violations, even in cases that didn’t have enormous damages awards from which a plaintiff’s attorney could take their cut.

    But the Supreme Court has interpreted Section 1988 to allow that when settling a case, a defendant can offer and a plaintiff can agree to waive that entitlement to attorney’s fees and most cases that are successful settle, which ends up meaning that the sort of contingency fee relationship where lawyers are only expecting to get a portion of their client’s recovery is how lawyers are assessing the risks and benefits of taking these kinds of cases. And so cases involving people who have been killed by police, high profile cases that are expected to garner a significant amount in terms of a settlement are cases that are going to be… They’re people who are going to be able to find representation, but cases involving constitutional violations that don’t result in death or other high damages kinds of harms, even if they’re serious constitutional violations and people who are not going to be sympathetic to a judge or jury for any number of reasons are going to have a really difficult time finding lawyers.

    And the problem is not only that those clients will not be able to find lawyers, but my research and interviews with lawyers suggests that the challenges of bringing these cases and the ways in which the Supreme Court has interpreted the ability of lawyers to get paid in these cases has led to lawyers deciding not to bring any civil rights cases at all and focus instead on criminal defense cases or personal injury cases, medical malpractice cases where they have an easier time making a living.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, you write that the lawyers are reluctant to take cases and these are your words, unless the victims are, likable, credible, and articulate, and that criteria often cancels out the marginalized. Can you talk about that?

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Absolutely. So those quotes are from lawyers who are thinking about what clients they want to represent and they’re thinking, looking forward to how a judge who has tremendous discretion over these cases or ultimately a jury if the case gets to trial, is going to think about this client and what they deserve. And as a practical reality that may, it does for some lawyers, cut out anyone who has ever been involved in the criminal justice system before. This is not true for every jury across the country, but particularly in more conservative parts of the country.

    Lawyers are concerned that jurors are not going to be sympathetic to a person who’s previously spent time in jail or prison. This may cut out people who have mental health challenges, people who are LGBTQ because of just the biases of jurors, black jurors, indigenous jurors, Latino jurors, excuse me, black plaintiffs, indigenous plaintiffs, Latino plaintiffs, homeless plaintiffs. These are all categories of people who are disproportionately the subject of police violence but may also be considered less articulate, sympathetic, et cetera to a jury. And so may have an especially difficult time finding a lawyer.

    Chris Hedges:

    Terry versus Ohio Supreme Court decision 1968, the court rejects the notion that stops and frisks are wholly outside the protections of the Fourth Amendment, which was ratified to ensure that Congress would not send government officials inside people’s homes without a warrant or probable cause. Then Chief Justice Earl Warren rejected the notion that police needed probable cause. This case was a significant blow as you write in the book to the Fourth Amendment and the protection against intrusive police behavior, Justice William O. Douglas, who was the loan dissent in Terry wrote, “There have been powerful hydraulic pressures throughout our history that bear heavily on the court to water down constitutional guarantees and give the police the upper hand. That hydraulic pressure has probably never been greater than it is today. Yet if the individual is no longer to be sovereign, if the police can pick him up whenever they do not like the cut of his jib, if they can seize and search him in their discretion, we enter a new regime.” Talk about that ruling and what it’s meant.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    So Terry versus Ohio was a case that assessed the power of police to stop and frisk. And that was something that even back at that time was happening all of the time. It’s certainly in the news today, but it was happening all of the time on the streets of our country. And there was an open debate about what police’s authority was to stop and frisk. It was the view of law enforcement officers that stopping and frisking was not covered, was not protected at all by the Fourth Amendment. The Fourth Amendment protects against unreasonable searches and seizures to the interpretation of law enforcement. This did not fall into either of those categories and to their opponents, to civil rights advocates like the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, stops and frisks should be treated as wholly within the Fourth Amendment, such that you, an officer would need probable cause before doing a stop or frisk.

    So Justice Warren split the baby in some ways. He said that this kind of stop and frisk was covered by the Fourth Amendment, but it did not require the full protections of the Fourth Amendment. It did not require probable cause. Instead, it was only a reasonable suspicion that officers needed to have before they stopped and frisked people. And part of this justification, as Justice Douglass suggests in his dissent was related to the fact that the late sixties, it was a time of great upheaval, protests, assassinations, and the like. And so the argument was that police needed this kind of discretion and power in order to keep us all safe.

    But the way in which Terry versus Ohio and the reasonable suspicion standard has come to be interpreted and understood, officers have virtually unlimited power to stop and frisk anyone under almost any circumstances. The police can have no reason or an unlawful reason, can stop someone because of their race. But so long as they can come up with a basis that is not unconstitutional after the fact, that is enough for this Supreme Court. And we’ve seen across the country millions and millions of people stopped and frisked, disproportionately people of color. And that power is really the product of the Supreme Court’s decision in Terry. And the subsequent interpretations increasingly expansive interpretations of what reasonable suspicion allows.

    Chris Hedges:

    You point out in the book that the killings of Michael Brown, Walter Scott, Eric Garner, all began as ordinary police interactions where police were within their constitutional authority to approach, stop and engage, but it culminated with police murder.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Yeah. This is a point that has also been powerfully made by my UCLA colleague, Devon Carbado, who points out that, by making the power to stop and frisk as broad as it is, it ends up leading to interactions that can then ultimately culminate in the use of fatal force. Because if the officer exercises their extreme power to stop and frisk and then the person runs away, there is then the power and authority to pursue. Or if a person the appears to the view of the officer to have a weapon, this then authorizes the police under the Fourth Amendment to use fatal force against that person whether or not they actually did have a weapon in their custody. So by making it as easy as it is for officers to stop and frisk and have that initial action interaction, they also pave the way toward more violent and fatal uses of police power over those people.

    Chris Hedges:

    I teach in the New Jersey prison system through Rutgers and the college degree program, and most of my students are people of color, but very large black men say that because they’re large, and of course George Floyd, Eric Garner, were very big men, that in and of itself, just their size in the eyes of the police constitutes a threat and they have to carry themselves far more carefully on the street because they’re far more susceptible to Draconian forms of force simply because of their size.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Yeah, that is not a surprise to me, unfortunately. And the way in which the Supreme Court has interpreted the phrase, unreasonable searches and seizures, is not from the perspective of the person being searched and seized and whether it was unreasonable for them to be subjected to that conduct when they had done nothing wrong, but instead on whether it is reasonable in the eye of the officer in the moment without the benefits of 2020 hindsight under all of the circumstances that appear to them whether force was appropriate under those circumstances. And it is a beyond unfortunate reality that assessment of threat will in some circumstances relate to the plaintiffs, the person, the victims’ race and size.

    Chris Hedges:

    The Supreme Court has legalized all court forms of warrantless searches. If you could explain how these warrantless searches are legally justified and what effect they’ve had on the public.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Well initially, the warrant requirement has been viewed as sort of a hallmark, a key of the Fourth Amendment and of constitutional protections and the need for a warrant before going into a person’s home more than anything which has been described by conservative justices as sort of the pinnacle of constitutional protections. That warrant requirement has been eaten away in part by this reasonable suspicion standard that was first articulated in Terry that we were just speaking about related to stop and frisks reasonable suspicion has come to play an important role in weakening the standards as well for not knocking and announcing presence before entering the home with a warrant and also the allowance of many exceptions to the warrant requirement so that now this notion that you have to have a warrant is being swallowed by exceptions to that rule, all of which, or most of which are justified again by the same notion that you need to give officers maximum leeway in order to protect from crime or to keep people safe.

    The whole warrant requirement, the goal of having a warrant, the intent behind it was to have a neutral third party, a judge or magistrate who could sit in and deliberate about whether to allow this most extreme deprivation of privacy and liberty. But that notion and those benefits have been outweighed time and time again by this claim of the need for quick action and shutting out the ability to have that neutral third party come in to assess the circumstances.

    Chris Hedges:

    Great. That was Professor Joanna Schwartz on her new book, Shielded: How the Police Became Untouchable. I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team, Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, David Hebden, and Kayla Rivara. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com

    Speaker 4:

    And the Chris Hedges report gets some extra time now with a few minutes of bonus material with Chris and his guest.

    Chris Hedges:

    So I want to ask you about the role of trial judges in litigation. That’s again, something in your book I didn’t really understand until I read what you wrote.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Sure. Trial judges have tremendous power and discretion throughout the litigation process and they have power over whether and how to interpret various legal doctrines that are more familiar to many, whether a constitutional right was violated, whether the officer is entitled to qualified immunity, for example. But they also have tremendous discretion and power to decide less obviously relevant things like whether a request for discovery should be granted whether the party who’s requesting the discovery needs to pay for the production of that discovery, whether experts can be allowed to testify, what the timeframe is for the jury or for a jury trial, who can sit as a juror. And at all of those stages, judges are given tremendous discretion within the rules. There is a lot of mays and cans, not wills and musts, in the legal rules. And those decisions, those very discretionary decisions are extremely difficult to appeal because on appeal courts are supposed to look to see whether the trial court abused their discretion and because their discretion is so vast, it’s very difficult to abuse.

    What this ends up meaning is, how a judge sitting in your case sees the world and views the case that you have brought, it’s going to have a great impact on how strong that case ultimately is allowed to be. And I tell the story in the book of a family who were before a judge, very hostile to their case, who carved away in multiple ways at their ability to seek a remedy in the case and ultimately led them to settle on the eve of trial a claim for far less than what you might expect it would have been worth because the value of the case really had been lessened and lessened through the litigation of the claim.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, you’re right. Not only do plaintiffs lose trials usually against police, but you also write that they’re often rewarded relatively little when they win. Why is that?

    Joanna Schwartz:

    Well, it’s difficult to know always why juries award what they award or don’t award what they don’t award because juries aren’t required to explain their rationale and their rulings. But the way in which federal juries, and it’s true in many states as well, but I’m focused here on the federal system, the way that they select jury pools and jurors ends up weeding out a lot of people who would be sympathetic or more likely to be sympathetic to plaintiffs and civil rights cases. Anyone with a felony cannot serve as a federal juror. Juries are limited to people who are registered voters. In order to receive a jury questionnaire, you have to have stable housing. In order to fill the questionnaire out and return it and appear when you are called, you likely need to have the time to do all of those things, which may be more difficult with unstable employment.

    And when there has been studies looking at jury pools and how they compare to the community, there is upwards of 30, 40% of black community members, Latino community members who are not allowed to serve as jurors in those cases. And then once you actually are in the jury pool, then the lawyer or judge can ask you a question about whether you’ve ever had a negative experience with a police officer and whether you can remain neutral despite those interactions. So at each of those stages, jurors who might be more likely to see the world from the perspective of the plaintiffs and civil rights cases are weeded out.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, I live in Princeton and I’ve done jury duty in Trenton, very poor city, and it’s filled with white suburban people, cherry hill in the area, essentially rendering judgment on poor black people they’ve already largely demonized to begin with.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    And the goal of a jury is to have the opportunity to have your case heard before your peers, before your community. And clearly our system is not doing a good job of that.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, of course most of them have to plea out anyway. They’re coerced to plea out. I think less than 94% don’t get a jury trial.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    This is a separate and important question, but the ABA has just done a report about this and about the damaging effects of really coerced plea bargaining, which I completely agree is a huge problem that we have.

    Chris Hedges:

    I just want to close your last chapter as a better way. So let’s look at what you propose to address these injustices.

    Joanna Schwartz:

    So I do offer a lot of different suggestions. In the last chapter of the book, they’re mainly focused on what you can think of as backend accountability, sort of what to do when police have violated people’s rights, how to make that aspect of the system better, and I should say there are a lot of important things that have been done or are being considered also at the front end of the system, ways to make it less likely that police ever come into contact with the people whose rights they ultimately violate. So cities across the country are considering ending low level traffic stops, considering getting trained mental health professionals involved to respond to people in mental health crisis and limitations on things like no knock warrants and choke holds, and all of those kinds of interactions or limitations along with more investment in other aspects of our social support system, are really important and need to be pursued.

    My focus on the book and on the last chapter is really on that backend accountability. And there I think that some of the most promising work is being done by state and local governments. I don’t hold much hope in the Supreme Court or Congress taking the kind of action that we need, but there are state legislatures that are stepping up. Colorado in the weeks after George Floyd was murdered, passed a comprehensive police reform bill. Among other things, it created a state law right to sue for constitutional violations and prohibited the use of qualified immunity as a defense. This is a kind of approach that New Mexico and New York City have also adopted and that other states across the country are considering. There’s also a lot that can be done at the local level. Police departments receive a quarter to a third of many local government’s budgets, and I think more could be demanded of those police departments in exchange.

    I think that police departments could be required to gather and analyze information from those lawsuits brought against them with an eye toward preventing similar events from happening in the future. I also think that the money to satisfy settlements and judgments in these cases should be taken from police departments’ budgets. They should have an incentive to reduce these costs and taking the funds out of their budgets would be one way to do that. There’s really work that can be done at every stage of government and even individuals reading the book or listening to this conversation have things that they could do, advocating for their state and local legislatures to take these actions and serving themselves as jurors, for example. I mean, this is a place where a lot of jurors have been weeded out of the pool for reasons that we’ve just described. So if you’re called to serve as a juror, don’t avoid it.

    Chris Hedges:

    Great. That was Professor Joanna Schwartz on her new book, Shielded.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • This story originally appeared in Truthout on May 31, 2023. It is shared here with permission.

    Law enforcement officers in Georgia have arrested three top organizers behind a bail fund in Atlanta that has been aiding protesters against Cop City.

    Atlanta police arrested the organizers, the CEO, chief financial officer and the secretary for the group behind the Atlanta Solidarity Fund, at their homes on Wednesday morning. According to the Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI), the three were charged with money laundering and charity fraud.

    Activists called the arrests an escalation in the state’s attempt to crush the Stop Cop City movement, with participants being hit with increasingly harsh charges.

    “This is a major escalation — they’re arresting those who defend the arrested,” wrote Atlanta organizer Micah Herskind. “The implications of these arrests is that not only can you not protest, but you cannot defend those who are arrested for protesting. There is no first amendment in Atlanta.”

    In a statement, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) spoke as though the organizers and other anti-Cop City activists were already found guilty of their charges from the GBI. He said that he was “proud” to have arrested the “criminals” who he says “facilitated and encouraged domestic terrorism,” referring to terrorism charges against Cop City protesters.

    The city of Atlanta is pursuing a $90 million plan backed by both Republicans like Kemp and Democratic Mayor Andre Dickens to build an 85-acre police militarization compound in a forest in the area. If built, Cop City would be the nation’s largest police training compound, and activists say that it would only worsen brutality by local police, as evidenced by the violent response to nonviolent protesters — all while razing a forest to do so.

    The Twitter account for the Defend the Atlanta Forest/Stop Cop City movement, pointed out that the Atlanta Solidarity Fund has aided in lawsuits against the Atlanta Police Department over its arrests of a journalist and protesters in the movement. “This is retaliatory,” the group wrote.

    Activists have also pointed out that the GBI’s statement about the arrest, as well as Kemp’s, seem to suggest that the state is preparing to use Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) charges against the bail fund, which the Atlanta Solidarity Fund has been predicting for months.

    The organizers have said that the state appears to be creating a “flimsy narrative” that the group is a criminal organization. So far, over 40 activists have been charged with domestic terrorism for protesting the compound.

    The Atlanta Solidarity Fund has been crucial in the fight against Cop City, helping to provide support for protesters hit with bail amounts that have sometimes exceeded $300,000, according to one of the arrested organizers.

    “This is targeting of organizers and movements by the police and the state,” said activist Kamau Franklin, with Community Movement Builders, in a statement. “Bail funds have been a part of organizing the Civil Rights movement and labor movement. We will continue to fight back against cop city and the political arrest of our friends and comrades.”

    Activists have long maintained that the charges lobbed onto anti-Cop City activists are bogus and that law enforcement are creating false narratives in order to justify the arrests.

    Backing up activists’ argument is the fact that police have already been caught lying about one of the most crucial and inhumane actions taken against protesters so far: the killing of Manuel Paez Terán, whose chosen name was Tortuguita, in January. Though police claimed that Tortuguita shot first, a DeKalb County autopsy found that there was no gunpowder residue on Tortuguita’s hands when police shot them 57 times, killing them.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • On a cold Christmas night in 2021 in the picturesque mountain city of Asheville, North Carolina, The Asheville Blade journalist Veronica Coit sat in a police station waiting to be booked. A police officer motioned toward Coit and said, “She says she’s press.” The magistrate responded: “Is she real press?” “In that very moment, he could’ve decided that we were press, which we were…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • After more than a decade, Seattle’s experiment with addressing police violence through federal intervention is winding down. In 2010, 35 community organizations wrote a letter to the Department of Justice (DOJ), asking the agency to “promptly investigate whether the Seattle Police Department has engaged in a pattern or practice of violations of civil rights by unnecessary and excessive force…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The city of Davis, California, was recently shaken up following a spate of stabbings — three over the course of five days, beginning on April 27 — which left two dead and one severely injured. Davis is a small, affluent, college town where no one expects “bad” things to happen, even though they sometimes do. Due to that illusion of safety, it’s not uncommon to see children freely roaming…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Watching the brutal beating of Tyre Nichols for me drove home a deeper understanding that policing as an institution can never be reformed, and that policing itself is structurally tied to inherent forms of repressive control, “legitimate” violence and surveillance. The activity of policing has embedded within it a normative construction of the social world that identifies what must be subdued.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Progressive Brandon Johnson won the Chicago mayoral race on Tuesday, triumphing over conservative Democrat Paul Vallas in a victory that serves as a rebuke to Vallas’s “tough-on-crime” platform and shows that candidates running on left-wing platforms can win. Johnson, a former labor organizer for the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU), defeated his well-financed opponent on a platform of supporting…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • In a special episode of Police Accountability Report, TRNN reporters Taya Graham and Stephen Janis report from the ground in Atlanta, where for weeks forest defenders have been fighting and risking their lives to stop the construction of “Cop City”—a massive planned police training center that would be used to instruct officers from around the country in deadly repression tactics. Speaking directly with activists on the frontlines, Graham and Janis explore the truth behind the police killing of Manuel “Tortuguita” Tehran, and the dark money sources funding the creation of the Atlanta Public Safety Center. This episode features special guests including cop watcher and auditor Lackluster, and Chris Reiter from the For Public Safety YouTube channel.

    Studio: David Hebden, Cameron Granadino
    Footage: Stephen Janis and Taya Graham


    Transcript

    The transcript of this story is in progress and will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • This week, the City of Philadelphia agreed to a $9.25 million settlement with protesters who were brutalized with tear gas and pepper spray during demonstrations following the murder of George Floyd in late May 2020. Such accountability for police who crush protests with crowd-control weapons is rare both in the United States and across the world. The settlement comes as researchers report that…

    Source

  • In Atlanta, a judge has denied bond for 8 of the people indiscriminately arrested at a music festival against the proposed “Cop City” police training facility in the Weelaunee Forest. Jailed since March 5, they are charged with domestic terrorism based on scant evidence like muddy clothes or simply being in the area at the time of the festival. We’re joined by Micah Herskind…

    Source

  • For most of the media establishment, the year may as well already be 2024. Intrigue among the Republican Party’s emerging field of presidential contenders, and ongoing mixed signals from the Joe Biden camp about his intentions next year dominate political coverage. But, while this may be an “off” year for national politics, 2023 is rife with electoral opportunities for progressive candidates…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Tory attacks on civic freedom have seen the UK downgraded in a new joint report due to restrictive public order laws. International non-profit organisation Civicus and the Bond Charity have warned that new policing laws merit the UK’s recent classification as a state where freedom is “obstructed”.
    Additionally, the report highlighted the state’s response to climate protests as a reason for the downgrade. The UK now sits alongside Hungary, Poland, and nearly 40 other states with poor records on civic freedom.

    Public order laws

    Freedom monitor Civicus publishes The People Power Under Attack report annually. The authors warned that:
    New powers that restrict the right to protest have led to the UK being downgraded from ‘narrowed’ to ‘obstructed’.
    Their critique focused on the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act and the Public Order Bill:
    Two pieces of legislation we’ve written about and have been advocating against- the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act and the Public Order Bill – give extensive new powers to police and the Home Secretary and feature heavily in the UK section of the report.
    Furthermore, it stated that the authorities have targeted climate change protests in particular:
    In addition to the legislation, the report emphasises how climate and anti-racism protesters are being targeted by police, with legal observers experiencing high levels of intimidation, harassment and aggression.

    International issue

    The authors warned that authoritarianism was a real danger:

    The types of legislation and rhetoric we are seeing in the UK now can lay the foundation for further restrictions in the future; clampdowns on charities and protesters can quickly become clampdowns on anyone who dares to think differently.

    Bond CEO Stephanie Draper said that the UK public order laws were becoming “increasingly authoritarian”:

    The downgrade reflects the worrying trends we are seeing in restrictions across civil society that are threatening our democracy.

    That freedom is under attack in the UK will come as no surprise to those paying attention. This new downgrading should send shockwaves through politics. However, with an opposition obsessed with playing to Tory voters, it remains to be seen if it will.

    Featured image via Wikimedia Commons/Nigel Mykura, cropped to 770 x 403, licenced under CC BY 2.0.

    By Joe Glenton

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Democrats and progressives in Congress reintroduced a bill on Tuesday that would ban the government from using facial recognition technology as increasing surveillance and police violence pose a threat to marginalized communities. The bill would also prevent the government from using biometric technologies like voice and gait recognition, while providing individuals a legal pathway against having…

    Source

  • A woman in South Carolina was arrested and charged this week for allegedly taking abortion pills in 2021. As first reported by The State, the woman sought medical care associated with labor pains in October 2021, according to the police report, which was obtained and posted online by Jezebel. She told health care workers that she had taken pills that would end her pregnancy. After the fetus was…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Social workers have long navigated a complex relation to systems of policing, including collusion with systems that surveil patients’ behavior and medication usage, agencies that report immigrants’ and refugee’s sensitive data to Immigration and Customs Enforcement, police “co-responder” crisis response teams and work in the “family policing” or child welfare system. In recent years…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • What will your conversation heart say this Valentine’s Day? Will it replicate the possessive politics of modern heteronormative love — summed up by phrases like “be mine” — or will it communicate the idea that love is always political, and that the greatest act of love is to work toward collective liberation? Cornel West famously said that “justice is what love looks like in public…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.