Category: prime ministers

  • RNZ Pacific

    Jotham Napat has been elected as the new prime minister of Vanuatu.

    Napat was elected unopposed in Port Vila today, receiving 50 votes with two void votes.

    He is the country’s fifth prime minister in four years and will lead a coalition government made up of five political parties — Leaders Party, Vanua’aku Party, Graon Mo Jastis Party, Reunification Movement for Change, and the Iauko Group.

    Napat is president of the Leaders Party, which secured the most seats in the House after the snap election last month.

    The former prime minister Charlot Salwai nominated Napat for the top job.

    The nomination was seconded by Ralph Regenvanu, president of the Graon Mo Jastis Pati, before the MP for Tanna and president of the Leaders Party accepted the nomination.

    The MP for Port Vila and leader of the Union of Moderate Parties, Ishmael Kalsakau, congratulated Napat on his nomination and said there would be no other nomination for prime minister.

    Who is Jotham Napat?
    Napat, 52, is an MP for Tanna Constituency and is the president of the Leaders Party which emerged from the January 16 snap election with nine seats making it the largest party in Parliament.

    He was born on Tanna in August 1972.

    He heads a five party coalition government with more micro parties likely to affiliate to his administration in the coming days and weeks.

    More than 30 MPs were seated on the government side of the House for today’s Parliament sitting.

    Napat was first elected to the house in 2016.

    He was re-elected in 2020 and again in the snap elections of 2022 and 2025.

    Before entering Parliament he chaired the National Disaster Committee in the aftermath of the devastating Cyclone Pam.

    New government facing many challenges
    The incoming government will have a long list of urgent priorities to attend to, including the 2025 Budget and the ongoing rebuild of the central business district in the capital Port Vila after a 7.3 magnitude earthquake in December.

    That quake claimed 14 lives, injured more than 200 people, and displaced thousands.

    One voter who spoke to RNZ Pacific during last month’s election said they wanted leaders with good ideas for Vanuatu’s future.

    “And not just the vision to run the government and the nation but also who has leadership qualities and is transparent.

    “People who can work with communities and who don’t just think about themselves.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • By Koroi Hawkins, RNZ Pacific editor in Port Vila and Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

    Vanuatu’s Parliament is starting to take shape according to preliminary election results.

    As of Saturday, the Leaders Party was on track to becoming the largest in Parliament with 11 MPs.

    Vanua’aku Party is next with seven, and United Moderates and Reunification Movement for Change are tied on six seats each.

    Iauko Group had five and Graon Mo Jastis, four.

    Coalition talks, already underway, are set to be complicated because in the last Parliament at least two parties had MPs split across both the government and opposition benches.

    Ballot boxes from all around the country have been transported back to Port Vila where the Vanuatu Electoral Commission is conducting the official count.

    Many Port Vila voters spoken to by RNZ Pacific said they wanted leaders who would act quickly to rebuild the quake-stricken city.

    Others said they were sick of political instability.

    Last week’s snap election was triggered by a premature dissolution of Parliament last year — the second consecutive time President Nike Vurobaravu has acted on a council of ministers’ request to dissolve the House in the face of a leadership challenge.

    Counting the latest election Vanuatu will have had five prime ministers in five years.

    Last June, a referendum agreed to two changes to the country’s constitution aimed at helping to settle the troubled political arena.

    Ni-Vanuatu voters in New Caledonia
    Meanwhile, New Caledonia’s diaspora also voted in Vanuatu’s snap poll to renew the 52-seat Parliament.

    The only polling station, set up in the capital Nouméa near the Vanuatu Consulate-General, counted as part as the Vanuatu capital Port Vila’s constituency.

    It was open to voters last Thursday from 7:30am to 8pm.

    For New Caledonia, the estimated number of ni-Vanuatu registered voters is about 1600.

    Bus shuttles were also organised for ni-Vanuatu voters residing in the Greater Nouméa area (Mont-Dore, Dumbéa and Païta).

    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

  • COMMENTARY: By Lagipoiva Cherelle Jackson and Junior S. Ami

    With just over a year left in her tenure as Prime Minister of Samoa, Fiame Naomi Mata’afa faces a political upheaval threatening a peaceful end to her term.

    Ironically, the rule of law — the very principle that elevated her to power — has now become the source of significant challenges within her party.

    Fiame left the Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP) in 2020, opposing constitutional amendments she believed undermined judicial independence. Her decision reflected a commitment to democratic principles and a rejection of increasing authoritarianism within the HRPP.

    She joined the newly formed Fa’atuatua i le Atua Samoa ua Tasi (FAST) party, created by former HRPP members seeking an alternative to decades of one-party dominance.

    As FAST’s leader, Fiame led the party to a historic victory in the 2021 election, becoming Samoa’s first female Prime Minister and ending the HRPP’s nearly 40-year rule.

    Her leadership is now under threat from within her own party.

    FAST Founder, chairman and former Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries La’auli Leuatea Polataivao Schmidt, faces criminal charges, including conspiracy and harassment. These developments have escalated into calls for Fiame’s removal from her party.

    Deputy charged with offences
    On 3 January 2025, La’auli publicly revealed he had been charged with offences including conspiracy to obstruct justice, fabricating evidence, and harassment. These charges prompted widespread speculation, fueled by misinformation spread primarily via Facebook, that the charges were related to allegations of his involvement in an ongoing investigation into the death of a 19-year-old victim of a hit-and-run.

    Following La’auli’s refusal to resign from his role as Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries, Fiame removed his portfolio on January 10, citing the need to uphold the integrity of her Cabinet.

    “As Prime Minister, I had hoped that the former minister would choose to resign. This is a common stance often considered by esteemed public office custodians if allegations or charges are laid against them,” she explained.

    In response to his dismissal, La’auli stated publicly: “I accept the decision with a humble heart.” He maintained his innocence, saying, “I am clean from all of this,” and expressed confidence that the truth will prevail.

    La’auli urged his supporters to remain calm and emphasised his commitment to clearing his name while continuing to serve as a Member of Parliament for Gagaifomauga 3.

    Following his removal, the Samoan media reported that members of the FAST party wrote a letter to Fiame requesting her removal as Prime Minister.

    Three ministers dismissed
    In response, Fiame dismissed three Cabinet Ministers, Mulipola Anarosa Ale-Molio’o (Women, Community, and Social Development), Toelupe Poumulinuku Onesemo (Communication and Information Technology), and Leota Laki Sio (Commerce, Industry, and Labor) — allegedly involved in the effort to unseat her.

    Fiame emphasised the need for a cohesive and trustworthy Cabinet, stating the importance of maintaining confidence in her leadership.

    Amid rumors of calls for her removal within the FAST party, Fiame acknowledged the party’s authority to replace her as its leader but clarified that only Parliament could determine her status as Prime Minister.

    She expressed her determination to fulfill her duties despite internal challenges, though she did not specify the level of support she retains within the party.

    Samoa’s Parliament is set to convene next Tuesday, where these tensions may reach a critical point. La’auli, facing multiple criminal charges, remains a focal point of the ongoing political turmoil.

    A day after the announcement, on January 15, four new Ministers were sworn into office by Head of State Tuimaleali’ifano Va’aleto’a Sualauvi II at a ceremony attended by family, friends, and some FAST members.

    The new Ministers are Faleomavaega Titimaea Tafua (Commerce, Industry, and Labour), Laga’aia Ti’aitu’au Tufuga (Women, Community, and Social Development), Mau’u Siaosi Pu’epu’emai (Communications and Information Technology), and Niu’ava Eti Malolo (Agriculture and Fisheries).

    FAST caucus voted against Fiame
    Later that evening, FAST chairman La’auli announced that 20 members of the FAST caucus had decided to remove Fiame from the leadership of FAST and expel her from the party along with five other Cabinet Ministers — Tuala Tevaga Ponifasio (Deputy Prime Minister), Leatinuu Wayne Fong, Olo Fiti Vaai, Faualo Harry Schuster, and Toesulusulu Cedric Schuster.

    In Samoa, if an MP ceases to maintain affiliation with the political party under which they were elected — whether through resignation or expulsion, their seat is declared vacant if they choose to move to another party or form a new party.

    These provisions aim to preserve political stability, prevent party-hopping, and maintain the integrity of parliamentary representation, with byelections held as needed to fill vacancies.

    Under Section 142 of Samoa’s Electoral Act 2019, if the Speaker believes an MP’s seat has become vacant as per Section 141, they are required to formally charge the MP with that vacation.

    If the Legislative Assembly is in session, this charge must be made orally during the Assembly. Fiame and the four FAST members can choose to maintain their seats in Parliament as Independents.

    Former Prime Minister and now opposition leader Tuilaepa Sa’ilele Malielegaoi remarked that what should have been internal FAST issues had spilled into the public sphere.

    “We have been watching and we continue to watch what they do and how they deal with their problems,” he stated.

    Freedom of expression
    When asked whether he would consider a coalition or support one side of FAST, Tuilaepa declined to reveal the opposition’s strategy, citing potential reactions from the other side. He emphasised the importance of adhering to democratic processes and protecting constitutional rights, including freedom of expression.

    As Parliament prepares to reconvene on January 21, Facebook has become a battlefield for misinformation and defamatory discourse, particularly among FAST supporters in diaspora communities in the US, Australia, and New Zealand.

    Divisions have emerged between supporters of Fiame and La’auli, leading to vitriol directed at politicians and journalists covering the crisis. La’auli, leveraging his social media following, has conducted Facebook Live sessions to assert his innocence and rally support.

    Currently, FAST holds 35 seats in Parliament, while the opposition HRPP controls 18. If the removal of five MPs is factored in, FAST would retain 30 MPs, though La’auli claims that 20 members support Fiame’s removal. This leaves 10 MPs who may either support Fiame or remain neutral.

    If FAST fails to expel Fiame, La’auli’s faction may push for a motion of no confidence against her.

    Such a motion requires 27 votes to pass, potentially making the opposition pivotal in determining the outcome. This could lead to either Fiame’s removal or the dissolution of Parliament for a snap election.

    As Samoa faces this political crisis, its democratic institutions undergo a significant test.

    Fiame remains committed to the rule of law, while La’auli advocates for her removal.

    Reflecting on the stakes, Fiame warned: “Disregarding the rule of law will undoubtedly have far-reaching negative impacts, including undermining our judiciary system and the abilities of our law enforcement agencies to fulfill their duties.”

    For now, Samoa watches and waits as its political future hangs in the balance.

    Lagipoiva Cherelle Jackson is a Samoan journalist with over 20 years of experience reporting on the Pacific Islands. She is founding editor-in-chief of The New Atoll, a digital commentary magazine focusing on Pacific island geopolitics. Junior S. Ami is a photojournalist based in Samoa. He has covered national events for the Samoa Observer newspaper and runs a private photography business. Republished from the Devpolicy Blog with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • COMMENTARY: By Lopeti Senituli in Nuku’alofa

    In a highly anticipated session of the Tongan Parliament to debate and vote on the second vote of no confidence (VONC) scheduled for last Monday, December 9, in Prime Minister Siaosi Sovaleni Hu’akavameiliku and the Cabinet, Hu’akavameiliku surprised everyone by announcing his resignation — even before the actual debate had begun.

    The session began with the Speaker, Lord Fakafanua, announcing the procedure for the day which was to have each of the seven grounds of the VONC read out, followed by the Cabinet’s responses, after which each member of Parliament would be allowed 10 minutes to make a statement for or against.

    Before parliamentary staff started reading out the documents, Deputy Prime Minister (DPM) Samiu Vaipulu moved that the VONC be declared null and void as it did not have the 10 valid signatures that the house rules stipulated.

    He claimed that two of the 10 signatures were added on October 10, whereas an event included in VONC did not begin until October 21, thus making those signatures invalid. That event was the 2024 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting which was held in Samoa, October 21-26, and the VONC cited it in relation to alleged Cabinet overspending on overseas travel.

    After an hour and half of debate on the DPM’s motion, the Speaker ruled that despite the technical shortcoming, he would proceed with the VONC at 2pm after the lunch break. Hu’akavameiliku immediately asked for a break, as only 10 minutes remained before the lunch break, but the Speaker sided with VONC supporters and ruled that the debate begin straight away.

    That is when Hu’akavameiliku asked for the floor and proceeded to thank everyone from the King to the nobles and his Cabinet members and the movers of the VONC before announcing his resignation.

    The second VONC had been tabled on November 25. The Speaker instructed the parliamentary committee responsible to scrutinise it for compliance with parliamentary rules and determine whether additional information was needed before making it available to the Prime Minister and Cabinet by November 29.

    More time request granted
    Hu’akavameiliku was initially required to submit his response by December 3 for debate and ballot. But on November 28 the Speaker granted his request for more time, rescheduling the debate to December 9. The movers of the VONC were not happy, particularly given that the first one submitted in August 2023 had contained 46 grounds (compared with seven in the second), to which the Prime Minister and Cabinet had responded to in detail within five days.

    There is reason to suspect that there was more to the request for extension than meets the eye. The inaugural graduation ceremony for the Tonga National University, which opened in January 2023, was held over three days beginning December 4, with the University’s Chancellor, King Tupou VI, officiating. Hu’akavameiliku, as Pro-Chancellor and chair of the University Council and Minister for Education and Training, facilitated the first day’s ceremony.

    That date, December 4, marked the 1845 coronation of King Siaosi Tupou I, the founder of modern Tonga. Notably, King Tupou VI was absent on the second and third days, with Lord Fakafanua and Hu’akavameiliku stepping in to play the Chancellor’s role.

    In a media conference on November 25 after the VONC was tabled, Hu’akavameiliku defended the VONC movers’ constitutional right to introduce it, but also said that since he only had a year left of his four-year term, he would have preferred a dialogue about their concerns.

    He gave the impression to the media that he had the numbers to defeat this second VONC. However, his numbers were tight.

    As of November 10, his Cabinet had nine members, reduced from 10 after his Minister for Lands and Survey, Lord Tu’i’afitu, resigned after receiving a letter from the Palace Office saying King Tupou VI had withdrawn his confidence and trust in him as minister.

    Of the nine remaining members, four were People’s Representatives (PRs), including the Prime Minister, two were Nobles’ Representatives (NRs) and three were Non-Elected Representatives who could not vote on the VONC.

    Question mark over allegiance
    o, with six votes in hand, Hu’akavameiliku needed eight more to beat the VONC. He could usually count on five PRs — Tevita Puloka, Dulcie Tei, Sione Taione, Veivosa Taka and Mo’ale ‘Otunuku — and possibly three NRs that could have sided with him, Lord Tuiha’angana, Lord Fakafanua and Prince Kalaniuvalu.

    But there was a question mark over Prince Kalaniavalu’s allegiance as he had voted in favour of the first VONC in September 2023.

    The movers of the second VONC were confident they had the numbers this time round. Lord Tu’ilakepa, who had voted against the VONC in 2023, was one of the signatories this time around. Previously, Lord Tu’ileakepa had almost always voted with the Prime Minister and was loathe to be associated with members of Parliament who had any pro-democracy inclinations.

    The seven PR signatories were Dr Langi Fasi, Mateni Tapueleuelu, Dr ‘Aisake Eke, Piveni Piukala, Kapeli Lanumata, Mo’ale Finau and Vatau Hui. They were also guaranteed the vote of Dr Tanieta Fusmalohi, still making his way back from COP29.

    So, they had 11 guaranteed votes, and 13 if the recently resigned Minister, Lord Tu’I’afitu, and Prince Kalaniuvalu sided with them. As with the first VONC, the NRs would play a crucial role, controlling nine of the 26 seats (more than 33 percent of the Parliament) despite representing less than 1 percent of the country’s population.

    Since King Tupou VI withdrew his confidence and trust in Hu’akavameiliku as Minister for Defence and Fekita ‘Utoikamanu as Minister for Foreign Affairs early in 2024, the Prime Minister continued as Acting Minister in those two portfolios.

    There was hope that substantive Ministers would have been appointed (from the Royal Family) by the time of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) Leaders Meeting in Nuku’alofa in August 24, but it was not to be.

    Relations remained strained
    In spite of the hulouifi (traditional reconciliation ceremony) performed in February, relations between the King and Hu’akavameiliku remained strained. One cannot help but think that the Palace Office was at least supportive of the VONC, if not among the instigators.

    As PIF chair until next year’s leaders’ summit in Solomon Islands, Hu’akavameiliku reportedly felt let down by King Tupou VI’s absence from the country during the Leaders’ Meeting — not least because his father, King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV, and his brother, Prince Tuipelehake, were instrumental in setting up the PIF (South Pacific Forum, at that time) in 1972.

    Together with Fiji’s Ratu Kamisese Mara, Cook Islands’ Sir Albert Henry, Nauru’s Hammer De Roburt, Samoa’s Malietoa and Niue’s Robert Rex, they walked out of the then South Pacific Commission (SPC) when they could no longer stand being treated like children by the colonial powers (US, France, UK, the Netherlands, Australia, and NZ) at the annual SPC meetings and their refusal to include decolonisation and nuclear testing on SPC’s agenda.

    The Speaker immediately recessed parliament after Hu’akavameiliku’s announcement. By the time it reconvened at 2pm he had a letter from the Palace Office saying they had received the PM’s resignation in writing.

    In spite of vociferous opposition from some of the VONC movers, he announced that, under section 18 of the Government Act, DPM Samiu Vaipulu would be Acting Prime Minister (in an interim Cabinet of existing members) until December 24, when Parliament is scheduled to elect a new Prime Minister from its existing membership of the house.

    Lopeti Senituli is a law practitioner in Tonga and is the immediate past president of the Tonga Law Society. He was Political and Media Adviser to Prime Ministers Dr Feleti Vaka’uta Sevele (2006-2010) and Samuela ‘Akilisi Pohiva (2018-2019). This article was first published by Devpolicy Blog and is republished with the author’s permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    Parliamentarians in Tonga will meet on Christmas Eve to select the kingdom’s new prime minister, Speaker of the House Lord Fakafanua has confirmed.

    He told RNZ Pacific that Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni’s resignation on Monday ahead of a second motion of no confidence was unprecedented.

    However, he said the Tongan constitution was clear on what happens next.

    Parliament will issue letters to its 26 MPs on Tuesday calling for their nominations for leader.

    These must be submitted by December 23 and the election of the prime minister will be conducted by secret ballot on Christmas Eve.

    To win, candidates will need to secure a simple majority of the total number of MPs eligible to vote.

    This number is 13 if it is determined the Speaker has the casting vote. But 14 if it is decided he will vote as an ordinary MP.

    Post-election scenarios
    The constitution is unclear on this point as the rules for election of prime minister are based on a post-election scenario, where the King appoints an interim Speaker to oversee the election who is not an elected MP.

    The current Speaker Lord Fakafanua is an MP. They have yet to make a decision on this point.

    Hu’akavameiliku quit on Monday after delivering a teary-eyed statement in Parliament.

    He told RNZ Pacific it was “better to leave”.

    “Whoever the new prime minister is going to be will do a great job given that we only have another 10 months before the [next] elections,” he said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Miriam Zarriga in Port Moresby

    Prime Minister James Marape has declared that he will not resign in spite of the defection of many Pangu Pati and government MPs to Papua New Guinea’s opposition.

    In a statement, he emphasised that any change in leadership must occur through a no-confidence vote in Parliament.

    Prime Minister Marape urged the people of Papua New Guinea and the business community to continue their daily activities without disruption as the political process unfolds.

    “Pangu has 41 MPs as of today, and with our coalition partners, we have more than the required 56 MPs to remain in government,” Marape said, confident he will win tomorrow’s vote.

    The political crisis comes as Papua New Guinea comes to terms with the devasting Kaolokam landslide disaster in Enga province with reports of 2000 people missing.

    “As I speak, our coalition partners, including United Resources Party, Social Democratic Party, People’s Party, People’s First Party, People’s Movement for Change, Melanesian Liberal Front, and Melanesian Alliance, are intact.”

    “The number of MPs, with the combination of Coalition partners and
    Pangu, exceeds the magic number of 56.

    “We are confident with our numbers and are putting together our team as we prepare for Parliament on Tuesday, May 28.”

    Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Koroi Hawkins, RNZ Pacific editor

    Jeremiah Manele has been elected Prime Minister of Solomon Islands, polling 31 votes to 18 over rival candidate and former opposition leader Mathew Wale with one abstention.

    The final result of the election by secret ballot was announced by the Governor-General, Sir David Vunagi, on the steps of Parliament in Honiara today.

    Going into the vote, Manele’s camp had claimed the support of 28 MPs while Wale’s camp said they had 20.

    Manele’s victory signals a return of the incumbent government formerly headed by Manasseh Sogavare.

    Manele’s administration, which calls itself the Government for National Unity and Transformation (GNUT), is made up of three parties — his own Our Party is the largest followed by Manasseh Maelanga’s People’s First Party and Jamie Vokia’s Kandere Party.

    Collectively, the parties came out of the election with 19 MPs but have added nine more to their ranks. We will know which MPs have joined what parties once the registrar of political parties updates its political party membership lists.

    In the lead up to the election, Manele and his coalition partners were working on merging their policy priorities into a 100 day plan which they are expected to announce to the public in the coming days.

    Once Manele has sorted the compostion of his cabinet, he will notify the Governor-General to set a date for the first sitting of Parliament during which all 50 members of Parliament will be sworn in and Sir David Vunagi will deliver the speech from the throne, the traditional opening address to Parliament.


    ‘I will discharge my duties diligently and with integrity’ – Manele
    In his first national address on the steps of Parliament, Manele congratulated the people of Solomon Islands on a successful election and called for peace.

    “Past prime ministers’ elections have been met with the act of violence and destruction,” he said.

    “Our economy and livelihoods have suffered because of this violence. However, today we show the world that we are better than that.

    “We must uphold and respect the democratic process of electing our prime minister and set an example for our children and their children.”

    Manele paid tribute to the traditional landowners of the island of Guadalcanal on which the capital Honiara is situated.

    He also outlined next steps starting with the formation of his cabinet which he said he would announce in the coming days and the first sitting of parliament when all MPs will be sworn in.

    He said members of his coalition government were finalising their 100 day plan which they hoped to unveil soon.

    Manele said there were also a number of laws that were ready to come before Parliament.

    “These bills include the value added tax bill, special economics zone bill, the mineral resources bill, the forestry bill and others.

    “Cabinet will meet to decide on the priority legislative and policy programmes for 2024. Which includes whether we need to revise the 2024 budget or not,” he said.

    Finally, he said he was very humbled by the trust that his fellow MPs had bestowed upon him.

    “This is indeed a historic moment for my people of Isabel Province to have one of their sons as the prime minister of Solomon Islands.

    “I will discharge my duties diligently and with integrity. I will at all times put the interests of our people and country above all other interests.

    “Leading a nation is never an easy task. I ask that you remember me and your government in your daily prayers so we may serve as our lord commands.”

    He pledged his loyalty and allegiance to the country’s national anthem, national flag, and the constitution.

    “We are one people, we are one nation, we are Solomon Islands. To God be the glory great things He has done. May God bless you all may God bless the 12th parliament and may God bless Solomon Islands from shore to shore.”

    Who is Jeremiah Manele?
    Jeremiah Manele, who turns 56 this year, is the member of Parliament for Hograno Kia Havulei in Isabel Province.

    He is the country’s first ever prime minister from Isabel where his home village is Samasodu.

    Manele served as minister of foreign affairs in the last government and ran in this election under the Our Party Banner. However, he has previously been affiliated with the Democratic Alliance Party.

    He was first elected to Parliament in 2014 and was the leader of the opposition in the country’s 10th Parliament. He has also previously served as the minister for development planning and aid coordination in the 11th Parliament.

    Prior to entering Parliament, Manele was a longserving public servant and diplomat representing the country as Chargé d’Affaires, of the Solomon Islands Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York.

    He holds a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Papua New Guinea and a Certificate in Foreign Service and International Relations from Oxford University.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Koroi Hawkins, RNZ Pacific editor

    Police in Solomon Islands are on high alert ahead of the election of the prime minister today.

    The two candidates for the top job are former foreign affairs minister Jeremiah Manele at the head of the Coalition for National Unity and Transformation, which is technically the incumbent government wrapped in new packaging, and the former opposition leader Mathew Wale who fronts a four party coalition preaching change.

    At last count Manele’s camp claimed to have the support of 28 of the 50 elected MPs and Wale’s side said they had 20.

    However, the numbers could shift significantly either way overnight as intense lobbying is expected from both camps to try and draw MPs across to their side.

    There were also a handful of MPs yet to arrive in the capital Honiara from their electorates who could become tiebreakers given the close margins involved.

    Honiara city has a well documented history of public unrest around political events, the most recent being the 2021 riots which spilled over from a seemingly small protest against the last government.

    But the largest and most politically significant was the 2006 riots which forced the resignation of the newly elected prime minister Snyder Rini who was in office for only 14 days.

    Parliament closed
    The Royal Solomon Islands Police Force have issued a statement saying Parliament would be closed to the public for the election of the prime minister.

    The process is a private members meeting not a sitting of Parliament and so will not be broadcast.

    Deputy Police Commissioner Ian Vaevaso, who is in charge of security operations at Parliament, is calling on the public to respect the democratic process and accept its outcome.

    “Officers are already doing high visibility foot beat along the street of Honiara and vehicle patrols as we prepare for the election of the Prime Minister.

    “Police will not tolerate anyone who intends to disturb the process of the election of the Prime Minister.”

    Weak political party laws ‘destabilising factor’ – Liloqula
    The head of Transparency International Solomon Islands said the country’s weak political party legislation was skewing voters’ choices.

    Almost half of the incumbent MPs who contested last month’s national election lost their seats and Our Party — the dominant party in the last government — only managed to return 15 of the more than 30 candidates it fielded.

    Many of the newly elected MPs, particularly the independents, campaigned on platforms to either change the government or be an alternative voice in the house.

    But Transparency Solomon Islands chief executive Ruth Liloqula said these same politicians, some of whom unseated incumbent government MPs, went on to align themselves with the Manele-led Coalition for National Unity and Transformation, which if successful in the prime minister’s election today would effectively return the former government to power.

    “That kind of movement is what I refer to as a destabilising factor in our political stability, freedom for anyone to stand as an independent candidate that still stays.

    “But for them to then, after winning as an independent candidate, then they come together and form a group that needs to be got rid of,” Liloqula said.

    Manele’s sole competitor for the prime minister’s post, former opposition leader Wale in announcing his candidacy, appealed to newly elected MPs and independents who had campaigned on a platform for change to stay the course and join their ranks.

    ‘Voted . . . for change’
    “The people of Solomon Islands have voted overwhelmingly for change from DCGA & Our Party. I therefore urge all newly elected independents, who were voted in on a mandate for change, to join us.

    “This is the peoples clear wish,” he said.

    Liloqula said the unfortunate thing about this game of numbers was that most of the MPs were not moving around on the basis of principles or national policies but for their own personal and political gain.

    “What is the numbers game dependent on? Is it to serve the interests of this country or is it to serve the personal gain of the people who are playing this game?

    “This is not the time to be doing this . . . they should all work together to bring up this country’s economy so that we can be going somewhere,” she said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Koroi Hawkins, RNZ Pacific editor

    Former opposition leader Matthew Wale has been announced as the second prime ministerial candidate ahead of the election in Solomon Islands tomorrow.

    He will face off against former foreign affairs minister Jeremiah Manele, who was announced by the Coalition for National Unity and Transformation on Monday.

    As far as RNZ Pacific was aware, Manele and Wale were the only two prime ministerial candidates that have been publicly announced.

    However, candidate nominations could also be submitted quietly, so until the Governor-General announced the total number of candidates, RNZ Pacific could not rule out the possibility that there could be at least one more horse in the race.

    Wale’s coalition, which had yet to be named, resembled the opposition group in the last Parliament, and was made up of his own Democratic Party, the United Party, the Party for Rural Advancement, the Umi for Change Party and the Democratic Alliance Party.

    A head count of a group photo provided by the coalition showed they had 20 MPs.

    On the other hand, Manele’s coalition, which was effectively the incumbent government, was made up of MPs from Our Party, People’s First Party and the Kadere Party.

    Enough to form government
    Their group photo showed 28 MPs which was more than enough to form government if they could hold onto them through the intense lobbying anticipated over the next 48 hours.

    Included in Manele’s camp were a host of newly elected independent MPs, many of whom campaigned on a platform for change, unseating half of the incumbent Our Party MPs only to replenish their ranks.

    In a statement marking his nomination, Wale appealed to these independents.

    “The people of Solomon Islands have voted overwhelmingly for change from DCGA & Our Party. I therefore urge all newly elected independents, who were voted in on a mandate for change, to join us,” Wale said.

    “This is the people’s clear wish.”

    Nominations for prime ministerial candidates closed at 4pm yesterday, and the election of the prime minister will be held at 9.30am local time tomorrow.

    It will be presided over by the Governor-General, Sir David Vunagi, and conducted by secret ballot.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    The race to form the next government of Solomon Islands could be a tight one, with no single party emerging from the election with enough seats to govern.

    Caretaker prime minister Manasseh Sogavare’s Our Party did the best, securing 15 out of the 50 seats in the House.

    The former opposition leader Matthew Wale’s Democratic Party is first runner-up with 11 MPs, which is also equal to the number of independent MPs which have been elected.

    As for the rest of the field, the United Party secured six seats, the People’s First Party won three, and the remaining four minor parties won a seat each.

    So what happens now?
    The Governor-General of Solomon Islands, Sir David Vunagi, will only call a meeting to elect the country’s prime minister once official results have been gazetted and Parliament informs him that all elected members have returned from the provinces to the capital Honiara.

    This was confirmed by the Governor-General’s private secretary, Rawcliffe Ziza, who also sought to refute some misinformation about the election of the prime minister — which said it would only be called once a party or a coalition of parties had secured the numbers to form government.

    As political parties lobby to secure the numbers to rule, local media will be providing blow-by-blow accounts and social media feeds are awash with coalition predictions.

    But the reality is things will remain fluid right up until and including when the elected members meet in parliament to cast secret ballots to elect the country’s prime minister.

    There are also rumours of MPs defecting from or joining different groupings.

    But the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties has confirmed to RNZ Pacific it has not received applications of either kind, and so as of Friday, party numbers remain true to the final election results below.

    Solomon Islands final election results by party:

    • Our Party — 15 MPs
    • Solomon Islands Democratic Party — 11
    • Independents — 11
    • Solomon Islands United Party — 6
    • Solomon Islands People’s First Party — 3
    • Umi For Change Party — 1
    • Kadere Party — 1
    • Democratic Alliance Party — 1
    • Solomon Islands Party for Rural Advancement — 1

    According to Government House, most of the newly elected members of Parliament are already in the capital.

    But the Governor-General will wait until next week to consider a date for the election of the prime minister, to allow time for members from more remote constituencies to make their way back to Honiara and for the official election results to be gazetted.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    The involvement in Tonga’s government by King Tupou VI is a return to the “dark ages” for the kingdom, a long time journalist, author and advocate campaigning for democracy.

    The King last month withdrew his support for the ministers holding two portfolios.

    Tonga’s Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni has reportedly stepped down from his defence portfolio, with Foreign Affairs Minister Fekita ‘Utoikamanu reportedly doing the same.

    Sources in Nuku’alofa have told RNZ Pacific the decision to resign comes following a meeting between Hu’akavameiliku and a cabinet team held with King Tupou VI earlier this month.

    Democracy advocate and journalist Kalafi Moala, who is editor of Talanoa ‘o Tonga and the RNZ Pacific correspondent, said the King’s decision to withdraw support is a retrograde step.

    “The reform in 2010 was that he [the King] would get out of trying to run the government or to appoint government,” he said.

    ‘Very bad move’
    “And with this King, to me, this is a very, very bad move, and there is a lot of public unhappiness about it.”

    Hu’akavameiliku has reportedly sent a proposal to the King, recommending that Crown Prince Tupouto’a ‘Ulukalala, a senior official at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, be appointed Minister of Defence and Foreign Affairs.

    An official announcement is expected to be made after a Privy Council meeting that will be chaired by the King on Thursday.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Kalino Latu, editor of Kaniva Tonga

    Tonga’s Prime Minister Siaosi Sovaleni Hu’akavameiliku has resigned as Minister of Defence in order to appease King upou VI, says a senior government official.

    The Tongan Independent reports that the Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister ‘Utoikamanu had resigned from their portfolios.

    Senior sources within the Tongan government have told Kaniva News they believed reports that the Prime Minister has resigned.

    Kaniva News has contacted Prime Minister and Chief Secretary for confirmation of the report and was waiting for a response.

    The Independent has adopted a strongly anti-Sovaleni tone, criticising the government’s involvement in Lulutai Airlines, claiming he was too ill to serve and that he and Utoikamanu were trying to usurp King Tupou VI’s authority.

    It is understood that the Prime Minister had flown to Niuafo’ou to meet His Majesty

    Relations between the Prime Minister and the throne have been tense since the king issued a memo saying he no longer supported Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku as the Minister for His Majesty’s Armed Forces and Hon Fekitamoeloa Katoa ‘Utoikamanu as the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Tourism.

    King’s memo ignored
    The Prime Minister ignored the King’s memo.

    As we reported earlier, the nobles responded by demanding that the Prime Minister and Hon Utoikamanu resign immediately in order to assuage King Tupou VI’s disappointment.

    The nobles circulated a letter which described the Prime Minister’s refusal to accept the King’s show of power as “very concerning” and “intimidating the peace” of the country.

    “We are the king’s cultural preservers (‘aofivala). Therefore, we propose that you and your government respect the King’s desire,” the letter read in Tongan.

    “The king has withdrawn his confidence and consent from you as Defence Minister as well as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Tourism Fekitamoeloa ‘Utoikamanu.

    “We urge you to resign immediately from the Ministry of Defence as well as Fekitamoeloa ‘Utoikamanu to resign from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Tourism”.

    This is not the first time the King has directly interfered in the workings of a democratically elected government.

    Heavily influenced
    The King is said to have been heavily influenced by some of his Privy Councillors, including Lord Tu’aivakanō, who advised him to dissolve the government of the late ‘Akilisi Pohiva in 2017.

    Lord Tu’aivakanō justified his behaviour by claiming that Hon Pohiva’s government wanted to remove the Privy Council’s role in appointing positions like the Police Commissioner and Attorney-General.

    As we wrote at the time: “Lord Tu’ivakano said it was clear the government was trying to wear away the powers of the King and Privy Council, which he could not abide.”

    Pohiva’s government was re-elected.

    Lord Tu’aivakanō is said to have signed the noble’s letter criticising the Prime Minister.

    Asia Pacific Report collaborates with Kaniva Tonga. Republished with permission.,

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Tonga has been locked in a political standoff between the country’s King Tupou VI and Prime Minister Siaosi Sovaleni Hu’akavameiliku which erupted into a heated row in Parliament this week with two MPs being suspended. Here Kaniva News editor Kalino Latu gives his recent reaction to an ultimatum by the Tongan nobles.

    EDITORIAL: By Kalino Latu, editor of Kaniva Tonga

    Tonga’s nobles have demanded the Prime Minister and his Minister of Foreign Affairs resign immediately in order to assuage King Tupou VI’s disappointment with their ministerial roles.

    The letter, which was purportedly signed by Lord Tu’ivakanō, described Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku’s refusal to accept the King’s show of power as very concerning and intimidating the peace of the country.

    “We are the king’s cultural preservers (‘aofivala). Therefore, we propose that you and your government respect the king’s desire,” the letter read in Tongan.

    “The king has withdrawn his confidence and consent from you as Defence Minister as well as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Tourism Fekitamoeloa ‘Utoikamanu.

    “We urge you to resign immediately from the Ministry of Defence as well as Fekitamoeloa ‘Utoikamanu to resign from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Tourism”.

    The letter demanded a response from the Prime Minister no later than February 27.

    The letter came after the King said earlier this month in a memo that he no longer supported Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku as the Minister for His Majesty’s Armed Forces and Hon. Fekitamoeloa Katoa ‘Utoikamanu as the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Tourism.

    PM still confident
    Responding, the government said the Prime Minister was still confident in the Minister of Foreign Affairs and that the King’s wish clashed with the Constitution.

    While the King’s nobles are free to express their opinion on the issue, some people may think that the lack of references to the Constitution to support their argument in their letter was more provoking and inciting than what they allege Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku has done.

    This is because the Prime Minister said he was responding according to what the related clause in the Constitution said about His Majesty’s concerns. It is the Constitution which ensures that those who make decisions are making them on behalf of the public and will be held accountable to the people they serve.

    Some people may see that the nobility’s departure from the constitution and citing the Tongan practice of faka’apa’apa’i e finangalo ‘o e tu’i (respecting the King’s wish) means the nobles are urging us to dump Tonga’s Constitution and live by the law of the jungle in which those who are strong and apply ruthless self-interest are most successful.

    Our Tongan tradition of faka’apa’apa (respect the King no matter what) has no clear system of rules, limits and boundaries for us to follow, which leaves the door open for the powerful to practice immorality and unlawful activities.

    Since the King’s memo was leaked to the public, some have argued that it was explicitly unconstitutional. There is nothing in the Constitution to say that the King has to show that he gives his consent or has confidence in a ministerial nominee proposed by the Prime Minister before he appoints them.

    Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku
    Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku . . . under royal pressure. Image: Kaniva News

    However, some argued that there was nothing wrong with the King expressing his wish as he did to the Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The problem with this kind of attitude is that it urges the King to publicly show his disagreement with the Constitution whenever he wants.

    Breaching royal oath?
    The King could be seen in such a situation to be breaching his royal oath which, according to the Constitution, clause 34, says: “I solemnly swear before Almighty God to keep in its integrity the Constitution of Tonga and to govern in conformity with the laws thereof.”

    The word “integrity” included in the Constitution is worth mentioning here.

    It is defined by the Oxford Dictionary as: “The quality of being honest and having strong moral principles that you refuse to change”.

    Some people may believe that for the King to have integrity in the constitution, he must have a strong sense of judgment and trust in his own accord.

    To keep the Constitution honest the King must desist from saying things to the public which are not written in the Constitution and may cause concern and confusion.

    The best example was his memo. It has caused a stir among the public but what was most concerning is that no one knows what was the reason behind the King’s withdrawal of his consent and confidence in the Prime Minister and his Minister of Foreign Affairs.

    We have previously seen His Majesty make several wrong decisions which are said to have been influenced by his Privy Councillors or his nobility members, including Lord Tu’aivakanō’s abortive advice to dissolve the government in 2017.

    Do the right thing
    The nobility must do the right thing and advise the King according to the Constitution and not our old fashioned cultural practices.

    It was the Tu’ivakano government which hired Commonwealth Legal Consultant Peter Pursgloves to review our 2010 constitution, which he said was the “poorest written Constitution” among all Commonwealth countries.

    The Tu’ivakanō government vowed to follow Pursglove’s report and made significant changes to the Constitution which was said to have been agreed by the King in 2014.

    When the ‘Akilisi Pohiva government ousted the Tu’ivakanō government in late 2014 they processed the Pursglove report and submitted it to Parliament through six new bills to be approved. However, it was the same people in the Tu’ivakanō government who strongly opposed the submission from the Opposition bench. They went further and falsely accused Pōhiva of secretly trying to remove some of the King’s powers.

    Critics argued that this was because of the nobility’s long-time hatred against Pōhiva because of his tireless campaign to remove the executive power of the King and give it to a democratic government.

    The nobles later apologised and withdrew their accusation against Pōhiva in the House after months of debates and public consultations. They finally said they wanted to support the submission after Pōhiva revealed in the House his government  has lodged an application for a judicial review of the decision made by Lord Tu’ilakepa to block the new bills.

    That submission has yet to be approved by the House and the nobility has a duty to push for it to be approved. This would bring Tonga a more democratic system that would help keep the King and the government at peace.

    The nobles must refrain from using cultural practices to resolve our constitutional issues as that would send us back to the dark ages.

    This editorial was published by Kaniva Tonga on February 29 and is published by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Kelvin Anthony, RNZ Pacific journalist in Port Vila and Christine Persico

    The Vanuatu Supreme Court has ruled in favour of the opposition, which contested a ruling by the parliamentary Speaker regarding what constitutes an absolute majority in Parliament.

    The court case followed a motion of no-confidence in the prime minister being defeated under a technicality of the rules as interpreted by the Speaker.

    Former prime minister Sato Kilman, who is now in the opposition, said the judge had ruled an absolute majority in Parliament was 26, so the opposition won the case.

    But he said the judge had stayed the case until 3pm on Monday to allow any appeal.

    “We are glad, because we believed that we were right from the start, and that is why we lodged the application to the court,” Kilman said.

    Former Vanuatu prime minister Sato Kilman, who is now in the opposition, says he is pleased with the court ruling.
    Sato Kilman, a former Vanuatu prime minister . . . “We believed that we were right from the start.” Image: Kelvin Anthony/RNZ Pacific

    Earlier this month the opposition, in seeking to remove Prime Minister Ishmael Kalsakau, won 26 votes in the 52-member House, while the government got 23 votes.

    There was one abstention — from the Speaker — one seat is vacant and one is empty due to that MP getting medical treatment overseas.

    Vanuatu’s constitution states that an absolute majority is needed to oust a prime minister and this has been interpreted to mean 27 MPs in the 52-member Parliament.

    Legal precedent
    Kalsakau said there was legal precedent to support this position.

    In the judgment released today, the judge said the court “concludes that the actual number of members of Parliament when this vote was taken is the relevant number on which an absolute majority should be based”.

    “It is the view of this court that the applicants have shown that their Constitutional rights, as set out in the application filed on 17th August 2023, have been infringed by the 1st respondent,” the judgment said.

    “They are entitled to relief sought.”

    It also said an order would be issued about that relief, but the order would include a stay to allow an appeal before any further steps are taken to enforce the order.


    Cathy Solomon, 64, who lives in Port Vila, said the majority of people in Vanuatu were suffering because of “unfair and sad” politicians who were only thinking of self preservation.

    She said the country’s politicians had failed in their purpose as elected representatives of the people.

    She said it was time for more women to get into Parliament so they could challenge and change Vanuatu’s precarious political situation.

    Hendon Kalsakau, 65, a chief of the Coconut Tribe on Ifira island, said the situation was “affecting deeply” the ni-Vanuatu people.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • The first time Sitiveni Rabuka was elected into office was more than 30 years ago. Today marks a little over a month since he became Fiji’s Prime Minister for a second time. He catches up with Tagata Pasifika’s John Pulu to discuss his return to office, Fiji’s covid-19 recovery and the investigation of Fiji’s former attorney-general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum.

    By John Pulu, Tagata Pasifika presenter/reporter/director

    It’s been a busy start for the newly elected leader of Fiji, Sitiveni Rabuka.

    And while he’s only held the role for a little over a month, walking into the Prime Minister’s office felt familiar for the leader of the People’s Alliance (PA) party.

    “The office dynamics are still the same,” he says.

    Public Interest Journalism Fund
    PUBLIC INTEREST JOURNALISM FUND

    “It was just like going back to an old car or an old bicycle that you have driven before or ridden before.

    “The people are new…[there’s] possible generational difficulties and views but I have not encountered any since the month I came into the office.”

    However, his journey into office was not an easy one. After the initial tally of votes at last years’ December election, neither Rabuka nor his predecessor Voreqe Bainimarama had gained a comfortable majority to take Parliament.

    Sodelpa (Social Democratic Liberal Party) became the kingmakers, voting to form a coalition with the PA, and they were joined by the National Federation Party (NFP).

    Bainimarama out of office
    For the first time since 2014, Bainimarama was out of office. Rabuka says they have not spoken since the election.

    “There has been no communication since the outcome,” he says.

    “It was something I tried to encourage when I was in the opposition and opposition leader, for across-the-floor discussions on matters that affect the nation.

    “We grew up in the same profession…we are friends,” Rabuka insists.

    Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka talking to Tagata Pasifika
    Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka talking to Tagata Pasifika . . . returning to office as PM is like “going back to an old car . . . you have driven before”. Image: TP Plus screenshot APR

    However, there’s plenty else to keep Rabuka busy at this time.

    The coalition trinity means more cooks in the kitchen, but Rabuka is confident that they can work together to lead Fiji.

    “I worked with the National Federation Party in 1999. Sodelpa was the party I helped to register,” he recalls.

    ‘Differences in past’
    “There might have been differences in the past but we are still family and it’s only natural for us to come together and work together again.”

    They’ve already enacted a number of changes including lifting a ban on a number of Fijians who were exiled by the previous government.

    “It’s interesting that many of those returning thought they were on a blacklist,” Rabuka muses.

    “When we asked Immigration, Immigration [said] ‘there is no such thing as a blacklist, or anyone being prohibited from coming back’.

    “They all came back and they were very happy. But it also reflected the freedom in the atmosphere.”

    And speaking of freedom, investigations into former attorney-general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum have reportedly been suspended.

    Under investigation
    According to FBC News, Sayed-Khaiyum was under investigation for allegedly inciting communal antagonism.

    Rabuka says Sayed-Khaiyum is a person of interest, but isn’t yet subjected to any prosecution processes at this time.

    “But if it develops from there, there might be restrictions on his movement – particularly out of Fiji.”

    Public Interest Journalism funded through NZ On Air. Republished from Tagata Pasifika with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Russell Palmer, RNZ News digital political journalist

    Prime Minister Chris Hipkins has put the “bread and butter” issue of inflation at the top of his government’s agenda for Aotearoa New Zealand, saying today’s figures confirm that is the right approach.

    Opposition leader Christopher Luxon continues to cast the government as having done nothing about the cost of living, but Hipkins argues the government’s actions are making a difference.

    Annual inflation numbers for the quarter out from Stats NZ today were unchanged at 7.2 percent, roughly in line with expectations.

    There are signs inflation may have peaked, and some supermarkets are expecting drops in fruit and vegetable prices in coming weeks, but rate rises and recession are still expected.

    Economists say there is unlikely to be much respite from rising costs this year.

    Speaking in his first media briefing as prime minister after chairing Cabinet, Hipkins said the work on reprioritising policy to tackle the issue had “started in earnest”.

    “We will be reining in some of our plans, putting them on a slower track, giving us more room to move and greater capacity to focus on the immediate priority issues facing New Zealand, particularly the cost-of-living pressures that have been caused by the global economic situation.”

    Not unusual
    He said the inflation numbers from today were not unusual in comparison to other global economies — but the government would continue to work to reduce it.

    “Our overall rate of inflation: 7.2 percent here in New Zealand, 7.8 percent in Australia, 10.5 percent in the United Kingdom, the OECD average is 10.3 percent, the European Union is 11.1 percent,” he said.

    “The Treasury is forecasting real government consumption will fall by about 8.2 percent over the next couple of years which they say indicates that fiscal policy is supporting monetary policy in dampening inflationary pressures — but there’s more to do and the fight must and will continue.

    “New Zealand is not immune to those international pressures and they will continue to have an impact on our rate of inflation.”

    Luxon was earlier visiting a budgeting service in Papakura, Auckland, and led his comments to reporters afterwards with a familiar litany of criticism, saying those using the service were the same people using foodbanks up and down the country.

    “Again a third quarter of inflation sitting at 7.2 percent or thereabouts. It just speaks to a government that is causing huge pain and suffering for people because it has no plan and it’s not tackling the underlying issues of inflation,” he said.

    Christopher Luxon at a media standup in Papakura in Auckland
    Opposition leader Christopher Luxon . . . “a government that is causing huge pain and suffering.” Photo: Nick Monro/RNZ News

    “That then leads to higher levels of interest rates. Higher levels of interest rates ultimately then lead us through to a recession and a recession then leads us into unemployment. I see a government that has had no plan to tackle the underlying causes of inflation, and nothing they have done over the last nine months has made a single difference here.”

    He was not buying Hipkins’ language about reprioritisation and renewed focus on the economy.

    ‘It’s just words’
    “He can say whatever he wants, it’s just words. The reality is this is a government with Grant Robertson as a Finance Minister over the whole period of this government.

    “Nothing’s changed, so the reality is he can say whatever he wants but I find it incredibly cynical that here we are six months, seven months out from an election and all of a sudden we’re miraculously gonna focus on the economy. Give me a break.”

    Luxon listed National’s “five-point inflation-fighting plan” as their own solution to the problem:

    • Not adding costs to businesses which will be passed on to consumers through higher prices
    • Open up immigration settings to grow the productive economy
    • Control government spending “incredibly well and tightly as we expect people to do in their household budgets”
    • Inflation-adjusted tax thresholds
    • Refocus the Reserve Bank solely on inflation

    Hipkins argued the government had been doing its part to address the underlying causes, including at the petrol pump and the supermarket, and it was having an impact.

    He listed fuel tax cuts, and changes to benefit rates as examples where the government had stepped in, and said while it was too early to see the results of changes to immigration from a month ago, he had heard positive feedback from businesses.

    More changes
    He said the government would not stop there and would continue to make changes — and May’s budget was not set in stone.

    “There is an opportunity for us to make sure that the Budget reflects the priorities that I’ve set out,” he said, while drawing a line between carrying out the policy promises of this term of government — and campaigning for the next.

    “In terms of our tax policy for the next election New Zealanders will know it well in advance of the election. I’m not going to announce a tax policy on day one.”

    He signalled he would not forget other priorities — highlighting climate change as well as education, health and housing — but all of them were linked to cost-of-living pressures, he said.

    “If you look at the inflationary figures today the cost of building a new house is one of the things that’s contributing to that.

    “We’ve seen significant population growth and we haven’t built the right number of houses to keep up with that, that’s never going to turn around overnight but we’re making good progress.”

    Luxon targeted the closure of the Marsden Point Oil Refinery as one area the government had not thought through the consequences of, however, with shortages of CO2 and Bitumen impacting some sectors of the economy.

    Strategic assets
    “There are some strategic assets that actually are important to New Zealand and actually in the context of more global uncertainty you want to make sure you’ve got resilience and you’ve got the backup to the backup to the backup.

    “I’m used to running risk management scenarios . . . I get it, we want to move out of fossil fuels, but actually at the moment we’ve knocked off our gas sector and now we’re importing what, three times as much Indonesian coal as any year in a National government?”

    “The ambition’s easy to state but actually if you don’t think through the detail of it you end up with these consequences that cause us a different set of problems.”

    Hipkins certainly has a big job ahead of him in wrangling an inflation juggernaut powered in large part by similar rises in costs overseas.

    While he refused to make any commitments on his first day in the job, he was confident New Zealand would soon see the effects.

    “New Zealanders will certainly see over the coming weeks and months the evidence of the fact that we’ve made it our number one priority.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • RNZ News

    Chris Hipkins says the opportunity to become Prime Minister of Aotearoa New Zealand is the biggest privilege of his life and his eyes are wide open for the challenges that lie ahead.

    Hipkins began a media briefing today by saying: “I can confirm that I have put my name forward to be the next leader of the New Zealand Labour Party and therefore the next Prime Minister of New Zealand.

    “I am absolutely humbled and honoured,” Hipkins said about the Labour Party caucus choosing him. He was the only nominee to succeed Jacinda Ardern who announced her resignation this week after almost completing two terms as prime minister.

    “There is still a bit to go in this process. There is still a meeting tomorrow and a vote, and I don’t want to get too far ahead of that.

    “I do want to thank them for the way the process has been handled. I do think we’re an incredibly strong team. We have gone through this process with unity and we will continue to do that.”

    At 44, one of the group of strong young — but highly experienced — leaders in the ruling Labour Party, Chris Hipkins was the stand out choice to lead the party into the election on October 14.

    The face of NZ’s covid-19 pandemic response from November 2020 onwards, he is currently serving as Minister of Education, Minister of Police, Minister for the Public Service and Leader of the House.

    ‘Incredibly optimistic’
    Hipkins said he was “incredibly optimistic about New Zealand’s future”.

    “I am really looking forward to the job. I am feeling energised and enthusiastic and I am looking forward to getting to the work.

    “It’s a big day for a boy from the Hutt,” he told reporters.


    Labour’s Chris Hipkins addresses the nation.         Video: RNZ New

    “It’s an enormous privilege. It’s also an enormous responsibility and the weight of that responsibility is still sinking in.”

    Hipkins said he would avoid comments on positions or policies today, because the process was not yet finished and he was not confirmed as Prime Minister yet.

    Asked if Labour can win the election, Hipkins simply says, “Yes.”

    He would not address speculation about who his deputy prime minister would be at this time.

    Challenging situations
    “I thoroughly enjoyed being a minister in Jacinda Ardern’s Cabinet. I think the New Zealand public have seen the work I have done.”

    He said he had dealt with some challenging situations and he made mistakes from time to time.

    Addressing the journalist Charlotte Bellis MIQ case, in which he disclosed some of her personal details, Hipkins said he had apologised to her and considered the case closed.

    “There is nowhere else in the world that I would want to live and want to be raising my kids” than New Zealand, he said. The country was navigating economic turbulence but would come through it.

    “The vast bulk of New Zealanders are very proud about what we achieved around covid,” Hipkins says.

    “Yes, there’s a vocal minority that would like to rewrite history but actually I think New Zealand as a country would be proud of what we achieved through covid.”

    “I acknowledge that the lockdown in Auckland was really hard,” he said.

    “I think hopefully New Zealanders know me as someone who is up front, doesn’t mind admitting when they’ve made a mistake, and can laugh at themselves.”

    Chris Hipkins speaks to media after being confirmed as sole contender for the Labour Party leadership.
    Sole contender for Labour Party leadership Chris Hipkins . . . his aim is to win the October general election. Image: Samuel Rillstone/RNZ News

    ‘I don’t intend to lose’
    Asked if he would stay on as opposition leader if Labour loses the October election, Hipkins said: “I don’t intend to lose.”

    “I am here to make sure that New Zealanders who go out there and work hard to make a better life for their famlies can succeed and do so. … That’s what Labour has always stood for and it’s absolutely why I’m in politics.”

    He said there was already a reshuffle coming. He had a lot of conversations with his parliamentary colleagues about the position once Ardern resigned and he was very interested in keeping a consensus.

    Asked about Ardern being “burned out”, Hipkins said: “I’ve had a good summer break, I’ve absolutely come back energised and refreshed and ready to get into it.”

    Asked for a little detail about himself, he said: “I grew up in the Hutt, my parents came from relatively humble beginnings and worked really hard to give a good life to my brother and I.

    “I like to cycle, I like to garden. Maybe I don’t have the best fashion sense in Parliament … but I am who I am.”

    Asked about the abuse on social media that has been highlighted in the wake of Ardern’s resignation, he said: “I think there has been an escalation of vitriol and some politicians have been a subject of that more than others.”

    ‘Intolerable’ abuse
    He calling some of the abuse Ardern had faced “intolerable”.

    “I go into this job with my eyes wide open of knowing what I’ve stepped into.”

    “No one’s perfect, and I don’t pretend to be,” Hipkins said.

    “Jacinda Ardern has been an incredible Prime Minister for New Zealand. She was the leader for New Zealand at the time that we needed it,” he says, citing her many challenges.

    “Jacinda provided calm, reassured leadership which I hope to continue to do. We are different people, though, and I hope that people will see that.”

    Hipkins said that if Grant Robertson was happy to stay as finance minister, he was more than welcome to remain.

    Asked if he was willing to be called “Prime Minister Chippy,” he said, “people will call me what they call me”.

    Pivotal role
    Hipkins said the Māori caucus would continue to play a pivotal role in government.

    “I’ve got an amazing team to work with and I intend to absolutely make the most of that.

    “It is the biggest responsibility and it is the biggest privilege of my life. All of the experiences that I’ve had in my life have contributed to this point.”

    Asked if he believed he’d be prime minister one day, Hipkins said, “I don’t really believe in destiny in politics. I actually believe in hard work.”

    Hipkins said he had talked to Ardern since the result became clear, and he would be sitting down with her soon as they needed to work out details of the transfer of power.

    “I’ve had a lot of messages from my constituency. They’re happy to have the first PM from the Hutt I think for generations.”

    Hipkins has also spoken to Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese.

    “There are so many messages on my phone,” he said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Grant Duncan, Massey University

    New Zealanders will have a new prime minister by February 7 and will go to the polls on October 14, after two-term Labour Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announced her resignation today to spend more time with her family.

    “For me, it’s time,” she said, speaking from the Labour Party’s retreat. “I just don’t have enough in the tank for another four years.”

    Ardern said she would stay on until April as a local MP.

    Beyond that, I have no plan. No next steps. All I know is that whatever I do, I will try and find ways to keep working for New Zealand and that I am looking forward to spending time with my family again – arguably, they are the ones that have sacrificed the most out of all of us.

    Ardern’s resignation will come as a shock to many New Zealanders, and especially to people overseas — given the international reputation she earned as prime minister over the past five years.

    But this is less of a surprise for close watchers of New Zealand politics. Back in November 2021, I wrote in The Conversation: “Might Jacinda Ardern stand down?”, after Labour changed its rules to make it easier for the party’s leader to be replaced.

    A game changing move before the election
    Ardern’s rise to power in 2017 was a game changer in New Zealand politics. Now she’s surprised everyone again with today’s decision to stand down, this could be a game changer for the October election.

    Ardern is still higher in the preferred PM polls, ahead of National’s Christopher Luxon. So it’s not imperative for Labour to change their leader.


    NZ Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announcing her resignation on 19 January 2023.

    But up until this moment, everyone has been picking a likely change in government to a rightwing National/Act coalition later this year.

    Now that Labour is starting to trail in the polls, having a refresh of the leadership does not necessarily ruin the party’s chances of winning in October.

    The social and economic fallout of the pandemic has been so profound that having a fresh new face could help Labour’s chances.

    Former National Prime Minister John Key did a similar thing back in 2016, invoking the same “not enough in the tank” line as Ardern today, when he surprised everyone and stood down, handing over to Bill English.

    English and National actually did well in the following year’s election, gaining 44 percent of the vote. It was only because of overall arithmetic that National was unable to form government and that Ardern went on to become prime minister.

    Ardern’s replacement could be known within days
    Ardern made herself world famous for her management of the pandemic, and she did an extremely good job as a leader over that period.

    But covid-19 also completely derailed her prime ministership, meaning she was stymied in pursuing many of the key social objectives such as child poverty and housing that she would have liked to put more effort into.

    I know Ardern personally, and what you see on TV is what you get in real life. She is a genuine person and politician, and you can understand the reasons she has given about wanting more time with her fiancé and daughter.

    My sense is that Labour knows who will take over. Front runners to be leader could include Minister of Justice Kiri Allan, who is a rising star and could be the first Māori PM, though she is relatively new to politics. Minister for Education and Leader of the House Chris Hipkins was a high-profile and hard-working MP during COVID, and he and Allan could make a formidable team.

    Housing, Energy and Resources Minister Dr Megan Woods is also an experienced and senior member of the party, so could also be in the mix.

    Deputy Prime Minister Grant Robertson won’t be contesting the leadership, and Labour caucus has agreed that a vote will happen in three days’ time, on January 22.

    A successful candidate will need more than 60 percent of the caucus vote, otherwise the party must go to a primary-style process with the Labour membership, which could be messy, so it will want to avoid that.The Conversation

    Dr Grant Duncan is an associate professor, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    Former coup leader and ex-prime minister Sitiveni Rabuka was today elected Fiji’s new prime minister, winning 28 votes to Voreqe Bainimarama’s 27.

    The secret ballot vote in Parliament ends Bainimarama’s reign as leader of the country after 16 years. Bainimarama has dominated Fiji politics since he staged the 2006 military coup.

    Today’s result was met with jubilant celebrations in the capital Suva with similar scenes playing out across the country on social media.

    Rabuka, who staged Fiji’s first two military coups in 1987 and previously served from 1992 to 1999 as an elected prime minister, described himself as “humbled” as he left to be sworn in.

    Rabuka now heads a three-party coalition government consisting of his People’s Alliance, the National Federation Party led by Professor Biman Prasad and the kingmaking Sodelpa Party, led by Viliame Gavoka.

    Gavoka had this to say to reporters following the vote:

    ‘Democracy has won’
    “Democracy has won. We live in a wonderful country.”

    The NFP’s Dr Prasad said his party was happy to work with everyone and even the opposition.

    Former Fiji prime minister Voreqe Bainimarama
    Former Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama . . . defeated after 16 years heading the Fiji government. Image: RNZ Pacific

    Bainimarama appears to have conceded defeat peacefully, and spoke to reporters.

    “I want to thank the supporters of FijiFirst,” he said. “We still are the biggest political party in there, so I want to thank them for that.”

    “This is democracy, and this is my legacy, the 2013 Constitution,” he said.

    Bainimarama was asked if he would be opposition leader, and laughed and said, “I hope so.”

    Cabinet named soon
    Rabuka is expected to announce the members of his cabinet in the coming days.

    Where the three Sodelpa MPs end up will be the first indication of what was agreed to in the coalition negotiations.

    Tuvalu’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Simon Kofe was one of the first foreign politicians to congratulate Rabuka.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

    The Fiji Times reports earlier that the Speaker of Parliament had been appointed.

    The nominees were former speaker Ratu Epeli Nailatikau and Tui Cakau Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu.

    After casting of a secret ballot, the result stood at 27 votes for Ratu Epeli and 28 for Ratu Naiqama.

    Ratu Naiqama was nominated by NFP’s Professor Prasad who said he was no stranger to Parliament and Fiji’s political landscape.

    Ratu Naiqama was first elected into Parliament after the May 1999 general election.

    He was escorted to the chair after taking his oath.

    Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Arieta Vakasukawaqa in Suva

    Tight police security will greet the Sodelpa management board meeting in Suva tomorrow when it will again decide the political party it will form a coalition with to run the Fiji government for the next four years.

    The decision came after hours of deliberation today by the Sodelpa working committee — headed by party acting deputy leader Aseri Radrodro — where members discussed the “anomalies” in the previous board meeting held at the Yue Lai Hotel in Suva on Tuesday.

    That meeting of the 30-member board decided by a margin of 16-14 to form a coalition with the People’s Alliance party of former prime minister Sitiveni Rabuka and the National Federation Party. This would give the coalition a slender majority of 29 in the 55-seat Parliament.

    However, some issues were identified by the Registrar of Political Parties, Mohammed Saneem, after that Sodelpa board meeting.

    Speaking to news media today, Radrodro said the agenda of the new meeting was to decide which party they would join.

    The meeting will be held at the Southern Cross Hotel in Suva at 10am tomorrow.

    Sodelpa’s negotiating team will be headed by party vice-president Anare Jale.

    Arieta Vakasukawaqa is a Fiji Times journalist. Republished with permission.

    Military forces deployed
    Meanwhile, RNZ Pacific reports that Fiji’s military forces are being deployed to maintain security and stability in the country following reports of threats made against minority groups.

    In a statement yesterday afternoon, Fiji Police Commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho announced the move, calling it a joint decision with the commander of Fiji’s military forces, Major-General Jone Kalouniwai.

    Fiji Police Commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho
    Fiji Police Commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho . . . reports and intelligence received of planned civil unrest and the targeting of minority groups. Image: Fiji police/RNZ Pacific

    As of 3pm Fiji time, RNZ Pacific’s correspondent in Suva, Kelvin Anthony, reported there were no visible signs of increased police or military presence.

    Commissioner Qiliho said the decision was based on official reports and intelligence received of planned civil unrest and the targeting of minority groups.

    The military deployment comes less than 24 hours after the ruling FijiFirst party made its first public statement since the December 14 election.

    Party secretary-general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum said they respected the outcome of the election, but did not recognise the validity of the opposition coalition and would not concede defeat.

    Sayed-Khaiyum said under the country’s constitution, the FijiFirst government remained in place and Voreqe Bainimarama was still the prime minister of Fiji.

    He said this could only be changed once the vote for prime minister was held on the floor of Parliament.

    Under section 131 (2) of Fiji’s constitution, the military has the “overall responsibility” to ensure the security, defence and wellbeing of Fiji and all Fijians.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

  • By Felix Chaudhary in Suva

    Former Supervisor of Elections Jon Apted says that the coalition formed by the  Social Democratic Liberal Party with the People’s Alliance/National Federation Party should be able to successfully elect a Prime Minister at the first sitting.

    He said that with the 2022 General Election over and FFP tied with the PA/NFP coalition at 26 seats each and Sodelpa holding three critical seats, there were a number of steps to be taken in the process of forming the next government.

    “Once the Electoral Commission formally conducts the allocation of seats, they will publicly declare the names of the candidates who have been elected,” he said.

    “They then forward those names to the Secretary-General to Parliament.

    “They also endorse those names on the writ of election that was earlier issued to the Commission by the President and return the writ to the President.” Apted said under section 67 of the Constitution, the President must then call Parliament to meet within 14 days.

    “This can be any date within the next two weeks.

    “Under the Constitution, he needs to act on the advice of the current Prime Minister. The President has no power to act in his own judgment.”

    Swearing in new members
    Apted said under the Constitution where no party had won an outright majority of seats, the sitting PM and Cabinet remained in office until the first meeting of Parliament.

    “At that first meeting, the SG must first swear in the new members who then elect the Speaker.

    “The Speaker comes from outside Parliament. A candidate or candidates would be nominated by the members of the parties in Parliament. The Speaker must be elected by a simple majority of votes. Assuming that everyone turns up and is sworn in, that means that the new Speaker must have the support of at least 28 new MPs.”

    Apted said once the Speaker was sworn in, he or she would preside over the selection in Parliament for who is to be the PM under section 93 of the Constitution.

    “The Speaker first calls for nominations. If only one person is nominated and seconded, that person automatically becomes the PM. However, if there is more than one nominee, a vote must be taken.

    “If a nominee gets more than 50 per cent of all the members of Parliament, then they will be PM. If no one gets more than 50 per cent, then a second vote must be held within 24 hours.

    “The assumption is that lobbying will go on during this period.

    “If after the second vote, someone has more than 50 per cent, he or she will be PM. If not, there has to be a third vote within 24 hours.”

    Apted said if no one gets more than 50 per cent in the third vote, then the Speaker has to notify the President that Parliament is unable to elect a PM, and the President must within 24 hours dissolve Parliament and issue a new writ of election for a fresh election.

    However, in reality with Sodelpa agreeing to form a coalition with the PAP/NFP coalition, that coalition should be able to successfully elect a PM at the first sitting, Apted said.

    Felix Chaudhary is a Fiji Times journalist. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    The ruling FijiFirst party is refusing to concede the 2022 general election, saying it can only be called after the election of the prime minister on the floor of Parliament.

    Its general secretary Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum said that under the Fiji constitution the government was still in place and Voreqe Bainimarama remained the prime minister.

    Sayed-Khaiyum — who is also caretaker Attorney-General — told local media the prime minister’s role and the power of the government would not change until the election of a new prime minister was held on the floor of Parliament.

    Sayed-Khaiyum also questioned the validity of the newly announced opposition coalition between the People’s Alliance, National Federation Party and Sodelpa.

    He said concerns raised by the resigned Sodelpa general secretary, Lenaitasi Duru claiming “anomalies” in the voting process, had to be considered.

    Sayed-Khaiyum said he looked forward to resubmitting FijiFirst’s coalition proposal to the management board of the party should it see fit to sit again.

    But he said the final say on who would become the next prime minister of Fiji would only be determined on the floor of Parliament.

    Fiji’s president must call Parliament within 14 days of the writ of elections being returned, which took place in a ceremony on Monday at Government House.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Hilaire Bule, RNZ Pacific correspondent in Port Vila

    Talks among Vanuatu political parties have started for the formation of a coalition government following Thursday’s snap election.

    The talks have started as it appears that none of the political parties which contested the ballot won a simple majority in the 52-seat Parliament.

    Sources from former government, and former opposition members have revealed that leaders of political parties who have won seats in Parliament following unofficial results have begun negotiations for the formation of a new government.

    They said that so far both sides wanted to form a new government, but it would depend very much on the numbers that they have secured.

    Ballot boxes from isolated areas in Vanuatu had not yet reached the main centres to be shipped to the capital, Port Vila.

    A helicopter was yesterday still collecting the ballot boxes from isolated areas in the constituency of Santo.

    According to political analysts, the lobby for the formation of a new government would not be easy because — according to the unofficial results — four former prime ministers had managed to be re-elected as members of Parliament.

    They said that all four would want to be prime minister again.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • By Gorethy Kenneth in Port Moresby

    People’s National Congress party leader Peter O’Neill has blown the race for the Papua New Guinea prime minister’s job wide open by declaring he will not run for the country’s top post.

    As the national election winds down and lobbying intensifies among Pangu Pati, People’s National Congress (PNC), United Resources Party (URP), People’s Progress Party (PPP) and the National Alliance (NA), the one-time prime minister O’Neill said his party would support an alternative prime minister candidate.

    The bombshell from O’Neill is likely to shake up the Pangu camp on Loloata Island which contains several aspiring PM-minded politicians.

    O’Neill also appealed to the elected leaders to choose a prime minister who could heal the nation from the chaos that has plunged the country into election-related violence.

    He wants to focus on Ialibu-Pangia and Southern Highlands and wants to give an opportunity to those who have been elected the right way to put their hands up.

    “You will have my 100 percent support and I ask nothing special in return,” the former PM said yesterday.

    O’Neill had gone to the election, vying to form government but the dismal performance of his PNC party may have forced his change of heart for the top job.

    Not just about O’Neill or Marape
    He said that the position of prime minister should not just be about O’Neill or Marape.

    “Let me make it clear. I do not believe that I have a right to be the only alternative to Marape for the prime minister position.

    “It was my greatest privilege to lead Papua New Guinea, but I recognise that we need to heal and move forward, and that the restoration may move faster when leaders listen to the will of the people,” he said.

    “I encourage leaders who have been elected properly and who are genuinely interested in rescuing PNG from the economic and social chaos Marape has plunged the country into over the past three years, to consider putting their hand up for the top job.

    “The role of prime minister should be filled by a person who has firstly been elected with integrity — who has been mandated by the people honestly.

    “It is a critical junction for our young nation, and we urgently need a Papua New Guinean who has a vision for our country and who can pull the nation together and lead us forward.

    He said there was a very worrying “fake government” which had fostered deep hatred under the Marape leadership that was tearing at the cohesion that had kept the country peaceful.

    ‘No celebrations’
    “There are no celebrations around the country despite the apparently overwhelming election of Pangu candidates,” he said.

    “Very strange, no one at all seems proud of their apparent chosen leaders, rather people are scared with no one to turn to with all avenues for justice closed off to the regular person.

    “The national general election has magnified the level of violence, hatred, and unfairness in society and it is time for a leader to step forward who can bring peace and execute on clear policies.

    “I am prepared to support alternative prime minister candidates as I and my party are prepared to do whatever it takes to rescue PNG,” he declared in Port Moresby.

    “I can assure those who may contemplate being the next prime minister, that the propaganda coming from the locked and guarded at Kalabus Pangu (Loloata Resort) is not true.

    “Leaders are worried the economy is in tatters. They are asking why our economy is performing so badly that the IMF has announced that they are opening a dedicated office in Port Moresby to monitor more closely the Treasury functions.”

    O’Neill said the closure of the Porgera mine and the failure to move ahead in three years with any new major investments such as Wafi Golpu, along with massive borrowings and wastage had “shredded our financial position”.

    He said genuine leaders did not want another five years like the last three.

    “Our children are growing up thinking this violent society is normal,” he said.

    “We now seem to be in freefall economically and socially and need to use this moment in time to reset ourselves and move forward with new leadership.”

    Gorethy Kenneth is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

  • By Peter Korugl in Port Moresby

    The ruling Pangu Pati has drawn first blood in the Papua New Guinea national general elections with its leader and deputy leader retaining their seats on first count alone.

    Of the five seats declared as of yesterday, Pangu has a head start with four MPs, James Marape (Tari-Pori); John Rosso (Lae), Philip Undialu (Hela Regional), Manasseh Makiba (Magarima) and the lone People’s National Congress (PNC) winner to date Elias Kapavore (Pomio).

    While it is early days in an election marred by violence and alleged fraud, Pangu’s early gain, is a tiny foothold in a process that is expected to be completed by the return of writs on July 29.

    At the time of going to press, three more declarations were expected last night or early today.

    Marape remains caretaker Prime Minister with his deputy John Rosso also as caretaker deputy PM.

    Marape picked up 40,913 votes to retain his seat by a landslide in the first count.

    This was 12,000 more votes than the number he picked up in 2017.

    Undialu wins big
    Undialu picked up a staggering 118,131 votes to come home, which was 79,910 votes more than the number he scored in 2017 elections.

    Meanwhile, in Lae, Morobe Province, incumbent John Rosso scored a convicing 26,818 of the primary votes to emerge winner from the total allowable ballots of 57,144.

    “Lae Open seat deserves a transparent leader and its needs good precise leadership,” Rosso said soon after his declaration by the returning officer.

    “For my people of Lae to give me the mandate on absolute majority of 26,818 on first count is humbling.

    “I am going to perform to the best of my ability as the Lae MP and a national leader.”

    In Hela Province, Manasseh Makiba picked up 10,481 votes to run out winner, beating the mark he set in 2017 national election by 2500 more votes, while Pomio MP Elias Kapavore was declared winner by Returning Officer John Liskia at Palmalmal.

    Pomio had a total allowable 23,355 ballots and Kapavore was re-elected with an absolute majority vote of 11,949 votes from the primary count.

    Three other electorates
    Meanwhile, three other electorates expected to be declared last night or early today were the New Ireland Regional, Namatanai and Kavieng Open seats.

    People’s Progress Party leader Sir Julius Chan had taken a comfortable lead with 25,101 votes.

    Treasurer and Pangu Party candidate Ian Ling-Stuckey was leading with 6898 votes and National Alliance candidate and Civil Aviation Minister Walter Schnaubelt was expected to retain his Kavieng Open seat.

    Counting in the rest of the provinces are continuing and the Post-Courier online news is bringing the latest updates for readers across the country.

    Counting for National Capital District, Jiwaka, Western Highlands and Chimbu has not started.

    Western Highlands, Jiwaka went to the polls on Friday while Chimbu polled yesterday.

    Peter Korugl is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Gorethy Kenneth in Port Moresby

    Former prime minister and New Ireland Governor Sir Julius Chan is defending his seat one last time in Papua New Guinea’s 2022 general elections next month because he believes the system of government has failed the country.

    Had the system not “failed miserably”, the iconic New Irelander said he could have called time “a long time ago” — but a lot of things, systems, mechanisms and people had misfired and failed along the way, prompting his last shot at a last term.

    At 83, Sir Julius said this would be the last roll of the dice in his long and illustrious political career in which he was twice prime minister of PNG.

    Showing no signs of fragilities, he was opening a new LLG office in the gold-rich Lihir Islands and campaigning on his resource policy in the neighbouring Anir (Feni) Islands, south of Lihir last week.

    An advocate of power sharing, Sir Julius wants to see New Ireland emerge as an autonomous province of PNG before he retires.

    Autonomy is the rallying call for his reluctance to step down. He reckons mainland PNG will remain immune to autonomous political squabbling but in the islands, it will be as easy as “cutting the rope and floating away”.

    It is the Sunday after the PNG Kumuls’ epic rugby league Test win over Fiji.

    Humorous insight
    We are sitting in the antiquated living room of Sir Julius’ Port Moresby apartment.

    He is a little wry, perhaps taxed by the boat travels in his sparsely isolated home islands, from the past week.

    Not one to shy away from life’s challenges, he even offers a humorous insight into what his political adversaries have dished out in the last couple of months.

    “You know, my opponents have declared me dead four times on Facebook, and every time, I’ve risen from the dead,” he chuckles.

    In a one-on-one exclusive, the knight spoke his mind: “I am not coming back just to play the game, nogat, I am here to score more, otherwise I am just wasting my time. If I don’t get anywhere, I make up my decision in between.”

    Sir Julius said the people must have greater power sharing nationally, on a provincial and local level.

    “Sadly yes, the system of government has failed the people, we must have greater sharing of power, national, provincial and local, greater sharing if not practically practised I think this country will disintegrate,” he said.

    ‘It happened in Russia’
    “I mean we got enough to look at some of the more advanced countries in the world, how it got disintegrated. It happened in Russia, it used to be a big, big, big country, they are now fighting one another.

    “Because of the regional population I think if we don’t change the system and give the other areas of PNG a chance to lead, that too will cause friction as it is at the moment. You increase the electorate… every time you increase one electorate in the New Guinea Islands region.

    “I think you have to increase 10 in other parts of the country so hap blo mi yia, forever and ever. It will go smaller in percentage terms and being human that doesn’t go down too well; everybody wants to participate therefore we have to come up with a system somewhat to adapt [to] that.

    “And when people have that power, they make decisions and when something goes wrong, they cannot throw blame at the government.

    “As it is at the moment, every good is enjoyed at the local government but everything bad is the cause of the national government. And if you allow that to go on for a few years, it will deteriorate this country completely.

    “I [have] got to share this with everybody — the mainland will never break, it’s not easy and it’s just like Israel and all the other countries that [are] next to it. The other countries, you know whenever there is a land problem, they will forever for thousands of years from the days, they will never be able to solve the disputes of the land border.

    “But in the islands, you just cut the rope and we float — we are different. So there it is, that’s my summary and I am not coming back just to play the game, nogat, I am here to score more, otherwise I am just wasting my time. If I don’t get anywhere, I make up my decision in between.”

    Gorethy Kenneth is a senior PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • PNG Post-Courier

    Three major parties have emerged as frontrunners to form the next government in Papua New Guinea with their party leaders eager to be next Prime Minister.

    These are current coalition leader PANGU, headed by incumbent Prime Minister James Marape, opposition leader Belden Namah’s PNG Party and the People’s National Congress led by former prime minister Peter O’Neill.

    These leaders and the parties have invested heavily in their campaign and candidates for next month’s general election. They are using strategic campaigning including social media outreach to network with supporters in the rural areas.

    It is always a numbers game.

    The party that wins the most seats gets the invite to form the next government with its leader the most likely Prime Minister.

    But politics in PNG is fluid and smaller parties with critical numbers often hold sway over formations of government.

    Eleventh hour horse trading in the past has always featured prominently with the formations of government and smaller parties would also be riding shotgun with the bigger parties.

    Three-way race
    If anything, this is a three-way horse race with each party trying by any means on the campaign track to derail the other, even to the extent of attacking opponents, setting fire to their posters, and burning their properties.

    All three leaders have been hot around the country, shopping their candidates to the voters, selling policies and even discrediting other parties, bringing in tension along the way.

    PANGU’s James Marape is confident of returning to form government in the next Parliament and says he will step down if otherwise.

    “I am taking the government formation to Wewak and taking all members who win and we will form the government there,” declared Marape.

    Pangu is banking on 75 candidates for this election and Marape has travelled over four provinces to support their candidates.

    Vocal opposition leader Belden Namah has also openly put up his hands to become Prime Minister after 15 years on the other bench.

    “I am serious in the business to be Prime Minister of PNG after this election,” said Namah, who is leader of the PNG Party, which has endorsed a total of 50 candidates.

    Ready to lead
    Namah added he had never raised his hands for the role in respect of late Sir Michael Somare but now he was ready to lead the country forward.

    Another strong contender is former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill, leader of the People’s National Congress party, who has fielded 95 candidates contesting various seats across the country.

    O’Neill has made it clear that the PNC party is ready to return to power.

    He reportedly said that he and the PNC party was poised to return to government and “rescue” the country.

    He said: “The new government needs to work harder… with a clear mandate to a political party with policies to deliver to the people and the country.

    “To date, only PNC party has put [out] our policies, which are aimed at delivering basic services to our people and improving living standards.”

    Other credible leaders
    But while all eyes are on Marape, Namah and O’Neill, there are other credible leaders who just may be the new Prime Minister after the elections are over.

    National Alliance Party leader Patrick Pruaitch, currently deputy PM, may have a chance, having been part of the two most recent coalition governments. For this election NA has endorsed a 59 candidates.

    Other leaders like Powes Parkop, William Duma and Don Polye are also in running for the role having expressed their intentions.

    While all these leaders vie for this top post, the one that comes through with the most numbers will be invited by the Governor-General to form the government.

    The Papua New Guinea general election is on July 2-22.

    Republished with permission.

  • New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has confirmed that she has tested positive for covid-19.

    Her daughter Neve tested positive on Wednesday, she added in the post. Her partner Clarke Gayford tested positive on Sunday.

    “Despite best efforts, unfortunately I’ve joined the rest of my family and tested positive for covid-19,” Ardern wrote on social media.

    Reports of her covid status follow a statement yesterday by Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield that thousands of new cases of covid-19 were being reported every day in New Zealand, but this was likely to be half of the number of actual cases.

    With a further 29 deaths with covid-19 and 7441 new cases yesterday, Dr Bloomfield said the impact of the severity of omicron was still visible.

    Prime Minister Ardern has been symptomatic since Friday night, according to a statement, and has “moderate” symptoms. She returned a weak positive Friday night and a clear positive this morning on a RAT test.

    Ardern will be required to isolate until the morning of Saturday May 21.

    Missing the Budget
    Ardern, who has been isolating since Gayford tested positive, will now have to miss the Budget announcement on Thursday and the release of the government’s Emissions Reduction Plan on Monday.

    “There are so many important things happening for the government this week,” she wrote.

    “I’m gutted to miss being there in person, but will be staying in close touch with the team and sharing some reckons from here.

    “To anyone else out there isolating or dealing with covid, I hope you take good care of yourselves!”

    Ardern’s upcoming travel to the United States, scheduled for late May, will go ahead as planned at this stage. She is scheduled to give the commencement speech at Harvard University on May 26.

    Former Labour Party president Mike Williams hopes she will be well enough to travel.

    “After two years of isolation, internationally she’s a rock star attraction, and it does the country a hell of a lot of good to get her out and about.”

    Williams said Ardern, 41, was young and fit, so should be fine.

    Deputy Prime Minister Grant Robertson will take the post-cabinet press conference on Monday.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Michael Kabuni and Stephen Howes

    Central to the selection of the prime minister in Papua New Guinea following a general election is Section 63 of PNG’s Organic Law on Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC), which was passed in 2001 (and then amended in 2003).

    Section 63 requires that the Governor-General invites the party with the highest number of MPs following a general election to form the government.

    The main aim of the section is to ensure that the appointment of a prime minister after a general election is done in an “orderly way with direct relationship to the way voters expressed their wishes”.

    Analysis shows that the passage of OLIPPAC has influenced government formation. First, it has increased the probability that, as is now a legislative requirement, the PM comes from the largest party.

    This has happened in all elections since OLIPPAC was legislated (2002, 2007, 2012 and 2017), but only happened in two out of the five pre-OLIPPAC elections (1977 and 1982).

    PNG prime minister parties
    Table: Kabuni & Howes/DevPolicy

    For example, as Table 1 shows, in 1997 the People’s National Congress Party (PNC) had the sixth highest number of MPs but still was able to put forward the successful candidate for PM.

    Second, Section 63 also seems to have increased the odds of an incumbent PM being returned. Since the first post-independence election in 1977, five incumbent prime ministers have been re-appointed as PM following one of the country’s nine national elections (see Table 2).

    Two developments closely related
    The other four times a new prime minister was appointed post-elections. The five times the incumbent was returned are 1977 (Somare), 1987 (Wingti), 2007 (Somare), 2012 (O’Neill) and 2017 (O’Neill). Only two of the five incumbent returns are before the first enactment of OLIPPAC in 2001, and the other three are all post-OLIPPAC.

    PNG prime ministers
    Table: Kabuni & Howes/DevPolicy

    These two developments are closely related. Over the life of the Parliament, MPs tend to join the party of the PM, meaning that that party goes into the election with by far the largest number of MPs. For instance, PNC won 27 seats in 2012, led by the incumbent PM Peter O’Neill, and formed the government.

    More MPs joined PNC, and by the time the 2017 elections came around, PNC had 55 MPs. Even though PNC lost 34 sitting MPs, with only 21 getting re-elected, it added seven new MPs in the 2017 elections.

    This took PNC’s numbers to 28 MPs, and, after the 2017 elections, it wound up forming the government.

    About half the incumbent MPs don’t get re-elected every election, but in general voters do not vote along party lines. Even if they do, and even if there is a swing against the PM’s party, because it has such an advantage going in, it is likely to emerge as the largest party as well.

    In 2010, the Supreme Court ruled the restrictions imposed by OLIPPAC on the movement of MPs between parties unconstitutional. This means that MPs can move parties in the period between when they are declared winners following the national election and the appointment of the PM.

    What happened in 1987, 1992 and 1997 — when parties with fewer MPs formed the government — could be repeated, Section 63 notwithstanding. All MPs would need to do is submit their letter of resignation to the party that endorsed them for the election, together with a letter of acceptance from the new party they intend to join, to the Registry of Political Parties and Candidates before the election of the PM, and their movement to the new party would become official.

    Little incentive to leave
    However, we have not seen that happening. This is because there is little incentive for MPs in the largest party to leave if it is likely to become the party of government. Rather, other MPs will join, by joining either the largest party or the governing coalition.

    The only incumbent PM not to benefit from the passage of OLIPPAC was, ironically, its architect, Sir Mekere Morauta. He did not go into the election with the largest party, and he certainly did not emerge from it with the largest either.

    This should remind us that there is no guarantee that the incumbent PM will be returned post-election. But it does seem that Section 63 has had the unintended consequence of increasing the probability of this happening.

    Most view stability as a good thing, but the problem is that the more likely the incumbent is to be returned at the general election, the more pressure there will be to remove him (or perhaps one day her) by a vote of no confidence – since that becomes the only way to do it.

    It may be no coincidence that both PMs who have so far benefited from Section 63 (Somare in 2002 and 2007 and O’Neill in 2012 and 2017) lost power mid-term on the floor of Parliament.

    Note that the provisions of Section 63 of OLIPPAC do not apply to a vote of no confidence. In a vote of no confidence, any political party (or MP) is eligible to nominate a candidate to contest for the prime minister’s seat. Even an MP without a political party is eligible to be nominated for the PM’s post.

    Section 63 was passed with good intentions, but has led to a situation in which increasing stability either side of elections may be reducing it between elections.

    Michael Kabuni is a lecturer in political science at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Papua New Guinea. Dr Stephen Howes is the Director of the Development Policy Centre and a Professor of Economics at the Crawford School. This research was undertaken with the support of the ANU-UPNG Partnership, an initiative of the PNG-Australia Partnership, funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. The views are those of the authors only.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern is self-isolating after being deemed a close contact of a positive covid case.

    She was on the same flight — NZ8273 from Kerikeri to Auckland — as an infected person last Saturday.

    Governor-General Dame Cindy Kiro was also on the flight and is isolating.

    Both were in Northland undertaking advance filming at the Waitangi Treaty Grounds for the Waitangi Day broadcast.

    The Prime Minister is asymptomatic and is feeling well, her office said.

    In line with Ministry of Health advice she will be tested immediately today and will isolate until Tuesday, a press statement said.

    She is fully vaccinated and received a booster shot on January 17.

    The flight was added to the Ministry of Health website as a location of interest this evening.

    All passengers deemed close contacts
    All other passengers on board are also deemed close contacts and are required to self-isolate.

    Genomic sequencing results are expected tomorrow and will indicate if the infected passenger was infected with omicron or another covid variant.

    Dame Cindy Kiro
    Governor-General Dame Cindy Kiro … also self-isolating. Image: RNZ

    The prime minister went into self-isolation as 97 new community cases were reported today, with 11 new Omicron cases identified in the community.

    The new community cases were in Northland (1), Auckland (61), Waikato (14), Tairawhiti (3), Bay of Plenty (8), Rotorua (7) and Hawke’s Bay (3).

    There are now seven people in hospital with Covid-19 — none are in intensive care.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.