Category: Prisons and Policing

  • Traffic stops lead to fraught encounters with American law enforcement, which is why this stop between a LA County Sheriff and a local cop watcher is so illustrative of the power of turning the camera around on police. In this episode of the Police Accountability Report, we break down what happened and explore how the techniques used by cop watchers can actually prevent police from making questionable arrests.

    Post-Production: Adam Coley


    Transcript

    Taya Graham:         Hello. My name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we’re going to start today by showing a video of a police encounter after a Los Angeles man was pulled over for a red light infraction. But how this story unfolds is so unusual and so outside the norm for police behavior, we’re going to break it down in detail, and why we think it might be an indicator of how cop watchers are more important than ever.

    But before I get started, I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com and we might be able to investigate for you. And of course you can always message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Facebook and Twitter, and please like, share, and comment on our videos. It really does help us. And if you can, hit the Patreon donate button pinned in the comment below, because we do have some special goodies for our PAR family. Okay, now we’ve gotten all that out of the way.

    Now, if there is one maxim that has been repeated by all cop watchers we have interviewed on our show, it is a rule that can be expressed in three simple words: record, record, record. It’s a concept that reporting has certainly confirmed can be quite effective at documenting police overreach. Unfortunately for some of the people who have used it, the end result has been a little less encouraging. Meaning, even when cops are caught on camera, they usually don’t have a problem executing a brutal and sometimes even shocking arrest. Let’s remember this scene when First Amendment auditor, David Bourne, was filming police at an accident in Texas. Even though he was clearly exercising his First Amendment rights, cops didn’t have a problem arresting him for reasons that still remain unclear. Let’s watch.

    David Bourne:        I think it was personal. They wanted to retaliate against me. I think for a good portion of it, Rockwell PD behaves for the most part. They’re not near as bad as Dallas or Fort Worth or Baltimore or some of the bigger cities, but they still have bad cops in their department.

    Taya Graham:      That’s why when we first watched the video made by Los Angeles resident Tracy McKinley, known as Sip CanSeeAHigherPower, we were blown away to say the least. Not because cops pulled the man over as seen here for a fairly minor reason and then escalated the encounter, that is standard fare for American policing. No, it’s what happened after McKinley turned the tables on the police and then documented the stop with his camera, which led to one of the most unusual police engagements we’ve seen in quite some time. The story started last month when McKinley was driving in Los Angeles with his family, when a Los Angeles county sheriff pulled him over for allegedly running a red light. But the car stop quickly took a strange twist as he decided, not just to record the police, but also, for a lack of a better term, take charge of the situation. Let’s watch.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Police Officer:       Sir, can I please see your driver’s license?

    Tracy McKinley:          One second.

    Police Officer:        Sir, can I please see your driver’s license?

    Tracy McKinley:    Getting out the driver’s license? That’s it. So she won’t being all extra for nothing. You know what I’m talking about? It doesn’t even have to be all this aggressive type shit. Oh, this a ticket, it doesn’t mean to have to be that frustrated. [crosstalk] I’m grown, I can do what I do.

    Police Officer:       I’m coming to you professionally.

    Tracy McKinley:      You don’t tell me what the fuck to do, lady, you’re knocking on my window. You’re knocking on my window, you’re pissing me off by [tapping] doing some shit like that.

    Police Officer:    I can’t see in the back of your window.

    Tracy McKinley:     You can see paint.

    Passenger:          [inaudible] we’ll be going to jail.

    Police Officer:       I can’t see what’s back there.

    Tracy McKinley:        So, what?

    Police Officer:       What do you mean, so what?

    Tracy McKinley:      You can’t see back there.

    Police Officer:         We can’t.

    Tracy McKinley:     So? That’s what I’m talking about.

    Police Officer:    That’s why I asked you to roll down your window.

    Tracy McKinley:     Ain’t nobody don’t mean no harm.

    Police Officer:       Can I see your driver’s license?

    Tracy McKinley:       There you go.

    Police Officer:     Presented to me in my hands, please.

    Tracy McKinley:      No, I’m not presenting you shit, I’m going to display it to you. Anything else you need?

    Police Officer:     Do you have insurance?

    Tracy McKinley:     Yes, I do.

    Police Officer:      Let me get your insurance card and your registration please.

    Tracy McKinley:    Write the ticket. Go ahead. I ain’t giving you shit. I can display it to you. If you got a problem with it, let me know.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:         Now, not only does McKinley tell police he’s not going to get out of the vehicle, but he actually declines another routine order in a way that practically turns comical. Watch what happens when the sheriff tries to take his license, and let’s listen to him explain what he was thinking when he prevented the officer from grabbing it.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Tracy McKinley:      [laughs] Don’t scare me like that. You just fucking scared me. [crosstalk] So? Don’t do… [laughs] Stop, man.

    Police Officer:          Sir, stop reaching for stuff.

    Tracy McKinley:       I’m trying to get you that motherfucking license. Fuck out of here, lady.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:        But that’s not where this story ends. Because as we’ve seen in other cases, police begin what we’re going to call their standard escalation tactics. Or put simply, ordering him to step out of the vehicle. Usually is a prelude to arrest, but McKinley was not having it. Not at all. In fact, as the officer orders him out of the car, he simply refuses. Let’s take a look.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Tracy McKinley:         It’s not fake, it’s not fake.

    Police Officer:       I don’t know that if you don’t present it to me.

    Tracy McKinley:     Hey, this lady says my driver license is fake. Stop knocking on my motherfucking window. All right. I’ll step out. Thank you.

    Police Officer:       Unlock the door.

    Tracy McKinley:       Hey, back up some.

    Police Officer:         No.

    Tracy McKinley:      I ain’t getting out then.

    Police Officer:        Okay.

    Tracy McKinley:      Hey, she won’t let me get her my license.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:         And so, as you can see, that’s when things turn truly bizarre, at least in the parlance of American law enforcement. That is, instead of dragging him from the car, something unusual happens. It seems like McKinley is a cop watcher and he somewhat has the officer off balance. Let’s watch.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Tracy McKinley:     I displayed my license to her. I displayed it to her. Was she… Listen, listen to me, listen to me right quick.

    Police Sergeant:       Right now you’re giving us a hard time.

    Tracy McKinley:        Of course.

    Police Sergeant:       And what’s going to happen is you are obstructing our dudes.

    Tracy McKinley:      Obstruction is physical, repeat that.

    Police Sergeant:      You don’t know.

    Tracy McKinley:         Yes I do. I’m telling you it’s physical when you obstruct.

    Passenger:        [Baby crying] Tracy.

    Tracy McKinley:       Fuck out of here.

    Police Officer:        Hand it to my Sergeant.

    Tracy McKinley:       I ain’t giving it to him.

    Police Officer:      Hand it to my Sergeant.

    Police Sergeant:     Give it to me. Just give it to me.

    Tracy McKinley:         Y’all just pulled the gun out on me.

    Police Sergeant:    I can’t read that.

    Tracy McKinley:       Yes, you can.

    Police Sergeant:        I cannot read that.

    Tracy McKinley:       I’m sorry. You can, I don’t got to ask you no shit like that, nigga. What the fuck wrong with you?

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:      So what exactly is going on here? Are we seeing the first law of Cop Watching: record, record, record, actually succeeding? Did the tactic of putting the officer on camera from the start turn the often skewed tables on the sheriff, looking for the arrest at? And was the legal maneuvering of McKinley more than the police could handle? Well, we reached out to him to ask him just those questions and what he was thinking when it happened. But before we get to our interview, I’m joined by reporting partner, Stephen Janis, who has been examining the video. Stephen, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:       Thanks for having me, Taya. Appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:        So Stephen, for serious, a really interesting interaction where Tracy presents his ID, but does not actually hand it to the officer. What’s your take?

    Stephen Janis:       Well, it’s a really interesting interpretation of the law. What it shows is the law is sort of something that is language, right? So law can be interpreted, it can be sort of bent, or not necessarily bent, but interpreted in a way that could be favored to one party or another. And I think he is demonstrating that there, that you have your perspective on the law. What about if the law was actually fashioned with regards to the people who are subject to it? And I think that’s what makes this a very interesting form of pushback against the police.

    Taya Graham:        This is something we’ve seen with cop watchers, this detailed knowledge of the law. Why is this so important?

    Stephen Janis:         Well, because really these issues, these broader issues about police power and the ability of police to interfere in our lives or otherwise ignore our constitutional rights are played out in the courts, ultimately, that’s where they end up. I mean, the case law is important because case law is used as precedent to decide other cases. So all these sort of decisions that guide whether or not a cop can stop you for some reason, whether or not you have to go through a checkpoint. All this is decided in court with judges and lawyers. And the fact that activists are taking this and fashioning into law that can help them I think is extremely important.

    Taya Graham:         Now, this case involves the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s office, and we’ve encountered them before in other cases. What’s your take on the interaction between Tracy and the sheriffs in the video?

    Stephen Janis:          Well, let’s remember one of our biggest videos was covering the arrest of Daniel Alverez by Los Angeles County sheriffs where we caught them on cameras calling him a jerk. I won’t use the word they actually used. But nevertheless, they are notorious for being very aggressive. There’s been a lot of scandals in that department, a lot of questions about racial bias. And I think it’s very interesting that this story unfolded as it did, because this is a department that is known to be really, really aggressive. So I think this is a really unusual outcome and something worth talking about.

    Taya Graham:       And now, we are joined by the man who took this video to talk about what happened and his thoughts on police interactions. Tracy McKinney, also known as Sip CanSeeAHigherPower. Tracy, thank you for joining us.

    Tracy McKinley:      Thanks for having me.

    Taya Graham:           So first, Tell us why the police pulled you over. What are we seeing in this video?

    Tracy McKinley:       They pulled me over. Allegedly, I ran a red light. Allegedly.

    Taya Graham:      So you displayed your license and registration to the officer. Why didn’t you want to hand them your property?

    Tracy McKinley:         From what I understand, there are US codes that say you don’t have to hand over your license or paperwork like registration and insurance to them. That’s what I heard. I read it for myself and I saw a few videos on it. You know what I mean? About it. And so I did it myself. I would’ve given it to her, to be honest with you, Taya. I would’ve given it to her, but she just irritated me from the start.

    Taya Graham:         So what did she do that irritated you?

    Tracy McKinley:        The tapping on my car, she could have messed my paint up or accidentally bust my windshield. She didn’t know how hard – She was tapping real hard with her flashlight or whatever she had in her hand.

    Taya Graham:       And how many officers arrived on the scene?

    Tracy McKinley:     It was nine officers out there.

    Taya Graham:          Wow. Well, there are a few moments where this could have escalated badly. One moment in particular I noticed where the officer put his hand on the gun, and another when an officer starts implying you might receive child endangerment charges. Were you concerned about where this was headed?

    Tracy McKinley:        Yes, I was. I was concerned about it.

    Taya Graham:       I noticed before you were willing to interact with police, you made certain your camera was up and recording. How important was recording this for your safety?

    Tracy McKinley:     Police out in this country have been hurting a lot of people and I didn’t want to be one of the next hashtags.

    Taya Graham:       Now, some people might watch this interaction and say that you were antagonistic with the officers, that you should have handed your license over, and that you should have stepped out of the car. How would you respond to that?

    Tracy McKinley:     Bootlicker.

    Taya Graham:         Well, that’s an interesting characterization. I feel like maybe you had a reason or goal in mind when you interacted with the officer this way and were so specific about what your rights were in the situation. Did you have a goal in mind? Were you trying to educate the public, or were you trying to educate the police?

    Tracy McKinley:       Both, to educate the public and educate the police officer. A lot of sheriffs don’t know a lot of laws. They just go off mere emotions.

    Taya Graham:         I have to ask. There are so many who have been injured and even killed by police even while complying with orders; Philando Castile, Eric Garner, Sandra Bland, Michael Bell Jr., even Daniel Shaver. Did you consider those incidents of police brutality at any point? Were your cameras or your actions somewhat influenced by incidents of police misconduct?

    Tracy McKinley:      Yes, and also my own. I have incidents with them, and like I say, it’s all on the media about all their encounters with people.

    Taya Graham:        Tell me about the negative incidents with police officers that you had.

    Tracy McKinley:        I can say, a traffic stop I had, they pulled me over because – Actually I wasn’t even pulled over. Actually I was parked. I didn’t have my cameras or nothing on me at the time. They snatched me out there out of my truck and everything. For what? Because I’m parked there. If I’m illegally parked, just tell me to move. Why should I have to do all the extra and you touching on me and all that?

    Taya Graham:          Now, do you consider yourself part of the auditor or cop watcher movement?

    Tracy McKinley:       I’m definitely part of the cop watching movement.

    Taya Graham:           Well then who’s one of your favorite cop watchers?

    Tracy McKinley:      Tom Zebra. He tells the truth. He’s not ashamed about life and the truth. I love it. And I want to get out the truth too.

    Taya Graham:          Hey, I didn’t realize you’re with veteran cop watcher, Tom Zebra. Welcome back to PAR, Tom. So tell me, why do you think they pulled him over in the first place?

    Tom Zebra:           They didn’t pull him over to write him a ticket. They had no, they were pulling him over for one reason, it was to take him out of the car. That was the only interest they had. He cut them short. I just wanted to make sure that you know that, you probably already know that. Because that’s what I record them doing every day, every night. They’re not interested in that ticket. The only reason that ever came up is because they couldn’t get him out the car. They wanted to search him. They’re not interested in giving him a ticket. They want to take him to jail.

    Taya Graham:      Now, one of the reasons I wanted to feature this video on the show is because part of our job is not just to report on the state of policing now, but how it’s evolving. And most importantly, to take note and acknowledge what is driving the change we witness as it occurs. It’s an aspect of journalism that is just as important as documenting a specific case or incident, a responsibility to look at the larger trends to see if the cumulative effects of activists and cop watchers to affect change are actually affecting change, and if so, how? That’s why this case is so intriguing. As was revealed in our interview with Tracy, he had learned from the work of legendary cop watcher, Tom Zebra, and he had employed his knowledge of the law to push back against what Zebra described as a pretextual stop intended to lead to something more serious. Meaning this whole incident was not about running a red light.

    And that’s why I think this case is so significant. That’s because the process of using the law to project power is usually the purview of police and high-priced lawyers. That is, as much as we think of law as a static set of guidelines of what we can and cannot do, it’s actually pretty malleable in the hands of a skilled practitioner or a power hungry cop.

    Look at the controversial cop watcher Eric Brandt. Brandt was of course sentenced to 12 years in prison for making violent threats against judges, words which we do not condone, nor should anyone. But he has also been quite skilled at using the law to achieve goals that have elicited positive results. For instance, his first amendment lawsuit against the Aurora, Colorado, police over his arrest for a tattoo that said, ‘F the cops’, which led to a settlement for Brandt and First Amendment training for police. Or, his successful defense of handing out jury nullification flyers outside of a Denver courthouse that led to the Colorado Supreme Court codifying the right of others to do so.

    Like the video we watched today, these victories are, in some sense, addressing an imbalance that has long been tilted towards law enforcement and the powers that be. Generally speaking, it’s the high-priced attorneys hired by rich elites that can bend and twist the law to their advantage. It’s why major corporations don’t have to pay taxes, or why someone like Jeffrey Epstein could run an underage brothel from the confines of his private jet.

    Put frankly, a malleable disposition of the law has always been for sale. It’s just that the average American couldn’t afford to buy it. But now we have something different. Let’s just call it folk law or the people’s defense. And we see on the channels of cop watchers and auditors an acute awareness of how the law is a living, breathing body of ideas. We see what could be best described as folk law being applied so effectively, it actually appears to be setting a precedent that puts limits on how easily police can trample our constitutional rights.

    Let’s not forget how our guests, the auditor and cop watcher The Battousai, made case law when he challenged an ordinance that said he could not record police facilities in Texas. A ruling which was enforced when he was detained by the police in Plano, Texas, for – wait for it – filming police headquarters there. The point is that I think that what we’ve seen in this story and in others is the people fighting back by refusing to concede the space that elites have often reserved solely for themselves by smartly using the law to push back against the limits of police power, and refusing to concede law enforcement’s sense of entitlement to bend it as they wish. We’re seeing a movement crystallizing around real change.

    It’s good to protest and important to air grievances before the government, but what we see here is something different. The tools of the elites and their agents have been turned around on them and used in ways that really seem to catch them off guard. The law, which they tout as absolute for others and malleable for them, has suddenly become even more, interestingly, flexible, in the hands of the people. Isn’t it intriguing that the power of police suddenly seems less potent when confronted with even a cursory invocation of a technical interpretation of what the law actually means? Isn’t it fascinating how in the hands of the people, the law suddenly becomes a tool not just for the powerful, but a sort of equalizer for the rest of us?

    I think that’s why the case we reported on today is both fascinating, and an example of a broader issue. It shows, for example, that in a sense, when faced with a camera, police are hesitant to abuse powers in ways that they’re accustomed to. It’s a reaction that begs the question; If what they do is so righteous and legal, then why not do it for all of us to see? If, without public scrutiny, you’re willing to drag a man out of his car and arrest him for running a red light, why on camera is your sense of entitlement and power so different and so less bold? And moreover, this everyman application of the law is the perfect antidote to a usually destructive form of policing we have discussed before on this show. The notion that the most potent form of police power is arbitrary. It’s an idea we’ve seen play out over and over again, where cops simply create their own laws and immediately improvise new powers on the spot.

    In a sense, the whole point of using minor encounters over traffic lights and lane changes as an entry point is to invent, prescribe, and create powers that don’t exist and that our constitution doesn’t permit. Which is why covering cop watchers, who use those same laws to fight back, is such an important and intriguing development in the broader story of law enforcement overreach.

    I mean, let’s think about it. If police were defined by an actual set of consistent laws, officers would have a hard time writing tickets for cash, making bogus arrests to fill jails, and using violence indiscriminately. If the ambiguity of the law exposed by cop watchers actually governs the bizarre series of car stops we’ve reported on, much of the police-created mayhem we’ve witnessed would’ve been much more difficult to justify. That’s why what we’ve seen in this car stop is so interesting and compelling. Confronted with the actual elements of the law, police power is not so absolute. And when forced to implement their arbitrary and improvised powers on camera for public scrutiny, their tactics and techniques suddenly seem less bold, to say the least.

    The point is that for the first time in decades, the cover is being lifted on the underside of American law enforcement. The unconstitutional tactics and legal chaos of their stop and frisk mentality seems to be transformed when it is subject to public pushback and reverse surveillance. And most importantly, the law in its application is no longer the sole purview of the people who want to use the law as a cudgel of injustice and inequality. All thanks to cop watchers and activists across the country, we have covered and witnessed. It’s a sea change that might just be having an effect, which is why we will continue to report on these stories.

    I want to thank my guest, Tracy, known as the cop watcher Sip CanSeeAHigherPower for his time and sharing his experience. Thank you, Tracy. And thanks to Tom Zebra as well. And of course, I have to thank intrepid journalist Stephen Janis for his writing, his research, his reporting on this piece. Thank you so much, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:       Taya, thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:            And of course I want to thank friend of the show Noli Dee for her support. Thanks, Noli Dee. And a shout out to the PAR family and Patreons. We appreciate you. And I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And of course, you can always message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter or Facebook, and please like and comment. You know I read your comments and appreciate them, and I try to answer your questions whenever I can.

    And we now have a Patreon account called Accountability Reports. So if you have a few dollars to spare, it would really help us keep doing these investigations for you. Investigations and reports the mainstream media simply won’t do. So, please check for a link pinned in the comments below. My name is Taya Graham and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • For years, prisoners, activists, and legal advocates have been drawing attention to the inhumane conditions at Rikers Island, New York’s most infamous jail complex. But the COVID-19 pandemic turned what was already a dire situation at Rikers into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. With cells grossly overcrowded, guards and medical staff largely absent, and an interior crumbling from disrepair, Rikers became a hotbed of contagion and needless death. What’s worse, as Judge Jonathan Lippman recently wrote in The New York Times, “90 percent of the human beings subjected to the appalling conditions at Rikers are there pretrial, many because they cannot afford bail. Almost 1,600 have been waiting for a trial for over a year. Almost 700 have been waiting for more than two.

    In this episode of Rattling the Bars, TRNN Executive Producer Eddie Conway speaks with Olayemi Olurin about the ongoing crisis at Rikers and the renewed wave of outrage from the public and elected officials who are demanding that the jail be closed for good. Olurin is a public defender and staff attorney at the Legal Aid Society and an analyst at the Law & Crime Network.

    Pre-Production/Studio/Post Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Transcript for this video is still processing and will be posted as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • On Nov. 2, Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan made a stop in Baltimore’s Waverly neighborhood to discuss a $1.3 million dollar investment in area businesses through the Maryland Strong Economic Recovery Initiative (SERI), which was designed to help local businesses cope with the financial impact of the pandemic. 

    Hours after Hogan’s visit, which included stops to Pete’s Grille, Peabody Heights Brewery, and Urban Reads Bookstore, the workers and owners were shocked to see that they’d been unknowingly conscripted into Hogan’s copaganda campaign. The term-limited governor with aspirations of holding national office used photos of him visiting these small businesses to suggest they supported his reactionary “refund the police” initiative.

    Hours after Hogan’s visit, which included stops to Pete’s Grille, Peabody Heights Brewery, and Urban Reads Bookstore, the workers and owners were shocked to see that they’d been unknowingly conscripted into Hogan’s copaganda campaign.

    “We never had a discussion with anything about ‘refund the police,’” Tia Hamilton, owner of Urban Reads, said of Hogan’s visit to her Greenmount Ave. bookstore and community space. 

    Hamilton, who also publishes State vs. Us magazine and is a vocal prison reformer and abolitionist, said Hogan’s visit lasted less than 10 minutes. But soon that casual visit became part of Hogan’s “refund the police” campaign thanks to a press release and Facebook post by the governor.

    “The governor visited multiple small businesses, including Pete’s Grille, Peabody Heights Brewery, and Urban Reads Bookstore, in the Waverly neighborhood of Baltimore,” the press release read. “The Hogan administration has invested $1.3 million in the Waverly Main Street district, and the governor’s Refund The Police Initiative will make Neighborhood Safety Grants available to support hardware upgrades, lighting, cameras, and increased security services.”

    As Battleground Baltimore reported, Hogan’s initiative is red meat for the right wing and squarely aimed at the burgeoning “defund the police” movement. And Hogan’s public claims that local police departments like Baltimore’s have been defunded are demonstrably untrue: Earlier this year, the Baltimore Police Department’s budget was increased by more than $20 million.

    Soon after the visit, Hamilton found that customers and residents were questioning why she was supporting Hogan and “refund the police.” Hamilton eventually took to Urban Reads’ Instagram and the comments section of Hogan’s Facebook to make clear she did not support “refund the police.”

    Hogan’s public claims that local police departments like Baltimore’s have been defunded are demonstrably untrue: Earlier this year, the Baltimore Police Department’s budget was increased by more than $20 million.

    “He used us for [his] agenda,” Hamilton told Battleground Baltimore. “He misled the people, being underhanded, conniving, and selfish to the fact that this can hurt the businesses over here because you know damn well Baltimore City don’t give a damn about no ‘refund the police.’ We try to take money from the police and put it in education where it belongs.”

    During Hogan’s visit, Hamilton said he discussed prison reform with her, including the next steps for Baltimore’s Civil War-era jail, which Hogan shuttered in 2015. Hamilton explained that she challenged him on the details of his plans. 

    “I basically checked him and his own visit,” Hamilton said. “He didn’t expect me to come at him rapid-fire with questions about prison reform.”

    Hamilton remained cordial during the visit and tried to show the governor—who built his career on vilifying and cutting resources to Baltimore—a side of the city he’s never seen. Only after Hogan issued his misleading press release and social media posts did Hamilton see Hogan’s deception. 

    Last week, in fact, a woman entered Urban Reads after seeing Hogan’s Facebook post to personally confront Hamilton over “refund the police.” This prompted Hamilton to post her own 20-minute social media video to address the incident and set the record straight: She does not support “refund the police.”

    “That video that I did live was important because I had a lot of people questioning my integrity because they know what I stand for,” she said. 

    Hamilton says Hogan’s visit and the ensuing backlash have distracted from her work fighting for reform of the criminal justice system, helping the formerly incarcerated find work, and freeing the wrongfully convicted.

    “I’m responsible for over 30 [returning citizens] getting jobs this year,” Hamilton said. “[State Vs. Us] is responsible for three men coming home from prison due to the interview I gave them because they were wrongfully convicted.” 

    “[Hogan] misled the people, being underhanded, conniving, and selfish to the fact that this can hurt the businesses over here because you know damn well Baltimore City don’t give a damn about no ‘refund the police.’”

    Tia Hamilton, owner of Urban Reads

    A fourth person profiled in the magazine was able to receive clemency, Hamilton noted. She also reiterated just how frustrated she was with Hogan using local businesses like Urban Reads for political ends. 

    “We know he’s trying to run for president, but you don’t have to use the people,” Hamilton said. “Baltimore already don’t like or trust you. And you come and use us yet again? He’s a clown.”

    In many of the photos Hogan circulated, he is seen walking through Peabody Heights Brewery. The brewery—which is about to celebrate its ninth anniversary—posted their own rebuttal to Hogan’s misleading social media post:

    “We just wanted to make a small PSA. A few days Governor Hogan came to visit businesses and organizations apart of Waverly Main Street. This was supposed to be a simple meet and greet to discuss the SERI grants that were given to small businesses and Nonprofits throughout Main Streets. SERI grants were given to Main Streets to help with Covid Relief, as many of you know, we were shut down for 8 months during Covid and we still continue to struggle. These grants came at a very important time for us and we are incredibly Thankful to Waverly Main Street, Maryland’s department of Housing and Community Development and the Governors Office. That being said, we were excited to introduce ourselves and say thank you and show him around our small business. We told them about the history of our business and after 6 minutes and 30 pictures later, they were gone. Later those same pictures were used along with other Waverly Main Street Businesses to promote his plans of Refunding the police through new bills and grants. We do not support these measures and never have. We believe our work in the community shows that we have different values than our governor. We’re frustrated that our images have been used to push such [an] agenda.”

    When Battleground Baltimore reached out to Hogan’s office for comment, the governor’s spokesperson Michael Ricci wrote, “it was a great visit.” 

    Ricci did not comment specifically on Urban Reads or Peabody Heights Brewery’s concerns and also provided Battleground Baltimore with the same statement provided to other local media: “The governor enjoyed his visit to the Waverly community and remains committed to strengthening the economic potential of Maryland’s main streets and neighborhoods.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • This week, PAR continues its coverage of the overt abuses of police power by examining new data that shows just how dangerous—and even deadly—systematic over-policing can be. PAR hosts Taya Graham and Stephen Janis break down several cases that show how police use pre-textual car stops to expand their power, challenge the constitutional rights of citizens, and expand the reach of the country’s law-enforcement-industrial complex.

    Post Production: Adam Coley


    Transcript

    Taya Graham: Hello, my name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today we’re going to achieve that goal by examining one of the biggest drivers of bad policing that simply does not get the attention it deserves: governmental greed, and how the need for cash is turning cops into variable bounty hunters. But, before I get started, I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com, and please like, share, and comment on our videos. You know I read your comments and appreciate them. And of course you can always reach out to me directly @tayasbaltimore on Facebook or Twitter. And of course, if you can please hit the Patreon donate link pinned in the comments below, we do have some extras for our PAR family.

    Now, if there is one theme on this show that emerges time and time again, it’s just how much police love to make unnecessary traffic stops and profit from them. Through literally dozens of stories we have accounted how cops have pulled people over under dubious pretext and proceed to give them a ticket, or even arrest them without a real justification.

    Don’t believe me? Well, consider just a few of our recent shows. There was Arizona driver Perry Taylor, who was pulled over for the mercurial crime of aggressive driving and was subsequently dragged from his car and charged with a crime. Let’s watch.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Speaker 1:   Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:    I’m asking you to give me a ticket. I’m asking you.

    Speaker 1: You’re not getting a ticket.

    Perry Taylor:     You’re trying to go for your arrest quota and I’m not going to allow it to happen.

    Speaker 1:       Get out of the car.

    Speaker 2:      No, don’t.

    Speaker 1:       Get out of the car, right now.

    Speaker 2:    Don’t. Don’t man.

    Speaker 1:        Get out of the car, right now.

    Perry Taylor:      For what? For what?

    Speaker 1:       Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:     For what? I don’t feel safe. You see this? I don’t feel safe. [crosstalk] I don’t feel safe. I don’t feel safe.

    Speaker 1:       Get out of the car, sir.

    Perry Taylor:    Don’t touch me. Don’t touch me.

    Speaker 1:   Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:  Don’t touch me. I’m getting out. Don’t touch me. Don’t touch me. Don’t touch me. You’re threatening my life right now. So get out of my face. Get out.

    Speaker 1:   Put the phone down.

    Perry Taylor:      No, I’m not putting my phone down. No.

    Speaker 1:    You can leave it recording right there.

    Perry Taylor:    I don’t care.

    Speaker 1:      I’m trying to be at [inaudible]

    Perry Taylor:       No, you’re not.

    Speaker 1:       Listen.

    Perry Taylor:       I asked you to give me the ticket.

    Speaker 1:      Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:       Okay.

    Speaker 1:  Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:       Let me get out of the car.

    Speaker 1:     Get out of the car. Get out.

    Perry Taylor:      Let me get out.

    Speaker 1:   Get out.

    Perry Taylor:     Let me get out.

    Speaker 1:      Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:    I’m asking [inaudible].

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:      Or, let’s not forget Georgia resident George Spradling, who drove a mile from his home to confirm that a police checkpoint had been established nearby, when police then followed him to his driveway and arrested him. Let’s watch.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Speaker 3:      I have every legal right to put you under arrest.

    George Spradling:  Well, you just.

    Speaker 3:       We’re doing the road check.

    George Spradling: Yeah. I heard you doing a road check. I heard you.

    Speaker 3:    Okay, you got your license with you?

    George Spradling: I do have my license, it’s right here.

    Speaker 3:  Okay.

    George Spradling:  Hey Daniel, come here.

    Speaker 4:      I went down there because my neighbors complained that there was a roadblock on our street, so I went down to see what was going on.

    Speaker 3:    Okay.

    George Spradling:   They want to give me his license. I live right here.

    Speaker 3:      Okay. Might want to give me your license.

    George Spradling: No, I did not [inaudible raised voices] [sound of open car door].

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:  Of course, we cannot ignore Daniel Alvarez, the Los Angeles, California, resident who is pulled over by a San Bernardino County Sheriff for driving too close to another car and issued a hefty ticket. Which, incidentally, was dropped when the officer didn’t show up in court. Let’s take a listen.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Passenger 1: No, you’re not going to violate my rights. I’m not going to do anything just because you think it’s right. No, I don’t owe you my ID.

    Passenger 2: And next time.

    Passenger 1:          Tell me the law that says I got to give you my ID.

    Speaker 6:         I’m telling you to step out of the car.

    Passenger 1:       No, that’s not the law.

    Speaker 6:    It is a law.

    Passenger 1:      [crosstalk] No, I am not driving this vehicle.

    Speaker 6:  …Look it up on your phone right now. Look on your phone.

    Passenger 1:   No, I’m not going to look up the phone that – I am not driving the vehicle. I got nothing to show at this stop.

    Daniel Alvarez:  As him, as a passenger, as I’m being stopped for a traffic stop, he has to ID?

    Speaker 6:  Yeah.

    Passenger 1:    No, I do not.

    Daniel Alvarez:  Is that true?

    Speaker 6:      Can you tell me the law?

    Passenger 2:     Sir, we’re asking you a question, sir.

    Speaker 6:     You asking me a question?

    Passenger 2:  Yes.

    Speaker 6:    [inaudible]

    Daniel Alvarez:     But is that the law, that he has to ID himself?

    Speaker 6:    You can ask him the questions, it’s not my [inaudible].

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:   But the reason I bring up these troubling stories is because of some of the new data just released by the New York Times, which confirms what we have been reporting on about this phenomena all along. The Times examines car stops across the country because reporters wanted to understand why so many stops turned deadly. As part of their investigation, they found a whopping 400 stops resulted in police killing unarmed motorists who had been pulled over with a broken taillight, with tinted windows. But there’s more, because the Times reporters also had another question. Why, they asked, if car stops are so dangerous, do police pull over millions and millions of motorists every year? And one of the conclusions they reached points to a problem we have been reporting on this show for years: money.

    That’s right. The Times found that across the country, department after department relied on cops to generate revenue. And in some cases, fines and fees for traffic stops accounted for more than half the entire budget of a town. In fact, the Times highlighted cities where police were actually given quotas for ticket writing and were disciplined or demoted if they did not meet them. And to get more on the problem and the data and what it means I’m joined by reporting partner Stephen Janis. Stephen, thank so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:    Tay, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:   So Stephen, first I want to explore one facet of the Times report that we have done some work on, and that is how many stops end with police violence. What did the Times find about why police are so quick to resort to violence, and what did our own reporting uncover?

    Stephen Janis:   Well, you know, hundreds of stops for taillights and, you know, license plates askew or whatever end up in people being dead. The police shooting or killing, in many cases, unarmed motorists, which is what the Times found, which is what we have reported on. And what’s really interesting is the reason, and it has to do with police training. We talked about this in the killology training and policing. Police are taught that motorists are deadly, that every car stop is potentially a deadly incident. It’s not true, but that’s what they’re taught. So, they tend to resort to force much faster. They tend to be trained to think that if a motorist makes a gesture, reaches for his or her wallet, that they’re reaching for a gun. And so therefore it’s the psychology of policing and the training of policing that makes it deadly. It makes car stops so deadly.

    Taya Graham:      So what were the findings in terms of how intimately police is tied to revenue? And how do those numbers relate to some of the reporting we’ve also done?

    Stephen Janis:     Well, for example, a city in Oklahoma collected about a million dollars of its budget from ticket revenue. But what’s really interesting is how this all is driven by the federal government. The federal government writes 600 million dollars in grants tied to writing traffic tickets. So, at least 20 states have quotas for officers in different municipalities. So basically, the federal government is creating this big revenue generator for towns, towns are turning around and making officers write more tickets. How it relates to our reporting is the fact that almost all the towns that have a large percentage of their budget from ticket revenues are under 30,000 people. And that’s what our reporting has found over and over again, that rural policing is overpolicing, and that rural police departments spend most of their time generating revenue. That’s what this report found, that’s what we reported on before, and that’s what’s happening.

    Taya Graham:     Now, just from a political and philosophical perspective, why would public safety have to also be a profit center? Why are those two seemingly disparate ideas so closely intertwined in this country?

    Stephen Janis:  I think because policing is so not focused on public safety in many instances. That policing is part of the capitalist ideology to kind of create a system of inequity that creates wealth for very few and leaves the rest of us behind. And part of that is the rhetorical power of policing. So, policing comes to intertwine with some of the worst aspects of capitalism. That’s why, philosophically speaking, policing in many cases is about projecting power and using that power to continue and to sustain a system of inequality.

    Taya Graham:    Okay. But before I let you go, I wanted you to update our viewers on a couple of stories we’ve been following.

    Stephen Janis:        Yeah. It’s really funny because people will make a comment, well, the police never talk to Stephen, but I always give them the courtesy of asking before we publish a story. But what’s really interesting is once we publish a story and it gets tens of thousands of views on YouTube, they start calling. For example, if you look at the case of Chris Dixon, the police chief from New Mexico called me and said his officer wasn’t the one who arrested Chris Dixon, it was actually the county sheriff. So, that’s actually true. But the police officer you see who’s talking to him is from the town, but I wanted to make that clarification.

    And also, the Arizona State Highway Patrol called Perry Taylor – You might recall Mr. Taylor was pulled over and dragged from his car for supposedly drag racing – Well, they called him after our video was posted and said they were investigating the incident. But it’s really interesting. The internal affairs officer told Taylor, I think what the cop did was right. That just shows you the problem with policing, police can’t police themselves. But, believe me, the police get back to me. It’s just once the video comes out and they’re embarrassed that they call us. So, I just wanted to make that clear. They do call me back. It’s just after we get 50,000 views.

    Taya Graham:        Now, the aforementioned pension for profit and policing is not limited to traffic stops. And that’s not the only way crony capitalists compulsively corrupt a process that is supposed to be focused on public safety. Consider this story about efforts to legalize pot in Minnesota that got little attention, but says quite a bit about the real incentive behind American law enforcement. As the Minnesota legislature was exploring the impact of legalized marijuana, there was pushback from the union which represents police officers throughout the state, that caught our attention, but received very little coverage elsewhere. Their concerns? Legalizing pot would be bad for business. Literally for their cash flow. I’m not kidding. The union said that legalizing pot possession would actually be bad for both police budgets and the paychecks of their members. It would result in fewer bonuses and overtime for cops, and fewer bodies to fill local jails and high price prisons.

    The bottom line is that the union was all but admitting that a major facet of law enforcement had literally nothing to do with public safety, but instead was a means to generate revenue. We have a name for this type of warping of a public process by fiscal concerns. It’s called neoliberalism. The idea that anything the government does, it will do better under the auspices of a for-profit ethos. In other words, nothing is worth doing for the community unless there’s a buck to be made. It’s an idea that is responsible for many of the miseries that the American public endures on a regular basis. It’s why our healthcare system is both unaffordable and often ineffective. It’s why young people are consigned to a lifetime of debt just to attend college. And it’s also, according to both our reporting and the New York Times, why rural police trawl the highways like bounty hunters searching out unsuspecting motorists to fleece them for cash and belongings all in the name, supposedly, of public safety.

    And let’s remember the money collected through fines and fees doesn’t even include the nearly 2 billion dollars annually police sees under the auspices of civil asset forfeiture, which is this bizarre legal process that allows cops to take property of people never charged and often not even convicted of a crime. But this mess also raises another more intriguing question about the overarching impetus for our massive law enforcement-industrial complex, a fundamental question about how we decide what is legal and what is not. It’s a query we often ignore, but it is certainly worth considering now. What exactly is a crime? What I mean is if you consider how many infractions and supposed violations of the law result in monetary gains, then how do we trust a process that decides what is and isn’t illegal? What I mean is, have we ever considered that the underlying philosophy that defines what types of behavior we deem illegal might simply be corrupt?

    I was thinking about this question when Stephen and I traveled to Denver, Colorado, to work on a longer piece about Eric Brant. Brant, as many of you know, was sentenced for 12 years in prison for allegedly making threatening statements about judges, a story we’ll shed more light on later. But what made me think of the concept of what is a crime was actually something a bit tangential, but still vital to explaining why I’m asking the question. While we were there in Denver, everywhere I went, I saw billboards, signs advertising not just soft drinks or fast food, but advertisements touting marijuana. Spread throughout the city were large messages enticing me to visit a local dispensary and buy any form of weed I could possibly want. Wall to wall entreaties to visit the nearest store and pick up joints or nice boxes of chocolates infused with THC.

    Of course, this is hardly news. Colorado was one of the first states to legalize pot. But what made it so striking to me was the cognitive dissonance that surrounds this relatively new, and obviously thriving business. That’s because I come from a state that, while it has legalized medical marijuana, in 2010 spent $100 million, according to the ECLU, arresting and incarcerating people for the possession of it. In my city of Baltimore alone, police would make nearly 6,000 arrests annually for simple marijuana possession. How am I, and you, supposed to reconcile, that in the state of Colorado, I can walk into a dispensary and talk to a friendly budtender and pick from a wide selection of plants to enjoy, and in the relatively nearby state of Wyoming, I can literally be locked in a cage just for having the remains of a joint in my car.

    How can I, in one locale, buy THC in all possible consumable forms imaginable, and in other states have my property seized for just possessing a pipe used to smoke it. How can anyone make sense of a system where corporations can profit off a plant while people have literally lost their freedom for being near it? How can one country entertain two completely incompatible ideas? Well, I think that’s a good question. To me, it’s a uniquely American form of cognitive dissonance that I think says more about how the law is both conjured and applied than any other example I can think of. I mean, how many people are sitting in jail right now locked in a cage for possessing weed, while the Uber rich get richer off of selling it elsewhere. How many lives have been destroyed by a SWAT raid or a search warrant written at the behest of a pot arrest while major corporations are turning it into another source of propagate profits?

    What I’m trying to point out is that living in the country where, on one hand, pot is a source of riches for some, and for others an absolute source of misery, literally points to the absurdity and credibility of our system of laws in general. I mean, let’s not forget the story of Dr. David Allen, who was arrested for researching the beneficial effects of marijuana after authorities tried to seize his ranch. He was uncovering the fact that pot can actually save lives, and they were simply trying to use an unjust law for unjust enrichment. The point is that the concept of turning a product of nature into a source of indiscriminate power and profit reveals just how insane our philosophy of governance and law really is. Maybe the idea that a naturally healing and proven beneficial flower is somehow twisted into a legal source of unchecked authority and profit exposes just how far astray law enforcement really is from the concept of justice.

    And that’s supposed to be the idea, right? Justice, not tickets, and fees, and fines, and stats. Not charges, and prisons, and pensions for cops. The whole point of the criminal justice system is to create a community defined by fairness and equity. That’s why when we read about towns or report on cities where ticket fines constitute half of the budget, or when we hear that police have quotas to write tickets and are begging for the power to seize property, we have to stop and ask: What really is the point here? What really is the underlying goal? And how on earth does this benefit our society to turn a badge into a cash register? Well, that’s the question we will continue to ask on this show. I want to thank Intrepid reporter Stephen Janis for his writing, research, and editing on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:   Taya, thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:    And I want to thank friend of the show, Noli Dee for his support. Thanks, Noli Dee. And a very special thank you to our Patreons, including PAR super friend, Shane Busta. We appreciate you. And if you want to have me shout you out, go to our Patreon page and become a PAR super friend, or an official patron like Calvin M., Steven D., Rob B., Celeste S., PT Tumblebug, [inaudible] live, Tamara A., Dante S., and of course, my mom. Hi, mom.

    And as always, I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com. And of course, you can always follow us on Facebook or Instagram at Police Accountability Report or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And you can always follow me directly @tayasbaltimore on Facebook or Twitter. And please like, and comment on our videos. We do read your comments and appreciate them, and I try to answer your questions whenever I can. My name is Taya Graham, and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The Baltimore Police Department continues to make most of its car stops in the city’s poor, Black neighborhoods. 

    Battleground Baltimore previously reported that the majority Black and heavily-divested Ninth District in West Baltimore endured the most traffic stops during June 2021 (516 stops) and July 2021 (557 stops). 

    That pattern persists. In August, there were 477 stops in Ninth District; in September, 356 stops, and in October, 386 stops. 

    The next highest number of stops for August was in the Seventh District (330). For September, it was in the Twelfth District (341), and in October, again, it was in the Twelfth District (301). The Seventh and Twelfth Districts also contain some of the city’s most heavily divested Black neighborhoods. 

    These numbers were all made available thanks to Third District Councilperson Ryan Dorsey, who began requesting the car stop data over the summer and has continued sharing that data with Battleground Baltimore.

    For Dorsey, the fact that the past five months of data show the highest number of stops in majority-Black parts of the city like the Ninth District make the “implicit bias” of BPD pretty, well, explicit.

    “Based on the way that police and council district boundaries overlap, and where the racial makeup of communities lie within those areas of overlap, it’s clear that BPD is policing in an implicitly biased fashion, aggressively targeting Black communities,” Dorsey told Battleground Baltimore.

    As Battleground Baltimore noted when we first called attention to traffic stop numbers:

    “[T]he Ninth District contains some of the city’s poorest neighborhoods, which are often less walkable and bike-able than other whiter parts of the city and are beholden to the city’s poor transit infrastructure—which puts more people into cars in areas where police are more apt to make traffic stops.” 

    The Ninth District also includes the Sandtown-Winchester neighborhood where, in 2015, Freddie Gray was stopped on the street, arrested, transported, and killed in Baltimore Police custody.

    Dorsey stressed that there isn’t any clear justification for these disproportionate numbers: “Given that there’s no data to show that the targeted communities have a higher prevalence of traffic violations than anywhere else in the City, it’s also clear that this is not being done for purposes of traffic safety,” he said.  

    Dorsey began requesting the car stop data over the summer because constituents in his district complained to him that it seemed as though there was a lack of traffic enforcement in their communities. In August, there were 99 car stops in the Third District; in September, 92 stops; and in October, 90. 

    Some of the city’s most egregious moving violators, meanwhile, are not being dealt with at all.

    “I have in fact never seen BPD even hint that they had an interest in or pride in stopping menacing drivers, like the hundreds that have accumulated 50 or more unpaid speeding and red light violations,” Dorsey said. “That this traffic stop data correlates to no demonstrable reduction in any crime or increased quality of life gives good cause to reallocate those resources elsewhere.”

    At the top of a list of the 20 worst red light camera offenders is an Acura with Maryland tags and 283 unpaid tickets. Number 20 on that list is a Volkswagen with Maryland tags and 95 unpaid tickets. While the city regularly tows those who have unpaid parking tickets, it does not and cannot tow for unpaid red light camera tickets. 

    In September, Baltimore City’s Board of Estimates voted to use $6.5 million in speed camera revenue for the Baltimore Police Department. Public transportation advocate Jed Weeks of Bikemore stressed that the money was intended to be used to fund safer streets for pedestrians, cyclists, and drivers alike.

    ​​“Revenues generated by speeding red light cameras under state law are to be used for public safety improvements, including pedestrian safety programs,” Weeks said. “We can’t accept the continued theft of desperately needed transportation dollars by the Baltimore City Police Department.” 

    Traffic stops also frequently lead to police violence. The recent New York Times story “Why Many Police Stops Turn Deadly” noted that “over the past five years … police officers have killed more than 400 drivers or passengers who were not wielding a gun or a knife, or under pursuit for a violent crime—a rate of more than one a week.”

    Traffic stops were also a focus of the 2016 Department of Justice report on the Baltimore Police Department. The report, which highlighted BPD’s routine civil rights violations and racist policing, noted that the police in Baltimore disproportionately stop Black drivers.

    “From 2010–2015, African Americans made up 82 percent of people stopped by BPD officers for traffic violations, compared to only 60 percent of the City’s driving age population. As with pedestrian stops, BPD stopped a higher rate of African American drivers in each of the City’s districts, despite large differences in those districts’ demographic profiles and traffic patterns,” the DOJ report explained. “For example, African Americans accounted for 80 percent of vehicle stops in the Northern District despite making up only 41 percent of the district’s population, and made up 56 percent of stops in the Southeast District compared to only 23 percent of the population living there.” 

    The car stop data is also broken down by police districts (there are nine police districts and 14 council districts). Battleground Baltimore reached out to the Baltimore Police Department hoping to obtain an estimate on the number of residents in each police district to get a scope of the number of car stops. The police, however, explained that they do not know how many residents they police in each district.

    “We do not track the number of people who reside in each of our nine districts,” Det. Donny Moses of BPD told Battleground Baltimore.

    The police district with the highest number of car stops in August, September, and October is the Western District—which encompasses many parts of the Ninth District.

    At a recent hearing about the federal consent decree imposed on the city following the DOJ’s 2016 investigation, Judge James K. Bredar made numerous claims about the technological and financial needs of the police and the purported dangers of their job. 

    Bredar has not, Dorsey stressed, commented on the ongoing disproportionate number of stops in majority-Black parts of Baltimore, even though it was a significant part of the 2016 DOJ report—which is why the city is under a consent decree in the first place.

    “There is no discernible benefit to what is being done, and yet it is happening in flagrant disregard for the consent decree that resulted from doing exactly this: intentionally targeting Black communities with disproportionately aggressive policing efforts,” Dorsey said. “The greatest mystery is why it seems to be of no concern to Judge Bredar or anybody else involved in monitoring implementation and compliance with the consent decree.”

    Baltimore Police Department District August September October
    Central243156183
    Eastern198276402
    Northeastern327391400
    Northern7316389
    Northwestern215270254
    Southeastern357237213
    Southern175238296
    Southwestern330352308
    Western348372374
    Total Car Stops226624552519
    Number of car stops by Baltimore Police Department district between August 1, 2021 and October 31, 2021
    Council District August September October
    1188141117
    2104153130
    3999290
    4272341
    5789569
    6102150152
    7330308254
    81279960
    9477356386
    10157171251
    11213191216
    12181341301
    13247204252
    149189140
    Bad Address*454260
    Total Car Stops246624552519
    Number of car stops by Baltimore City Council district between August 1, 2021 and October 31, 2021

    *Address did not correspond to a Council District, likely due to a bad address or format.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Mansoor Adayfi, “Detainee No. 441,” was imprisoned in Guantánamo Bay for over 14 years without charges as an enemy combatant. As detailed in the description for Adafyi’s new book Don’t Forget Us Here: Lost and Found at Guantánamo, “Arriving as a stubborn teenager, Mansoor survived the camp’s infamous interrogation program and became a feared and hardened resistance fighter leading prison riots and hunger strikes protesting inhumane treatment and arbitrary detention. With time though, he grew into the man nicknamed ‘Smiley Troublemaker’: a student, writer, advocate, and historian.” In this special episode of Rattling the Bars, TRNN Executive Producer, legendary Black Panther, and longtime political prisoner Eddie Conway sits down with Adafyi to talk about his new book, his time at Guantánamo, the human cost of the War on Terror, and about the battle for survival in the dark heart of American empire.

    Pre-Production/Studio/Post Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Eddie Conway:    Welcome to this episode of Rattling the Bars. One of the things that everybody in the world knows is that Gitmo, Guantanamo Bay, is a horrible place to be. Today, we have the opportunity to talk to Mansoor Adayfi, who’s an author, an activist, and a former detainee at Gitmo, joins us today. Mansoor, thanks for joining me.

    Mansoor Adayfi:    Thank you so much for having me today, and for giving me this opportunity to talk to you guys and talk to the world. Thank you.

    Eddie Conway:     Okay. You know, I want to start off… I guess I want to start off by apologizing for my tax money that’s been used for horrible things.

    Mansoor Adayfi:      No. I won’t accept that. Don’t apologize for others’ hideous behavior. Because you have done nothing, and I won’t accept any apologies from you because if someone cuts me, I’m not going to spill my blood on anyone. So, I mean, we don’t blame America or Americans for what happened to us, to be honest with you. And we don’t hold anyone accountable for what has been done to us. Sorry for the interruption, because I always – [crosstalk].

    Eddie Conway:     No, it’s okay.

    Mansoor Adayfi:       I understand you feel sometimes frustrated and guilty and… But from my understanding, it’s not what America is about. It is, we are considered those small groups who didn’t represent, or don’t represent America or American values. Simple as that.

    Eddie Conway:         Okay. All right. So then will you give the audience a little background history, how you end up in 2002 in Guantanamo. Where did it start from and what happened?

    Mansoor Adayfi:       Okay. Before we jump to Guantanamo, I would like to highlight just two points. The first point, I noticed that a lot of people talking about 9/11, which I’m not trying to undermine and [inaudible], but at the same time, people forget to talk about what happened before 9/11 and what led to 9/11 to happen in the first place. As we know [about] the United States’ involvement in Afghanistan since the 1980s and 1990s. And also that 9/11 happened the first time in 1993, as we recall, in my research that we found out when the same person targeted the same twin towers. But then the thing that happened, the 9/11 when the war started between one organization, one man, Osama bin Laden and the United States, and that led to 9/11. And we know that a few attacks happened before that.

    9/11 didn’t change the world; The way Americans or the American government at that time reacted to 9/11, it changed the world. 9/11 was misused and abused until that day. And as we know, it has been like almost 20 years and there was [inaudible] justice. And delaying justice is justice denied, simple as that. So basically let us jump to after 9/11. Before 9/11, I was in Afghanistan. I was sent as a research assistant in Afghanistan to research the new group in Afghanistan, because as you know, in the 1990s there was a vacuum in the media. And Al-Qaeda emerged really fast because it was fighting one of the super powers. And that time they said, a man against a superpower country, to the extent. And they start building up. 9/11 happened while I was in Afghanistan, and when it did happen, we didn’t pay much attention to it or care much about it.

    Because simply, in Afghanistan there was no TV, no media or newspaper or something that really if… When you live in Afghanistan, you feel like 1000 [years] behind the world. Definitely think that the signs that you live in modern life, the moving cars. Other than this, people are almost in their own way of life, poverty. And also people forget that Afghanistan has been suffering for the last 40 years. Soviet Union, civil war, United States occupation, so it’s a lot. So when the first time I heard about 9/11 I was in a restaurant, we had the radio that, you know airplanes flew into buildings, and that’s it. 

    So in my research, I used to also station one of the charity musician’s work in Afghanistan, at that time for relief, helping aid, and providing logistics and medicine and so on. The organization, Saudi Church of Musician, got instructions from Saudi Arabia that they should liquid everything and they should leave. My friend told me, Mansoor, this is our last load. We are going to take it to the hospital before we leave Afghanistan. We received instructions that we should leave. I said, okay, I’m going to accompany you. In Afghanistan at that time, there was a war also between the Taliban and the North Alliance. 

    Also, there was a different kind of warlord. There are some areas of no-man’s land. It’s just warlords and kidnapping, and so on. One day we had a new blue, beautiful car. We were targeted and ambushed, and our car was taken. So at that time we knew that they wanted the car, and they would try to ransom us to Saudi Arabia for some money. Then Americans arrived there, and before the Americans arrived there, they were from the airplane throwing flyers, offering large bounty of money. So, one bounty could change someone’s life. So people start kidnapping people and selling them to the Americans as Al-Qaeda commanders, leaders, Taliban commanders, and so on. Because the more you give them the higher rank, the more pay you got. The price was variable from $5,000 to like $100,000, $200,000, a lot of money. So I stayed a week or two in the warlord’s house, then I was sold to the CIA as an Al-Qaeda commander of 9/11 insider, shipped to the black site, [Kandahar] detention, then to Guantanamo. I turned 19 years old in the black site under the CIA. In the black site.

    So, I mean, I’m shortening the story. Story’s really heavy and really dark and more of torture, abuse, to that extent. So I wasn’t just that victim. I’m not trying to say that everyone in Guantanamo was innocent, but I’m going to give you American figures, which are from ECLU and Seton Hall University. They said only 8%, according to the research, only 8% have a connection to Al-Qaeda or Taliban. And 86%, they were either sold for bounty money, or mistaken identity.

    And I want to say something. The people who were in Guantanamo, they weren’t in the battlefield holding guns, or loyal to Al-Qaeda or Taliban, though the men who arrived at Guantanamo, they were brought from different parts of the world. From Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Mauritania, Bosnia, Africa, different countries. And as we know, when George W. Bush announced the crusade or war on terror, he said, either with us or against us. There is no gray area.

    So people actually… And it’s a lot of money on people… Who cares? And war against terror tends to be one of the profitable businesses until that day. I remember starting in 2005, when Yemen’s president visited the United States and they refused to give him $120 million. He was upset, he went back to Yemen. He had some Al-Qaeda members in his jail, he released them. He said, okay. They escaped. Simple as that. After that, the European Union sent 500 million Euro every year. The United States government also [inaudible] some funds. The Yemen president at that time said, I didn’t have money. I didn’t have jets. I didn’t have soldiers. I didn’t have cars. So I cannot fight against terrorism or Al-Qaeda. So it turned out to be a way of making profits. If you are afraid of me, I’m going to use your fear to basically blackmail you, or try to tell you I’m out of control.

    So that’s what happened here. And many victims, many, many victims. So at Guantanamo, it was around 800 men. The youngest was only a few months old. The oldest was 105 years old. This is the age. All kinds of people. You have doctors, engineers, nurses, paramedics, journalists, poachers, mafia, drug dealers. You have also spies who used to work for the CIA. They were caught by Al-Qaeda and Taliban and jailed. And also when American forces arrived in Afghanistan they shipped them back to Guantanamo, to that extent. I met a full team who was sent by Saudi Arabia to assassinate Osama bin Laden. They failed, they got caught. When the Americans came, they shipped them to Guantanamo. So what they did, basically, the CIA and American FBI and other American intelligence and army, they used to either kidnap people or arrest people from different parts of the world, ship them to Guantanamo.

    The idea was, we are going to take these people to this place, interrogate them, and sort their files. Even when George W. Bush established Guantanamo, it was just a temporary place. That’s what they called detention. But it was intentionally selected to be the island [outside] of the law. So American law doesn’t apply, [inaudible] law doesn’t apply, international Geneva Convention law doesn’t apply. So what they call us… They were smart. You know, when you deal with those minds, they weren’t stupid or idiots. No. They have consultants, they have advisors, they have experienced people to tell them what to do and how to do it. So they constructed the language. We’re Muslim, I’m Muslim. If you ask me, it is war on us. And they call it war on terrorists. Actually, war of terror. They call kidnapping rendition, torture they call it enhanced interrogation technique.

    Families that were killed or wiped out or during assassination, they call it collateral damage. Detainees or prisoners of war, they call them detainees. That’s it. So also when they constructed the language, they invented new realities, and they also legislated some kind of law for those realities. So, war of terror, it doesn’t just affect Muslims. It affects… Muslims overseas in our countries like Afghanistan, it also… As I told you, 9/11 was misused and abused. War on terror that was used by the American government, for military expansion, in Asia and Africa. And so at the same time, it was also affecting people, especially Muslim minorities, within Europe and the United States.

    We can see how they start targeting those minorities, spying, surveillance, all kinds of violations. Also we have… When I was in Guantanamo I used to read about the FBI entrapment. How they used to entrap people. I mean, when it comes to… What happened to us? I mean, that system we created to serve humanity and to preserve us and to protect us and to make us safer, we are [teething] that system to misuse it for our own gain. I mean, to the extent the ones who should protect and treat people equally, they use the system to entrap those people and to – What more injustice more than that? I felt so sad sometimes at Guantanamo, honestly. I felt I was lucky because my family didn’t want to be wiped out ever.

    At the same time, at least at Guantanamo I’m safe. I haven’t gotten injured, or at least I haven’t been killed yet. And when you ask Muslim to what extent how the war on terror affect them, especially the young generation, when those who born after 9/11 or when 9/11 happened they have no idea, they were like five or six or so on. When they grew up, they grew up in that stigma of being targeted, being harassed, Islamophobia, hate crime. So those young Muslims start looking back, is our religion really that bad? Is our religion really… Is our religion is the source of terrorism? So they start investigating. No. That’s not the truth. Whatever you’re trying to say, no. We can read, we can understand, we can observe, we can ask.

    So those Muslim felt… The youngest, the first generation feels they are being oppressed. So when I talked to them after I left Guantanamo, because I have been researching Guantanamo for the last five years, I felt those generation, they want to leave United States and Europe, and want to live within a Muslim country. That way they can feel free as Muslim to the extent. So the system, as I told you, starts to raise those who have no connection whatsoever. And if you ask, I don’t know, like 1.8 billion Muslims what they think about 9/11. We used to argue with their tradition. I said, look, we as Muslims, every single life is sacred. Even animals. As Muslim, we are allowed to kill animals just to feed. If you kill it for fun, or [so on] it becomes sin and you have to be punished for that. You have to pay and are punished for this.

    So, but as I told you, Guantanamo was used. The United States also used Guantanamo. They want to send some kind of… I mean, the George W. Bush administration, they used Guantanamo. They wanted to send some kind of message to the world, we are going to cross any boundaries. We are not bound by any laws whatsoever. We understand this, but peace can’t really be achieved by justice, simple as that. When you violate your own rules, your own boundaries, your own morals, ethics, chaos. Look at what happened to the world now. And the first ones who were affected by the war on terror, Americans themselves. Look now when you look at the casualties inside, the economic losses and so on. 

    But also on the other side, when we talk about how many Muslims have been killed, displaced, countries occupied. Look in Iraq, in Afghanistan, in Yemen, in Syria and elsewhere, because the United States holds a very sensitive very important position in world politics. When they move in the wrong way, they shake the whole world. Whether we like it or not. Whether anyone, Chinese, Russia, likes it or not, the United States is like an umbrella. So when it started shaking, something dropped down. That’s what happened here. It is the most super powerful country that ever existed in history, no exaggeration. So any move affects the entire world.

    Eddie Conway:     Mansoor, let me just stop you right there. This is good information, but I want to know, you survived 14 years in that Guantanamo. And I know your book, Don’t Forget About Us Here: Lost and Found at Guantanamo, probably talks about this, but how did you survive? I’ve heard music, art, et cetera. I mean, you look healthy, you look whole, and that’s a miracle compared to the stuff that we know that goes down there. How did you survive?

    Mansoor Adayfi:      Story of survival, it’s long and complicated. And it’s not just a story, it was a way of life to survive at Guantanamo. You have no choice. Either die or survive. So, but as I told you, as human beings, what makes us a human being, as individuals, unique as beautiful humans. Because I believe that there is kindness, there is good in every single soul, every single human being, regardless. Because that’s the way we are born, that’s the way we procreated. At Guantanamo, like in my experience and the experience I wrote about it, I noticed there the thing that helped us to survive. First of all, our faith as Muslims and our religion and faith, played a key and important role in our survival at Guantanamo, because you turn to Allah subhanahu wa ta-ala, to our God. We are hopeless, we are helpless in that place, please we need your help.

    At the same time, the things that help us to survive, each other. Supporting, standing with each other, comforting each other. One of the things also, the packages we brought with us. What I mean by that, I always say that what makes us unique as humans and individual souls is the things that we hold and that make us who we are. Our names, language, faith, morals, religion, memories, experience, knowledge, emotion, relationship, time. Those things, that’s what make you as a person, what make us a unique person. So when we came to Guantanamo, the policy of Guantanamo changed that. We become just numbers. We were not allowed to talk, to stand, to practice daily lives.

    So for me as a tribal teenager, I couldn’t accept that. It’s not the way I was brought up. It’s not the way I was raised in my tribal society with my tribal family and life. So I guess, I’m not going to do that because it doesn’t make any sense. We didn’t care about rank or titles or military or Navy or army or Marines, I didn’t care. It’s just like respect man to man, face to human, to human. So the things that we brought to us first, knowledge, of course, because as I told you, there were doctors, nurses, scholars. We started teaching each other about whatever you have. Your knowledge, your experience, because we weren’t allowed to have any kind of pen or access to the world. We were totally disconnected from the world and we didn’t have much there.

    So we start sharing with each other what we have. Part of us, part of our life, part of our memories, knowledge, experience. So those things helped us to survive and learn at that place. Also defending each other and protesting, and trying to help each other. Because Guantanamo keeps evolving, it’s changing. And it was the way it is. It’s like machinery that doesn’t have any kind, because as I told you there was not any kind of rule of law that you can know, how can you… Because in other jails, there is a routine that happens every single day, people understand. But in Guantanamo, the guards and [inaudible] and interrogators rotated every three, six [months] or one year. And every new group, every person, they have their own way of running the camp.

    Plus from 2002 until 2010, we call it the dark age. Their main focus, everything controlled by interrogators and they went to extract information, but the truth or existence in Guantanamo, it wasn’t about American safety or American security or about information, it wasn’t about that at all. When General Miller arrived by the end of 2002, he had one mission. He united all the forces at Guantanamo into what they call the JTF, Joint Task Force, and he created a back channel, communicated with the Pentagon, passing all the chain of command. He was communicating with the [inaudible]. So Guantanamo would turn what they call it a liberatory, or they call it Guantanamo America’s battle lab. If you just Google, Guantanamo America’s battle lab you can read a whole [piece of] research, like 80 some pages about how Guantanamo was turned by the military minds, by the military officers into experimenting.

    At that time General Geoffrey Miller… When I’m saying General Geoffrey Miller, I mean, that same person who would torture prisoners and detainees in Iraq, in the [inaudible] and other places. So that [inaudible] started at Guantanamo. So at Guantanamo, they started constructing and developing what they call enhanced interrogation techniques. Play with words. It sounds friendly, it sounds something like modern, enhanced interrogation technique, which is actually torture. Sleep deprivation, waterboarding, beating, sexual assault, rapes, all kind of things. Physical, mental, psychological. And you have a whole team, it’s not just one person. There were also experiments, there was also a consultant, there were also psychologists, doctors. And everything was designed around you to break you.

    The whole program, your life every single day, was designed to the extent, to make you with the interrogation. But it’s not about interrogation. They wanted to know what kind of enemy they were up against. So what I told you, there were over around 15 nationalities, over 20 languages spoken. Different mindset, different countries, different age. That made it the best opportunity for them to experiment and study those minds. Because when you come from the military perspective, we are going to fight against those kinds of people for maybe the next 20, 30, 50, 100 years, so we need to understand what we are up against. How they behave, how they communicate, how we can interrogate them. What’s the best thing to deal with those people?

    So, yeah, I mean, especially now, when you come to modern science and every field, the same way. Especially in the military the same way. So that’s what happened there. And we were not just the victims of Guantanamo. When I’m saying that, there were also guards, [inaudible]. There were people who tried to… People who either tried to [inaudible] or people who tried not to lose their humanity. Because they were victims of Guantanamo. When you bring someone and ask them to torture someone, it will have side effects, it will have impact. That’s what happened there. Before they brought the soldiers or the guards to Guantanamo, they used to take them to ground zero, or to the 9/11 site, and tell them the people responsible for that, they are in Guantanamo.

    So when the soldiers arrived, they were full of hate and grudges, they wanted revenge. You can see it in their voice, in their faces, in their behavior, but they’re also human beings. They’re not robots, they are just following instructions. They mix with us, when they live with us every day… Because we become part of each other’s life, whether we like it or not, it’s the way it tends. Now I’m talking to you, I’m spending some time with you, I will be part of your memory, of your life, and so on. So they watch us. Some of them [cads] we were, and there was just praying, eating, crying, laughing, joking, get beaten, get tortured.

    They also can differentiate who is bad, who is good, who is a terrorist or not. They found out the people are not what they were told they were. So many of them changed their mind, [inaudible] apologize, but again, when you come to the military, people follow orders. If you need to take any action that would affect the rest of your life. I remember one of the examples I use. I always talk about it because of an American army captain, James Yee. I think his story is well-known, one of the things we saw… Yeah. But when he started, both the General Miller policy of torture at Guantanamo, he was viewed as an obstacle, so they want to get rid of him.

    Eddie Conway:      He was the Islamic captain in the United States army.

    Mansoor Adayfi:      Yeah.

    Eddie Conway:        Okay. Go ahead.

    Mansoor Adayfi:       Yeah. He was a graduate of West Point University, and was sent to Guantanamo as an army captain, as a chaplain, to ease cultural tension, to educate the guards and to help the detainees in their religious issues. But he found out that the religion, is some of what was used as part of torture. Torture and people using the security of the holy Quran, stripping people naked, proven to confront praying, all kinds of things that you can put pressure on us [with]. So we used to talk to James. Like, what’s going on here? He tried, honestly. And we know he was a sincere person. But the Pentagon, and General Geoffrey Miller, they had another function for Guantanamo, or another project for Guantanamo. So he was accused of espionage, sympathizing with terrorists.

    I saw, and I’m like, so ridiculous. He was arrested, interrogated, and so on. We are talking about an American army captain who came to serve his own country. Who might at some point sacrifice his life to protect and serve his country. And I mean to that extent just because he was a Muslim. Sympathizing with the detainees was [inaudible]. Like I told you, as a person, if you got caught laughing, or try to [inaudible] the detainees you will be punished. You will never come back to the sad luck. It’s not just tough for detainees, this is for you because you try to be yourself, simple as that. Because it’s not your position to judge people. It’s not your position to interrogate them, it’s not your position… You were required as a human, to treat them as human. And when we took on the justice system, but Guantanamo it was out of the law, as I told you, and it’s just a dark black hole or black site within the military bases at Guantanamo.

    So what’s Guantanamo now? Guantanamo now has become a symbol of torture, lawlessness, abuse of power, oppression, indefinite detention, also death sentence for the people who was there. Also it gives some kind of legitimacy to tyrants in the Middle East and other countries. They started to construct and build their own Guantanamos. China, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Emirates, other countries, they have their own Guantanamos. If the boss can do it, why not us? And it’s the same style. Counter-terrorism, extremism, and… Come on think that you have to be Muslim to apply that. So by default, as Muslim, you are terrorist. So that’s it.

    Eddie Conway:         Yeah. Let me ask you, because you said earlier, and I think this is an important point for survival, you said together from 15 different countries, 20 languages, you all found a way to protest. And I know part of the protest was hunger strikes where they use force feeding that turned into terror and torture. But I also understand you all did culture and music and art. Talk a little bit about the protest that you all did and how you all supported each other.

    Mansoor Adayfi:         Yeah. As I thought it was 50 nationalities, not 50 [it was 20]. So at the beginning, we used to just react to whatever they throw at us. Because at Guantanamo, as a person, as a Muslim, as a human, you try to preserve yourself, who you are. Because that place and that policy and that way of treatment will change you. And you didn’t want that to happen. They already take your name. You are dealing as a number. So also at the same time, part of you, you try to live your day life. I mean you think substantive change because it’s not who you are. If you’re 19 or 20 or 25, 30, it’s not that just one order or written law can change your 30 years just like this? No, it’s not going to happen.

    Also when they started the intensive interrogation and the torture, we tried to resist. The best way we started was the hunger strike, as you know. And that took until that day people on hunger strike, because it is just you feel the pain when you see someone being tortured. And they took it as a challenge. Our hunger strike or our protest was taken as that we were doing some kind of jihad activism on the camp, we were accused of being an Al-Qaeda terrorist cell inside Guantanamo, announce jihad against [inaudible] to the extent. So, yes, I mean, at the beginning we take things seriously. Then we find out if you’re going to take things seriously, we are actually driving ourselves crazy, just live our lives. So we’re starting, as I told you, teaching each other. We had one night in the week, which is like… [each cell block] they have one night in the week, celebrating, time to escape the pain of being in jail.

    Escape the feeling that you are being caged in those open cages. So [within one block] there were about 48 detainees from different nationalities. As I told you, everyone came with his package. You have artists, singers, crazy people, kind of people. So we used to sing in different languages, in Arabic, English, French, Farsi, Pashto, it was so beautiful and so amazing to hear those songs in just the same time. It’s like we didn’t have an iPad or mp3, because at that time [they weren’t even] invented. But you can hear, just listen to it and enjoy it. Dancing, poems, stories, and so on. Even that was taken as an act of challenging, and we would sometimes get punished, closing the windows, turning on the vacuum, the ventilation, the fans, and everything.

    Sometimes they will take us into separate, as in different blocks. So it was a way of surviving. It was like it took years and years and years. And we could do what we do, because it is important for you. Because if it gets [death] after the situation, I didn’t think we could survive. And if you ask me, and sometimes people ask me, how did you survive? I don’t know. But to some extent I tried, at least I tried because they wanted to change you. They wanted to break you, they wanted to drive you to insanity. And seeing you happy, seeing you laughing or making jokes… One of the things we did there, it’s like we did have a sense of humor. Making joke about everything, about interrogation, about torture, about so on.

    And when the dark age period ended in 2010, when Mr. Obama came, when the White House turned to a Black House, the way you call it. So we entered what they call the Golden Age. Things happened so fast. When Obama failed to close the detention, we negotiated with the camp administration about the life. And we negotiated stopping the torture, stopping the interrogation, improving the life in the detention cells, having access to the world outside, news, TV, communication with our families, letter, phone calls, improving the healthcare, food, clothing, and everything. And things changed. And we also demanded some kind of classes. There the art started. Art started early, but art classes started with the art search, really flourished, and started taking a huge part in our day life.

    Because before that, no one could have access to a pen and paper. But in 2010, everything had changed. So we start demanding classes in English, in painting, different classes. One of the most important classes was art, which is also because art is so important. Because when you live in that detention for so long, you start constructing new memories, a new way of life, a new personality, a new person. Whether you like it or not, that’s what it is. You become not just part of that detention, you’re that period of life connected to that time. So emotion, time, memories, experience, people around you, relationship with people. So that’s like a turning point in our life. So when you start painting, art connects us to ourselves, to our memories, to the world outside, to our families, to everything.

    Because when you start extracting what is hidden inside you, those emotions. We painted things that we missed. Sea, sky, sun, stars, families, trees, horses, you name it. We paint about our struggle and suffering and so on. So what they call art, it is a soul’s language. It is a soul to our soul language. So sometimes we will look at… When you ask someone about painting, everyone has different opinion, experiences about the same painting. But also those paintings hold tears, secrets, memories, time, life, and so on. So yeah. Art also was a way of therapy, and a way of communication. And I wrote a book about arts from Guantanamo in 2017, 18. And we couldn’t find a publisher so far. I hope… We are trying to find a publisher to publish… It’s not just art, it’s a beautiful story about [inaudible], art and survival. And it’s an amazing story. Art that was created at Guantanamo, it’s unlike any other art created in other places.

    Eddie Conway:       Well, okay. Let me just ask you this, I noticed you had that orange on, and I spent… You have no way of knowing this, but I spent 44 years in prison here in America.

    Mansoor Adayfi:         What? Are you serious?

    Eddie Conway:        Yes. As a former Black Panther Party member. And I simply refuse to put on anything that is associated with prisons. But I understand in Guantanamo, they had you all wear orange from head to toe the whole entire time you were there. And I understand that people get out, they don’t want to even be near orange. How do you manage to sit there with your orange on and why?

    Mansoor Adayfi:      You know, simply I’m telling them, you didn’t break me, you didn’t tear me, I still love the orange color. And I’m using Guantanamo to fight Guantanamo. And also I’m showing them that they want to implant… When I was talking to the psychologist in the ICRC and so on, they say, when you get out, when you see the orange, you’re like [frightened yell]. I said, nope. I love the orange. I have made peace with Guantanamo. I’m like, dealt with that. Also, I use the number 44, I own it. I pay for around 15 years of it. So I guess the message of the things that you used try to break me, try to change me, try to [inaudible] it’s not going to happen.

    I’m going to use this part of my life, I won’t [inaudible], but I will take it, make peace with it, and I will use it. And trust me, I’m sure when they watch me wearing the orange [inaudible], because they know to their core Guantanamo was a mistake all along. They know they detained innocent men there. So why not use it? I’m just telling the message, reminding them what happened there. Also I wear this the main reason, to show solidarity for the people who stripped their own freedom, what they call the [wear and tear] or anyone else, because no one should under any circumstance prefer her or his freedom unless there is a law. If something really happened. It’s like accusing someone, mistreating them, torturing, abusing indefinite detention and so on. So to what? I mean, as I told you, it’s also to show that I took up part in activism and so on. So yeah, it is my approach to the story,

    Eddie Conway:      I guess one last thing, what are you… I know you’re in Belgrade, you’re trapped in Serbia, you can’t can’t leave so to speak. You call it Gitmo 2.0, but what are you doing there?

    Mansoor Adayfi:       We have done this, we have managed to publish Don’t Forget About Us Here. It’s the book that actually, I would love to talk about it the way it was written at Guantanamo, alhamdulillah. That book was first written between 2010 and 2013. I wrote it while learning English, and so on during the Golden Age. It was taken in 2013, confiscated, classified as classified and secret, taken away. Then I wrote it again in 2015 to my lawyer. I wrote it as legal letters while chained and shackled to the floor. So I used to write it every week, chunk of legal letters and send it there. [Alhamdulillah] she managed to get it out. And since 2018, my friend Antonio and I worked really hard to put it that way, alhamdulillah we managed to publish it. Second thing, last month, I graduated from my university, a bachelor’s degree. So there is a huge gap in my life, it’s like 15 years. I tried to capture it, but after I just… People ask me, how old are you? I say, like 20, 23? Okay. 23 and a half.

    I haven’t counted Guantanamo. So alhamdulillah, I graduated. My thesis was about rehabilitation and reintegration of former Guantanamo detainees into social life and the labor market. Because I tried to help my brothers, because there are a lot of problems. When I’m telling you, we live in Guantanamo 2.0, this is here. This is my next book, Life After Guantanamo. Can you see it? So actually those stickers, it took me five years to [put them] together because every time I would [inaudible] about specialist stories about my story, my other brothers’ stories, stories of the world and stories of [Guantanamo, it would set off] lawyers and politics and so on. So yeah, this, my next project in sha’Allah will be the next work, Life After Guantanamo.

    Also, we are working with Sundance, developing a TV show: From Guantanamo with Love. But life after Guantanamo is tough. Honestly, yes. When I did my research, I found there are some brothers who managed to rehabilitate and reintegrate into society and become productive members of their societies, families, jobs, “normal people” to some extent we can quote that. But in other parts, we live under restrictions. We are being treated like terrorists. And many difficulties and challenges intentionally, just because simply people… We live in the stigma of Guantanamo. And also some of those countries treat us like a threat of terrorist. And also worse cases, people who lost their life, and also there are brothers who were sent from Guantanamo as a [inaudible] in the United Arab Emirates. They have been in jail since 2015, 16 until that day, unfortunately. And even treated worse than Guantanamo. No family visits, only limited three minutes to five minutes every other month, two or three months of call, no access to lawyers, NGOs, and they have no rights. They cannot dare challenge their detention. And they don’t know until when they are going to stay that way. And this is Guantanamo… Still Guantanamo hasn’t left us yet.

    Eddie Conway:          Okay. Mansoor, thanks for joining me. I know it’s been a journey and [crosstalk]

    Mansoor Adayfi:      I don’t think it’s like your journey, 44 years. I can’t imagine. I think next time I should interview you, not you interview me.

    Eddie Conway:          Well, both were rough, but we survived. Tell me when your next book comes out, can we come back and revisit you and talk about it?

    Mansoor Adayfi:     Yeah. Of course.

    Eddie Conway:        Okay. All right. So thank you.

    Mansoor Adayfi:        Thank you so much for having me today. Last, one thing I would like to call on the people to write to Mr. Biden to close Guantanamo once for all, and to end the indefinite detention, just a simple request. It’s not about Guantanamo, it’s about us all as human beings.

    Eddie Conway:        Okay. That is good. Okay. And thank you for joining this episode of Rattling the Bars.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Another act of defiance from the last residents of Poppleton, West Baltimore’s historic, Black neighborhood, who are fighting to preserve their homes. On Nov. 1, a local artist, who asked to remain anonymous, and activists with Organize Poppleton helped residents paint a 20-foot mural that reads “SAVE OUR BLOCK. Black Neighborhoods Matter. Losing my home is like a death to me. Eminent Domain law is violent.”

    The quote is from Sonia Eaddy, a third-generation Poppleton resident whose family has lived in the same house since the 1940s. Eaddy has waged a years-long campaign to preserve this Poppleton community, which dates back to the 1860s.

    The words are painted on the side of Eaddy’s 321 North Carrollton Ave. property, which the city claimed from the longtime resident and community leader by exercising its rights under eminent domain. The rights to develop the neighborhood were acquired by New York-based La Cité Development, which has already built luxury apartments in the neighborhood that start at $1,925 a month for two bedrooms.

    Having received $58 million in tax breaks from the city, the developer is required to make 20% of 2,800 overall housing units affordable to low-income residents. Back in July, Battleground Baltimore spoke to longtime Poppleton resident Parsha Macfadden, who has lived in her home for four decades.

    “It seems like it’s not fair for the homeowners who have invested so much, whose homes have so much history and meaning for their families,” Macfadden told Battleground Baltimore

    Department of Public Works “tightens up”

    Baltimore City Council’s Rules and Legislation Oversight Committee held a meeting on Thursday, Nov. 4, about the Department of Public Works’ ongoing issues with correctly billing Baltimoreans for water usage.

    City Councilmember Mark Conway began the hearing by mentioning “some of the problems that were plaguing our water billing system,” which included “open service tickets, broken meters,” and “breakdowns in the adjustments processes for resolving water billing problems.”

    In December of last year, the Office of the Inspector General released a damning report about DPW that suggested severe mismanagement of money, a staggering number of unaddressed service requests, and many broken water meters. According to the report, 14,000 newly installed water meters were not fully operational. As Food & Water Watch said when the report was released, “that means that 7 percent of the city’s 200,000 accounts are being improperly billed.” 

    DPW now has a new director, Jason Mitchell, hired in March, after former director Rudy Chow had essentially no response to the damning OIG report, which also suggested Chow had overseen some particularly reckless expenditures. 

    Conway stressed that with a new director and more attention to the issue, reforms would happen, but he also highlighted just how bad DPW responsiveness remains.

    “My office—and I suspect many of the offices of many of my colleagues—still get multiple new water billing issues per week that go unresolved for months. We still see adjustments that do not fully compensate for the exorbitant bills being issued, communication on the status of adjustments in water meter repairs are often lacking, and even when I personally get involved, we still see these things happen,” Conway said. “These aren’t just issues falling through the cracks. There remain systemic deficiencies that enabled these problems to persist. Reforms are only as important as their results.”

    And, Conway stressed, those results were going to come through “pushing DPW.” 

    For the most part, DPW explained themselves (Chow’s disastrous directorship seemed to underline every explanation), though they also pushed back. According to DPW, there were actually 6,310 service requests, not 8,000, and 5,086 have been resolved as of the end of October. Moreover, the DPW explained that the backlog was the result of COVID-19 and the 2019 ransomware attack that suspended the city’s billing system.

    DPW director Mitchell tried to stay positive.

    “If you look a year ago, we were responding to phone calls in three-plus minutes. As of yesterday, we responded to our calls in 58 seconds,” Mitchell said. “So we’re looking at that every day. We had 48 abandoned calls, we’re looking at that every day… when they call can we pick up? And can we be responsive and helpful? And that’s where our process is [and] where we’re trying to tighten up.”

    Baltimore Tree Trust questions mayor’s commitments to nonprofits

    Earlier this week, Baltimore Brew highlighted the plight of Baltimore Tree Trust, a local nonprofit whose bid to plant 3,000 trees on Baltimore’s streets was rejected. The contract was given to a for-profit, county-based group, Lorenz Inc.

    Baltimore Tree Trust’s bid for the job was $946,490. Lorenz Inc. said it would cost  $1.6 million—$651,000 more. 

    The contract was given to Lorenz Inc. because they were the only remaining bidder once Baltimore Tree Trust was disqualified on the grounds that they were “not in good standing” with the city. Supposedly that was because Baltimore Tree Trust did not file a corporate renewal application. But that was an error with the Minority and Women’s Business Opportunity Office’s database.

    “In a city that’s trying to encourage nonprofits and NGOs to get contracts to do work in the community, employ local people and train youths, why would they turn us down for minor technicalities?” Baltimore Tree Trust Executive Director Bryant Smith said.

    Due to Baltimore Brew’s reporting, Mayor Brandon Scott withdrew the city’s contract with Lorenz Inc., which was set to be approved by the Board of Estimates this week. 

    In a follow-up piece, Baltimore Brew also revealed that Baltimore Tree Trust had not learned that they were rejected sooner because of a typo.

    “Although the Tree Trust’s bid was disqualified on October 6, thereby paving the way for Lorenz’s higher bid to be submitted to the board, City Purchasing Agent Keasha L. Brown did not formally notify the organization until yesterday afternoon,” the Brew reported. “A review of emails by The Brew found that Brown’s office had sent an earlier notification, but it was never delivered because the Tree Trust’s email address had been spelled incorrectly.”

    For some other local reporting from this week that’s very much worth your time, check out Rudy Malcom’s piece on Baltimore’s community fridge and J. Brian Charles’ piece on Mayor Brandon Scott, police funding, and violence.

    Baltimore Action Legal Team responds to Mosby’s “do not call” list

    Back in 2019, Baltimore City State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby announced that her office had a list of 305 Baltimore Police officers with integrity issues. 

    Naturally, defense attorneys wanted a look at this list of ostensibly dirty cops. Baltimore Action Legal Team (BALT), a legal advocacy nonprofit created after the Baltimore Uprising that, as their website says, is “dedicated to politically-conscious lawyering and to using creative, collective solutions to support the Movement for Black Lives in Baltimore,” sued to obtain the list when Mosby’s office wouldn’t just give it to them.

    “In December 2019, she identified a list of 305 officers with questionable integrity that could not be relied upon in a prosecution or a trial to obtain a conviction,” lawyer Matt Zernhelt told Battleground Baltimore. “I think it’s in the public’s interest to know what police officers have violated their trust and in any capacity.” 

    Last month, after going through the courts, the Maryland Court of Special Appeals ruled that Mosby’s office must release the list. Last week, Mosby’s office released a list of 91 officers, not 305. Many in the legal world, including Zernhelt, were left wondering what happened to the 200-plus officers on the larger list—the very list BALT sued over and Maryland’s Court of Special Appeals said Mosby must release.

    “We requested the list of 305 names, which existed at that point, and what has been turned over has not been 305 names. So we’re still waiting for that,” Zernhelt said. 

    On top of that, the list was primarily officers whose corruption and lack of credibility was well-known. Of the 91 officers on the list, only 26 are currently working in the police department and nearly all of the officers on the list have transgressions that are already known to the public.

    “We were surprised when this list of 91 officers was released. We recognize it is a list of officers with integrity issues that has been compiled. But we do find that it falls short of what we requested. We find it to be performative,” Zernhelt said. “We will continue pushing for transparency. Do we get what we’ve been fighting for all along and for what the court found the public is entitled to? These are the public records and these records being in the community benefits all.”

    Disclosure: Battleground Baltimore’s Brandon Soderberg is a plaintiff along with BALT in a separate court transparency lawsuit. He did not conduct the interview with BALT’s Zernhelt.

    Man shot by police in 2016 receives $240,000 settlement

    A man who was shot by Baltimore Police in November 2016 had his $240,000 settlement with the city approved by the Board of Estimates this week. Richard Gibbs was shot by Officer Jeffrey Melo because other police on the scene claimed Gibbs—who was stopped for speeding and for an obliterated license plate—had a gun in his hand when he exited his car.

    When Gibbs finally went to trial, however, he was found not guilty on a number of charges, including felony handgun possession, resisting arrest, and carrying and transporting a gun in a vehicle. Gibbs’ lawyer, Richard Woods—who represented rapper Young Moose, who was frequently targeted by Baltimore cop Daniel Hersl—contended that the gun the police found on Gibbs was planted. The gun was a .38 caliber revolver that was spray painted black. Police claimed that the gun had Gibbs’ DNA on it and that it was thrown in the air during the arrest, landing on the hood of Gibbs’ car. Woods questioned the police officers’ story (there were no marks on the hood from the gun) and said that Gibbs’ DNA was not found on the cartridges police said they recovered.

    Gibbs was arrested on Nov. 23, 2016. When news that police had shot someone broke, Baltimore Police referred to Gibbs as a “repeat violent offender.” Gibbs went through surgery and physical therapy for injuries he received during the arrest. Meanwhile, Gibbs spent the time between his arrest and his June 2017 trial in jail before he was found not guilty on all of the major charges. He was only found guilty of driving without a license.

    The investigation into the shooting (the report can be read here) revealed that police noted that the eyewitness who claimed Gibbs did not have a gun was smoking cannabis, and another witness, who said the cops entered Gibbs’ car looking for the gun (the same gun cops claimed was on the hood of the car), was drinking wine. It would seem this helped discredit their accounts. 

    None of the cops present during the shooting had body-worn cameras (the roll-out of body cameras was relatively new and not all cops had them yet). The Baltimore City State’s Attorney’s Office declined to prosecute Officer Melo for the shooting. 

    Now, nearly five years after the initial arrest, Gibbs has finally received a settlement from the city.

    The settlement was approved during the same Board of Estimates hearing in which nearly $759,500 in funding for the ShotSpotter technology was approved.

    This week, it was also announced by the State’s Attorney’s Office that David Morris, a man found guilty of a murder in 2005, would be released after 17 years in prison. It was revealed, thanks to the Mid-Atlantic Innocence Project and the SAO’s Conviction Integrity Unit, that DNA evidence should have exonerated Morris, a key witness was unreliable, and the arresting officer, Michael Nelson, was convicted of wire fraud.

    ShotSpotter contract renewed, despite ‘skeptic’ mayor

    Baltimore City’s Board of Estimates voted to approve an additional $759,500 to continue the usage of ShotSpotter, gunshot detection technology that uses artificial intelligence to identify gunshots and reports the location of those gunshots. Read Battleground Baltimore’s story here.

    ShotSpotter has been in use in Baltimore since 2018 and the approval of the $759,000 to extend the contract puts the total amount of money spent by the city on ShotSpotter at a little over $3 million.

    Thread of the week: @OpenJusticeBaltimore on police salary

    This thread from Open Justice Baltimore, radical transparency advocates responsible for, among other things, the public database of Baltimore Police officers BPD Watch, provided some updates on where police salaries are since last year. Baltimore police salaries increased by 7.3% since 2020 and “the number of officers who more than DOUBLED their take home pay with overtime has increased by 197%.”

    Tweet of the week: @mariyastrauss on supporting the Farm Alliance of Baltimore

    We’re just going to pretend that Leana Wen tweet didn’t happen. Anyway, the executive director of Farm Alliance of Baltimore is calling for support, so, well, consider doing so: “If you would like to become a donor whose contributions go directly to supporting programs that support urban farmers here in Baltimore, this is the link,” Strauss tweeted.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Did prosecutors silence a progressive activist under the guise of enforcing an obscure law? That’s the issue PAR explores as we look at the case of a pot legalization activist who was charged with two felonies for livestreaming an encounter with a conservative congressman’s aide during a protest.


    Transcript

    Taya Graham:        Hello, my name is Taya Graham. As the host of the Police Accountability Report, I always promise that this show has a single purpose: holding police accountable. And sometimes keeping that promise requires a follow-up to a story that we’ve reported on before. I mean, think about it, you can’t hold the politically powerful institution of law enforcement accountable if they don’t think you have the tenacity to keep reporting on their misdeeds.

    So, this brings me to the story from the past that we’re going to highlight today. It’s a tale that starts with the prosecution of a young college activist. His name is Jake Burdett. His crime: Streaming the comment of a congressman’s aide during a protest on Facebook. Now, before we replay our interview with him and explain the circumstances of why he was charged with, wait for it, felony wiretapping, I also want to give you a little background on some important breaking news that makes this story even more vital.

    The ordeal for Jake started when he attended a protest outside of the office of conservative Congressman Andy Harris. He was there because Harris was trying to block the efforts of DC residents to legalize marijuana, which the residents had voted to enact. The protestors met with one of the congressman’s aides in his office. And even though the public officials office asked the activist not to record the encounter, Jake did, and the felony wiretapping charge came as a result of Maryland being a two-party consent state for recording any communication.

    What happened due to that decision is an example of the scary power and the constant overreach of prosecutors. And just for the record, when Jake was asked to take the Facebook recording down, he did within minutes of being asked. But the other reason we are covering the story again is because of some new developments regarding the office that prosecuted Burdett. Just recently, Maryland’s highest court ordered a special hearing to determine if the same prosecutors who charged Burdett, engaged in misconduct in a different case. And for more on this, I’m joined by my reporting partner, Stephen Janis. Stephjen, thank you for joining me

    Stephen Janis:    Taya, thanks for having me, I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:        So, Stephen, can you tell me about the recent decision and what the court ruled?

    Stephen Janis:      Well, first let me establish that Kelvin Sewell was the first Black police chief of Pocomoke City, a small town on Maryland’s Lower Eastern Shore. It’s about half white and half Black, about 4,000 residents. He implemented a style of community policing which was very popular. He had his officers get out of their cars and walk and talk to the community, and crime went down. In 2015, he was fired by a nearly all-white city council. And to this day, they haven’t said why they fired him, but it created a lot of controversy.

    But during the time when Kelvin filed a discrimination lawsuit against the State of Maryland and the City of Pocomoke, prosecutors filed charges of police misconduct against him, alleging that he’d interfered in an accident involving a Black Mason, who he was in the same Mason’s organization with, involving two parked cars. That’s it. The case alleges that Kelvin intervened on behalf of his friend, that he should have charged him with something. Of course, all that Doug Matthews did, who is the man who was in the accident, was hit two parked cars and drive home a couple blocks and call police. But they made it into this big thing about corrupt policing and that Kelvin was corrupt. So, it’s really a strange case. A lot of people say it’s retaliation for Kelvin filing a discrimination lawsuit against the city and against the state.

    Taya Graham:       Now, the court says there is some evidence of prosecutorial misconduct. What did the court cite?

    Stephen Janis:      Well, the court said that first of all, there is evidence provided by Kelvin himself, an affidavit, and one of his associates, an affidavit that recounts that Tanya Barnes, who was a key witness in the case, said that prosecutors forced her to lie. They also tried to cite us as sources of evidence because we tried to interview Tanya Barnes about these allegations. She refused to talk to us. So, we really have nothing on that. But that’s what they cite as the evidence, and of course the prosecutors have notes from investigators that said that Tanya Barnes was an unreliable witness who was under suspicion for taking some money from a drug fund. So, there was a whole lot of evidence that they knew that Tanya Barnes would be a problematic witness, including the words from Tanya Barnes herself.

    Taya Graham:            So, what happens now?

    Stephen Janis:         So, now the case goes back to Worcester County Circuit Court, where it’s up to Kelvin’s lawyers and the prosecutors if they want to have this hearing about prosecutorial misconduct. What’s unusual about this is that they did not vacate the conviction. They only gave Kelvin the chance to fight this in court, down in Worcester County, and if he wins, then he’ll get a new trial. If he loses though, the conviction stands, so it’s not really a great outcome for him and there’s much to be seen as to what will happen next.

    Taya Graham:           Now, in light of the information Stephen shared with us, we’re going to show you an interview and report about the case of Jake Burdett we produced two years ago. It’s a show we originally aired in 2019, but is now more relevant than ever and deserves to be seen again. As always, please like, share and comment, and I will try to respond to your questions. It really does help us and we really appreciate it. Thank you. Now onto the rest of the show.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Taya Graham:         Hello, my name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. Today we’re going to shift a bit and focus our attention on another aspect of the criminal justice system that has an outsized influence, but rarely gets the attention it warrants. I’m talking about prosecutors, the legal gatekeepers of our criminal justice system. Prosecutors play a pivotal role in how our laws are adjudicated and even more critical, the duty of holding police officers accountable for their actions. In fact, as we’ve reported before on the show, Baltimore’s top prosecutor, Marilyn Mosby, disrupted our city’s penchant for making racially biased marijuana arrests by refusing to prosecute possession cases.

    Marilyn Mosby:            Even since the decriminalization of marijuana in October of 2014, there still is this desperate sort of enforcement. So, just recently the ACLU put out another report in which now, legally, if you have less than 10 grams of marijuana, you are given a civil citation. Well, the Baltimore police department in 2015 issued citations to about… 89% of those citations that they issued were to Black people.

    Taya Graham:            It’s just one example that shows how important prosecutors are to maintaining a fair and balanced system of justice. That’s why today we’re going to focus on a prosecutor who’s made some controversial decisions to charge cases that have tipped the scales the other way. Decisions that show just how important it is to pay attention to how these so-called legal guardians choose to implement the law.

    So, let’s start with some background. Maryland state prosecutor, Emmett Davit, has a unique role in the state’s legal system. He’s a quasi-special prosecutor, tasked with investigating corrupt politicians and government malfeasance. But it is his decision to prosecute two less high profile cases that is the topic of our show today. And it shows just how easy it is for a prosecutor to take an already racist and fraught criminal justice system and make it worse.

    The first case involves what would seem like a basic American right: holding government officials accountable. That’s what a group of marijuana activists were doing when they apparently committed a crime so heinous, state prosecutor Davit chose to prosecute a college student. That’s right. Our state prosecutor, tasked with investigating corrupt politicians, chose to use precious resources to go after a student activist and charge him with a felony for using Facebook Live. And to tell us how that happened and the consequences, we are happy to be joined by our guest Jake Burdett.

    Burdett is a student at Salisbury University on Maryland’s Lower Eastern Shore. He’s also a passionate, progressive activist who’s played an important role in the state’s political debates over topics like marijuana legalization. Jake, thank you so much for joining us.

    Jake Burdett:         Thank you for having me on.

    Taya Graham:              So, tell us about what happened to you and how you ended up being charged with the unlikely crime of wiretapping.

    Jake Burdett:        Yeah, so I attended a protest as a guest. I didn’t have any real planning of this protest, but it was put on by a group called Maryland Marijuana Justice, which is an offshoot of a group called DC Marijuana Justice, which is very influential in getting marijuana legalized in Washington DC. We were protesting the representative on the Eastern Shore in Maryland’s first district, Andy Harris, who is a super far right wing guy, vehemently opposed to any type of marijuana legalization, actually ranked in the top five worst congress people on the issue of marijuana.

    Taya Graham:         Wow.

    Jake Burdett:             So, we protested at his constituent office in downtown Salisbury, which is taxpayer funded. So, I consider that a public space. We went to his office, which was on the seventh floor. The building itself was a private building, but his office within that building was paid for by taxpayer funds, so a public office.

    There were about 30 of us. The staffer came out into the hallway. We were all live streaming the entire time because it is a protest after all. So, we go into the office, he says only about six of us can go in. I was one of the six that went in. Once we got in the office, they said if we continue to record, we will be escorted out, which I was fine with being escorted out. Also, I’m thinking, why can we not record taxpayer funded staff [crosstalk] or a public representative and in a public space? During a protest of all things, why can we not record? So, I went ahead and recorded anyways, being fine with being escorted out, not aware that Maryland is actually one of 12 states to have a two-party consent law where you need both parties’ permission to record. Which even if I did know about that law, I might not have known that that applied to public representatives and whatnot in a public space.

    Taya Graham:         Certainly.

    Jake Burdett:         But nonetheless, I didn’t know that that was the law. The following day when I found out that that was the law and I had been live streaming it on Facebook. So, when I found out, within 24 hours I deleted the live stream. I called the staffer personally and apologized.

    Taya Graham:           Wow.

    Jake Burdett:              But still, because representative Andy Harris is kind of a petty person and this feud between the marijuana activism community and Andy Harris has been going on for a long time, he wanted to make an example out of me.

    Taya Graham:            Wow.

    Jake Burdett:          And saw taking action against me as taking action against all of us, which it is in a way. So, he decided to go forward and press two felony charges on me. One for the recording, one for the distribution, because it was a live stream on Facebook Live. Now, so I got a lawyer just in case, and the lawyer said, look, you got nothing to worry about. This would be an incredibly controversial thing for any county state’s attorney to actually prosecute on, even if you did technically break the statute. Which even that is debatable. But even if you did, it would be just such bad PR for a county state’s attorney to move forward with it, that they wouldn’t do it.

    Taya Graham:          You would think so.

    Jake Burdett:            Because it’s cracking down on a citizen peacefully protesting an elected official. So, a lot of First Amendment rights questions involved there. So, he was telling me it’s not going to go anywhere, I have nothing to worry about. I knew that they were doing a police investigation at the time, but a couple days went by, then a week went by, we didn’t hear anything. Then two weeks went by, then three weeks and then a month. My lawyer said the case isn’t going anywhere. If something was going to happen, they would’ve decided to prosecute by now. The county state’s attorney didn’t do anything, I’m considering this a dead case. He literally told me he’s considering it a dead case. Then after a little over a month, we hear back, not from the county state’s attorney who this was up to, but from the state prosecutor’s office.

    Taya Graham:          Wow.

    Jake Burdett:           And we were never told that it was being handed to the state prosecutor’s office. We had no idea. So, we were contacted by them saying that they were deciding to prosecute our case. Which, my lawyer and myself were shocked by because so much time had gone by, and my lawyer was so confident that nothing was going to happen if it had waited that long. Again, to our knowledge, it was up with the county state’s attorney. So, we were really shocked that it was a county state prosecutor. So, that’s how those charges came about.

    Taya Graham:        So, I’m just curious, were you scared, nervous? How did you feel when you found out that this was being bumped up to Special Prosecutor Davit?

    Jake Burdett:           Yeah, I mean, I was scared when I found out it was being investigated at all and that Harris’s office even wanted it to be prosecuted. I was reassured a lot by my lawyer saying it’s not going anywhere. But yeah, when I found out it was literally with the highest prosecutorial authority in the state…

    Taya Graham:           Absolutely.

    Jake Burdett:         …That is very scary. And especially considering I was facing two felony charges with a maximum penalty of five years in jail each and $10,000 penalties each. So yeah, I mean, I was 20 years old at the time. Like to think that I hopefully have a good future ahead of me in terms of activism and whatnot, and getting two felony charges at a young age like that, is definitely not good for your record and for your future. So I was very scared.

    Taya Graham:           Absolutely. I can’t believe it. 10 years and $10,000 for Facebook live-streaming. So, let me just make sure I understand this. You’re trying to hold a congressman accountable who’s basically interfered with the will of the people in Washington, DC, and you end up being charged with a felony. Do you think this was political payback?

    Jake Burdett:            I can’t say for certain, I can only speculate. All I can say is it was… It’s uncanny that so much time went by, and that it took so long for them to decide to prosecute this. From my understanding, the prosecutor, Emmett Davit, does seem to have a bit of a history of questionable prosecutions, including the Sewell case, which you all have been covering from the start. He does seem to have a pattern of politically motivated prosecutions. I would think as a state prosecutor, your duty would be to really make sure that you are protecting citizens from overreach by people in power, rather than protecting the people in power from the citizens.

    Stephen Janis:           That’s a really good point.

    Jake Burdett:           Protecting them from something that’s not even against the law in 38 other states, and had I done what I did in Harris’s DC office, it would’ve been completely fine and legal. In fact, groups have done that and nothing’s happened. But when a progressive activist does it in Maryland I guess it’s an issue for whatever reason. So, I can’t speak 100% to his motives, but it does seem like he’s taking the side of the people in power rather than the average person.

    Taya Graham:          You know, Congressman Harris has played an enormous role in trying to prevent DC residents from deciding to make marijuana legal. Can you talk a little bit about that?

    Jake Burdett:          Yeah. So, marijuana got legalized in Washington, DC. I believe they put it up for direct ballot initiative and it got passed by the will of the people, as it’s happened in most states that have gotten it legalized. So, the people voted through direct democracy that we want to legalize marijuana for the consumption, possession and to have it legalized so that stores can sell it, like alcohol or any other product. That’s what the people wanted. But Andy Harris, because he was so vehemently against it, he was on one committee in Washington, DC, I believe it might have been the appropriations committee, and he used his power on whatever committee he was on to basically water down the legislation and make it so that marijuana is legal for possession but stores cannot sell it legally over the counter.

    So they actually have to do this weird loophole where it’s like, rather than going to a pot store in DC and just getting an eighth for like $30, you have to buy a pair of flip flops for $30, and then it also happens to come with a free gift of an eighth of weed, which costs about the same price. So, he’s made it significantly harder for businesses to operate and for people to use marijuana without having to jump through all these weird legal loopholes so that they don’t get locked up. It’s a completely anti-science based position. And interestingly enough, when you look at Andy Harris’s OpenSecret account, he actually took over $40,000 from the pharmaceutical industry in just the 2017 to 2018 election cycle.

    Taya Graham:        That’s incredible. That is absolutely incredible because I was wondering what would motivate him to work against the will of the people, and it seems like it’s the almighty dollar. So Jake, I know you were forced to take a plea deal. Can you tell me what happened?

    Jake Burdett:          Yeah. So, it depends on who you ask, whether or not what I even did was against the Maryland’s two-party consent law, just because they have to have a reasonable expectation of privacy, and you can make the argument that considering it’s a public office, a taxpayer-funded staffer of a public representative at a protest, talking about issues of public importance, you can make the argument that does should that person really have a reasonable expectation of privacy? Should public officials have the same privacy expectations as private citizens? So, even that’s a question and part of me really wanted to take the case forward, challenge the case, and either I win and they find I didn’t break the law, or maybe they find that I did go against the statute, but that the statute itself is unconstitutional and an invasion of people’s freedom to protest and whatnot.

    Taya Graham:         Absolutely.

    Jake Burdett:         So, a big part of me thought that I might have a chance challenging the case. But unfortunately, considering I was facing two five year charges, two five year felony charges, each with a maximum potential of $10,000, there’s a lot to risk there. And sure, the payoff could be good for winning the case and possibly maybe even setting a new precedent, but 10 years in jail is not what I want to do either, especially at such a young age. So, what they did was they offered me a plea deal, the state prosecutor’s office, a plea deal where I would take a probation before a judgment deal, so technically no convictions…

    Taya Graham:             Okay, that’s good.

    Jake Burdett:          …But still on probation for three years with 100 hours of community service.

    Taya Graham:       Wow.

    Jake Burdett:         Which I mean, of course, that’s better than two five year felony charges, but –

    Taya Graham:         Of course.

    Jake Burdett:            …I don’t want to be on probation for three years and it opened my… I always knew as a progressive activist that the criminal justice system is very much rigged. But now living through this firsthand, it’s opened my eyes to how it’s rigged in that they can just throw such harsh penalties at you, and even if you’re moderately confident that you’re going to win the case, if they offer you a probation deal, it traps you into taking the deal because it’s such a big risk in challenging it. Then you’re in a contract for three years and one little slip up can get me the original charges, essentially. So yeah, I feel like people in the justice system, they act like you’re given a choice, but it’s not much of a choice. You’re trapped into taking it just because what you’re facing is so monumental.

    Taya Graham:            So, Jake, I know you’re involved politically in progressive circles. What message do you think this prosecution sends to activists?

    Jake Burdett:           I mean, I definitely think that they were trying to make an example out of me, both Andy Harris and the state prosecutor’s office, of if there’s a dispute where the people in power don’t like how you’re protesting, or you’re agitating them a little too much, you know whose side the law is going to be on. The law is going to protect the people in power. It’s not going to protect the citizens. It really sends a chilling message and it’s going to make people maybe think twice before they participate in their next direct action. Certainly, I just participated in another direct action recently against Dutch Ruppersberger, around Medicare for All at his DC office, where they don’t have the two-party consent state. But in the moment, I almost had a PTSD-like type thing of just the flashbacks coming back.

    Taya Graham:          Of freezing, right?

    Jake Burdett:             Yeah.

    Taya Graham:           Freezing, being scared to even pull out your phone, I’m sure.

    Jake Burdett:           And I realized in the moment, okay, I’m not going to do any more direct actions after this until my probation is over, because it’s just too risky. And part of me wants to not do that because that’s exactly what the prosecutor and what Andy Harris want.

    Taya Graham:         Exactly.

    Jake Burdett:           But then the other part of me is like, well, it’s also my freedom on the line and other people’s freedom on the line, because… Are you willing to go to jail for your cause? It’s a big thing to commit to and most people aren’t going to do that. So, that’s definitely, I think, the people in power’s goal.

    Taya Graham:              One interesting development this week that shows a stark contrast to Davit’s decision is what happened in Baltimore. Seven student activists at Johns Hopkins University, protesting a private police force, they were arrested this week. But Baltimore prosecutor, Marilyn Mosby, yesterday said publicly she would not prosecute the seven activists that were arrested. Jake, what do you think about her decision?

    Jake Burdett:              I think she made the right decision. She recognizes that sometimes the police might abuse their authority and that legality is not necessarily always morality. Sometimes the law is not right.

    Taya Graham:               That’s a great point.

    Jake Burdett:                The JHU situation is something I’ve been following for a long time. In fact, I was collecting petition signatures to override that earlier today. Yeah, I think private police is something everyone should be concerned about. It’s not just JHU, it might start at JHU, but suddenly every private institution wants their own private police force. If the students themselves don’t want that on their campus, they have every right to protest that.

    I’m glad that the state prosecutor recognized that the Baltimore police made the wrong decision by cracking down on them peacefully protesting like that. Even the crackdown itself was pretty bad. I mean, you had the police misgendering some of the protestors and just being generally very disrespectful towards them.

    Taya Graham:         I want to thank my guest, Jake Burdett, for joining me and my reporting partner, Stephen Janis. And I want to thank you for joining us at the Police Accountability Report on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Part of this story originally appeared as a segment in Battleground Baltimore on Oct. 29, 2021.

    Baltimore City’s Board of Estimates voted to approve an additional $759,500 to continue the usage of ShotSpotter, gunshot detection technology that uses artificial intelligence to identify gunshots and reports the location of those gunshots.

    The vote on extending the city contract with ShotSpotter surveillance technology was deferred last week by the Board of Estimates, after City Councilperson Ryan Dorsey and activists such as DeRay Mckesson challenged the technology’s efficacy and called attention to concerns about its surveillance capabilities.

    Mayor Scott, who very vocally opposed the use of an evidence-gathering surveillance plane last year, said he is “the biggest skeptic” of ShotSpotter, but approved it anyway. 

    Mckesson spoke out against the renewed contract last week, tweeting that ShotSpotter “is not a crime-fighting tool, has no scientific validity, & is not a value-add,” and encouraged Mayor Brandon Scott and Comptroller Bill Henry, who are on the Board of Estimates, to defer the vote.

    “On their website, @ShotSpotter claims that they are responsible for a 15% reduction in shootings from the prior year. What’s their source? It’s the BPD Crime Reduction Plan that does not support this claim at all. Again, we don’t need ShotSpotter,” Mckesson tweeted. “By delaying the vote, you’ll be able to see more data that shows that @ShotSpotter is a liability in communities and not a value-add. Their tool is *not* a crime-fighting tool and, again, has not been proven to hold up their claims at all. Please delay the vote.”

    The vote was deferred by one week. Councilperson Ryan Dorsey criticized the technology after last week’s deferral: “Shotspotter is a joke. It has delivered no better outcomes for Baltimore, and will continue to do so for as long as we waste money on it,” Dorsey tweeted.

    ShotSpotter has been in use in Baltimore since 2018 and the approval of the $759,000 to extend the contracts put the total amount of money spent by the city on ShotSpotter at a little over $3 million.

    The technology has been challenged because it has the capability to record people’s conversations, and, as Vice reported earlier this year, it has been alleged that ShotSpotter has changed its AI-generated results. In a shooting case in Chicago, Vice reported that ShotSpotter analysts, at the request of the police, changed a noise ShotSpotter categorized as fireworks to gunshots. Months later, Vice reported, the ShotSpotter changed the location of the supposed gunshots—which were initially categorized as fireworks, Vice reported—to put those “gunshots” closer to a suspect’s car. 

    ShotSpotter is currently suing Vice for defamation for their reporting, “Police Are Telling ShotSpotter to Alter Evidence From Gunshot-Detecting AI.”

    “ShotSpotter categorically denies any allegations that we manipulate any details of an incident at the request of the police,” a spokesperson for ShotSpotter told Battleground Baltimore over email.

    After a week of deliberation, the technology was unanimously approved by the city’s spending board.

    Mayor Scott, who very vocally opposed the use of an evidence-gathering surveillance plane last year, said he is “the biggest skeptic” of ShotSpotter, but approved it anyway. 

    “I am the biggest skeptic of ShotSpotter,” Scott said. “But saying that and also knowing that this is the final renewal for this contract and, as I have already directed CitiStat to do an in-depth analysis of this tool… This really for me is about getting to people who are the victims of gun violence who no one is calling for.”

    Scott explained that he intends to use the gunshot location data generated by ShotSpotter for the Mayor’s Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement. The data, Scott said, can be used to figure out which communities in Baltimore are enduring the most gunfire.

    The implication by Herzog and others in favor of ShotSpotter is that the technology captures significant amounts of gunfire that is not being called in to 911 by residents. What was not explained by police, however, is how many of those detections were actually gunfire rather than, for example, fireworks or car backfiring—two loud city noises that ShotSpotter regularly detects.

    “We have the opportunity to leverage the technology in a multi-agency, multi-pronged way,” Shantay Jackson, director of the Mayor’s Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement, said.

    Baltimore City Council President Nick Mosby said he is “very supportive” of ShotSpotter being used “in the crime fight.” 

    City Comptroller Henry alluded to some of the concerns about the technology’s efficiency, saying that he “follows the conceptual” about ShotSpotter’s potential, but hoped it can recover more evidence that can be used to prosecute shootings and homicides. 

    The Chicago Office of Inspector General, for example, released a report earlier this year that showed that an examination of 50,000 alerts from ShotSpotter in 2020 resulted in evidence of a gun-related crime just 9% of the time.

    “I actually wasn’t a skeptic of the program when it was proposed, I thought it was an intriguing prospect, but I wanted to actually see some metrics,” Henry said. “I wanted to see some results.”

    During today’s Board of Estimates meeting, the Baltimore Police made the case for ShotSpotter.

    “This is an important investigative tool for the [police department]. It’s been around since 2018,” Eric Melancon, chief of staff for the Baltimore Police Commissioner, argued. “It uses a series of audio sensors to alert our officers of gunfire. That’s improved our response time to these incidents.”

    Lieutenant Colonel John Herzog of the Baltimore Police Department stressed that 88% of the detections by ShotSpotter had no corresponding 911 call. The implication by Herzog and others in favor of ShotSpotter is that the technology captures significant amounts of gunfire that is not being called in to 911 by residents. 

    What was not explained by police, however, is how many of those detections were actually gun fire rather than, for example, fireworks or cars backfiring—two loud city noises that ShotSpotter regularly detects.

    McKesson noted that the 88% number was intentionally deceiving. “This is wildly disappointing. And doesn’t bode well for a deliberative bodies [sic] that pretends to believe in data,” he tweeted after the funding was approved. “During the presentation today, the @BaltimorePolice openly misled the BOE and all of their members just sat and accepted it. We deserve better.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Calls to “defund the police” reverberated throughout communities across the US in the summer of 2020, when millions took to the streets to protest a brutal, unchecked, and racist system of police violence and control. Then came the backlash. Since the initial push by activists and protestors to get the public to consider alternatives to endlessly increasing police spending, a forceful chorus has pushed in the opposite direction, demanding more funding for more police who should be given more power over our lives. “Defund the police” has been criticized for being not only a “bad slogan” but a political pipe dream that fails to reckon with the messy realities of maintaining “public safety.”

    However, as Geo Maher argues in his latest book, A World without Police: How Strong Communities Make Cops Obsolete, America’s policing system is a demonstrably terrible way to keep people and communities safe. In fact, Maher writes, police “don’t prevent violence, and they don’t make any measurable contribution to public safety… The police have wormed their way into the very foundations of American society and work every day to make themselves—and their bloated budgets—seem indispensable.” In this special conversation for the TRNN podcast, Police Accountability Report Host Stephen Janis speaks with Maher about his groundbreaking assessment of American policing and the practical necessity of collectively devising better models for communal safety.

    Pre-Production/Studio: Stephen Janis
    Post Production: Stephen Janis, Stephen Frank

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The arrest and incarceration of New Mexico resident Chris Dixon provide yet another stark example of the Kafkaesque nature of contemporary police power. Dixon was arrested after police tired to force him to consent to an illegal search of the business where he worked. But the actions of the officer, coupled with the fallout Dixon faced, show that American law enforcement deliberately wields its arbitrary and heavy-handed power to sow chaos and erode the rights of the people.


    Transcript

    Taya Graham:     Hello. My name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today, we’re going to do so by highlighting how this encounter captured on video with a New Mexico cop led to the illegal jailing of one of our viewers. But it’s not just the seeming miscarriage of justice we’ll be covering, we’ll also take a close look at how officers often use arbitrary power to override the constitutional rights of citizens, and in doing so, erode the very foundations of democracy itself.

    But before we get started, I want you to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com. And please like, share, and comment on our videos. You know I read your comments and appreciate them. And of course, you can always reach out to me directly @tayasbaltimore on Facebook or Twitter, and you might notice there’s a patreon link to donate below. So if you want to, and if you can, there’s some extra there for the PAR family. Okay. Now we’ve gotten that out of the way.

    Now, on this show, we obviously highlight bad arrests and scenarios where cops simply make bad choice., But a video sent to us by a viewer in Artesia, New Mexico, highlights another factor of police overreach that warrants attention. It’s a video of an encounter between an Artesia, New Mexico, cop and a viewer named Chris Dixon.

    Dixon was working in a pawn shop when police arrived looking for the owner. The police had a warrant for the owner’s arrest, but not a search warrant of the premises. So they made an unusual request. They asked Chris to give them permission to search without a proper warrant. And this is where the example of an unusual type of police overreach occurs because Mr. Dixon was faced with a dicey dilemma: He himself was on parole, a fact that the cop seems to use to put Mr. Dixon in an even more precarious predicament, and get him to concede to an illegal search, or go to jail. Let’s watch.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Speaker 1:         Chris, nobody wants anything from you today. We just want to get Kevin taken care of. Hey, relax, brother. You’re fine.

    Speaker 2:         So you don’t care if I go look just to make sure Kevin’s not in there.

    Chris Dixon:          Kevin is not in the pawn shop.

    Speaker 2:           So I can go look?

    Chris Dixon:       It’s not my place to give any kind of consent.

    Speaker 2:           You live there?

    Chris Dixon:          I don’t live in the pawn shop. I live in my house. My house is an apartment.

    Speaker 2:           That inside the pawn shop?

    Chris Dixon:       [inaudible] –

    Speaker 2:          So can I look in your apartment?

    Chris Dixon:         You can look in my apartment but there’s nobody –

    Speaker 1:           Hey Chris, right here. Right.

    Chris Dixon:        Where’s my wife at?

    Speaker 1:           She was walking over there. We’ll let you go over there in just a minute. We just want to make sure everything is safe first. Okay?

    Chris Dixon:       Can I leave with my wife please?

    Speaker 1:            Hey, just a second. Okay. Chris, you know me.

    Chris Dixon:         I know.

    Speaker 1:             All right. You know I’m not going to feed you no bullshit. We just want Kevin, dude. That’s all we want.

    Chris Dixon:          Hey, well, I’m not involved in no –

    Speaker 1:           Oh, I know you’re not, dude because your name didn’t come up until I heard them say, Chris Dixon, I ain’t seen you ass in forever man. Which is a good thing, right?

    Chris Dixon:          Look, look, I’m healthy –

    Speaker 1:           No, you do. You look like you’re clean, man.

    Chris Dixon:       I am. I’ve been going to church and all. Give my life to God now.

    Speaker 1:            That’s what you need to do brother. That’s what you need to do.

    Chris Dixon:       I got married and am doing the right thing, man.

    Speaker 1:         Well good. So then you got nothing to worry about, right?

    Chris Dixon:       Can I please leave?

    Speaker 1:            Here, just one second. Okay.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:      But that’s not where the story ends. Hardly. Because the cops kept pushing him, offering to give him a positive reference for compromising the rights of his employer. Bear in mind, Dixon was not accused of committing a crime. The police were searching for the owner of the property, but instead of focusing on the perpetrator, they hoisted the entire burden of upholding the law on Dixon, and they offer to reward him for compromising it. Let’s listen.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Speaker 1:           You’re not under arrest, but for right now, I’d like for you to stick right here, okay?

    Taya Graham:      I don’t want to be that [crosstalk] –

    Speaker 1:           Well, I know you don’t want to be here, Chris and I don’t want to be bothering you, but we need to try to get this stuff resolved so we can get things going. Okay? If Kevin would just come out, man we’d leave and let everybody do their thing. Let you get back to doing work, or whatever it was you were doing. It don’t matter, bro. I know you’re not trying to get in no trouble because I know you don’t want to go back.

    Chris Dixon:         No, I’m not trying to go back.

    Speaker 1:         How long did you go back to… How long were you up for this last time?

    Chris Dixon:          It was almost five years.

    Speaker 1:             Five years? Why would you come back here?

    Chris Dixon:          Well, my mom needed my help. She had a stroke.

    Speaker 1:          Okay. Now, that’s respectable. A lot of guys that come back here, man they come back for the wrong reasons and end up getting in trouble. Chris, you and I both know that.

    Chris Dixon:       That’s why I stay away from everybody. I’m not out on the street no more or nothing. I work and I stay home. Thank you. That’s it. There’s no [inaudible] or nothing right there. I promise.

    Speaker 1:        Relax. You’re cooperating, which is a first for you in some things with law enforcement. You know that? It’s appreciated too.

    Chris Dixon:        Yeah.

    Speaker 2:          So yes or no. Are you going to unlock the door or give us the keys to unlock it? Because if not, it’s getting booted. We’re going to damage your door. So either show me the key to unlock the damn door or it’s getting booted.

    Chris Dixon:        I have no keys to that.

    Speaker 2:              How the hell you get in?

    Speaker 3:          Why did you lock it? That’s my question.

    Chris Dixon:         It automatically locks on its own.

    Speaker 3:         It automagically locks.

    Speaker 2:           You got a front door pad or anything?

    Chris Dixon:          The front door and the back open by itself and it always stays locked. I have no key to that. Being honest with you.

    Speaker 1:          Yeah. Because he keeps asking –

    Speaker 2:          Okay, here’s your problem. You lied a couple times. You didn’t cooperate in the beginning, so I really don’t believe what you’re saying. So just don’t bother talking because –

    Speaker 1:           He keeps asking if he’s free to go.

    Speaker 2:         No, he’s not free to go. Because if he’s in there, he’s going to jail. [crosstalk].

    Speaker 1:           Okay. Let me go explain that to him real quick.

    Hey.

    Chris Dixon:          – In our apartment.

    Speaker 1:           Okay, Chris.

    Chris Dixon:        Hold up. If you look, we go in there and that’s where we get dressed at.

    Speaker 1:         Chris, this is the one thing we need to talk about, okay? And you know me, I’ve always been pretty fair with you. Have I not?

    Chris Dixon:          Yeah.

    Speaker 1:            Okay. I don’t want anything to happen with you.

    Chris Dixon:       Yeah.

    Speaker 1:          If he’s inside there…

    Chris Dixon:        He’s not inside that building, I swear.

    Speaker 1:           Okay. But right now though –

    Chris Dixon:         Yeah, y’all –

    Speaker 1:           …We can’t verify that. I want to believe you, Chris. I really do. I want to believe you.

    Chris Dixon:         I’m on Scott’s shoes, on God and everything I love.

    Speaker 1:          So I would love to tell Lorenzo that you cooperated with us. All right.

    Chris Dixon:        Well you could.

    Speaker 1:         I’ll make that phone call for you. If everything works out in your favor and you cooperated with us, I will call him personally for you and tell him that you cooperated with us during this, because that looks good on you. Does it not?

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:      So you have a man trying to do the right thing. Preserve the rights of his fellow citizen while complying with the law. A man who has righted his life after youthful run-ins with law enforcement, and who was forced into choosing between his hard fought progress for a better life, and knowingly compromising the constitutional rights of another. And when he chooses what many would consider the honorable response, police locked him away for 57 days. Let’s watch what happens next.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Speaker 1:          Well, here’s the thing –

    Speaker 2:             …Fucking lied to me. When people lie to me and we’re doing shit like this –

    Speaker 1:         If you want him to go –

    Speaker 2:             …They go to fucking jail.

    Speaker 1:         Okay. If you want him to go then he’ll go. I’m just trying to play that other side of things. I’m not trying to take any decision making process away from you at all, and you know that. I’m not ever going to take that away from you.

    Speaker 2:        You’re trying to talk me out of taking him to fucking jail. He’s a lying piece of shit.

    Speaker 1:            Do you want him to go? Then he’ll go.

    Speaker 2:          Yeah, he needs to fucking go [crosstalk].

    Speaker 1:           All right. Then he’s going to go for [REO]. This is the last time I do this shit.

    Hey Chris, go ahead and turn around for me, man.

    Chris Dixon:          Why? What did I do?

    Speaker 1:          I’m going to arrest you for REO.

    Chris Dixon:        For REO, what’s that?

    Speaker 1:            He can explain it all to you here in just a second. Resisting, invading, obstructing –

    Chris Dixon:       I didn’t do nothing wrong though.

    Speaker 4:           Go and turn around, Chris.

    Speaker 1:            Yeah. Turn around Chris.

    Chris Dixon:        But I didn’t nothing wrong though.

    Speaker 1:           Turn around, Chris.

    Speaker 4:            Just turn around.

    Chris Dixon:         I didn’t do nothing wrong.

    Speaker 1:           Just relax for a minute. Just relax. Just relax.

    Chris Dixon:       Babe, I didn’t do nothing wrong.

    Speaker 4:         You’re on me. Back up.

    Speaker 1:         I’ll explain everything to her too and everything. Chris. This was his decision over there, Chris.

    Speaker 4:           Give us a minute. Okay?

    Speaker 1:           All right.

    Chris Dixon:          I didn’t do nothing wrong though. That’s the guy we check in with, right there.

    Speaker 4:           Just hang tight, okay.

    Chris Dixon:          [inaudible].

    Speaker 1:          Chris, Chris, Sergeant [Centerfield] will explain to you here in just a second.

    Chris Dixon:        I’m going to go back.

    Speaker 1:           Put him in the backseat of mine I guess, right now.

    Chris Dixon:       [Inaudible] wrong.

    Speaker 1:         I’ll talk to you here in just a second, okay?

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:      But before we talk to Mr. Dixon about the event that led up to his arrest and the consequences for him, I’m joined by my reporting partner, Stephen Janis, who is looking into the case. Stephen, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:     Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:     So Stephen, you’ve reached out to the police department. What did you ask?

    Stephen Janis:     I wanted to know why they arrested him. It didn’t make any sense to me. He wasn’t a judge. He wasn’t a police officer. It wasn’t his place to have to make a judgment on a warrant, or whether or not a warrant was legal, or whether not cops have the ability to enter. In a sense, when you think about it, they were putting the burden on him of an illegal search, where they could go back and say, yeah, well he said it was okay, if it was illegal, and really putting him in a criminally liable place. So instead they just arrest him, which is even worse. So really, none of it made sense to me. I asked them to make sense of it. I will let you know what I hear.

    Taya Graham:      Now what happened to the charges against Mr. Dixon?

    Stephen Janis:      Well, once a prosecutor saw this case and how flimsy it was and how illegal it was, they dropped the charges. The charges were dropped. The problem is, he’d already spent 57 days in jail, so it really didn’t matter. And this showed you how police power is so dangerous, because it didn’t matter if they were making an illegal arrest, he had to suffer with the consequences, not the police.

    Taya Graham:      Now we’ve talked often about the disruptive power of the police. How would you characterize the officer’s behavior in this video and what it says about police power in this country?

    Stephen Janis:      Well, what the police… You can see the absolute impetus for arbitrary police power. The point of it is to be arbitrary. The point is to violate the law. The point is to put people like Mr. Dixon in predicaments that have no good resolution, because that’s what makes their power hegemonic. That it can’t be reasoned with or otherwise interpreted through the law, or come from a source of laws or adjudicated laws. It’s simply whatever they decide. And that’s what makes them powerful, and that’s what this is an example of.

    Taya Graham:       And now, we’re joined by the man who had to deal with this disturbing challenge, both to his rights and to his future, Chris Dixon. Mr. Dixon, thank you for joining me.

    Chris Dixon:       And thank you for having me. It’s a pleasure too.

    Taya Graham:      So why did the police approach you?

    Chris Dixon:         They were there for a warrant for another individual who owned the RV park and pawn shop and stuff, and me and my wife were employed there and we were working at the pawn shop. So he had some pretty bad charges, and when they came to go, and I guess apprehend him and arrest him, my wife had walked out with the dog to use the restroom, and then they called my name out. And then, when I went out there, that’s when they ran into me and then they approached me and stuff.

    Taya Graham:       What are we seeing in the video? What were the police trying to get you to do?

    Chris Dixon:       Oh, they were trying to allow me to give them consent to go into the building to search a building without my consent. It didn’t even belong to me. The building didn’t even belong to me, so I couldn’t give them consent to search something that doesn’t belong to me. So they thought just because I walked out of there, that I could let them back in. But it had a business door and a lock, it stays locked on the outside, but unlocked on the inside. And even if I did want to provide them a way to get in, I couldn’t anyway, because I didn’t have no access to that.

    Taya Graham:      How did the officers respond when you said, well, I literally can’t let you back in because I don’t have the keys. How did they respond to those facts?

    Chris Dixon:          Yeah, I told them that and they were getting pretty pissed off at me.

    Stephen Janis:       And the lying.

    Chris Dixon:          Yeah, thought that we were lying to them and stuff, and pretty much demanded me to allow them to go in. And I showed them, look, these are my keys… I even pulled my keys out of my pocket. I said, look, I have no key to get in. And the officer snatched the keys out of my hand to go and try to, yeah, let himself in.

    Taya Graham:     So the police said, things will go good for you if you cooperate. What did you take that to mean?

    Chris Dixon:         At that time, I wasn’t really educated on my constitutional rights and what I could and could not do, because in this small community, you do what the police tell you to do or you go to jail, pretty much. So I was uneducated. So yeah, I feel like now, since that I educated myself, and I went back, and the charges have been dropped, yeah. I see that they had violated my rights, and they really did violate me for really no reason.

    Taya Graham:      Did the police actually have a warrant to search, and why would they bother you if they did?

    Chris Dixon:       They didn’t have a warrant to actually search the place, they had a warrant for the individual. So they had to wait to get their warrant signed by a judge before they could enter into that premises. That’s why they kept me there, and they had illegally detained me. Because I kept on asking them, can I leave? Can I leave? They would not let me leave. I’m like, well, why are you still holding me? And then he said, well, now the issue has changed. If he’s in there… Which they already knew that he wasn’t in there already and they said, he’s in there. You’re going to go to jail for this and that. Which, I was still on probation at the time. So yeah, they had kind of a little control thing over me at that time.

    Taya Graham:      What were you charged with, and were you arrested?

    Chris Dixon:         I was arrested. They charged me with resisting, evading or obstructing an officer. Which, if you watch the video you could see that I was totally cooperative with them. You know what I mean? But I just did not allow them to go to the building, and I could not give them access to get into the building. They eventually blew the doors off the pawn shop, went in there, and they seen that he was not in there and they should have released me. Because the whole time they kept on telling me, well, if he’s not in there, you’re good to go. We’re not here for you. You’re going to be good to go. And at the end, they totally lied to me, and I wound up being in jail for 57 days.

    Taya Graham:        So how did this disrupt your life to be incarcerated for 57 days? How did this affect you emotionally, or even financially?

    Chris Dixon:          All the way around. My whole life. My whole life has been affected by this. We lived there. We worked for room and board and a little bit of money on the side to get the pawn shop going for the RV park. So when I got arrested, they wound up throwing my wife out. We lost everything.

    Stephen Janis:     And homeless on the street.

    Chris Dixon:          My wife became homeless on the streets. I was in jail. I had no way to… We totally lost our whole life right there. And we had to start all over from scratch when I got out.

    Taya Graham:        So what actually happened to the man that they were trying to serve the warrant on?

    Chris Dixon:          They found him in another residence behind the pawn shop. Not in the pawn shop, but at his own residence in an office where they initially tried to go find him in the first place. And the lady that was there that was working for him, that is also his girlfriend, that also had the bad charges on him at the time, she was the one right there in the office who did not allow the cops to come in either, until they finally got a search warrant and they searched the pawn shop first. And then, they went back into the back where the residence were, into a whole ‘nother trailer, and they searched the trailer and they found him in there.

    Taya Graham:      Do you feel that the officers were using the fact you were on parole to influence you or manipulate you? Why does the officer say, “I didn’t like the old Chris Dixon?” I feel like there was a lot going on there.

    Chris Dixon:          He kind of tried to lift me up, I guess. I feel like I was really, at that time being manipulated in the fact that he was just acting like he was my friend, just to try to get information out of me, or try to make it look like, oh yeah. You’re doing the right thing, this and that. And then at the end, turn around and put handcuffs on me and throw me in jail. After he said he was going to call my probation officer and let him know that he had positive contact with police, and try to really butter me up pretty much. And I was like, cool.

    I’ve never had that before. When I was younger, yeah, I got in a lot of trouble here in town when I was younger, being wild and being a teenager, and just getting into trouble and stuff. I’ve paid for the mistakes. I paid my price to society for what I’ve done and everything, and now when I was trying to actually do right and change my life and do the right thing, and it just gets all shattered out, thrown out the window, over rights being violated.

    Taya Graham:       You worked hard to change your life. You paid your debt to society. Five years incarcerated. How hard is it to get out of the criminal justice system once you’re pulled in? It seems like you were finally getting back on track, and then you’re pulled in for a very superficial charge.

    Chris Dixon:         For me, I’ve been in and out, incarcerated, quite a bit, a lot of part of my life from my mistakes. And then also now, since I’ve been educated, I’ve seen a lot of times where I’ve been incarcerated where they actually have violated my constitutional rights. Because when you’re uneducated and you don’t know, they can keep you in that cycle and stuff. But once you educate yourself, and you go and pay your debt to society, and you start to just try to do right and get on the right track, they’re always going to look at you as that one person that… Hey, there’s a criminal. Hey, there’s a drug dealer, or hey, there’s that person.

    They’re always going to have that label over your head, especially in a small community like this. And so they’re always going to be right there harassing you and trying to catch you on anything. They think you’re an easy target, and so they’re going to keep going after you. And that’s the cycle that is always right here in Artesia, New Mexico. The same cycle all the time. And it’s really hard to get out of that until you…

    You just kind of pull yourself out of that environment. That’s the only way it’s going to be able to change where you’re not going to keep getting stuck in that cycle. Because every time I go to jail, it’s the same people in jail all the time, and it’s a revolving door. It’s the same people, same people. Violation, probation, anything they can get you on, especially after you’re off probation and stuff.

    I’ve completed all my probation, parole and stuff, in jail and stuff and so now since I’m free, I have no more of that over my head. It makes it a lot easier, and knowing your rights make it a lot easier too so that way the cops just can’t come up to you and say, give me your ID. And trying to just be in a policing state, which this is not.

    Taya Graham:       So what is happening with the charges against you? What is your status?

    Chris Dixon:          I think they realized that they had messed up. Because they really have no evidence to stand on and if you look at the criminal complaint, it’s nothing but lies. You can count the lies in there compared to the body cam. You can see exactly where they lied at. They asked my wife if they could search the building. Well, my wife told them no, but in the criminal complaint, they said, yeah, she gave them consent. Well if she would’ve given consent, she would’ve had me open the door for them to come in. But no, she didn’t. So they let her move on down. So obviously they lied to manipulate the system to try to make an arrest.

    Taya Graham:      So why did you stand up for your rights? Having a record makes you vulnerable, and you know how hard the criminal justice system can come down on you, and you knew it could be used against you. Why did you stand up to them?

    Chris Dixon:        Well, after I got released and stuff, I just got tired of being bullied by the police all the time. Getting bullied, thinking that they have control over me. And then once I educated myself and I realized, hey, look, these guys actually work for us. They really don’t have that much authority over us until we break the law. Once we break the law, then that’s what gives them the authority over us. For them just to come and try to harass an innocent citizen, it’s not right. They need to be trained differently, and they really need to get their egos out of the way so they can do their job better.

    Taya Graham:       This case reveals an important truism about America’s law enforcement-industrial complex that is more profound than it seems on the surface. Once you are in the system, it never truly lets you go. Yes, it’s a stark example of how fixated the system is on keeping people in the grips of our carceral state. And yes, it is another tale of law enforcement overreach writ large.

    There is something even more intriguing about Chris Dixon’s dilemma in the way the officer behaved. An aspect of the officer’s actions that need to be unpacked and better understood. That’s because what we saw in the beginning of the video is something that is often written off as cops simply behaving badly, but is actually an example of an extraordinary anti-democratic impulse that courses through the veins of our entire law enforcement body.

    What do I mean? Well, it has to do with power and the inherent limitations on it, allegedly woven into the fabric of our democracy. The idea that our constitutional republic was created to prevent power from being wielded arbitrarily. That our laws and rights could not be annulled at the behest or the whims of an individual. That there were checks and balances designed to protect us all from any sort of arbitrary despotism. But what we have witnessed time and time again on this show is police officers chipping away at these rights through one bad incident after another.

    In fact, we have seen over and over again how police seem to contravene the idea that power should never be arbitrary. In a sense, American policing, as it is currently constituted, espouses just the opposite. They are the purveyors of arbitrary power. And as we’ve witnessed over the course of the past few decades, the way these powers have been exercised has become more and more extreme.

    But why does this matter? Who cares about a couple bad arrests, or if someone ends up in jail for a few weeks? Why does it matter if cops seem to thrive over overreach? Isn’t that just the reality of being a cop? Well, let me explain. I think the arbitrary expansion of police powers is an example of a phenomenon that is more corrosive than it seems on the surface. I think the reason cops have been given so much discretion to violate our rights is purposeful. It’s clear that the ability for officers to make up laws on the spot is a symptom of a broader disease that has infected our democracy.

    Put simply, it is the full expression of latent fascist impulses that find their form imprinted on a badge. The culmination of all the forces of inequality and economic hardship that can only be maintained and preserved through arbitrary power. In a sense, it is the best tool in the toolkits of the elites who don’t like democracy or accountability, and must erode our rights, one unlawful order at a time, in order to get rid of it.

    Just consider the war on drugs. The now 50 year cop-empowerment program that has led to more destruction and chaos than any other government policy I can think of. A recent study reveals just how much the idea had little to do with drugs, and more about suppressing rights and spreading the aforementioned latent fascism that is the topic of this show.

    It was a study commission by the world renowned Johns Hopkins shortly after our city state’s attorney, Marilyn Mosby, stopped prosecuting drug possession arrests. The policy was met with stiff resistance from both the police department and police union officials. But Mosby said mass drug arrests were an ineffective policing strategy that led to unjust arrests and unnecessary incarceration. But most importantly, concluded that making drug arrests did little to make the city safer.

    Well, it turns out, she was right. The study found that dropping hundreds of cases did not increase crime. In fact, of the 700 people spared prison due to the strategy, only seven reoffended, and the report also noted the lack of drug prosecution did not lead to more complaints from the public. In other words, corralling people and placing them in cages for the possession of a substance actually has nothing to do with public safety. What a surprise.

    But think about the implications of this study on the horrifying war on drugs. Think about what it says about the billions of dollars spent and the millions of lives destroyed by the fascist policies fashioned at the behest of this so-called war. Think of the human cost, the families separated, the property seized, the rights annulled, all in the name of an unjust policy that made no one safer, but instead established poor communities and turned cops into super spreaders of viral fascism.

    And just a side note, if the war on drugs was effective, would we be facing an epidemic of opioid overdose deaths? Last year, over 93,000 people died from drug overdoses. Does it sound like the war on drugs is working to you? It’s a startling revelation that starts with a single idea: That a person empowered with a badge can chew up our rights and spit them out in the name of a war on the people they purport to serve. That police officers are not just the arbitrators of laws, but inventors of them. A psychological suppression force equipped with the alarming power to criminalize space, seize our freedoms, and conscript our rights, at the behest of a war on substances.

    It is a disturbing rebuke of the breathless embrace of drug war. Warrior cops and police heroics touted by politicians in the mainstream media. A startling experiment that proved the corrupt portrayals of poor communities as safe harbors for criminals and drugs is just a purely fictional myth created to sustain the onward march of unjust power, an assault no less on the very foundation of our democracy. It’s also the reason we will keep reporting on police and their use of arbitrary power, because your rights and ours are worth preserving.

    I want to thank our guest Chris Dixon for joining us and for sharing his story with us. Thank you, Chris. And of course, I want to thank intrepid reporter Stephen Janis for his writing, research, and editing on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:    Thank you for having me, Taya. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:      And of course, I want to thank friend of the show, Noli Dee, for her support. Thanks, Noli D. And of course, a very special thank you to our patreons. We really appreciate you. And I want you watching to know that if you have any evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us.

    You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And of course, you can always message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. And please like and comment. You know I read your comments and appreciate them. And we do have a patron link pinned in the comments below if you feel inspired to donate. Please consider it. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated.

    My name is Taya Graham, and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • As of last week, all Baltimore City employees are required to receive at least one dose of the COVID-19 vaccine or get weekly COVID-19 tests if they want to continue working for the city. Reflecting a troubling national trend that perpetuates the ongoing public health crisis under the guise of “freedom,” Baltimore City’s police union is speaking out against Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott’s vaccination mandate. 

    Organized opposition to vaccination mandates for Baltimore police emerged back in August when Baltimore City’s Fraternal Order of Police (FOP3) and the Baltimore City firefighters’ unions released a joint statement responding to Mayor Scott’s policy.

    “It is our desire to remain engaged in collective bargaining over the implementation of this policy,” the Aug. 31 statement said. “We look forward to working amicably with members of Mayor Scott’s administration to ensure this policy and its associated procedures are implemented fairly and equitably while protecting our member’s [sic] personal concern and autonomy.”

    Earlier this month, [Baltimore City’s Fraternal Order of Police] President Mike Mancuso encouraged police officers not to reveal their vaccination status to the city and continued the argument that this was about workers’ rights.

    The police union’s stance has not eased since then. Earlier this month, FOP3 President Mike Mancuso encouraged police officers not to reveal their vaccination status to the city and continued the argument that this was about workers’ rights.

    “Until the city responds to our right to bargain these issues, or the courts intervene, I suggest you do nothing in regard to revealing your vaccination status as it is outlined in the city’s policy,” Mancuso wrote to police union members. “Obviously, this is an individual choice on how each of you handles this situation. Whatever choice you make FOP3 and I will be there to support you in your decision.”

    Protesting vaccines to prop up police power

    Police unions around the country have been fighting vaccination mandates. On Monday, Oct. 25, the New York Police Department union, the Police Benevolent Association of New York, sued the city over its mandate, which says that by Friday, Oct. 29, all of New York City’s workers (including police and firefighters) are required to have at least one dose of the COVID-19 vaccine. 

    The same day the NYPD union’s lawsuit was filed, a few thousand workers—including a large number of police—marched over the Brooklyn Bridge in protest, recalling the infamous 1992 NYPD “cop riot.” Among a sea of American flags were a few “Don’t Tread On Me” flags as the group of cops and anti-vaxxers shouted, “We will not comply.” One sign among the crowd read, “Workers are Essential, Mandates are Not.”

    Politicians such as Maryland’s Gov. Larry Hogan have falsely claimed police officers are “under attack” and being “defunded.” But elected officials’ inability to get police to vaccinate themselves so that they don’t spread a deadly disease to a populace they interact with daily is evidence of just how much power police officers actually wield. In Portland, for example, police were simply exempted from a vaccination mandate that applied to all other city workers.

    “We’ve heard this story before,” Esther Wang wrote in The New Republic earlier this month. “After a year of protests and calls to defund the police, law enforcement officials and police unions repeated on loop that demoralized cops were leaving their jobs en masse, a narrative, coupled with misleading crime statistics and laundered through media outlets, that served only to prop up the punitive power of the police. The refusal to abide by vaccine mandates should be seen as yet another attempt to entrench police authority.”

    In Baltimore, no other unions that include City employees have publicly opposed the vaccination mandate.

    There has long been a debate regarding whether or not law enforcement should be considered “workers” at all. Kristian Williams argues in the 2004 book Our Enemies in Blue: Police and Power in America that “police unions aren’t unions” because they “mostly reflect the interests of the institution (the police department) rather than those of the working class.” In answer to labor’s enduring question “Which side are you on?,” it’s worth remembering that police have historically been the ones arresting striking workers and protecting passage of scab workers across picket lines.  

    “Police associations provide a stronghold for the most reactionary aspects of the profession—elements that the command hierarchy is often at pains to disavow,” William writes. “When the police command cannot, for legal or political reasons, resist demands for civilian oversight, for more diversity in the department, or for redress in particular cases, the union can defend the departmental status quo.”

    In Baltimore, no other unions that include City employees have publicly opposed the vaccination mandate. 

    According to WBAL TV, 51% of Baltimore Police are fully vaccinated. That’s 1,466 of the city’s 2,881 police. Los Angeles and New York police officers’ vaccination rates are both around 70%. 

    “They… seem only to despise us.”

    Mayor Scott has stressed communication with FOP3 about the vaccination mandate and collective bargaining, and other council members have released statements encouraging vaccination. True to form, though, City Councilperson Ryan Dorsey didn’t mince words.

    “I’ve never known the FOP to have an interest in the health and welfare of Baltimore City or its people. They are led by and overwhelmingly represent people who don’t live here, and seem only to despise us,” Dorsey wrote in a statement last week provided to Battleground Baltimore and other local news outlets. “They contribute to and benefit from our city’s epidemic of violence. Why would anybody expect better of them with regard to a global pandemic?”

    Throughout 2020, many residents called attention to Baltimore Police officers not wearing masks despite the department’s procedures and guidance requiring N95 masks to be worn while officers are on call. 

    By April 2020, a month after COVID-19 precautions began, 24 members of the Baltimore Police Department had tested positive for COVID-19. That same month, there were two high-profile incidents of police misconduct related to the pandemic. 

    On April 8, 2020, a public housing resident recorded a Baltimore Police sergeant intentionally coughing on people after someone greeted him with, “Hey Officer Friendly with the cherry cheeks.” The name of that sergeant, who was suspended for coughing on the citizens he swore to protect and serve, was never released by the police. 

    On April 19, 2020, Baltimore Police officer Andre Pringle allegedly grabbed 25-year-old Brandon Walker, a Baltimore man who was not wearing his mask and refused to put it on when he entered a supermarket. Pringle shoved Walker out of the supermarket and then slammed him onto the concrete ground face-first. Walker was charged with assault, disorderly conduct, failure to obey a lawful order, resisting arrest, and trespassing, but those charges were later dropped. Pringle was charged by the Baltimore City State’s Attorney’s Office with second-degree assault and misconduct in office. Court records show he has a court hearing related to the charges in February of next year.

    COVID-19 is the leading cause of death for law enforcement officers in the United States.

    In July 2020, in-service training of Baltimore Police was temporarily suspended after four trainees and two staff members tested positive for COVID-19. 

    In December 2020, civilian police employee Katiza Melette died from complications from COVID-19.

    In January 2021, then-Baltimore Police Sergeant James Rhoden used his influence to get the then-harder-to-obtain COVID-19 vaccine for a family member. Rhoden is no longer with the police department.

    Nearly 80% of Baltimore Police officers do not live in Baltimore City. Most Baltimore cops (many of them unvaccinated) return to their homes somewhere else in the state where they can and may spread the virus. 

    According to the Centers For Disease Control and Prevention, Baltimore City is one of the state’s six counties whose transmission rate is considered “substantial,” which means 50-100 new cases per 100,000 residents over the past week, or 8-10% positivity rate. 16 Maryland counties are categorized by the CDC as having a “high” transmission rate, which means 100+ new cases per 100,000 residents over the past week, or 10% positivity rate or higher. 

    Only two Maryland counties—Montgomery and Howard—have positivity rates considered “moderate,” which means 15-50 new cases per 100,00 residents over the past week, or 5-8% positivity rate.

    COVID-19 is the leading cause of death for law enforcement officers in the United States. According to the Officer Down Memorial Page, a website that commemorates the deaths of law enforcement, 245 law enforcement officers died nationwide of COVID-19-related causes in 2020.

    In 2021 so far, 240 law enforcement officers have died from COVID-19.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The mysterious death of Rey Rivera made national headlines when the case was investigated on the Netflix reboot of Unsolved Mysteries, which became the number one show on the popular streaming platform. Many viewers who have learned about the case are skeptical of the police theory that the young filmmaker jumped to his death from the roof of the Belvedere Hotel in Baltimore’s Mt. Vernon neighborhood. In Part 1 of this three-part podcast series, TRNN investigative reporters Taya Graham and Stephen Janis re-open the unsettling case that has captivated audiences and amateur detectives alike, exploring new evidence that points to a more sinister theory of how Rey Rivera died.

    This podcast was originally published on Oct. 13, 2020.


    Transcript

    Stephen Janis:    Anyone who watches crime dramas could reasonably conclude that when someone is murdered, barring bizarre and extenuating circumstances, the case is solved. That is, through high tech forensics, moral resolve, or simply the near mythic competence of American law enforcement, killers are ultimately sent to jail. But as an investigative reporter who has worked in one of the most violent cities in the country for nearly 15 years, I can tell you, this is not true.

    Taya Graham:     And that is the point of this podcast, because unsolved killings represent more than just statistics. It’s a psychic toll of stories untold that infects an entire community. The final violent moments of a victim’s life that remain shrouded in mystery.

    Stephen Janis:     I’m Stephen Janis.

    Taya Graham:        I’m Taya Graham.

    Stephen Janis:     And we are investigative reporters who live in Baltimore city.

    Taya Graham:     Welcome to The Land of the Unsolved.

    Welcome to The Land of the Unsolved, the podcast that explores both the evidence and the politics of unsolved murder in Baltimore. Today, we’re going to revisit a case that has received international attention. A mysterious death that still continues to reverberate throughout the city.

    Stephen Janis:    It’s the death of Ray Rivera, the 32-year-old filmmaker that disappeared from his North Baltimore home in May of 2006.

    Taya Graham:     By now, thanks to the Netflix show, Unsolved Mysteries, the entire world knows the story. Rivera left his home in a rush carrying only his keys and a credit card, never to be heard from again. Eight days later, his partially decomposed body was found in the conference room of the Belvedere hotel in Baltimore’s Mount Vernon neighborhood.

    Stephen Janis:    A hole in the roof above where Ray lay led some to say he committed suicide. The theory was that he jumped to his death for reasons that remain unknown. But others, like his family, vehemently disagreed. Shortly after he was found I spoke to his wife, Allison, and his brother, Angel, and they were adamant. Ray had every reason to live.

    Taya Graham:        That’s because Ray was newly wed. He had just started his own film production company. He was planning to move back to California, where he had met his wife, and he just finished a screenplay. Hardly the life story of a man who was going to kill himself.

    Stephen Janis:     But again, there was a hole in the roof. The mysterious sequence of events that led to his disappearance, hints of danger before he died, including twice when an alarm went off in his home.

    Taya Graham:        But much of that evidence didn’t make sense. Ray didn’t tell anyone where he was heading the day he disappeared. Found on the roof near the hole where he died, one flip flop and a cell phone, not broken, but in full working order. And even more troubling, no witnesses who had seen him at the hotel. Surveillance video of the upper floors of the hotel inexplicably erased. His car was found in a lot nearby, but there was little indication of how it was parked there. All of it intriguing, but not conclusive.

    Stephen Janis:    And that was the problem with the case. With so little direct evidence, it’s hard to draw conclusions, except one: That Ray, for reasons unknown, had jumped or been pushed from somewhere, that somehow he had made his way to the top of the Belvedere hotel or the adjacent parking garage and jumped, or was pushed, to his death.

    Taya Graham:        It’s worth noting that Ray, a tall, handsome water polo player was hardly someone who could sneak into a public building and leap into the abyss unnoticed. He had the appearance and demeanor of someone who stood and always left an impression. That fact by itself made the idea he fell from a height even harder to believe.

    Stephen Janis:     And then there was his family. I spent many hours talking to his wife, Allison, listening to her talk about the man she called her soulmate, recounting his ambitions to make a movie about a water polo player, and his generosity of spirit, and his love for family and friends. The bottom line, there was simply no evidence Ray had ever considered or would consider suicide.

    Taya Graham:     Still, there was the hole. The gap in a flimsily constructed roof that kept the focus of the police staring upward to the ledge of the building, both hard to access, and even harder to comprehend as the place where Ray spent his final moments. A fact that allowed investigators to write the case off as suicide and the medical examiner to rule Ray’s death as undetermined, leaving the case in limbo and his family in despair.

    Stephen Janis:     But enter Unsolved Mysteries, the Netflix reboot, which highlighted Ray’s death in its first episode. The show was a massive hit, reaching number one in the country and putting Ray’s death on center stage. Since then myself and investigative reporter Jayne Miller, who appeared on the show, have received dozens of tips. And among them was one that caught our attention. Not because it referred to a specific person, but because it addressed the most problematic aspect of the case.

    Taya Graham:     The person in question is a scientist, not a cop. Her name is Miryam Moya, and she specializes in studying the impact of accidents on the human body, among other disciplines.

    Miryam Moya:     I’m a forensic expert that has been, and can be, called upon to testify at trial. These include homicide cases, vehicular and otherwise, using the technique of aviation mechanics as applied to impact, which is exactly what I’ve done in this case. I conducted an analysis as to whether the injuries coincide with what is alleged to have caused them. I’m a postgraduate level criminal justice professor at the United Nations University, and have experience in educating world leaders on issues relating to conservation, safety, maintenance, and security of road and traffic matters.

    Stephen Janis:     During our first interview, we discussed the trajectory of Ray’s fall, how she, like other people, suspected his leap off the top of the Belvedere was improbable.

    Taya Graham:        That of course was due to the speed Ray would’ve been traveling to land where he did on the second floor concourse.

    Stephen Janis:       But during our discussions we learned she had not seen the autopsy, a piece of information she felt could help her really delve into the details and come up with a fresh perspective on Ray’s death.

    Taya Graham:        And so we provided it to her. And a week later, she’d come up with one of the most intriguing theories on what happened in May of 2006 that we have heard yet. First, she had much to say about the extent of Ray’s injuries, especially how his injuries were distributed across his body.

    Miryam Moya:     The conclusion of the autopsy, of course, I didn’t have much information about it before, but from what I’ve seen now, after reviewing it, and what stands out to me now… I’m not a medical doctor, but I’ve conducted many autopsies, particularly autopsies involving incidents like motor vehicle accidents, et cetera, throughout my career. What I see, is that it’s impossible that someone can land feet first through that hole in the roof, like he supposedly fell through, because he had a fractured tibia and fibula on his leg to such an extent that the bone was sticking out, but only on the right side. But he didn’t have these injuries to the left leg. And it would be impossible for him to land on one leg, and have the other one not fracture also.

    He also had injuries and fractures to his groin and pelvis. But again, only on the right side, not on the left. It is impossible for him to land on one leg and land on his feet. And from the positioning of his body, it is evident that he would’ve had to have landed feet first. Otherwise, he wouldn’t have had those leg injuries.

    Taya Graham:        But what was most intriguing was her sense that Ray’s injuries were much more similar to what she had witnessed studying car accidents. That Ray had not fallen from a building, but was hit by a car.

    Miryam Moya:     After reviewing the autopsy, I’ve determined his injuries correspond more to someone who has been run over by a car. Because in those cases, there are specific areas that will break like the sternum. Yes, as was shown in the autopsy. But he does not have any arm breaks or left leg breaks. He has injuries throughout different areas of his body. He has contusions, lacerations, and other injuries on his skin that correspond more with being hit or beaten in some fashion. They don’t correspond to falling from a building. He would not have been able to land vertically. At any rate, if he were to throw himself off the parking garage, which is 7.71 meters, around 20 something feet or more, he would’ve landed in a horizontal position, never a vertical one. So he could only land feet or head first.

    Taya Graham:     A conclusion that made her question the suicide theory.

    Miryam Moya:     When a suicide victim lands on their feet, their head is still going to split. You can think of it like, and it’s been described like, cracking a Chestnut, for example. Because the cranium splits completely, like a shell would on a nut. Raised cranial bones are broken, but not to the extent we would see from someone who had fallen from a height of… His cranium would have split entirely, and his arms have no fractures. Plus, there are no abrasions or fractures in his left leg.

    Another detail is that the broken flip flop that is of the shoes he had on, those flip flops, it’s only slightly scuffed. And it is the strap of the right sandal that is a bit broken. The right side, which corresponds to the side of the body with the most damage where there are broken leg bones. On the left side, the sandal for the left foot is intact. So the hit or hits, or simply if it was a car that hit him and ran him over, these impacts would’ve come from the right side. When he falls, if he were to fall, it would have to be through the hole. He wouldn’t have fallen on his right side. He would’ve had to fall vertically. So the injuries would’ve shown up equally on both sides of the body. That’s just how it works. So that’s the way it is.

    Stephen Janis:    Now, it’s important to remember that the medical examiner here still believes Ray fell from a height. I also ran those conclusions by noted pathologist, Dr. Sorell Whit, a doctor who has performed many high profile autopsies, and he felt the ME’s conclusion was right.

    Taya Graham:      But what is most intriguing about her theory, is that it explains a great deal about the case that has thus far been inexplicable. Why didn’t anyone see Ray in the building? If he had jumped, why didn’t anyone recall hearing anything?

    Stephen Janis:      Why would a young man so afraid of heights either voluntarily, or even under duress, throw himself off the top of a building? Why doesn’t any of it add up?

    Taya Graham:      Which is why Myra’s perspective is so compelling.

    Miryam Moya:      Because a death can happen in one of three ways. You’re either thrown from, you jump from, or you fall from the building. Homicide, suicide, or accident. And it wasn’t an accident because I mean, you’re not just going to scale like 35 meters up or 40 meters, roughly 114 to 130 feet. It’s not an accident because you’re not up there working, for example, on or in the building. So only two options are left, suicide or homicide. And when the suicide theory doesn’t correspond to the hole and where the body would’ve landed, what you have left is homicide. Why? Because the physical evidence, the evidence left at the scene, as well as the evidence as to the state of his injuries and the marks to his body, shows that it couldn’t have been a suicide.

    Taya Graham:     If Ray didn’t fall, if his injuries don’t match the profile of a suicide from a height, if the hole in the ceiling is nothing more than a ruse, well then suddenly the case of Ray Rivera becomes much less of a mystery, and more a tale of murder most foul.

    Stephen Janis:     And to discuss the implications of that, we’re joined by investigative reporter, Jayne Miller. So we’re here with Jayne, investigative reporter, the best investigative reporter in Baltimore, I think, Jayne Miller, right?

    Taya Graham:      Absolutely.

    Stephen Janis:      I think we can all agree on that. Who probably knows more about this story than anyone. And I guess that the most interesting thing about what we just heard, is this analysis that it’s mathematically impossible for him to have jumped and to land where he landed, at least off the… We’ll start with the building first. Jayne, what are your thoughts about that? Because, always it’s been this sense that he jumped or fell from somewhere. But now she’s saying, at least from the hotel perspective, that’s not possible. What comes to mind when you hear that?

    Jayne Miller:         Well that’s been really a question from the beginning, and I think part of the fuel for this question is the lack of evidence of anybody seeing him in the building. As we know that there’s just nobody that puts him in the building in that period of time, that he would have to be in the building to end up in that room, which was part of the building on the ground floor or on a lower floor. And so the fact that you have that hole, and that question, allows for consideration of other theories. And then when you add that Allison Rivera hired an engineer to do a calculation that calculated he would have to have been traveling at 11 and a half miles per hour to reach that point, and that’s nearly impossible to reach that with that. There’s not a whole lot of distance up there on the top of that roof.

    And certainly you couldn’t reach that crawling along the ledge. So I think that the analysis that says, wait a minute, we can’t make this work. It’s not surprising. And it is only exacerbated by the lack of conflicting evidence to a theory like that. So some people theorize, oh, he had to come out of a helicopter. You know, when you… Let’s go back. When you think about how this all unfolded, again, because there is no witness that puts him in any part of that building of the Belvedere. It was just kind of an automatic assumption. Oh, the body’s on the floor in that room, hole is in the roof, and okay, well then he must have gone through the roof.

    Stephen Janis:       Right. And that’s what’s interesting. We’ve always been working out that assumption that because there’s a hole and there’s a body underneath it, he comes off the roof.

    Jayne Miller:         And because there are certain things that belong to him, glasses flip – Whatever, cell phone, on that surface of the roof that had the hole in it then, oh, well he had to go through the roof. And then you look at the… Which we have video from when this happened from our helicopter, that really shows the size of the hole is, the size of the hole indicates he would have to go perfectly. Something would have to go through straight through vertically.

    Taya Graham:        Exactly.

    Jayne Miller:         Can’t go splat, can’t go… It’s not that the roof caved in, in any fashion, it looks like something went through a weakened spot of it. That’s what it looks like. So it is almost… You’d almost expect there to be conflicting theories.

    Stephen Janis:     Right.

    Jayne Miller:         Because there’s just no evidence to explain why he was in that building.

    Taya Graham:        I also think it’s interesting that Ms. Moya said that if he had come off the parking garage, he would’ve made an elongated hole.

    Jayne Miller:         He would have to.

    Taya Graham:     What do you think of that?

    Jayne Miller:         That’s right. No, I agree. I mean, if you stand on the parking garage at any point where he would have to be to get to that point, it’s a long way. It’s a stretch from the parking garage. There’s been discussion of whether he was hit on the parking deck and propelled. But still if that was hit by a vehicle or something like that, I mean, again, this is a case with wide open theories. And so, but again, that would require a different kind of hole in the roof than we have.

    Stephen Janis:    Well, and so it’s interesting because we went even deeper into this. She went even deeper and said, and this is another component of that. So let’s recap, we have this situation where he couldn’t have come off… It looks very likely that there’s not a point where he could have come off that makes any sense with the hole and where his body was. Right?

    Jayne Miller:        And the injuries.

    Stephen Janis:     And yeah. So it almost makes it seem impossible. But the next thing she looked at were the injuries, which I thought was even more interesting because she’s saying, one half of his body has injuries that are much more reminiscent of being hit by a car or some other type of injury rather than falling because…

    Jayne Miller:        Brutalized.

    Stephen Janis:    Yeah, right.

    Jayne Miller:         Very brutalizing injuries. And there’s a lack of certain injuries, if I recall correctly. Didn’t have a broken neck.

    Stephen Janis:     Right.

    Jayne Miller:        Had really only superficial injuries in certain cases.

    Stephen Janis:     Yeah.

    Jayne Miller:        His hands weren’t injured.

    Stephen Janis:      Right. And she fixated on that. Because she said, if he had been falling, let’s say head first, he would’ve put his hands out.

    Jayne Miller:         One would think.

    Stephen Janis:     One would think. But he had very few abrasions in that area.

    Jayne Miller:         And then he has that really severe leg injury.

    Stephen Janis:      One leg.

    Jayne Miller:         Compounded. Correct. Compound fractured.

    Stephen Janis:     Which she said is another reason that it’s impossible for him to have fallen from a height, because only one leg is a compound fracture, and said much more reminiscent of having something roll over half your body or something.

    Jayne Miller:         Or in a way that you would be struck by something, that’s correct. That’s correct.

    Stephen Janis:     Right, right. So what do you think, I mean, do you think this is leading up to the idea that maybe this was a great case of misdirection, where we’re all supposed to look up at the hotel?

    Jayne Miller:         That’s a really good question.

    Stephen Janis:     And keep talking about him getting…

    Jayne Miller:         About the hotel. About the hotel building, coming off the roof.

    Stephen Janis:      Coming off the roof. And, but on the other hand, with her conclusions, it seems pretty clear that it’s mathematically and physically impossible that he fell off the building. So are we looking at something where it’s time to start considering a different theory that he was put in that room? What do you think?

    Jayne Miller:      Well, yeah, sure. And I think that, look, we all know that this is Baltimore, which has year after year after year, including at that time in the mid 2000s, has a very high homicide rate. So the homicide division of the Baltimore Police Department is built to investigate your typical homicide. I hate to call any homicide typical, but in Baltimore we have a particular characteristic of our homicides, which generally nine times out of ten involve gunshots, involve some kind of dispute, turf war, whatever between people who know one another, are acquainted with one another. So the kind of investigation that homicide detectives in a city like Baltimore do most of the time involves shell casings, security camera video.

    Stephen Janis:     Right.

    Taya Graham:     Right.

    Jayne Miller:         Maybe a witness that wants to drop a dime on someone, maybe an informant, that’ll give you some information. Maybe every once in a while some DNA evidence or fingerprint evidence that really can come through for you, but certainly not… This is not a typical case that any homicide division in a municipal police department is going to handle. And you just have a lot of entanglements to the life of Ray Rivera at the time of his demise. And without clear evidence that he took his own life, and without clear evidence that someone else took his life, that you’re in this place. And sure, I think that it would be really a useful exercise for someone to really try to figure out what happened here and to go back through… I mean, there are people that I’m sure that, based on how quickly the posture of this case went to suicide at the time in May of 2006, I’m sure there are a whole lot of people that have never been questioned.

    Stephen Janis:      That seems clear. One thing, we have some notes from the detectives and we’re going to be looking at those, but the investigation only went on for a couple weeks.

    Jayne Miller:         Oh, and it very quickly went to suicide. And that again was, I’ve pointed out a couple of times about the timing here. I mean, think about what was going on in May, in the summer of 2006. We had Mayor Martin O’Malley, who had run for mayor on the promise of lowering the number of homicides.

    Taya Graham:      Right.

    Jayne Miller:      And never really hit that number, but definitely was trying to run on a record of violent crime reduction. And right smack in the middle of that you’ve got this case involving a rather high profile individual, because of his connections to the Hopkins polo team, and his connections to his former employer and others, and very persistent relatives that really wanted to get to the bottom of what happened to him. So this wasn’t the… It’s just not the kind of case you want dominating the headlines every day.

    That’s for sure. And so, yeah, I can remember at the time of how quickly it went to suicide. And then it just kind of fades. One thing I think that’s important is that we don’t have a process in the state of Maryland, to my knowledge, that you have in some other states, where you can have a coroner’s inquest where it takes a different form of inquiry. There may be something like that. I think the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner used to have, at any rate, kind of an infant death review process. But sometimes you need a different kind of investigatory process that may allow you to take more time, whatever, but to pursue… Issue subpoenas, et cetera, that might get you fresh information.

    Taya Graham:     So, just so people understand, how did the medical examiner rule his death in this case?

    Jayne Miller:         Undetermined.

    Taya Graham:        Undetermined?

    Jayne Miller:      Yes. Which is a very important element of this whole situation, because again there’s no finding of, was it an accidental death? Was it suicide? Was it homicide? It’s an undetermined finding.

    Taya Graham:      It seems that you’re alluding to the idea that perhaps it was in the favor of the police department and for the mayor at the time to perhaps bury some homicides or violent crimes in the undetermined category, is that a fair statement?

    Jayne Miller:       Well I don’t know if you can call it buried. I wouldn’t use that word. But if you have an undetermined case, that means that something’s got to happen, something’s got to give, somebody’s got to come forward or something has to develop to give you a lead, to give you information. When a medical examiner makes a ruling like that, what they’re depending on the investigation and the investigatory material that’s provided by the police department, in terms of the circumstances of this individual’s… At the time of his disappearance, at the time of his death. So had been a suicide note, clearly a suicide note, we may have gotten that kind of ruling. Had there been evidence of a gunshot obviously, and no gun found, then we would have a homicide ruling. But the fact that this was ruled undetermined means that the medical examiner could not determine the manner of death, because there wasn’t enough information to determine the manner of death.

    Stephen Janis:       Well, let’s do the Occam’s razor application to the idea that Ray did not fall, where it makes things much more simpler. So one of the things that was interesting when I was talking to the producers of Unsolved Mysteries, they were talking about how that roof itself is extremely fragile. It’s not like a normal roof, right? That you could literally peel it back with your hands. And that when the detectives went out on the roof, they went out flat.

    Jayne Miller:         That’s right.

    Stephen Janis:        Because they were scared.

    Jayne Miller:        Falling through it. Yes, correct. That’s right. That is correct.

    Stephen Janis:        If Ray doesn’t fall, a lot of things start to make sense, like the things about his flip flops and everything being separate from his body, being on the roof itself. The fact that no one saw him at the hotel. And then you and I went, walked around a little bit, and it would be possible right, to get his body into that second, that concourse without going through the hotel.

    Jayne Miller:       Oh yeah. Oh yeah. There’s multiple ways you can do that. From the garage, you can do that from the ground floor. I mean, there are multiple ways to get it and through that building. Yes. That’s correct.

    Stephen Janis:        And it also will explain some of the injuries, the fact that the injuries aren’t consistent with a fall. A lot of things start to make sense when you stop looking up at the top of that building and start looking at the ground floor itself, and both you and I have been contacted by a lot of people. We don’t have any proof of this, but there are some people who believe that Ray was either beaten or brought there. Right? I mean…

    Jayne Miller:        There’s no question that since the episode aired on Netflix to take on this case, 14 years later, it’s remarkable actually. I’m sure you feel the same way. It’s remarkable how many people…

    Stephen Janis:      Passionate.

    Jayne Miller:       Yes. And, first of all, you have people that just have a theory, but we have indeed heard from people who have pieces of information. We have indeed heard from folks who have pieces of information that are pertinent to the time and contemporaneous with the time that have been helpful, and have been worth checking out. But this remains this kind of box of puzzle pieces that are, boy, I’ll tell you, to try to fit them in together.

    Taya Graham:      So Jayne, would you say that it’s a consistent theme that people believe that it wasn’t a jump, that it wasn’t a fall to his death?

    Jayne Miller:        I would say that of the people that speculate on theories, of the people that have looked at the geometry that’s required for certain things to happen, angles, et cetera, I would say that yes. That there’s a lot of skepticism that that’s indeed what happened to him.

    Stephen Janis:      And I mean, I think, like I said before, what that does is that simplifies this case quite a bit, because once you… the hole, itself, the idea that he fell gives that ambiguity, but once you get rid of that, then you just have a body that’s been brutally beaten, and that’s an entirely different case. And I think that’s what you’re talking about in terms of homicide.

    Jayne Miller:       Right. And well you also do have his stuff up there. But I’ve often wondered, and this is strictly, I’ve often wondered, but it’s provoked by the knowledge we have that when… I thought it was a contractor, when anybody was on that roof, it’s so fragile that they spread out, so they wouldn’t poke through it.

    Stephen Janis:      Right.

    Jayne Miller:        And so that raises the question is whether somebody was standing on it and stuck their foot through it, because it’s like being in your attic and you don’t realize that, oh, that’s the insulation, right. There’s nothing there. And so there is that, there are those items that belong to him that weren’t damaged, that are on the top of that roof somewhere near that hole. And so the question is then, I know that detective Bear’s theory about that is that it felt staged.

    Taya Graham:        Yes.

    Stephen Janis:         Yeah. I mean, there’s no doubt about that. And once again, the idea that he didn’t fall from anywhere fits that theory, and everything starts to align when you start looking at it from that perspective, and you stop looking up at the building. And someone was talking about how they could have taken his stuff and thrown it up through the hole, and then it looks like it fell there. But of course it didn’t, right? I mean, that was very simple. And I think people should look at the hole itself, the roof. I had some people look at it who were contractors, who said it doesn’t have the… It really is flimsy to say the least, I don’t know, I don’t build roofs, but if it’s incredibly flimsy, it means it would be easy to create a hole.

    Or like you said, mistakenly create a hole. But the truth is that the body could… Ray’s body could have been brought in there. He could have been beaten there. You can’t rule it out. [Miryam Moya] analyzes car accidents, and what happens to the body in a car accident. And she’s saying, this is incredibly consistent with someone being either hit by a car or beaten, one way or the other, but not with a fall. She’s adamant about that. And I think that raises some really important questions. That we can get beyond this idea of the fall, that I’ve always thought of as kind of weird, but especially there’s no evidence. And I think that creates this great gap that you’re talking about with a homicide, right? They solve point and shoot murders.

    Jayne Miller:      This is not a point murder, that’s right.

    Stephen Janis:       This is not. And whoever did it, let’s say, let’s speculate that someone did do this. They were pretty smart about how they set it up to make it very difficult for our homicide unit to address it.

    Jayne Miller:        Sure. And well, and any… This is not just the Baltimore homicide unit. I mean, any homicide unit, this is not what they’re built for. This is not how they… We’re not talking about the kind of Scotland Yard type TV show here.

    Taya Graham:      Right.

    Jayne Miller:       At all. I mean, they have a case about every day, day and a half consistently in the city of Baltimore, and they’re not built for this kind of case that really may require sorting out very complicated situations that Ray may have been involved in, may have known something. I mean, I know a lot of people believe that, that he must have known something. And we don’t know.

    Stephen Janis:         Yeah, he was a whistleblower. I get a lot of tweets from people or I get a lot of messages, people saying he was a whistleblower. He stumbled onto something, but of course there’s never anything definitive about it, you know?

    Jayne Miller:        No, but what we do know, and this comes from his wife, Allison, is that in a few days prior to his disappearance, is that he seemed to be really rattled about something. And we know that.

    Stephen Janis:         Well, and what you always bring up is that he makes a phone call. And says, I figured it out. Right? You’ve talked about that.

    Jayne Miller:       That’s the situation that seems to be the information, is that the Sunday before he left the message and yes, the message was, hey, I figured it out.

    Taya Graham:          Wow.

    Stephen Janis:        All right. Well, so this is great. I think we are making some progress here.

    Taya Graham:       Absolutely.

    Stephen Janis:       We’ve now got the files and Jayne, myself, and Taya are going to review them, and get back and come back. Now just to tell people, if you hear some background noise it’s because of COVID, and we’ve had to record this outside.

    Taya Graham:         We had to record this outdoors.

    Stephen Janis:         And so I apologize for the trucks and whatever, but we want to do this. We want to keep reporting on this story. And Jayne, we really appreciate you. Your knowledge is incredible and if anyone’s going to solve it, it’s going to be you.

    Taya Graham:      Absolutely.

    Stephen Janis:      We’re just coming along for the ride, basically. It’s okay. That’s okay. I don’t mind being a supporting cast member to you.

    Taya Graham:      Neither do I.

    Stephen Janis:      What our next step is, we’re going to present this evidence to the medical examiner’s office and the police, and we’re also going to review the 300 page file that we just got from the police department. And then in two weeks or so, we’ll get back and we’ll update everyone on that. Okay?

    Taya Graham:       Absolutely. We’ll be back in two weeks.

    Stephen Janis:         So, Jayne, thanks for joining us. We appreciate it. We’ll see…

    Jayne Miller:        Fascinating case. Absolutely.

    Stephen Janis:        All right, we’ll be back.

    Taya Graham:       Thank you for joining us for The Land of the Unsolved. The Land of the Unsolved is produced for Ace Spectrum Productions. It is edited by my co-host Stephen Janis. If you enjoy this podcast, please consider hitting the support button and donating. Every penny counts. Also, if you’d like to read more of our work in print, Stephen and I have written three books on policing, a all available on Amazon, Why Do We Kill: The Pathology of Murder in Baltimore, You Can’t Stop Murder: Truths About Policing in Baltimore and Beyond, and The Book of Cop: A Testament of Policing That Works. All are available on amazon.com. We’d also like to thank our associate producer, Katherine Concepcion, for her work translating the interview with Myra and for helping to put together a transcript that made this show possible. My name is Taya Graham.

    Stephen Janis:       My name is Stephen Janis.

    Taya Graham:         And thank you so much for joining us for The Land of the Unsolved.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • This story originally appeared in the Garrison Project on Oct. 26, 2021. It is shared here with permission.

    Murder rates go down; people exalt policing. Murder rates go up; people exalt policing. The defund movement advocates reducing and reallocating police funds; police budgets remain high. The backlash comes; police budgets get higher. The public becomes aware that policing is violent, racially biased, and counterproductive in marginalized neighborhoods; police get more resources to “improve.”

    Policing has an amazing ability to fail up. 

    Last week, sexual assault victims told New York City Council’s Women and Gender Equity and Public Safety committees about the New York Police Department’s Special Victims Division’s dreadful handling of their cases. One woman said that despite providing investigators with a “comprehensive 13-page document detailing the incident,” the detective didn’t interview witnesses and her case was closed twice without her knowledge. Another woman told the council that a sergeant dismissed her sexual assault claim because she was sleeping when it happened, explaining “he has sex with his wife while she’s asleep and she’s not reporting him for rape.” Despite such testimony revealing the NYPD’s profound misogyny and a deeply rooted disinterest in solving sexual assault cases, the problem is routinely framed as an issue of resources, staffing, and training. 

    While such scandals and high-profile cases of police brutality cause people to recognize the harms of policing, the public still views them as remediable failures of an institution designed to “serve and protect.” Perhaps it is time to view them not as failures of the system but as part of the system itself.


    Policing in the United States was never mainly about fighting crime: It was meant to manage people and communities to serve the interests of the powerful. Police forces did not originate to fight crime, they did not expand in response to crime spikes, and it remains contested whether they fight crime at all. 

    Police forces emerged in the early 19th century and became the norm by the Progressive Era.

    The development of police forces is not a unified story but hundreds of local stories. Nevertheless, there is a striking consistency—the stories have little to do with everyday crime interdiction.

    In the Reconstruction-era South, organized policing emerged as part of the effort to maintain postwar social and economic White supremacy. “Black Codes,” with their broad definitions of vagrancy, rendered freed people perpetually subject to state detention and forced labor.

    An 1865 column in the Lynchburg Virginian explained that these “stringent police regulations” were “necessary to keep [freedmen] from overburdening the towns and depleting the agricultural regions of labor.” The police forces created to enforce these regulations included former slave catchers and patrollers, and as historian Sally Hadden notes, they “kept blacks off city streets, just as patrollers had done in the colonial and antebellum eras.”

    In the North, wealthy industrialists organized police forces to control factory workers. In Buffalo, New York, industrialization exploded in the late 19th century, and along with it, the Polish migrant population. The Buffalo police force grew substantially from its inception in 1871 to 1900, but this growth, according to historians, “had no direct relationship to either the growth of the population or to an increase in crime.” Instead, the police department, whose commissioners were the manufacturing barons themselves, existed and expanded to thwart workers’ demands for decent labor conditions. As in the South, these police forces relied on vagrancy laws to prevent worker assembly and arrest labor organizers.

    Police departments expanded steadily throughout the 20th century. President Nixon’s 1968 campaign’s “Southern strategy” invoked narratives of Black criminals and society-saving police to court Southern Dixiecrats to the Republican party. The 1980s ushered in an era of precipitous government investment in—and expansion of—law enforcement. President Reagan condemned “welfare queens” and “privileged” street criminals. Even though the effect of President George H.W. Bush’s infamous Willie Horton ad is widely disputed, his landslide win in 1988 sparked Democratic fears that the entire party would be “Hortonized.” Then-Representative Chuck Schumer and then-Senator Joe Biden helped create the 1994 Crime Bill—today regarded as a primary driver of mass incarceration—to wrest pro-law enforcement politics away from Republicans. “The liberal wing of the Democratic Party is for 100,000 cops,” Biden boasted. “The liberal wing of the Democratic Party is for 125,000 new state prison cells.”


    Policing expansions served political interests, but commentators often describe them as reactions to a crime wave. In the latter half of the 1980s, well after pro-policing politics had ascended, there was an increase in the violent crime rate due to a rise in homicides of and violence against young Black men, which researchers attribute to the urban crack cocaine trade. Media narratives of the crack epidemic incorporated longstanding tropes of Black criminality and whipped up fear, providing a boon to police departments, despite crack’s geographic specificity. But it appears there was no overall crime wave.

    A 1993 study sought to put numbers to the “widely held belief that the level of serious criminal activity increased during the 1980s, particularly among the urban underclass.” Examining crime data from 1979 to 1992, the researchers concluded that “statistics do not support the notion that there [was] any overall rise in the level of criminal activity.” Instead, “there was a large increase in the incarceration rate, primarily attributable to an increased probability of incarceration . . . and a sizable increase in the number of arrests and incarcerations for drug law violations.”

    A caveat on research is warranted here. For every study, one can likely find another with a different conclusion or spin on the data. I leave it to empiricists to battle over methodological and interpretive superiority. What is clear is that the data on crime in the ’80s paint a very different picture than one of an America under siege.

    In fact, when President Clinton signed the Crime Bill in 1994, crime rates were already in decline. They continued to decline for the next quarter century, while policing continued to expand. In 1990, there were, on average, 12 violent crimes per 1,000 people, and cities spent an average of $182 (in today’s dollars) per resident on the police. By 2017, the violent crime rate had decreased by 56 percent to five crimes per 1,000, and budgets for police increased by 59 percent to $292 per resident.

    Did the expansion in policing cause the crime decline? Probably not. A study on police deployment and crime rates from 1991 to 2000 found “increases in police strength during the 1990s [had] little to do with changes in all measures of the crime rate after controlling for other demographic factors.” A comprehensive 2014 study found “police manpower levels” had no effect on deterrence. The study’s authors concluded that policymakers should “reconsider whether increases in police manpower bring sufficient crime reduction benefits to justify their costs” and consider “alternative investments that are more likely to reduce crime.”

    The findings casting doubt on whether police expansions reduce crime should not be surprising.

    Flush with funds and officers, police departments have used their bounty in the traditional manner: to exercise strict and total control over Black urban areas, a process I call “bluelining.”

    The police deployment study also revealed that every one percent increase in Black population in a neighborhood correlated with an increase of 5.54 police officers per 100,000 residents.

    Contemporary research continues to challenge the presumption that policing is more about catching criminals than controlling communities of color. Policing experts report “a consensus that the standard model of policing, which focuses on random preventive patrols and rapid response time, does not significantly reduce crime or even fear of crime.” 

    Studies also undermine the claim that “proactive policing”—including racially biased broken windows and stop-and-frisk practices—decreases crime, leading criminologists to comment, “there is a substantial lack of evidence in favor of proactive policing having any substantial effect on crime.” New research questions the efficacy of so-called “hot spot” policing that uses data and technology to target certain geographic locations, and scientists warn that the tech often replicates the biases of human police decision making. All the while, cold homicide cases pile up and rape kits languish.

    After 150 years of policing being a daily fact of American life, we still cannot proclaim with certainty that it has ever actually fought crime. And yet the cop-as-crime fighter trope is intractable, drilled into the American consciousness by decades of sensationalist news, politics, and TV shows like Law & Order: SVU—what critics call “copaganda.” 

    Before we can achieve meaningful reform, Americans—especially liberals—need to sever their instinctive connection of policing and crime interdiction. If not, every case of horrific brutality or systemic failure will remain cause for more policing resources. Every decrease in crime will remain cause for doubling down on policing. Every uptick in crime, no matter how narrow or local, will remain cause for expanding policing. And even after millions of people took to the streets to plead for change last year, things will remain the same.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • President Joe Biden signed a major $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief package that provided funds to cities and states around the country to recover from devastating effects of the pandemic. Regardless of widespread condemnation and criticism, Alabama’s Republican Gov. Kay Ivey and the state legislature have pushed through plans to use a significant portion of those federal COVID-19 relief funds for the construction of new prison complexes. In this episode of Rattling the Bars, TRNN Executive Producer Eddie Conway speaks with Pastor Kenneth Glasgow, founder of The Ordinary People Society, about the shocking move by the state of Alabama to divert desperately needed relief funds to build up its carceral system.

    Pre-Production/Studio/Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Eddie Conway:    Welcome to this episode of Rattling The Bars. Recently, there’s been newspaper articles about the Alabama government using COVID-19 relief funds to build new prisons, to build a couple of super prisons. So we want to look into that. So joining me today is pastor Kenneth Glasgow of the Ordinary People Society, to bring us up to date on what’s happening in Alabama. Kenneth, thanks for joining me.

    Kenneth Glasgow:    Man, thank you for having me. I consider it an honor, you know that anytime you can be with Eddie Conway it’s me who gets the honor. Thank you.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay, so this is some scary kind of stuff going down in Alabama. It’s got the highest COVID-19 rate in the world, I believe, and one of the highest poverty and illiteracy rates and so on. Why is the governor using COVID-19 funds to build prisons?

    Kenneth Glasgow:    Well you know, even worse than that is the fact that no one… I mean that they feel like they could do that. That’s the worst, that’s the bad part about it. Not only are we looking at the Department of Justice have a lawsuit against the Alabama Department of Corrections at, right now, since 2019 and 2020, they just said that they’re going to continue with their lawsuit and enhance it because of their inadequacy of management, inadequacy of security. There are violations of the 8th and the 14th Amendment. And at this particular time of having to deal with the Department of Justice lawsuit, you would turn around and violate even more laws and more rules by wanting to use allocated funds, earmarked funds for COVID-19 and people’s health.

    And you want to build three new prisons, two new prisons for men, not doing anything for the women. There’s only one women’s prison in Alabama. This just shows the mindset of the leadership that we have. And what’s so disturbing about it and disheartening, is that the lawmakers agreed with the governor to do so. Now that’s the scary part to me.

    Eddie Conway:     Yeah, I noticed the vote was like 29 to one in the Senate. It was pretty much full support in the House of Representatives with a few Democrats speaking out. Why is the Democratic Party and Black representatives [crosstalk] supporting this?

    Kenneth Glasgow:    And that’s the scary part Eddie, because it shows you the mindset that we have here. and so it goes across racial boundaries, it goes across religious boundaries, it goes across party boundaries. It’s just a mindset of lock them up, throw away the key, and let’s enslave them and get us some free labor. We are doing the thing across the country with our abolition of slavery, and we’re going and telling them to take away the exception clause out of the state Constitutions and out of the federal Constitution, that states that no man should be enslaved doing voluntary servitude except [inaudible] as a means of punishment. But at the same time while doing so, we are asking our Democratic friends, our progressive and liberal friends, to be on that side of the board with us. But how could we ask them that when they’re on the side of the board to use COVID-19 money? Now listen, that in Alabama where I’m at it’s called ultra conservative, right?

    But we have a governor, our former governor, a governor before that, Riley, that refused to take the Obamacare for healthcare. Then, we had a governor that refused to take any kind of healthcare, right? Which was Gov. Ben, Bentley, and they call him the death doctor because he was a doctor. Now, we got a governor who wants to take the healthcare funds, and build three new prisons, which started back with the same governor, Gov. Riley, that didn’t want to take Obamacare. So, this is a continuous thing, and it’s a continuous mindset of taking away the healthcare and locking people up inside prisons. And that’s what you have to realize is going on in the state of Alabama. So it’s like the South never stopped its mindset of enslaving people, not giving them healthcare, not producing any kind of progress when it comes to the literacy rate, and keeping us in control and those manners of being in poverty. Yeah.

    Eddie Conway:    I understand that [CoreCivic], which is one of the largest building builders of private prisoners and operators of private prisoners, are there and deeply involved, and they just recently lost $600 million worth of funding because of an effort down there by a group to defund them. And now, they’re pushing for the use of the COVID funds, and they got a commitment of keeping the jails either at capacity, or either they’re going to sell the private prison that they had to Alabama. Do you know anything about that?

    Kenneth Glasgow:    Well I started laughing because I loved the way you said a group that stopped their funding, and that group happened to be us and the coalition that was with us. We arranged to send like 5,000 emails a day to Barclays and stifle [crosstalk] finance and all, that was going to fund them, and stop the funding. Because CoreCivic actually not only played a role in the part, but CoreCivic was kind of like, down here leading the legislators and advising the governor on what to do. And we found that out, took it to court, filed a lawsuit. our lawsuit got thrown out because they stopped the funding and all, and so they found to be moot on the fact that the funding had stopped anyway. But now they coming back for that.

    So we definitely know about that, but we also know one of the highlights that you just pointed out, is the fact that they wanted, in order for them to have the contract. Right? First of all, Alabama would not own the property. Let’s get that. First of all, Alabama would not own the property. Second of all, [inaudible] CoreCivic would own the prisons, and not Alabama. But Alabama, the state of Alabama, would have to pay CoreCivic for housing its citizens within CoreCivic prisons. So here you got the property owners, and you got CoreCivic that the state of Alabama would be responsible for paying for. Now, if there’s no accountability there, and you own the property, and you own the prisons, then you can pretty much charge me whatever you want for rent for my citizens being in there.

    And then the contract also said that you got to have what? A 130%, 120%, 130% capacity at all times. So what that let you know is that Alabama is not only concentrated on locking people up, but they’re projecting that for the next 30 years… these are 30 years contracts. Eddie, these are 30 year contracts. So they’re projecting for the next 30 years that they’re going to keep it at this capacity. This is the contract. And who do you think is going to be the target of keeping that capacity? I’ll just leave that question right there.

    Eddie Conway:     Yeah, well I will answer it, because right now you can see in the present day that the population of people of color is less than 25% down there, but the jail capacity of people of color is approaching 50%. So, it’s clear that they’re going to be locking up Black and Brown bodies into this foreseeable future, and causing them to be unemployed, causing the families to be broken up, causing the families to be forever impoverished and causing a continued recidivism rate. So I mean, that’s institutional racism in the criminal justice system, but who can – Is it the federal government? – Who can do anything about the use of those funds to stop it?

    Kenneth Glasgow:     Yeah. So we have appealed to [inaudible] who is the secretary of treasury, the secretary of treasury would have to be the one that would have to be that would address it. The use of those funds, how you can use, would have to sue them about the funds. But then, you know, we are hoping that he acts a little bit more firmer, and holds them a little bit more accountable than the DOJ has. The DOJ and their lawsuits have let it linger on for almost two years now, and these are the results thereof. So it’s clearly showing that the state of Alabama has no regard for the Department of Justice.

    They don’t care about getting sued by the secretary of treasury. And they’re just like okay, come on with it, we’re ready for the fight. You know, we have to look at the fact that, that mindset when I keep going back to. Because surely if me and you was to get some funds, and our funds were earmarked, and they were allocated towards a certain project or certain thing that we have to use them for, the federal government would come in to me and you, if I ever want to see the receipts for, they want to see whatever we got.

    And they will surely charge us criminally, or either the IRS, you know, for misuse or misappropriations of those funds. If they are earmarked, listen to me good now, if those are earmarked, are allocated funds. So I’m trying to figure out, and the rest of the country is trying to figure out, how could you take earmarked allocated funds that’s from the federal government? We’re not talking about from your friends, and your campaign. We are talking about from the federal government, sent to you for you to use at COVID-19, when you have a state with the highest death rate of COVID-19, not only in the country, but across the world. And you use 20% of those allocated funds, 20% of it, to build three new prisons and not what it’s earmarked allocated for. If that was somebody else, they would be charged.

    I’m trying to figure out what kind of standards do we have? It shows our double standards. But what example, what is it really, really showing to the people, to our children, and to the other countries around here, about how we operate and how we function? What is it saying about us?

    Eddie Conway:     That’s a good question, because as you were saying it I was thinking that Alabama was the last to desegregate. You know, Alabama is like the first to incarcerate. Alabama is setting examples for the red states in the South all the time, and I’m concerned that this might spread to other red states. This might spread, other states might misuse those funds like that. And maybe the Treasury Department or somebody somewhere must have the ability, is it Biden maybe to say, you can’t use those funds in that manner?

    Kenneth Glasgow:    It has to be Biden or it has to be the secretary of treasury, but I love what you are saying. I mean I hate that it’s happening but I love what you’re saying. Maybe Alabama is trying to say, hey, we got 2024 coming up. Everybody knows what we are trying to do. Everybody knows who we are trying to push and what we are trying to push. That was made very, very evident on Jan. 6. Nothing came about from that, so Alabama is saying, hey, we’ll be the example to show you how to make America great again. And we all know what that means. Who is it being made great for? Because those of us that are still in poverty, still being in prison, still being locked up.

    Still being, living up under these double standards, and all of these different demeaning factors, we know it was never great for us. So, maybe Alabama is saying we’re the example to show you how to just totally defy our government, our rules, our regulations, policies, and procedures that’s in place. And we are just going to do what we want to do. And we’re going to continue to lock people up, even if we have to use healthcare money to save their lives, we’re going to use that to lock them up and take it away from healthcare to keep them living, and invest it in death traps so that they could die.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay, well, one final question. You know, pastor Glasgow, I know they have been harassing you for your organizing effort and so on. So, what’s happening with The Ordinary People Society, and what’s happening, well with you ,because you, like you said, that coalition that took away that $600 million, that was a brilliant and a good effort. You know, and then the state is trying to make a run around it.

    Kenneth Glasgow:    That’s right.

    Eddie Conway:    How is the society and how are you, what’s happening?

    Kenneth Glasgow:    So TOPS, The Ordinary People Society, is being ran by Ms. Rodreshia Russaw, she’s running it very well. She’s executive director, new board chairman, everything. I’m in a semi-retired state, standing back, that has nothing to do with daily operations or anything, I’m just standing in an advisory state, for more to speak and advising during the transition and all. And top stands on its own, I stand on my own. I’m starting now, pastor Kenneth Sharpton Glasgow ministries, KSG ministries. And what I’m doing is, I still got some court proceedings I got to deal with, still got some investigations that’s coming forth and all.

    And you know, you’ll be hearing a lot about that, depending on what they do, how they act, because this is one of the things that’s going to be really, really highlighted. How could you come at people like me and say this and that and the other, but here you have your governor that’s doing the same thing you might want to accuse somebody else of, and there’s no standards there, but there are standards for us but not for them. And you know, I get confused at that sometimes, you know, are we living in America? Are we living in a third world country? Are we living in a communist country? Or, where are we?

    Eddie Conway:     Mm-hmm, mm-hmm (affirmative). Okay, all right. On that note then, is there anything you want to say to the public in relationship to supporting this effort to stop the building of the new prisons in Alabama? [crosstalk] is there any kind – Go ahead.

    Kenneth Glasgow:    I would say to the public that there’s a lot of people that claim that I talk to, why did they build, or why did they support the building of the new prisons? When I talk to somehow comrades in the Democratic Party, and those that’s supposed to be aligned with us. And they said, because of the dilapidated buildings. I said, so why wouldn’t you use money to fix up the buildings, instead of trying to use the COVID money to take away from the healthcare? No one was able to really give me that answer. So what I would say to some of you that’s across the country, if you know anybody, have anybody, is anybody that lives or knows somebody in Alabama, whatever. Call these legislators, call some of your family members and all and have them call the legislators and call and find out and ask them what’s going on.

    Why would you support something like this, of this nature, when you are already under a lawsuit from the Department of Justice? And why are you allowing or participating in contributing to the Alabama Department of Corrections in the state of Alabama government treating people inhumane? And those are not my words, from pastor Kenneth Sharpton Glasgow. Those are the words from the Department of Justice itself. I will also ask people to call the secretary of treasury, call the federal government and say, hey, how did Alabama use this kind of money? Because you wouldn’t let no one else do it. You would lock anybody else up for doing it, so how are you allowing them to do it, and why they are not being held under the same standards and enforcements rules, regulations, policies, and procedures, as everybody else in America? Either this is America and it’s a fair and equal country, or it’s not.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay, That’s the final word there. Thank you for joining me, pastor Glasgow.

    Kenneth Glasgow:     And thank you for having me, God bless y’all so much, man. And if you are not listening to Eddie Conway, then you ain’t getting the real information, you getting part of it. God bless.

    Eddie Conway: And thank you for joining this episode of Rattling The Bars.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • President Joe Biden came to Baltimore on Thursday night for a town hall hosted by Anderson Cooper and aired live on CNN. There, Biden fielded questions from realtors, college professors, college students, and other members (or future members) of the professional–managerial class, and mostly told them that much of what Americans want is going to take “several years.”

    Free community college likely wasn’t going to happen soon but would happen later on, he assured the Loyola University professor who asked about it. Biden explained to a Morgan State University faculty member that he was busy with other concerns but would soon get around to maintaining voting rights and police reform.

    In Baltimore, a majority Black city whose median income was, as of 2019, $29,943, the pomp and circumstance of the town hall and the lack of urgency from the president were especially stark.

    “We need police officers to protect us,” Biden said. “I call for more money for police to go to community policing.”

    At one point, Biden explained it would be “a reach” to get Medicare coverage to include dental, hearing, and vision.

    This is how these sorts of cable news town halls usually operate. But in Baltimore, a majority Black city whose median income was, as of 2019, $29,943, the pomp and circumstance of the town hall and the lack of urgency from the president were especially stark. At one point, while shouting out Sens. Ben Cardin and Chris Van Hollen—who were in the audience—Biden mistook Kweisi Mfume, who was next to Cardin and Van Hollen, for Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott.

    “Hey, we got two famous guys here,” Biden said. “There’s Ben Cardin and Chris Van Hollen—and the mayor.”

    Perhaps the town hall’s nadir was when a white, Republican, Loyola University student from Connecticut asked Biden how the United States would militarily keep up with China (although Biden’s tribute to Colin Powell, which took the form of an odd tale about the time they went to “the Secret Service race track” together, cannot go unmentioned).

    Outside of Center Stage, where the town hall was held, members of CASA protested Biden’s appearance, calling attention to Biden’s immigration policies, which have not undone many of the most malicious aspects of the Trump presidency’s anti-immigrant policies.

    “I am not free. I need freedom. I need citizenship now,” Yury Guardado, an undocumented immigrant and activist, chanted. “Now is the time, Biden, to fulfil your promise. Remember when you told us you wanted to make a better America? Give us citizenship.”

    Besides the many local reporters and elected officials apparently giddy to be in the vicinity of the president and Anderson Cooper, the event also enabled some serious political sloganeering in Baltimore.

    Hogan talks ‘left lunacy,’ then criticizes ‘divisiveness’

    Hours before the Biden town hall, Maryland’s Republican Gov. Larry Hogan released a statement criticizing the president’s inaction on infrastructure.

    “I appreciate that Biden has taken the time to visit Baltimore. While he is here discussing his legislative agenda, I hope that the president will address why he has abandoned the bipartisan infrastructure deal which we spent months crafting,” Hogan’s statement said. “During his town hall, I hope President Biden will hear what I hear every single day: that the people of Maryland and the nation are completely fed up with the divisiveness and dysfunction in Washington.”

    As Battleground Baltimore reported, Hogan has recently taken to calling the “defund the police” movement “far left-wing lunacy” and misrepresenting police budget spending. State Comptroller (and Democratic candidate for governor) Peter Franchot recently said Hogan was “pouring gasoline on an already raging fire of political discord” with his anti-defund comments and noted, crucially, that Hogan had recommended reducing the public safety budget by $13.8 million just last year.

    Mosby, the city’s top prosecutor, being ‘persecuted’ 

    Earlier in the day, a group of pastors and lawyers that included high-profile civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump held a press conference calling attention to the ongoing federal investigation into Baltimore City State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby. They did it, they told the Baltimore Sun, because Biden was in town.

    The press conference was the latest salvo in a confusing public relations war Mosby has waged herself and by proxy against the FBI ever since it was revealed that she and her City Council President husband Nick were being criminally investigated for their taxes. During the presser, Mosby’s personal attorney A. Scott Bolden explained that the feds were now pursuing a perjury charge against his client, and from there, the familiar argument returned: Mosby is being unfairly prosecuted because she is a Black woman and a “progressive prosecutor,” not because she has actually done anything wrong in regards to her taxes.

    “I’m reminded of Sojourner Truth, who faced persecution for her determination to speak truth to power and to stand up for the rights of Black women,” Baltimore City NAACP President Kobi Little said at the press conference. “The persecution must stop.”

    As Battleground Baltimore has reported, the saga of Keith Davis Jr. deeply complicates Mosby’s “progressive” bonafides. Davis was shot by police in 2015 then later charged with a murder police said was tied to the gun police found on Davis after they shot him. Davis has been tried four times for the same murder—two trials were hung juries and two were guilty verdicts later overturned—and will go to trial for the fifth time, for the same murder, next year. Activists led by Davis Jr.’s wife Kelly have worked to call attention to the case and Mosby’s role in allowing this ongoing prosecution to happen, as well as her office’s use of questionable witnesses and previously undisclosed evidence to try and secure a conviction.

    Kelly Davis noted that Davis Jr. actually had a pre-trial conference the same day as this press conference about how Mosby, the city’s top prosecutor, is being “persecuted.” 

    Kelly Davis noted that [Keith] Davis Jr. actually had a pre-trial conference the same day as this press conference about how Mosby, the city’s top prosecutor, is being “persecuted.” 

    “Keith also had a hearing this morning, where prosecutors are still going forward with this vindictive sham of an attempted murder charge!!! While @AttorneyCrump @KobiLittle are out here playing captain save’em!! Prosecutors still lying about filing these charges a year later,” she tweeted.

    Deray McKesson, who has helped call attention to the Free Keith Davis Jr. movement, criticized the Mosby press conference.

    “I’ve been quiet #onhere but enough is enough,” McKesson tweeted. “Mosby is not ‘under attack’ & this framing has allowed her to avoid any accountability for the decisions that she does not issue press releases about. This press conference today is political cover and is offensive.”

    Maryland NAACP President Willie Flowers said during the press conference that the NAACP will be encouraging its members to donate to the Mosbys’ legal defense fund. As local news channel Fox45 noted, Marilyn Mosby makes $238,772 a year and Nick makes $128,583 a year.

    One more time: The median income in Baltimore City as of 2019 is less than $30,000.

    In other Mosby news: 

    • A Johns Hopkins study shows that Mosby’s policy of no longer prosecuting people for drug possession or sex work slightly reduced incarceration and did not lead to increases in crime;
    • Last week, a Maryland Court of Special Appeals opinion made clear Mosby’s office must release the 305 names on a list of untrustworthy Baltimore cops—a list that the courts said she could have released all along.

    Thread of the week: @melissa_schober on school cops

    This thread from Melissa Schober, whose insights into Baltimore City schools are always welcome, went deep on school cops, adding to The Real News Network’s recent story on school police in Baltimore monitoring students’ laptops.

    Tweet of the week: @DanRodricks on the apparent end of chivalry

    “Just held the City Hall door open for not one but three women. Not one said thanks. Thanks must be so old school. I really need to get up to speed,” Baltimore Sun columnist Dan Rodricks tweeted on Oct. 18 to enough mockery that he temporarily locked his account. “Today’s main character has arrived,” MEL Magazine said when they quote-tweeted Rodricks.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Common Dreams Logo

    This story first appeared in Common Dreams on Oct. 21, 2021. It is shared here with permission under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.

    Two weeks after a review board cleared Guantánamo Bay prisoner Asadullah Haroon Gul for release, a federal judge ruled this week that the Afghan’s imprisonment by the US military in Cuba for over 14 years without charge or trial is illegal.

    “This is such happy, sweet news for our family. We now pray that Asadullah is sent back home quickly—where he belongs.”

    Judge Amit P. Mehta of the US District Court for the District of Columbia on Tuesday granted Gul’s petition for a writ of habeas corpus, making him the first Guantánamo detainee in over a decade to win such a case against the government.

    In a ruling still undergoing classification review, Judge Amit P. Mehta of the US District Court for the District of Columbia on Tuesday granted Gul’s petition for a writ of habeas corpus, making him the first Guantánamo detainee in over a decade to win such a case against the government.

    Mehta ruled that the United States had no legal basis for imprisoning Gul, a 40-year-old militant captured in Afghanistan in 2007, because he was not a member of al-Qaeda.

    “This is a historic victory for the rule of law and a much-needed reminder to the US government that there are limits on what it may do in the name of national security,” Tara Plochocki, an attorney for Gul, said in a statement. “I’m hopeful that Asadullah will soon be reunited with his family.”

    While a prisoner at Guantánamo, Gul has been subjected to physical and psychological torture, “including being beaten, hung by his wrists, deprived of food and water, and prevented from praying,” as well as “sleep deprivation, extreme cold temperatures, and solitary confinement,” according to the human rights group Reprieve.

    Mark Maher, a lawyer at Reprieve US who also represents Gul, said: “We are thrilled for Asad. A federal court has finally affirmed what Asad has known for so long—he should be home with his family, and his detention is unlawful.”

    “This is a landmark ruling,” added Maher. “For 20 years, successive US administrations have asserted their right to imprison people indefinitely, without charge or trial. Guantánamo was built on the shakiest of legal foundations, and that has never been more clear than it is today.”

    The ruling does not mean that Gul’s release is imminent. The Biden administration can appeal the decision, and as The New York Times noted:

    In 2008, a federal judge ruled that 17 Muslims from China of the Uyghur minority were unlawfully detained at Guantánamo Bay but, as an oppressed minority, could not go home. The Uyghurs then languished at the prison for years while the Obama administration sought nations to receive them. The last three Uyghurs were sent to Slovakia for resettlement in 2013.

    The US government has argued it has the authority to indefinitely imprison Gul, citing his alleged connections to al-Qaeda and the Taliban, and noting the continuation of the 20-year so-called War on Terror.

    However, on Oct. 7, the interagency Periodic Review Board—which is tasked with determining whether Guantánamo prisoners pose a security threat to the United States—approved the transfer of Gul and Sanad Yislam al-Kazimi, a Yemeni captured in Dubai in 2003 and accused of being one of slain al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden’s bodyguards.

    There have been approximately 780 men and boys imprisoned at Guantánamo since it opened in 2002. Thirty-nine detainees remain at Gitmo following the transfer last month of Abdul Latif Nasser, a 56-year-old Moroccan held there for 19 years without charge or trial. Of those 39 prisoners, 28 have never been charged with any crime.

    Back in Afghanistan, Gul’s family cheered news of Mehta’s ruling.

    “This is such happy, sweet news for our family. We now pray that Asadullah is sent back home quickly—where he belongs,” Roman Khan, Gul’s brother, said in a statement. “The family has eyes only to see him again. We are all waiting for him. His wife, his young daughter Maryam, his parents, me, his nieces and nephews.”

    “He has spent more than 14 years of his life in this dangerous and terrible prison without charge,” added Khan. “We are thankful to the judges and to everyone who continue to press for his freedom.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • A questionable traffic stop by an Arizona highway patrol officer reveals how the powers bestowed upon police are ripe for abuse. Video shows how the officer escalated the encounter after he was challenged by a motorist to justify his actions. In this episode of the Police Accountability Report, we break down how the misuse of police power during a single car stop reflects a broader anti-democratic imperative that drives American policing.


    Transcript

    Taya Graham:        Hello. My name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: Holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today, we’re going to achieve that goal by reporting on this disturbing video of a brutal arrest by Arizona Highway cops. It’s an encounter sent to us by a viewer, who was dragged out of his car by police for a crime that has yet to be determined. But, it’s also an example of how far cops will go to enforce their arbitrary sense of power, and how quickly they will sacrifice both the safety and well-being of the public to maintain it.

    But, before we get started, I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com. And please like, share, and comment on our videos. You know I read your comments and appreciate them. And of course, you can always reach out to me directly @tayasbaltimore on Facebook or Twitter. And if you can, take a look at the Patreon donate link pinned below in the comments, because we do have some extras for the PAR family. All right, now we’ve gotten all that out of the way.

    Now, as we’ve reported on before, policing in America is quite often focused on objectives that appear to have little to do with public safety. It’s an idea that seems to be ingrained in the culture of policing, which emphasizes enforcing power over the people, rather than maintaining public safety. And no police encounter could be more illustrative of this point than the video I’m going to show you now.

    It’s a video, sent to us by viewer Perry Taylor, who was pulled over by the Arizona Department of Safety Highway Patrol Division in the summer of 2021. The officer said he had been driving erratically and following too closely to another vehicle before changing lanes. However, the interaction between the cop and our viewer quickly escalates, as the officer makes a seemingly odd request that would put both of them in danger. Let’s watch.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Patrol Officer:    Hello, I’m [inaudible] patrol. The reason I’m stopping you today is for your driving behavior.

    Perry Taylor:        My driving behavior?

    Patrol Officer:    Yeah.

    Perry Taylor:         I just let off the brake. Can you explain?

    Ashley:        Yeah, can you explain?

    Patrol Officer:    You’re weaving in – What’s that?

    Ashley:        Can you explain?

    Perry Taylor:      [crosstalk] I’m weaving in and out? How am I not allowed to weave in and out? Like, I’m just changing lanes.

    Ashley:              Yeah, he was just changing lanes.

    Patrol Officer:      Yeah, just changing lanes?

    Perry Taylor:         Yeah.

    Ashley:          Yeah.

    Patrol Officer:     You’re not racing a –

    Ashley:         No.

    Patrol Officer:      – White Camaro at all?

    Ashley:        No.

    Perry Taylor:      Why, can I not get around somebody to make it safe for myself?

    Patrol Officer:      You do what?

    Perry Taylor:      Can I not get around somebody to make a safe for myself? Can I not make distance between me and the guy beside me or next to me, because, I think maybe they’re driving a little aggressive? I’m just asking.

    Patrol Officer:      Oh, okay. So is that how you want to play it today?

    Perry Taylor:         I’m just asking, I’m just asking.

    Patrol Officer:     No, is that how you want to play it today? [crosstalk] Because you’re talking a whole lot of attitude, so here’s what we’re going to do. You’re going to go ahead and exit the vehicle.

    Perry Taylor:         No, I’m not.

    Ashley:         Oh my God.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:        Notice that the driver, Mr. Taylor, is not accused of a crime. In fact, the officer seems to have trouble articulating exactly what Mr. Taylor did that warranted the stop. But, what’s even more telling is how the officer escalates the encounter after he is challenged to articulate the infraction that prompted him to pull Mr. Taylor over in the first place. In fact, the minute Mr. Taylor pushes back and refuses to concede that he’s broken some yet to be defined law, the officer starts to increase both the intensity of his orders and the force he’s willing to use to ensure compliance. But that’s not where this bizarre encounter ends, not hardly.

    That’s because as you can see here, the cop in question is joined by another officer. And it’s at that point that they threaten Mr. Taylor with a taser and try to pull him out of his car. I’m not kidding. First, they deploy an often dangerous, and sometimes lethal, weapon due to a vague accusation that Mr. Taylor is driving erratically. And then, stymied by his inability to correctly present evidence that Taylor deserves anything more than a ticket, the cops resort to force. Let’s watch as they threaten Taylor with a taser, and then attempt to drag him from his car.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Perry Taylor:      [inaudible] Give me your ticket.

    Patrol Officer:    Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:         Give me your ticket because your ego was bruised. Just give me your ticket. You are escalating this situation.

    Patrol Officer:     Get out of –

    Perry Taylor:         I’m asking you to give me a ticket.

    Patrol Officer:     You’re not –

    Perry Taylor:      I’m asking you.

    Patrol Officer:      You’re not getting a –

    Perry Taylor:         You’re trying to go for your arrest quota, and I’m not going to allow it to happen, man.

    Patrol Officer:     Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:         No, don’t.

    Patrol Officer:     Get out of the car, right now.

    Perry Taylor:      Don’t, don’t. Don’t, man.

    Patrol Officer:     Get out of the car –

    Perry Taylor:        For what?

    Patrol Officer:    …right now.

    Perry Taylor:         For what?

    Patrol Officer:       Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:         For what?

    Perry Taylor:         I don’t feel safe, you see this, I don’t feel safe.

    Patrol Officer:     Taser on him.

    Perry Taylor:      I don’t feel safe. I don’t feel safe.

    Patrol Officer:    Get out of the car, Sir.

    Perry Taylor:      Don’t touch me. Don’t touch me.

    Patrol Officer:      Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:      Don’t touch me.

    Patrol Officer:     Get out.

    Perry Taylor:         I’m getting out.

    Patrol Officer:      Get out.

    Perry Taylor:         Don’t touch me. [crosstalk] Don’t touch me.

    Patrol Officer:    Put the phone down.

    Perry Taylor:        Don’t touch me. You’re threatening my life right now. [crosstalk] So get out of my face. Get out.

    Patrol Officer:     Put the phone down.

    Perry Taylor:         No, I’m not putting my phone down, no.

    Patrol Officer:     You can leave it recording right there.

    Perry Taylor:        I don’t care.

    Patrol Officer:     I’m trying to be as –

    Perry Taylor:         No, you’re not.

    Patrol Officer:     Listen –

    Perry Taylor:         I asked you to give me the ticket.

    Patrol Officer:     Get out of the car.

    Perry Taylor:         Okay [crosstalk] Let me get out of the car.

    Patrol Officer:     Get out of the car now.

    Perry Taylor:         Let me get out.

    Patrol Officer:     Get out.

    Perry Taylor:         Let me get out.

    Patrol Officer:      Get out of –

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham:        Let’s remember that Taylor was pulled over on a highway with a very narrow emergency lane. And this is only made worse by the fact that one of the most dangerous and risky police activities is pulling over cars on the shoulder of high-speed highways. But that didn’t stop these two law enforcement officers from engaging in the risky strategy of dragging a man, accused, at worst, of changing lanes too closely, from his car and onto the highway. And so, before we talk to the man who endured this terrifying encounter with police, I’m joined by reporting partner, Stephen Janis, who has been looking into the case. Stephen, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:     Taya, thanks for having me, I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:     So first, who are these officers, and what agency do they work for?

    Stephen Janis:     Well, they’re the Arizona equivalent of State Troopers, they’re the Arizona Department of Public Safety Highway Patrol. They patrol state highways and state facilities. So they’re basically responsible for state traffic.

    Taya Graham:        So you’ve reached out to them. What have they said about this incident?

    Stephen Janis:    Well, to be fair, I just sent them the videos. I sent the video to their Public Information Officer. I asked him specific questions, really a clarification on what exactly were they accusing Mr. Taylor of, and exactly what laws he had violated. And if, indeed, officers are allowed to extract people from cars, and if that’s safe. So I’ve asked all these questions, hopefully I’ll be able to answer them in the chat, but if not, I will post my findings as soon as we get them.

    Taya Graham:      Stephen, we’ve talked continually about the idea of hegemonic policing, where cops focus on projecting power rather than public safety. Does that idea apply to this stop?

    Stephen Janis:     Well, what’s really important about this is that the idea infiltrates the thinking of the police officer. What’s interesting when you watch the video, is that the officer cannot stand the fact that his orders are not followed. In other words, he’s sort of embraced the concept that what he says is actually law, and that’s something that I think we have to understand. He has no sense that perhaps the constitution, or other laws, might intercede on his orders to somebody, or that his orders cannot be followed. To police, this is almost like antithetical. And the only way that becomes part of your persona, part of your employee psyche, is if you believe that you are enforcing a law that you can conceive of. In other words, if you can conceptualize it, then it is a law. And if you don’t follow it, it’s a threat to public safety. He’s conflated the law and his own power. And it is scary

    Taya Graham:     And now, to give us more insight into what happened during this traffic stop and how it affected him, I’m joined by the man in the video, Mr. Perry Taylor. Perry, thank you so much for joining us.

    Perry Taylor:         You’re welcome. Thank you for having me.

    Taya Graham:     So tell us why you were pulled over in the first place?

    Perry Taylor:        So my passenger, well, my fiance, we were just running some errands. We were on the highway, we were headed northbound and just kind of, felt like there was kind of an aggressive driver, I think he was in my right hand side. So I kind of got around them to kind of be safe and create some distance. Maybe about a mile or two ahead of that, when I did that, we noticed we were at a cruising speed of 65 miles an hour on the highway here, and noticed an aggressive police officer. DPS police officer pulled just, we clearly we’ve been out of traffic, got right on my rear bumper, tailgated us, for lack of a better phrase. And for about maybe 10, 15 seconds, no lights, anything. Then he put them on. I knew he was looking at my plate to see if they were anything there.

    Of course, it’s clean. I even have veteran plates. Not that I think that should get me off of anything, but I just figured, hey, come on, we’re not dealing with your average Joe here. I have a nice car, it’s modified, it has a little bit louder exhaust on it. So, it does catch their attention, which, it’s not going to bother me. I’m not going to live my life in fear of a police officer because he’s going to pull me over for the way my car looks or sounds. Anyway, so he pulls us over. We pull over, as soon as we felt it was safe enough on the busy highway, it was pretty busy at that time of the day. And he approaches, I think in the video you see on my camera was to the passenger side. And I think you heard him give his explanation of something about a Camaro, or a Mustang, or something behind us.

    And I said, no, I didn’t remember what kind of car it was. And he just said, so you weren’t weaving in and out? I said, no, I’m just moving away. I can change lanes. And I noticed I’ve watched the video a few times. As soon as I said, ‘I’m just asking,’ that’s what tipped him off and triggered him and said, also, this is how this is going to go. So I felt instead of making sure everything was okay, there was no, he didn’t even say you were speeding. All he said was I heard exhaust. I said, okay. And your point is, thinking to myself. So like I said, as soon as I said, I’m just asking if that’s okay, in my opinion, that’s a rhetorical question to him. So he got the attitude that they all get, that they’re the ones out there ruling the streets, and came around to my side and said, you need to get out of your car, which was the busy side, the driver’s side.

    It was the busy side of the highway, it was pretty busy. So I felt like he had a lot of guts to even go on that side anyway. And I said, no, I think what you hear from me saying, is just give me the ticket. I don’t care. We’ll fight it out in court. I’m not getting out of my car because I don’t feel safe. I know what happens. I don’t feel safe. And so he felt like he was just going to, at the end of it, was just going to give me the ticket that said, disobeying a police officer. Which, I looked up the ARS code, and it did not at all follow what he was trying to do, which was trying to direct traffic, or anything like that. And so we felt like our lives were in danger.

    They separated both of us. That’s their protocol, their tactic to try to get one to rat on the other. And she was scared, my fiance was scared, so she didn’t want to get shot, tased. I begged her not to get out of the car, wait for the supervisor. Supervisor eventually showed up. They had me in cuffs so tight. I got pictures. I don’t think I sent you those, but there’s just red marks around my wrist, kept my hands behind my back. Now, before that, of course, they threatened me with their taser. So they threatened arrest, which they’re not supposed to do. They’re not supposed to use their tasers, guns, unless their lives are in danger. And they threatened me, to put me under arrest, because I didn’t want to get out of a car where I felt I was unsafe. So instead of making sure we were safe, like it says on the side of their car, protect and serve, they decided to escalate.

    And that’s where I had the issue. So instead of making sure we were okay, and he didn’t even give me a ticket for what he says he thought he saw. The only thing was disobeying a police officer. So he didn’t take me to jail, which he knew he couldn’t have anything to do with that, and let me go. Now, I have not seen any of their body cam footage, hopefully that does exist. I know we’re in the discovery phase right now. I have been told from my attorney that the prosecutor he’s working with is actually somebody. He was a prosecutor as well, our defense attorney. They’re coming up with some kind of diversion program, or I don’t agree with, I’m not paying my lawyer plus another fee to go to the courts and the cops just to have something maybe not go on my record where it’s… When someone feels like they’re getting wronged. It’s probably because they’re being wronged.

    Taya Graham:        What happened when the police first approached you? And can you describe what we see in the video?

    Perry Taylor:        I don’t remember if I rolled my window all the way down, or if it was just part of the way down. Knowing me, it was probably just part of the way down, just enough to hear, and he could hear me, or us. But I think he said something about, like I said before, it just was one of, I heard exhaust, were you racing some kind of a Mustang or a Camaro in the back? And I said, no. And he made a reference of weaving in and out of traffic. And it was just, to me, it just seemed kind of, he was trying to build, in his mind, his case. Like, let me get you to talk about something. Let me get you to… that’s why I’m pretty sure his body cam was on so they can get that on recording.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Patrol Officer:     Hello, I’m [inaudible] patrol. The reason I’m stopping you today is for your driving behavior.

    Perry Taylor:        My driving behavior?

    Patrol Officer:     Yeah.

    Perry Taylor:         I just let off the brake. Can you explain?

    Ashley:         Yeah, can you explain?

    Patrol Officer:     You’re weaving in – What’s that?

    Ashley:         Can you explain?

    Perry Taylor:        [crosstalk] I’m weaving in and out? How am I not allowed to weave in and out? Like, I’m just changing lanes.

    Ashley:         Yeah, he was just changing lanes.

    Patrol Officer:     Yeah, just changing lanes?

    Perry Taylor:        Yeah.

    Ashley:         Yeah.

    Patrol Officer:    You’re not racing a –

    Ashley:         No.

    Patrol Officer:     – White Camaro at all?

    Ashley:         No.

    Perry Taylor:         Can I not get around somebody to make it safe for myself?

    Patrol Officer:     You do what?

    Perry Taylor:         Can I not get around somebody to make it safe for myself? Can I not make distance between me and the guy beside me, or next to me, cause I think maybe they’re driving a little aggressive? I’m just asking.

    Patrol Officer:      Oh, okay. So is that how you want to play it today?

    Perry Taylor:         I’m just asking, I’m just asking.

    Patrol Officer:     No, is that how you want to play it today? [crosstalk] Because you’re talking a whole lot of attitude, so here’s what we’re going to do, you’re going to go ahead and exit the vehicle.

    Perry Taylor:         No, I’m not.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Perry Taylor:        And I felt like he wasn’t getting the answer he wanted. And as soon as I say, well I was just changing lanes is that not, and you hear my fiance, Ashley say the same thing. That’s what we were doing. Is that not allowed? I’m just asking. That is where you see him, the switch flip.

    Taya Graham:      Do you feel that the officer accurately depicted your driving? I mean, didn’t he accuse you of drag racing a Camaro?

    Perry Taylor:         No, I don’t. Like I said, when he said, immediately said when he heard exhaust. So any time in the slightest, if any vehicle with a modified type exhaust is going to hit accelerate a little bit, you’re going to hear a little bit of that. And again, my car… and the other part of it is I just feel opposite on. This isn’t the first time I’ve been pulled over, but I feel profiled for just being grouped into the whole… The type of stuff I have is normally, like the younger generation would have, the car guys. And I have a lot of friends in the community and stuff, but I just felt like this was so wrong. And he was going after something.

    I used to work with police officers, I used to do their retirement accounts, and the stories I would hear in their retirement meetings as they reflected back on their career would make you cringe about the stories they told. And they laughed about it. And there were people’s lives and public records at stake. And they thought it was a joke. And I eventually left that firm, in a completely different career field now. But, I’m an ex firefighter, I’m ex military, I’m Air Force, and I get it, the whole brotherhood. And I just feel like in the public like this, it’s kind of, they make it them against us. And it’s not supposed to be that way.

    Taya Graham:     You mentioned de-escalation in the video, essentially asking him to calm down. Why do you think things got heated so quickly?

    Perry Taylor:         Like I said, it’s just part of their culture. And it’s just, as soon as they feel like they’re questioned and they don’t have an answer to come back with… They pulled you over, they have to come back with something. Even if it’s just them saying to you at the end of it, I’m just giving you a warning. They want to let you know that they’re in charge, and you’re free to go because of them. But in this case, he knew he wasn’t dealing with your average person who he typically pulls over. And he didn’t like the way that I – and that’s fine. You don’t have to like it, but you’re supposed to de-escalate and be a lot more… Our tax dollars that are being pulled from our paychecks are paying for you. It’s just appalling to, when you think about it, and when you break it down like that, it’s like, I’m paying you so you can harass me.

    I wasn’t as if I just was leaving the scene of robbing a bank, or setting a house on fire, or beating somebody up, or assaulting somebody, that’s different. I totally support police in that type of scenario. If I could help, I would, in those types of situations. But for them to be patrolling, and just preying on people on the streets to get their arrest quota, to generate revenue, I can go on, but it really just burns. It makes my blood boil. And this particular time I was not going to let go.

    Taya Graham:        So one aspect of this case that really struck me is how it provides a perfect illustration of the divide between what law enforcement in this country purports to be, and what it actually is. So what do I mean? Well, I’m sure most police partisans would the bizarre behavior of this cop as just another example of an officer trying to maintain public safety. That his seemingly disproportionate overreach was simply an example of cops trying to keep the streets, and us, safe. But does that really hold up under scrutiny? Does aggressively policing highways with illusory accusations of erratic driving actually keep us safer? And does the underlying imperative, highway safety, really justify the behavior of the officers we saw in the video? Well, let’s try to answer that question in two ways.

    First, let’s look at the data. Over the past 20 years, the number of highway fatalities have been remarkably and tragically consistent, averaging around 30,000 to 40,000 per year. Meanwhile, the number of police initiated contacts while driving rose during that same period, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, from 27 million in 2015 to 28 million in 2018. So, one would think if writing more tickets and more police encounters led to increase safety, then we would see a downward trend in the number of fatalities. Of course, as the oft-repeated saying reminds us, correlation is not always causation. So maybe we need to look at another example and dive a little deeper into the true imperative of traffic enforcement.

    In this case, a specific example comes from an op-ed in USA Today, written by a scientist, whose job was to test blood samples for DUI cases. In the editorial, he describes not how police arrested and fairly prosecuted those guilty of driving drunk. Instead, he tells a tale of how the law enforcement establishment ordered him to lie about the blood alcohol test under oath, and when he refused, fired.

    His name is Greg Olsen, and he worked for the same state where our guest was arrested, Arizona. In the editorial, he recounts how Arizona tested blood alcohol samples and batches. A process which he believes should have been disclosed to defendants, so they could better evaluate the results in court. That’s because due to his scientific opinion, it could lead to false positives. And in 2016, he did just that, testified truthfully in a case when he told the court that testing in batches can lead to errors. So, what happened? Was he lauded for his ethical admission and his adherence to scientific truthfulness? Not hardly. His superiors in the Arizona law enforcement-industrial complex, ordered him to change his testimony and lie. That’s right, the agency tasked with enforcing the laws and discerning the truth told him to simply cast aside the facts and perjure himself, or otherwise lose his job. That hardly seems like the behavior of an institution founded on the premise of both truth and fairness would espouse.

    I mean, imagine if you and I conspired to tell a similar lie. Imagine if we sought to intentionally give false testimony which led to the unjust conviction of an innocent person. In fact, it’s actually a crime called suborning false testimony or perjury, but it gets worse. After Olsen was fired for telling the truth., he sued the state for violating his first amendment rights. And even though the court agreed that they had indeed been violated, the same set of judges ruled he could not receive damages or back pay. Why? Because the law enforcement officers who ordered him to lie had qualified immunity. That’s right. The same people who conspired to have innocent people convicted of a crime can’t be held accountable, because of a legal precedent that shields government officials from the same laws that govern us. In fact, the court ruled that due to qualified immunity, law enforcement officers have free rein to violate the first amendment rights of their employees, regardless of circumstance. How’s that for Post’s constitutional case law.

    The point is that when we watch videos of officers dragging people out of cars, or law enforcement officials ordering people to lie, we have to realize that the chain of causality that created a world where these acts are even possible started with a core concept that has not been fully acknowledged. The power to order someone out of a car who has not committed a crime, or convict someone of a serious offense was innocent, all starts with the underlying premise that law enforcement is more about enforcing arbitrary power than improving public safety.

    What do I mean by arbitrary? When you think about it, the law, in conception, is supposed to be administered in a way that is both fair and consistent. That is the underlying principle that is supposed to differentiate constitutional policing from a more despotic and capricious system. But when you can bend or corrupt the process, and convict people who are innocent or arbitrarily order them around, then the law becomes a different tool. Suddenly it is truly tyrannical. It is arbitrary, indifferent to facts, and far better at terrorizing the public and diminishing the rights of those it’s supposed to protect. And that is why we see so many examples of arbitrary enforcement on our show. It is the fatal flaw, so to speak, in the system itself. I think it is the end result of a process that has become so insular, it only serves itself. A system of shadow governance that, due to lack of real oversight, grabbed power and absorbed constitutional rights into a web of self-serving laws that have created a state within a state.

    And that state is not deep or hidden. It inflicts its arbitrary power in broad daylight. It’s overreach and abuse is captured in videos and cell phone cameras by auditors and cop watchers and citizens across the country. It is, put simply, the most brazen and obvious expression of the true anti-democratic impulses of the uber elite. The powers that be empowering cops to ensure that we won’t, or can’t, fight back. Well, at least here on this show, we certainly won’t stop reporting on and revealing what they do. And more importantly, why they do it.

    I want to thank Mr. Perry Taylor for speaking with us today and sharing his experience. Thank you, Mr. Taylor. And of course I want to thank intrepid reporter Stephen Janis for his writing, research, and editing on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:    Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:        And of course I want to thank friend of the show Noli Dee for her support, thanks Nollie Dee. And a special thank you to our Patreons, we really appreciate you. And I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us @policeaccountabilityreport on Facebook or Instagram, or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And of course you can always message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter or Facebook. And please like, and comment, you know I read your comments and appreciate them, and I try to answer your questions whenever I can. And we do have a Patreon link pinned in the comments below, so if you do feel inspired to donate, and you can, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is greatly appreciated. My name is Taya Graham, and I am your host to the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Earlier this week, Gov. Larry Hogan went down to Ocean City, Maryland, and told a room full of law enforcement attending the Maryland Chiefs of Police and Maryland Sheriffs’ Associations Professional Development Conference how unfairly they’re being treated these days.

    “Our state and our nation owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to all of you and to all of the brave, proud members of the Thin Blue Line,” Hogan said. “I want each and everyone of you to know—especially in today’s environment when, far too often, our law enforcement officers are unfairly criticized and don’t get the appreciation and the recognition that they deserve—that you will continue to have the full support of your governor.”

    “Refund the police” is a response to “defund the police,” the nascent movement that demands police funding be significantly reduced in order to allocate funding for less carceral and more effective approaches to public safety.

    The same day Hogan said all of that, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of two police officers (one who shot a man in the back with a beanbag round and another who killed a man wielding a hammer), upholding the controversial “qualified immunity” legal principle. Ocean City, where Hogan spoke, made national news over the summer when the town’s police officers were recorded in two different incidents, brutalizing Black teens who were violating a vaping ordinance.

    Hogan’s comments followed up his Oct. 15 press conference in which the governor—who has been floated as a 2024 presidential candidate—announced what he called “refund the police.”  The initiative would provide an additional $150 million to Maryland law enforcement as well as neighborhood safety grants, victims services, and money for Marylanders who provide tips that lead to arrests. 

    “The reality is that our police are underfunded and under attack,” Hogan said last week. “To reverse the tide of rising crime, we need to stop demonizing and sabotaging the dedicated men and women who risk their lives every single day to keep the rest of us safe. We cannot defund the police, we need to refund the police.” 

    ‘Refund The Police

    “Refund the police” is a response to “defund the police,” the nascent movement that demands police funding be significantly reduced in order to allocate funding for less carceral and more effective approaches to public safety (and for some advocates, it is also a hopeful first step towards police abolition). Since George Floyd’s murder by police in 2020, talk of “defund” has grown, and with it an intentional misrepresentation of what defund means and how much departments have actually been defunded. 

    This disinformation campaign has been assisted by mainstream news media willing to repeat unsubstantiated (and sometimes impossible) claims about the effects of defunding the police. At the same time, police are talking up concerns about a “crime wave,” which does include a significant homicide spike in 2020 (though one that falls far below ’80s and ’90s numbers), to secure higher budgets. The news too has followed with “crime spike” stories, which have noted rising homicides but are also apt to indulge easily disprovable stories about “organized shoplifting rings.” Civil rights lawyer Alec Karakatsanis critiqued a recent New York Times piece titled, “A year after ‘defund’ police department get their money back,” tweeting, “The NYT published another dangerous piece of copaganda, filled with misrepresentations and strategic omissions, all to confuse the public into normalizing and supporting record human caging budgets.”

    After Hogan’s “refund the police” speech, his director of communications Mike Ricci took to Twitter to suggest Montgomery County and Prince George’s County were two examples where police were “defunded.” But that isn’t entirely accurate. There was a proposed reduction of the police budget in Montgomery County, but ultimately, after calculating scheduled police pay increases, the police budget grew by $1.6 million. In Prince George’s County, the police department budget was reduced by $12.6 million, though that’s just 3.6% less than the department had last year. The PG County police budget for 2022 is nearly $342 million.

    The suggestion that the thin blue line that keeps society from submitting to chaos depends on less than 4% of a police department’s budget is hard to believe.

    Baltimore Police have not been ‘defunded’

    Police funding has not been reduced in Baltimore City. In 2020, the city council removed $22 million from the police budget, but in June of this year, council unanimously approved a $28 million increase to the police budget. 

    Last month, it was also decided that the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) would receive $6.5 million from revenue that was generated by red light and speeding cameras over the past year. Something similar happened last year when $2 million allotted for the city’s free bus system was instead used to further fund the police. 

    The use of that revenue to fund more police moved Jed Weeks of the advocacy group Bikemore, to speak out against the decision: “We can’t accept the continued theft of desperately needed transportation dollars by the Baltimore City Police Department,” Weeks said.

    For every dollar the city spends on policing, 50 cents is spent on public schools, 20 cents on public housing, 12 cents on homeless services, 11 cents on recreation and parks, and 1 cent on mental health services.

    Along with Baltimore finding new ways to fund the police by reallocating other funding, the city has long been a laboratory for surveillance—all framed as necessary to help police stop out-of-control crime. That surveillance has included a privately-funded surveillance plane, undisclosed Stringray phone trackers, the specious ShotSpotter technology, and the vast network of Citiwatch cameras throughout Baltimore that are monitored by the police. 

    Meanwhile, Johns Hopkins University plans to assist the police by creating their own armed police force, and residents are being encouraged by one councilperson to help the police do their jobs in exchange for cash. 

    Councilperson Isaac “Yitzy” Schliefer recently introduced a bill that he argues will help more residents come forward and provide information to the police. The bill increases the amount of money a resident receives if their tip leads to an arrest. 

    “Detectives are spread very thin and when tips come forward it helps them solve these crimes a lot quicker which helps bring closure to the families and communities of these victims,” Schliefer said during an Oct. 19 city council meeting. “If detectives can solve their crimes and their caseload quicker it also helps reduce the overtime that they have to spend in solving these crimes.”

    This year so far, BPD’s clearance rate for homicides is 40.5%. In 2017, according to the police, the clearance rate was 51%. In 2018 it was 43%, in 2019 it was 32%, and in 2020 it was 40%. 

    The national clearance rate average for homicides is 54.7%.

    But even Schliefer, whose bill has been praised by Hogan, stressed that police in Baltimore have not been defunded.

    “When you say ‘refund the police,’ you’re indicating they were defunded,” he said on local radio the same day Hogan was telling cops how hard they have it. “In Baltimore city, the numbers don’t lie. There have been increases in the police department.” 

    $555 million a year

    The approved Baltimore City police budget is $555 million—$5 million more than last year.

    Since 2000, the BPD police budget has increased by $334 million while the number of homicides in the city has remained high. In 2000, there were 261 homicides and the police budget was $231 million. In 2011, when Baltimore endured 196 homicides—the lowest number of homicides in Baltimore since the seventies—the city spent $336 million on police. The police budget in 2011 had actually been reduced: In 2010, the budget was nearly $353,000 and there were 223 homicides. 

    Since 2015, homicides have significantly increased—more than 300 each year—along with the police budget. In 2020, there were 335 homicides and the police budget was nearly $550 million. 

    According to Vera Institute, that $550 million made up 26% of the city’s total funds and added up to about $840 per resident. 

    Organizing Black, an abolitionist group that mobilized Baltimoreans this year to tell the City Council to defund the police (the council did not listen), has stressed that for every dollar the city spends on policing, 50 cents is spent on public schools, 20 cents on public housing, 12 cents on homeless services, 11 cents on recreation and parks, and 1 cent on mental health services.

    “The community is saying this ain’t working, and we need to cut the funding to the police department,” Organizing Black’s Rob Ferrell recently told journalist J. Brian Charles.

    Baltimore City Councilperson Ryan Dorsey, a frequent critic of the police who nevertheless voted for recent budget increases for BPD, took to Twitter to mock Hogan’s “refund the police” plan.

    “I heard refund police and thought it meant giving people a refund on the billions of dollars spent on the lie that police would make anything better,” Dorsey tweeted.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In the state of Louisiana, 786 inmates—none of whom were ever sentenced to death—died behind bars between 2015-2019 while serving out their prison sentences. Since Black people are already incarcerated at disproportionate rates, these deaths have been disproportionately among Black inmates. This information has not been publicly available until now, because no single authority in Louisiana is required to collect such data. When law professor Andrea Armstrong and her students took it upon themselves to conduct this research, they were shocked by what they found. In this episode of Rattling the Bars, TRNN Executive Producer Eddie Conway speaks with Armstrong about investigating the quiet horror happening inside Louisiana prisons and what can be done to stop it. Professor Armstrong joined the Loyola University New Orleans,College of Law faculty in 2010 and founded IncarcerationTransparency.org, a database that provides facility-level deaths behind bars data and analysis for Louisiana and memorializes the lives lost. She is a leading national expert on prison and jail conditions and is certified by the US Department of Justice as a Prison Rape Elimination Act auditor.

    Pre-production/Studio/Post-production: Cameron Granadino

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Earlier this week, the new Vice President for Public Safety of Johns Hopkins University and Hopkins Medicine Branville Bard Jr. discussed the university’s planned armed private police force in an internal email sent to “the Johns Hopkins Community” and obtained by Battleground Baltimore. The email is light on specifics and heavy on, well, saying the right thing, and that’s what makes it interesting.

    “I was excited about the opportunity to take on this role at Johns Hopkins because of the institution’s comprehensive vision for public safety, one that reflects the truth I have long understood: There is far more to public safety than police or security officers; they are just one element of our broader public safety strategy,” Bard wrote.

    Bard joined Hopkins in July. From 2017-2021 he was the police commissioner of the Cambridge Police Department in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and before that, he spent 21 years with the Philadelphia Police Department. In the email, Bard promised to begin speaking to Baltimoreans, Hopkins students and faculty, and “affinity groups” about the private police force. 

    A look at Bard’s work in Cambridge suggests a similar approach to Hopkins: deploying social justice language while defending and misrepresenting police powers in the name of reform.

    “Throughout my career, some of my most important relationships have been with those who are critical of the police. Indeed, I have found that often those who harbor the strongest objections to policing have the potential to be the most instructive in our growth and improvement,” Bard wrote.

    Since March of 2018, soon after a state-level bill that would have allowed the university to establish its own police force was introduced, Hopkins students and faculty, along with those who live near the two Hopkins campuses, have organized against the plan. They opposed more police in their neighborhoods and invoked Tyrone West, a Black man who was killed by Baltimore Police and Morgan State University police in 2013. They were also, more broadly, protesting Hopkins as an incredibly powerful institution that lords its prestige over the city to get what it wants and expand its power—and an institution that should pay more taxes.

    Protests against the private police force escalated in April 2019 with a month-long occupation of Garland Hall, a building on the Homewood campus. That occupation was eventually ended by Baltimore Police, who broke the doors of the building to get in, removed and arrested the students, and, in the process, misgendered one arrestee. “Your friend is a man,” one cop told students pleading for their friend to be moved to the police van designated for women arrestees.

    The police, it appeared, had proven the activists’ point. But the private police bill soon passed, allowing Hopkins to create its own police force.

    Then, the police in Minnesota murdered George Floyd on May 25, 2020, and it briefly became gauche to call for more cops. Ronald Daniels, Hopkins’ president, announced a “pause” on the police force for “at least two years” in June 2020.

    In July 2021, barely a year after the pause was announced, Bard was hired. 

    Bard’s email frames his current period of establishing the police force as a way to “respect the two-year pause in the development of the eventual JHPD,” confirming that the “two-year pause” only referred to the implementation of the police force and not the ongoing development of it. This was as many activists suspected back in 2020. At the time, they called the announcement of the pause a “PR move” in response to George Floyd and saw it as cynical: realistically, Hopkins couldn’t fully launch the police force in less than two years, anyway.

    A look at Bard’s work in Cambridge suggests a similar approach to Hopkins: deploying social justice language while defending and misrepresenting police powers in the name of reform.

    “I was born and raised in Southwest Philly, a place not too different from Baltimore, as one of six kids. Policing in that time and that place—and the policing that I witnessed first hand—was often conducted at the end of a nightstick,” Bard wrote in the email. “Those early experiences served as a model to me for what policing should not be.”

    In April 2018, police officers for Bard’s Cambridge Police Department did not conduct their policing with nightsticks, but they did use their fists. They tackled and arrested a Black Harvard student who had removed all of his clothes and allegedly threw them at someone. Witnesses to the man’s arrest said the officers punched the student multiple times in the stomach. 

    “A naked, unarmed Black man, stood still on the median,” a statement from the Harvard Black Law Students Association (BLSA) said. “He was surrounded by at least four Cambridge Police Department (CPD) officers who, without provocation, lunged at him, tackled him and pinned him to the ground.”

    Last year, at around the same time that Hopkins put its supposed “pause” on the police force, Bard was in Cambridge boasting that his department did not have any, in his words, “military equipment.” This was not true: The Boston Globe later revealed that Cambridge Police were in possession of 64 M4 assault rifles, sniper rifles, and an armored vehicle.

    Bard unequivocally defended the officers’ actions.

    “I absolutely do support the officers,” Bard said at a press conference two days after the incident. “You have to judge their actions within the context of a rapidly evolving situation and not within an ideal construct.”

    And last year, at around the same time that Hopkins put its supposed “pause” on the police force, Bard was in Cambridge boasting that his department did not have any, in his words, “military equipment.” This was not true: The Boston Globe later revealed that Cambridge Police were in possession of 64 M4 assault rifles, sniper rifles, and an armored vehicle.

    Bard then claimed that what he meant was that his police department “did not possess materials that are restricted to the military by law.”

    Earlier this year, a bill sponsored by longtime police reform advocate Maryland State Sen. Jill Carter, which would have repealed the private police force bill, died in committee.

    “It should not have required the protest of George Floyd to come to that conclusion, given the fact that they’ve had staff, residents, students overwhelmingly not in support of the police force,” Carter said at the time. “Hopkins has a record of exploiting generations of persons of color, city and University namesake.”

    Baltimore City to consider local control of its cops

    “I will hold [the Baltimore Police Department] accountable as mayor,” Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott told the Real News at the beginning of this year, a few weeks after he was sworn in. 

    Scott focused on accountability by way of getting the city’s police department back in control of the city. The Baltimore Police Department is a state agency, not a city agency, and Scott, like many others, has long argued that state control severely limits how much the city can do to hold cops accountable.

    “We need local control over BPD, we need to listen to our residents and youth organizers,” Scott said. 

    During the last legislative session, a bill that could make the police locally controlled again passed. The bill would ultimately put local control of the police—for the first time since the State of Maryland seized control of the Baltimore Police Department during the Civil War—on the ballot to be decided by voters. 

    Mayor Scott, who had a hand in getting the bill to Annapolis, announced the Local Control Advisory Board and swore in its community-appointed members in late August. Now, there is a set date for the group to start looking into local control: Oct. 27.

    “After a decade of advocacy in Annapolis, Baltimore City is one step closer to having local control of its police department for the very first time,” Scott said in a press release. “The ability to set policies and provide oversight locally will enable us to transform the Baltimore Police Department, while also fulfilling our consent decree requirements with integrity.”

    The Baltimore Police Department is a state agency, not a city agency, and Scott, like many others, has long argued that state control severely limits how much the city can do to hold cops accountable.

    Included on the Local Control Advisory Board is Robert Cherry, a Baltimore Police veteran appointed to the position provided to the Fraternal Order of Police. 

    In 2012, when Cherry was the President of the Fraternal Order of Police, he dismissed the concerns of whistleblowing Baltimore cop Joe Crystal, who, after reporting misconduct from fellow officers, found a rat on his car’s windshield. According to Crystal, Cherry told him that police units are “blood in, blood out” and Crystal should begin looking for a police job in another city. Cherry’s FOP also represented Sgt. Marinos Gialamas, who allegedly looked on as another officer beat up a suspect. Cherry was a character witness for Gialamas.

    In 2017, Cherry mocked a shooting that happened in the radical bookstore Red Emma’s (he later deleted the tweet). 

    This year, Cherry posted a gruesome photo of a homicide victim (since deleted) to make some kind of point about Baltimore’s murder rate. Earlier this month, Cherry tweeted that he would use his position on the Local Control Advisory Board to call attention to “silence to incompetence” going on in the department. Cherry claims that those in charge do not hold commanders responsible. What that has to do with local control of the police was not clear.

    The first meeting of the Local Control Advisory Board takes place on Oct. 27 at 5:30PM.

    Walters Museum still won’t recognize union 

    Walters Workers United (WWU), a proposed union that would represent all Walters Art Museum workers which has yet to be recognized by their bosses, took their case to the Baltimore City Council on Thursday, Oct. 14.

    Back in April, WWU announced its intention to form a wall-to-wall union which would include everybody employed by the museum and eligible (including the museum’s security guards) in order to negotiate equity in pay, more opportunities to advance, and better work conditions.

    The Walters has demanded WWU hold a National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) election, which would require a majority vote. But WWU is organized through the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) because it is the trade union for city employees. They have repeatedly said they have a supermajority anyway.

    In June, City Council passed a resolution so that the council would look at what collective bargaining through the city could look like for WWU, and the hearing on Thursday night was where WWU and the Walters began to make their cases. 

    The Walters has demanded WWU hold a National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) election, which would require a majority vote.

    Director of the Walters Julia Marciari-Alexander maintained the museum’s party line: The museum is “impartial” in the process. The Walters, however, has not recognized the union and wants to bring the issue before the National Labor Relations Board. That’s an issue because, as was discussed during the hearing, the Walters is generally understood as a public institution and the NLRB, due to the National Labor Relations Act, primarily handles private institutions. Few would reasonably think of the museum as “private.” The museum’s staff, for example, receive their health benefits through the city, and though other money for the museum comes through private funding, Baltimore City has some control over the museum. 

    Unionizing through AFSCME would enable the union to include the museum’s security guards. Teague Paterson, lawyer for AFSCME, argued to council that the Walters’ hybrid public/private setup means it is out of the NLRB’s jurisdiction.

    Due to the Walters’ inaction in recognizing the union and calls for the NLRB to get involved (which would make it so security guards couldn’t join), Paterson accused the museum of “union-busting.” 

    As WYPR reported, Mayor Scott supports the Walters’ employees’ union.

    “As a strong supporter of workers’ rights, Mayor Scott is carefully monitoring the organizing efforts at the Walters Art Museum,” Scott spokesman Cal Harris said in a statement. “The Mayor will always fight for workers to have the right to unionize, and will defend their ability to do so fairly and freely.”

    For an excellent explanation of the Walters unionization effort, read Rebekah Kirkman’s “The Way Forward for Walters Workers United” over at BmoreArt.

    Lisa Moody (1967-2021)

    “RIP Lisa Moody,” someone wrote with chalk in big bubbly letters on the sidewalk in front of Baltimore dance club and after hours spot Club 1722 earlier this week. Moody, a Baltimore house DJ and promoter best known for the seminal house music party Deep Sugar, died over the weekend. No information on the cause of her death has been released.

    Moody’s death is another blow for Baltimore’s storied dance culture, which has afforded catharsis and escape for all of Baltimore—but especially its Black working class—for decades even as development and other moneyed interests continue to undermine the close-knit scene. Back in February, Baltimore club vocalist Jimmy Jones died. The Paradox, a nightclub that specialized in house and club music, was demolished last year.

    On Nov. 21 at Baltimore Soundstage, what was intended to be the 18th anniversary of Deep Sugar is now a celebration of life for Moody. Baltimore house icons such as Ultra Nate (who created Deep Sugar with Moody) and Wayne Davis will be there alongside house legends such as David Morales and Kenny Bobien, all paying tribute and keeping the inclusive vibes of Deep Sugar alive.

    Hogan wants to “refund” the already overfunded police

    As we were wrapping up this week’s installment of Battleground Baltimore, Maryland’s Gov. Larry Hogan threw out some red meat we can only imagine he believes will increase his chances of electability on a national level among the frothing law-and-order types that make up much of the Republican Party. Hogan announced his “Refund the Police” initiative, which seems squarely aimed at perpetuating the myth that the police were ever significantly “defunded.” In fact, most departments have received additional funding in 2021, including the Baltimore Police Department. Despite BPD getting additional money this year, Hogan spent his presser criticizing Baltimore and some of its elected officials (including Councilperson Ryan Dorsey and State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby) and suggesting that even more money on top of the $555 million the police in Baltimore get will reduce crime.

    “The city of Baltimore is a poster child for the basic failure to stop lawlessness. There’s a prosecutor who refuses to prosecute crime and there’s a revolving door of repeat offenders who are being let right back onto the streets to shoot people again and again,” Hogan said.

    We won’t even get into all the ways this is incorrect, we will just point you to Battleground Baltimore’s thread of the week below, which shows the attorneys who work for Mosby (who Hogan accuses of being too soft on crime) successfully arguing for keeping children in jail.

    Thread of the Week: @Bmorecourtwatch on children tried as adults

    This week’s thread from Baltimore Courtwatch details the arguments presented by the Baltimore City State’s Attorney’s Office for keeping children in jail and illustrates how frequently judges go along with these arguments. There were five cases on Thursday, Oct. 14 (Thursday is dedicated to children tried as adults): The SAO requested holding each of these children without bail, and the judge ordered “HWOB” each time. Among the most tragic is a case involving a child who requested a modification to his home monitoring so that he could attend an after-school event. Because the child’s schedule was not provided to the SAO early, the modification was denied last week. This week, @Bmorecourtwatch explained, “he no longer wants to participate in the after-school activity and has asked the modification request be withdrawn.” 

    Tweet of the Week: @LisaMcCray on last year’s Columbus Day

    “Just wanted to remind everyone of the time Baltimore activists threw a Columbus statue in the harbor and then conservatives tried to take it out and the head came off,” Lisa Snowden-McCray (who will already miss dearly here at Battleground Baltimore) tweeted, capturing the absurdity of the reactionary “Columbus, a genocidal rapist, was good actually” crowd who attempted to salvage Baltimore’s Columbus statue after it was pulled over and thrown into the harbor last year.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In this special Indigenous Peoples’ Day episode of Rattling the Bars, TRNN Executive Producer Eddie Conway speaks with author and activist Ward Churchill about the wrongful imprisonment and deteriorating health of Indigenous political prisoner Leonard Peltier. A member of the American Indian Movement who was sent to prison in 1977 after a dubious trial sentenced him to two consecutive life sentences, Peltier’s continued imprisonment remains a stain on our “criminal justice” system.

    Pre-Production/Studio/Post-Production: Cameron Granadino

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Phillip Alvin Jones has been in prison for over 30 years. As the result of a trial allegedly riddled with irregularities and dubious evidence, Jones and his supporters say that he was wrongfully imprisoned at 19 for a crime he did not commit. What’s worse, Jones, who was arrested and tried in Baltimore, Maryland, was transferred under questionable circumstances to Washington State Penitentiary, thousands of miles away from friends and family who would otherwise be able to visit him. Supporters have set up a website and a petition for Jones, who also hosts a podcast called The Wall: Behind and Beyond, which he records from prison. In this exclusive and urgent episode of Rattling the Bars, Jones calls from Washington State Penitentiary to talk to TRNN Executive Producer and former political prisoner Eddie Conway about his fight for freedom and how people on the outside can help.

    Pre-Production/Studio/Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Eddie Conway:    Welcome to this episode of Rattling The Bars. 30 years ago in the state of Maryland, a juvenile got locked up. He’s still in jail serving time, but now he’s in Seattle, Washington, 3,000 miles away from home. So, joining me today is Philip Albert Jones to explain why he’s still in jail, and why he’s 3,000 miles away from Maryland. Thank you, Philip, for joining me.

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Thank you. And I appreciate you welcoming me to your show.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay, Philip. If you’ll start at the beginning and tell our audience why you got locked up, how old you were, why you are still in jail 30 years later, and how you ended up in Seattle, Washington, serving a sentence in the state of Maryland?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Back in 1990, I was driving down the street in West Baltimore, and I was pulled over by the Western District Police Department after stopping at a light. They jumped out the car with guns pointed in my face, telling me to exit the car. They threw me on the ground, cuffed me up and threw me in the back of a wagon, and took me to the Western District Police Department, and told me that they had reason to believe that I was involved in a shooting that occurred a month before. I told them, I don’t know what you’re talking about. I have no idea. They said, well, we got a witness that you was driving in the car that they say was leaving the scene. So I got charged that day at the age of 19 with attempted first degree murder, attempted second degree murder, conspiracy, and handgun violations.

    I got no bail. And I sat in a city jail for a year and a half waiting for trial. And I finally was offered a nine year deal, which I refused, because like I said I didn’t have any knowledge of what was going on. And so I said, I don’t want to take any time. I went to trial for about seven days, and was eventually found guilty after the single eye witness, that perjured herself, testified and said that she saw me. And then Joseph Kopera, the ballistics dude who committed perjury and committed suicide, told the jury that it was more than one gun used, so therefore conspiracy. So my case was screwed up. I was 19, I’m 50 now, and I’ve been in prison for 31 years. I did 16 years in the state of Maryland first. I started off at the Maryland penitentiary. Well, ECI, then the Maryland state penitentiary.

    When they closed the Maryland state penitentiary down, they sent us all out to JCI, which used to be the annex. In 1996, they had a huge riot down there, probably like 100 people involved. We all went to the super max for this incident. A lot of people got stabbed, blood everywhere, it was crazy. Kids doing dumb stuff. So I ended up being in the super max for five years. Upon me leaving the super max I went back to the annex, and that’s when they put me on as [seg] saying that I was a leader of one of these groups, which I [was] not. And then, so they decided they wanted me out of state, me and a few other dudes that’s out here with me now. We’re all older now, we was in our 20’s back then. So that’s how I got out of state.

    But I had actually filed to come back in the courts of Maryland. And they told me that I have to show that my case is being impacted, and that me being so far away was negatively impacting me, my family life, and me getting out of prison. Because they said they had jurisdiction to send me wherever they want–

    Recording:        You have 60 seconds remaining.

    Phillip Albert Jones:    …As a Maryland state boarder. So that’s how I got out of there. I’m going to have to call back though, so we can get back to it.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay. So you’ve been out in Seattle, Washington, since 2005. And your family is still back in Maryland. How is that impacting your case, and what can they do from that far away to help you? And how does that also impact your quality of life while you’re there, not being able to get visits and stuff?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    I’ve actually built the whole team around my situation, and my case is actually going good now, because I’m getting a lot of publicity and people are taking notice. As far as my family and me being so far away from Maryland, the only downside of that–Because it’s phenomenal out here, I’m doing a lot of good things I couldn’t do in Maryland. But the only downside of that is that I don’t get the news of what’s going on in the criminal justice world until late. I have to read about in newsletters or have my family go online and try to find out what’s happening. And that’s how I found out late about some of the stuff that was going on with some of these bills and all that. But as far as me being away from here, what I’m doing to get my case recognized and heard and get some lawyers involved, I wouldn’t have been able to do in Maryland because I have a whole platform going on. And I’m all about bringing attention to the fact that I didn’t have a fair trial, and I’ve been doing that effectively.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay, Phillip. You were a juvenile 30 years ago, and Maryland, the state Maryland, passed a law, and the courts have also made some other legal decisions about juvenile. Juveniles are being released all over the country, in particular in the state of Maryland. Don’t your case fall under those guidelines?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    They’re saying that in Maryland they don’t recognize that new brain science. So if you was over the age of 17, they’re trying to say that you don’t fit the criteria as long as you have a reasonable chance at parole. But in Maryland, there is no reasonable chance at parole, because you only get one as a lifer. And if they don’t grant it, then you have to fight to get another hearing, and so that’s kind of like no parole. Now, because I wasn’t 17, they’re saying as long as you get an opportunity for parole, then you don’t fit the criteria. These bills they’re passing are excluding people over 18.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay. One of the things that you say happened is that the expert ballistic witness in the state of Maryland, who had lied on 800 other cases and ultimately he committed suicide, they were releasing those people. He was a key witness in your case. How is that not a situation to get you relief?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Yes, absolutely. The state’s attorney used him to bolster a conspiracy case. That’s how come my case held a life sentence if I went to trial. He didn’t have no evidence of no conspiracy. They told him to do that because he started talking about two guns being used and if it was more than one person. But I was originally charged with assault with intent to murder, which did carry no life sentence. And so he definitely affected my case, and the jury sent the note back saying they didn’t want to find me guilty of attempted murder. But the judge told him, you have to, because if you don’t, then you have to find him not guilty of everything, which was a false instruction. But I didn’t have the right attorneys or the right defense set up, and so he got away with it.

    But saying that to say, Joseph Kopera, all the people who he affected like he affected me, a lot of them are already gone. They’re trying to tell me that I’d have to file a writ of actual innocence, which I did. They brought me back to court in 2017. I didn’t have an attorney. I ended up postponing it. And while I sat it on [inaudible], I got very sick because of the conditions. So they sent me back here, and then I withdrew the petition without prejudice. So, I still haven’t been heard yet on this issue, although I did go back to court for it in 2017. So I’m still trying to get myself back in there.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay. Marilyn Mosby has set up an integrity in sentencing unit, and it seems like your case should fall under those guidelines. Have you been in contact with her office and that unit? And what’s the situation with that?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Yes. We reached out to Marilyn Mosby like five times. We got two responses. They said that they are going to review my case, but the sentencing review unit has it right now. And the sentencing review unit or the State’s Attorney’s Office is looking through my file. So, my lawyer is waiting and hoping that they will accept my case as one of the ones that they need to go back and look at and review. As far as the integrity unit, I also wrote them. I wrote to all the heads that would give me the opportunity to show that my trial wasn’t fair, or that my sentence was too harsh. So right now, they’re saying that they review it. It has been a couple of months. So we’re sitting on standby trying to see, are they going to make a report or tell us what’s going on?

    Eddie Conway:    Okay. So do they have you in the gang database? Because some years ago they put me in there and it took me three years to get out. Every year they would call me in, they would take my picture, and they would write up a little report on my activities for that year. So, are they doing that to you? Do they still have you in that gang database and are they taking your pictures every year?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    I think they left me alone because I haven’t had any of that happen the whole time I’ve been in Washington. But apparently since I’m still here, they have me out here for that purpose, then they must still believe that I’m connected to it in some way. But they should know that I’m not, if they’ve been following me, because my record, all the things I do in here, are anti-gang. And also, I try to mentor the youth about the pitfalls of prison gang life. You know what I mean? That’s not something that you should be doing. Your first day in prison should be spent trying to get back out. And I bet they know that.

    Eddie Conway:    So what can the public do to help your family or to help your case? Do you have a website set up? Is there some way for people to at least look at what happened to you and why you are still being held 3,000 miles away?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Absolutely. Thank you for asking. I have a website, it’s called grantparoletophillip.com. I have a petition. I have a petition also that they can sign on change.org, and also I have a podcast called The Wall: Behind and Beyond for anybody that wants to hear some of the issues that go on inside the criminal justice system and the prison reforms.

    Eddie Conway:    So we’ll include your address at the end of this broadcast, but tell me, what have you been doing? It sounds like you’ve been working with young people, and you’ve been doing some positive work up in that particular penitentiary.

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Man, I’m a college student right now. I’ve been taking college for a couple of years. I’m trying to get my degree in business administration. I’ve been taking all kinds of therapeutic and cognitive programs, but I’m also a facilitator of a program called Release Readiness. So I deal in reentry. And what I do is I put on Zoom panels for awareness, and this is how come I shine a light on some of the problems that we’re having in Maryland, as far as the way the system is not working properly. So that’s what I do. I spend a lot of time with that, doing my podcast, mentoring youth, and trying to make the public aware of that we are very behind in Maryland. All the other states have figured out that it’s not about punishment. It’s about rehabilitation, and reforms, and reentry. Because 80% of us are going back to the community, whether they like it or not. So they should be spending more time doing that. So that’s what I do on my show.

    Eddie Conway:    That was 30 years ago. You are like 50 now, you are a different person than you was 30 years ago. The courts, criminologists, psychologists, sociologists, everybody recognizes that juveniles don’t have mature thinking ability, and that doesn’t really kick in until they’re 24, 25, something like that. So 30 years later, you a different person than you was 30 years ago, and the courts and the parole board should recognize that, and recognize that you deserve a second chance. So have you been making any efforts to go in front of the parole board? And what’s the situation with that and how can people help you with that?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Yes, that’s good, I’m glad you brought that point up. I just went up for parole in March. This month they passed, and actually Bloomberg himself was on my parole hearing with another commissioner. And Bloomberg said I’m doing good. He said, “Man, on paper, everything looks right. Keep doing what you’re doing, get that degree.” He said, “But I’m going to give you a rehearing. I’m not going to grant it today, but I’m not denying it.” So I have to go back in 18 months for a rehearing and get a chance to present myself again and all that I got going on.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay. So what would you have the public do, if you could ask them to do something for you, what would you have them do for you right now?

    Phillip Albert Jones:    I need the public to write the parole commission, Maryland Parole Commission, on my behalf saying that they support me and that I’ve been locked up long enough and I’m doing good things with my time, and that I should be granted parole.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay. So, Phillip, you get an opportunity now to say anything that you want to say to the public, so they can hear at least what your feelings are and what your position is.

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Oh, yeah. First of all, thank you for allowing me to come on and do this interview. I really appreciate that. Second of all, I really just want an opportunity to come back out to my community where they took me from as a child, and show that I can be a positive influence and make a great contribution to my community. My community loves me, and they still need me. My kids need me. And so I would just like to say that, in Maryland give us… You know we haven’t had a first chance, let alone a second chance. I’m not bitter, I’m not upset, but I am ready to go home and return to my family and my community and make a difference. Because as you can see, we’re in a lot of trouble in Baltimore City and we need people out there, man, that’s coming with positive reinforcement and influence. And I want to be a part of that solution. So I appreciate that, man. And thank you very much. It was nice, man, talking to you.

    Eddie Conway:    Yes, I would just like to echo that sentiment. We need you out here. The community need you out here. People that’s been in prison for 20, 30 years, that’s been working with young people in prison, that’s been mentoring, would be a valuable asset to our community, and would also help us with talking to young people in our community to help keep down that level of violence. So I hope that when the public see this and when your family shares it with people, that the public will come forth and support you and get you back here. Because we need you in the community to help us make the community safer. So, I hope people will look at your podcast and check out your website. And hopefully, good luck to you.

    Phillip Albert Jones:    Okay, man. Thank you so much, man. And I will do that, and I love platforms like this, man. You’re doing the work, man. I know you been here, too, that you’ve seen what I saw. So, I really appreciate you going out there and still doing the good work for us.

    Eddie Conway:    Okay. So, thank you for joining me, Phillip.

    Phillip Albert Jones:    All right. Take care, man.

    Eddie Conway:    And thank you for joining this episode of Rattling The Bars

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • This story originally appeared as a segment in Battleground Baltimore on Oct. 1, 2021.

    Amid a push to divert mental health crisis response to trained mental health professionals and away from police, Baltimore City Councilperson Ryan Dorsey called attention to the fact that Baltimore City Schools sometimes send police to respond when students use keywords on their district-issued laptops that could indicate self-harm.

    “Clinical supervisors, school police, principals and designated school staff receive all GoGuardian alerts. During the school day, alerts are forwarded to respective school-based clinicians to respond … In cases where the student is not in school and contact cannot be made, wellness checks are conducted by school police and follow up with school-based clinicians.”

    André Riley, director of communications for Baltimore City Public Schools

    “[Baltimore City Schools] monitors students’ chrome books for keyword searches indicating interest in self-harm, and then sends police—not qualified professionals—to intervene,” Dorsey tweeted on Sept. 29. “This is crazy.”

    Khalilah Harris, acting vice president for K-12 education policy at the Center for American Progress, was disturbed by the fact that students are being surveilled and said that surveillance could potentially lead to an encounter with the police.

    “It is unconscionable for any school district to be surveilling their students through technology meant for schoolwork. Likewise, no school district should be inviting police to show up at the homes of their students, and particularly students experiencing mental health crises,” Harris told Battleground Baltimore. “Thrusting children into the school-to-prison pipeline who need medical care is a disgrace.”

    André Riley, director of communications for Baltimore City Public Schools, explained the process to Battleground Baltimore. City schools, like many school systems around the country, use GoGuardian, a monitoring service that allows others to see how students are using their laptops.

    “Clinical supervisors, school police, principals and designated school staff receive all GoGuardian alerts. During the school day, alerts are forwarded to respective school-based clinicians to respond. Students are assessed for lethality, parents are contacted, referrals are made, and resources are provided,” Riley said. “In cases where the student is not in school and contact cannot be made, wellness checks are conducted by school police and follow up with school-based clinicians.”

    School police also monitor GoGuardian after school hours, including on weekends and holidays, and they can choose to do wellness checks, which, Riley explained, “include school police advising parents of the alert, speaking to students and making referrals as needed.” Riley also explained what happens after the initial response to the GoGuardian alert.

    “School police also are able to conduct emergency petitions for those students who demonstrate at-risk behaviors,” Riley said. “During the following day, school-based clinicians follow up with students and families to further assess student support needs.”

    City Schools did not disclose how many times School Police have been deployed since March 2020, when students switched to remote learning and were given take-home laptops.

    The number of times the Baltimore Police Department or Baltimore School Police have transported youth under emergency petition was not known until school advocate and public school parent Melissa Schober obtained the information via public information request. Between 2016-2019, Baltimore police detained students 280 times. School Police assisted with 1,273 emergency petitions from August 2016 to March 2020. 

    For Schober, what Dorsey called attention to raised more questions than it answered: What happens when school police conduct wellness checks? Do they use screening tools? Do they follow up with the district?

    “To me, this is a huge nightmare of accountability when you have unlicensed individuals responding to computer alerts unannounced,” she said. 

    When questioned, City Schools did not disclose how many times School Police have been deployed since March 2020, when students switched to remote learning and were given take-home laptops.

    School psychologist and Baltimore Teachers Union Special Services Vice President Brittany Johnstone explained that City Schools are using School Police instead of paying trained staff to work outside regular hours or relying on third party mental health services such as Baltimore Child and Adolescent Response System (BCARS).

    “School psychologists, counselors, and social workers respond during school hours but after hours District Leadership has designated School Police to respond. They could work with outside agencies to have BCARS or other qualified mental health services to respond but nope,” Johnstone tweeted.

    As Battleground Baltimore previously reported, Baltimore Police responded to what the department themselves labelled a “mental health crisis” back in August by fatally shooting 40-year-old Marcus Martin, who was armed but alone in his home, leaving his family searching for answers. Police responded because the incident happened in the evening and BPD’s crisis response team only operates between the hours of  11:00AM and 7:00PM.  

    Dorsey learned of the School Police interventions after questioning City Schools about a citizen’s report that a School Police vehicle was parked outside of Power Plant Live, a hub for downtown bars and nightclubs, on a Friday night. In an email obtained by Battleground Baltimore, City Schools said School Police were investigating the Power Plant incident, and explained the unit was part of the Night Response Unit that monitors school facilities after hours. The email also explained that, since the pandemic, the Night Response Unit had begun conducting wellness checks on students: “When a student conducts a search related to self-harm, it activates ‘GoGuardian’ alerts, which are then funneled to School Police.”

    This information raised even more questions for Dorsey and he emailed City Schools officials.

    “I’m actually floored that in 2021 we’re directly linking the mental health of students to a police response. That seems about as misguided as can be.”

    Baltimore City Councilperson Ryan Dorsey

    “Is there any evidence that 3-5 people … monitoring 150 buildings (~37.5 to 1?) is actually producing any result? I’d like to see data on that. Is there any monitoring of these activities?” Dorsey questioned in an email. “I’m actually floored that in 2021 we’re directly linking the mental health of students to a police response. That seems about as misguided as can be.”

    For Dorsey, School Police monitoring students’ computers—and possibly arriving at a student’s home based on what that student has searched or typed—runs counter to the numerous conversations about implementing non-carceral solutions to social issues and providing trauma-informed care. 

    In January, Baltimore became the first city to require officials to train on trauma-informed care through the Healing City Act. But as Baltimore Teachers Union Vice President Zach Taylor tweeted, City Schools are exempt from the Healing City Act: “Unfortunately, as an independent state agency @BaltCitySchools is not required to follow the Healing City Act, but it could still sign-on, engage in the trainings, agree to follow the protocols, etc… but they’ve been silent on the matter and appear uninterested.”

    “Everybody in public service should undertake trauma-informed training, but school police should simply not exist,” Dorsey said. 

    Editor’s Note: Khalilah Harris, acting vice president for K-12 education policy at the Center for American Progress, is a former TRNN host and executive producer.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In this episode of the Police Accountability Report, we provide breaking updates for several critical cases we’ve been covering for months, including a surprising development in the case of Daniel Alvarez, who received a $2500 ticket for changing lanes from a San Bernardino sheriff who had racially profiled him.

    We also report on new developments in the felony camping charges against the popular cop watcher Otto the Watchdog, along with the ongoing case against the first Black police chief of a small town on Maryland’s Lower Eastern Shore.


    Transcript

    Taya Graham: Hello. My name is Taya Graham, and this is Stephen Janis, and we are your hosts of the Police Accountability Report. And today, we have some breaking news updates.

    We like to do follow-ups on stories we’ve done to let you know what happened to the people that we reported on, and if we’re able to get them results. And, fortunately, we have some good news.

    The first case we’d like to update is the one of Daniel Alvarez. Stephen, can you give us a little background and share what the good news is?

    Stephen Janis: We first encountered Daniel when he sent us a video of him being pulled over by a Los Angeles County sheriff for supposedly going too far over a white line before a stop sign. And we did that video. And then after we published that video and got, like, a million views, then he was pulled over by the San Bernardino County sheriff for another totally questionable violation: changing lanes too close.

    The officer wrote him a $2500 ticket. We did that story. We put that officer, basically, so to speak, on blast. We put his picture in there. And so, when Daniel went to court to fight this ticket of $2500, the officer didn’t show.

    Taya Graham: Well, that’s an interesting coincidence that there were two reports done on this police officer, and he chose not to show. That is a very interesting coincidence, and a happy one for Daniel.

    Stephen Janis: Yeah. One would think maybe he had a sense of conscience because you could tell that the charges were pretty much bogus. But nevertheless, let’s watch a little bit of his interaction, and you can tell us.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Sergeant: I just stopped you because you cut that car off when you–

    Daniel: No, I didn’t. I signaled–

    Sergeant: Got your ID on you?

    Daniel: …and made a lane change.

    Sergeant: Need your ID too, sir.

    Speaker: Oh, no sir.

    Sergeant: What’s that?

    Speaker: No, sir.

    Daniel: It seems to me that you seen me go by the stoplight.

    Sergeant: Ma’am, I need your ID, too.

    Daniel: And you stopped me based just because you seen what I look like.

    Speaker: The locals even mentioned it, too. The ones following us–

    Sergeant: You been on probation or parole?

    Daniel: Nope.

    Speaker: Mm-mm (negative).

    Sergeant: Are you on probation or parole?

    Speaker: No.

    Daniel: No, he’s not.

    Sergeant: Are you on probation or parole?

    Speaker: No.

    Sergeant: Okay. And you guys are refusing to give me your IDs, right?

    Daniel: I thought that they didn’t have to give you their ID if you just stopped me for a traffic violation.

    Sergeant: [inaudible] So, are you going to give it to me or not?

    Daniel: Can you call your lieutenant or sergeant, here?

    Sergeant: I’m the sergeant.

    Daniel: Okay.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Stephen Janis: So, as you can see, he really didn’t have any reason to write Daniel a ticket. But I guess this is a good outcome number one.

    Taya Graham: Our next update is on Otto the Watchdog. Otto has unfortunately been separated from his children for almost three years because of felony camping charges that he received. And he’s also had to pay $300 a month for a monitoring device on his leg. So, we have an update in this case.

    Stephen Janis: Basically, he was charged with felony camping after, quote-unquote, a Karen called because he was camping with his children, because he was facing a court case over holding a sign, a sign some people found offensive. They charged him with two felony counts of camping. Then you did a very emotional interview with Otto, where he talked about being separated from his children. Let’s watch a little bit of the pain that this caused him.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Otto: My kids are out there, and I know that they’re going through some stuff, and I can’t even talk to them about it. I can’t even write it. I can’t do nothing. Just have to sit there and watch. And I was afraid that they thought that I abandoned them. So, thankfully, my family is pretty awesome and kept reminding them that daddy loves them.

    So, when I finally got to see them again, that was a pretty big deal, man. But it should have never happened. I wasn’t doing anything, at all. I was minding my own business, trying to do what they wanted me to do. I was trying to show up to court, and I just keep getting arrested on the way to court. It’s fucked up.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Stephen Janis: But the good news is now, that those charges of felony camping have been dropped.

    Taya Graham: Yes.

    Stephen Janis: He still has to fight the sign charge, but nevertheless there is some light at the end of the tunnel, and he was able to see his children again.

    Taya Graham: Right. And the sign charge, I think, is a really clear cut First Amendment case. So we think Otto is going to have a bright future ahead, and we’re very happy to share this news.

    Our third update for you is on Michelle Lucas, who is here in our home state of Maryland.

    Stephen Janis: Mm-hmm (affirmative).

    Taya Graham: Michelle Lucas is a pizza delivery woman and grandmother of four who was charged with allegedly passing a $100 counterfeit bill that she received from her workplace. So, Stephen, you have an update on this case.

    Stephen Janis: Well, as you know, the charges were dropped against her after we investigated and got in touch with the public defender. They had already gotten her to plead guilty.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Michelle: I can barely… I had lost prior to this almost 80 pounds. I’ve gained most of it back. I’m crying constantly. I’m scared to take money. I don’t even want to go to the store for nothing, for nobody, not for myself. I’m scared to spend even a dollar, because what if it’s counterfeit.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Stephen Janis: As you know, Michelle Lucas was charged with two felony counts of passing counterfeit bills from an incident involving an employee she worked with who gave her the money. And she went and bought some liquor for him. And then police arrested her, for some reason. And after we investigated, they dropped all the charges.

    But one of the things we talk about in our show is the long-term consequences. And the long-term consequences are that she would still have a record. And if she went for a job, you look up Michelle Lucas, and you’d see that she was charged with two felony counts of counterfeiting. Well, the good news is, now, that they have accelerated her expungement, and so those charges will soon be not on her record anymore.

    Taya Graham: And that’s wonderful news, because charges like this can take up to three years to be expunged. So for them to be expedited so quickly is great news for her and for her family, because we know this has put a lot of stress on her and a toll on her health. So we’re very happy to have this good news about Michelle.

    Our last and final update is on the case of Kelvin Sewell, a former police chief in Pocomoke City, Maryland, who was charged for not charging someone who had hit two parked cars.

    Now, these two parked cars were hit. There was property damage. The insurance paid for it. But he was charged for not pursuing charges against a Pocomoke City resident, which is sort of unusual. So, Stephen, can you give us an update in this case, and give us an idea of what the good news is.

    Stephen Janis: Well, first of all, let’s remember that Kelvin was police chief of Pocomoke City. He implemented community policing, making his officers get out of the car and walk. He was fired by an all-white city council, nearly all white, excuse me. And he filed a discrimination lawsuit, and then they brought these charges against him.

    Taya Graham: Right. After the discrimination lawsuit.

    Stephen Janis: Right. The state prosecutors brought these charges. A very controversial case. Many people said it was retaliation. He’s been convicted twice down in Worcester County by a nearly all-white jury. And he’s appealed the case.

    The latest appeal, the Court of Special Appeals, has said that the court must hold a prosecutorial misconduct hearing. And Kelvin must get a chance to have that hearing, to determine if prosecutors acted with some sort of malice or corrupt intent.

    And basically, which is kind of interesting, it’s like, flip the script on them. Basically, what they’re alleging is that a witness who was a key witness against Kelvin, a woman named Tonya Barnes, who said he was behaving unusually that night, had recanted to Kelvin and said they’d been putting pressure on her to testify against him.

    So, this is a big deal. I don’t know what’s going to happen. I don’t know if prosecutors are going to go forward with it, or if even Kelvin will pursue it. But really, at this point, the court has said there’s enough evidence to warrant a hearing about prosecutorial misconduct.

    And the point you make is a really good point. The reason this case is so important, besides all the background in Pocomoke, is that they’re basically saying that anytime a cop shows up anywhere, they got to arrest somebody.

    Taya Graham: Absolutely.

    Stephen Janis: If there’s the smallest hint… And I don’t think there’s anyone in this country that wants every cop following the letter of the law every single day. Things are bad enough as they are.

    Taya Graham: Right. If every interaction had to end in arrest in order to protect the officer, you can see how bad things would get, how quickly. That’s why officer discretion is important.

    Stephen Janis: Right. So this case becomes really fundamental. It could be case law. Every cop could be watching and saying, “You know what? If I don’t arrest this person every time something happens that has a little slightest whiff of maybe being improper…” So, it’s a very scary case in some ways. So, it’s very important that we keep following up. But right now, we’ll have to see what happens. We’ll update you if we hear anything new.

    Taya Graham: And, just to note, this is a testament to our dedication, because we have been following this case for five years. So when we say we follow up and do our homework, we are not kidding.

    So, we hope you enjoyed these updates. We know you care about what happens to the people that we interview. You care about them like we do. And we’re so happy to have some good news to give to you.

    I’m Taya Graham…

    Stephen Janis: And Stephen Janis…

    Taya Graham: And we’re the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In late 2017, Erimius Spencer was knocking on a neighbor’s door in his apartment building when officers Michael Amiott and Shane Rivera approached him. Without probable cause, they asked Spencer if they could search him for weapons and, having no weapons on him, Spencer allowed the search to proceed. Then the officers told him he was under arrest. When Spencer asked why he was being arrested, he was kicked in his eye and groin, and tased several times while lying on the ground handcuffed.

    Along with the cases investigated in Part I and Part II of the State of Injustice mini-documentary series, Spencer’s arrest is yet another tragic example of a demonstrated pattern of brutality by local police against Black residents of Euclid, Ohio. In the third and final installment of this series, executive produced by Black Lives Matter Cleveland, filmmakers Roger Glenn Hill and Brian Douglas continue to document this pattern of brutality by investigating Euclid PD’s treatment of Erimius Spencer as well as multiple cases of officers callously deploying pepper spray on large groups of unsuspecting teenagers. These cases provide further proof of the extent to which Black residents in Euclid, Ohio, routinely find themselves over-policed in their homes, schools, and even their skating rinks.

    This TRNN special premiere also includes a panel discussion, hosted by TRNN’s Jaisal Noor, on the State of Injustice series and the ongoing struggle for justice and police accountability in Euclid. Panelists include Terra Stewart, the sister of Luke Stewart (whose killing was the subject of Part I of the State of Injustice series); Christopher McNeal, attorney for Richard Hubbard III and board member of BLM Cleveland; and Kareem Henton, co-founder of BLM Cleveland.

    State of Injustice is a documentary series showcasing the systemic failures of Ohio law enforcement across the state. With permission from the filmmakers, TRNN is honored to share the initial three-episode season, which explores police abuse in the city of Euclid, Ohio, with our audience.


    Transcript

    Speaker: You were positioned as mayor. You were also the safety director. Is that correct?

    Kirsten Holzheimer Gail: That’s correct.

    Speaker: What does that mean to you? What does that entail?

    Kirsten Holzheimer Gail: That means I am the executive who oversees the police and fire departments. I am responsible for the safety and well-being of the community, responsible to make sure our ordinances and laws are upheld.

    Kirsten Holzheimer Gail: This roller rink is not the family-oriented roller skating rink that would be an asset.

    Speaker: You are supportive of this motion to shut the business down temporarily?

    Kirsten Holzheimer Gail: Yes.

    Miguel Sanders: Hi, my name is Miguel Sanders, owner of MIG’s PLA-MOR family roller skating rink. People enjoy this place. They love this place. And like they say, after a long, hard day of work, they want to come to the skating rink and leave it on the wood because it makes them feel so good. The city of Euclid and I seem to have a tenuous relationship at best.

    Kelley Sweeney: The current operation of the PLA-MOR does substantially interfere with public decency, sobriety, peace, and good order of the city of Euclid, and that nuisance needs to be abated immediately for the life and safety of its residents, visitors, and businesses in the city.

    Miguel Sanders: The Wednesday courtroom session was very intimidating, and all I could do was tell my side of the story and be truthful, and hope and pray that the judge is fair. And understands that they really, in my opinion, have no merit for bringing the claims against me and trying to criminalize this skating rink.

    Kirsten Holzheimer Gail: You received a letter from the law department declaring your property a nuisance back in June of ’19. Is that correct?

    Miguel Sanders: When you provide me a public nuisance charge for a car being broken into by somebody, God knows who, I just don’t think those sort of public nuisance charges are right, because they had nothing to do with people that was in our skating rink. I’ve even identified people breaking into cars, and we’ve contacted the police department when this has occurred. I even have some of this footage on videotape. I was hoping to get an actual appeal hearing in light of the fact that you guys were not willing to sit down and find some type of resolution.

    Kirsten Holzheimer Gail: Mr. Sanders, are you aware the reputation of PLA-MOR amongst the teens as being a place to go to fight?

    Sanders’ Attorney: I will object to that.

    Judge: Sustained.

    Miguel Sanders: People have families. They need outlets for their kids. City recently tore down the YMCA. They are in the process of demolishing three swimming pools. If we can’t find a way to accelerate the minds of these teenagers and youth, then that’s going to be a problem.

    Diana Hamblin: Hi, my name is Diana Hamblin. I’m a student currently at New York University studying film with a concentration in storytelling of Black experiences, and I’ve also been a resident at Euclid, Ohio, for the past 19 years. And I’ve been in Euclid public schools. No, I do not think the police officers in the high school did anything for the students besides intimidate the students and overpolice the Black students that were at the high school. This girl logged her little basketball game where they pepper sprayed people. Do y’all want to include that?

    Interviewer: I would love to get that.

    Diana Hamblin: Okay. I’ll try to look it up right now for y’all.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Girl in YouTube video: 5:49. I’m going to an event. It is called the All-Star Game. Basically, high school basketball teams in our city all playing the game versus each other, boys and girls. [sounds of loud crowd in a gymnasium]

    Girl in YouTube video: [screams] Y’all, they just pepper sprayed. People is jumping the fences.

    Girl in YouTube video: Oh, my gosh.

    Speaker: Suing.

    Girl in YouTube video: They is tweaking, though. The police might be in the recording, so if something happen to me, just know. Just know, okay.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Diana Hamblin: I did soccer in high school, and I saw the police officers kind of interact with the white high school soccer players. Some residents in Euclid are white, and they do bring their kids to Euclid-run events. And I remember the soccer program. They were really nice. They were really cordial, but then I also see students getting stopped, students getting frisked, students getting abused by the police officers at the high school.

    Speaker: [Playing from laptop] But we start with breaking news from the Five on Your Side investigators. A Euclid police officer fired over domestic violence charges just got his job back with back pay.

    Ivory was fired last summer after he was charged with assault, domestic violence, and aggravated menacing against a woman he was dating. The victim told police Ivory bit, choked, and hit her. He pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct. A second woman accused Ivory of domestic violence twice in 2017. Police say Ivory admitted he slapped the second victim several times. Despite the domestic violence cases, Ivory has his job back tonight.

    Diana Hamblin: I’m trying to collect my thoughts about that. Don Ivory getting his job back shows that we have aggressive and we have overly violent cops in the system of Euclid. And even when we try to get rid of the bad cops like Don Ivory, we can’t because of binding arbitration in the contracts that hold him in place.

    [VIDEO OF DON IVORY INTERSPERSED]

    Don Ivory: Hello boys and girls, welcome to today’s episode of Books for Badges.

    Diana Hamblin: This is Don Ivory?

    Don Ivory: My name is Officer Ivory, and we are going to be reading Just Going to the Dentist by Mercer Mayer.

    Diana Hamblin: I feel like that’s a joke. That’s literally a joke. I think it’s just a joke having him read to the kids on their YouTube channel. He’s not a family-friendly person.

    [INTERSPERSED VIDEO CLIPS END]

    Erimius Spencer: My name is Erimius Spencer. Well, I was going to go visit a friend, another resident in the building I was a resident in. I was going to go smoke with them, of course. And the police just pulled up on me while I was knocking at their door. And as they approached me, they asked me if they could search me for weapons. And I said, “I know I don’t have any weapons on me. I’m a resident of the building.” They said they were getting a call about suspicious activity, and they searched me.

    They searched me for the weapons. They didn’t find any weapons. And all of a sudden they come up, they find the weed and they tell me I’m under arrest. So I ask them, “What am I under arrest for?” They don’t tell me what I’m under arrest. They proceed to knee me in my groin, throw me to the ground, and I’m thinking the original procedure is to cuff you while you’re down, apprehend you and bring you back up. But in this case, they kicked me in my face multiple times while the other one was holding me down and tasing me. And he fractured or broke an orbital bone by my eye, because he was kicking me close to my eye.

    That kind of healed with time, but still the mental anguish doesn’t go away. I have to live with that forever. If you look at a police report, he lied at a police report and said I broke his glasses. Come on. And he said I reached for his taser. All of this was supposed to be the things that he made up to justify what he did. It’s not justifiable, did not happen. It was not justifiable. You know what I’m saying? And I still have to live with this.

    Christopher McNeal: Euclid, historically, has been a majority white suburb. Though Euclid now is almost 50% African American, their police force doesn’t reflect that.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Armontay Anderson: Hey, what he do? What he do? What he do? He a innocent civilian. What he do? Hey, get rough with him if you want. It’s on camera. It’s on camera. It’s on camera. It’s on camera. It’s on camera. It’s on camera. It’s on camera. I promise you. He kneed him. He kneed him.

    Police Officer: He’s resisting arrest, man.

    Armontay Anderson: He’s not, he was just standing there. It’s all on camera. Don’t even worry about it. No, don’t even worry about it.

    Christopher McNeal: Historically, in this country, we’ve seen that police forces have been used to punish new and diverse individuals as they enter into new communities in America. It’s almost as though the desire is to make sure that these new citizens and inhabitants know their proper place as it relates to the stratification of society. And I believe that the police and their discretionary functions, when it comes to who they want to arrest, who they want to target for law enforcement and how much force they want to use, ultimately, are where the rubber means road in terms of this racial transition in the city of Euclid.

    Armontay Anderson: Can I get your badge number?

    Man being arrested: For what reason am I being detained?

    Armontay Anderson: Can I get your badge number?

    Man being arrested: You’ve got to read me my rights. For what reason am I being detained? For what reason am I being detained?

    Armontay Anderson: Look, I… Hey, thank you. Thank you. Hey, excuse me. He told me to stand right here. Please, don’t pepper spray me. He told me to stand right here.

    Dr. Richard Montgomery: The white people say, “Well, the police aren’t that bad.” Because you’re not having the same experience. You’re not getting pulled over for that BS. The police have not had this clean slate ever. You know what? I study organization. So when an organization begins, it develops a history, norms and culture and basic rituals that are part of that organization. And without some major paradigm shift, they don’t change. So since we know that police organizations were started originally to patrol and control the freedom of movement of Black people in major society,

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Dr. Richard Montgomery: The question is, in the last 120 years, when was there a paradigm shift that said, “That’s not what we do here”?

    Kareem Henton: There was at one time during the Jim Crow era, in which it was unlawful for more than two Black people to stand with one another or congregate on any city street. So when you understand that even though we changed those laws, and thank goodness that we did, the attitude still remained. People tend to get in a panic when they see amounts of Black people congregating. So understand that for a lot of folks, this business owner’s business, because it tends to draw in larger crowds of Black people, it’s not going to be something that a lot of folks want.

    And it’s obviously something that officers tend to go in and deal with, with that ancient or historic frame of mind. We got to bring them to heel. If they’re using chemical weapons on children and they found it necessary to do so because the kids would not disperse, think about this logically for a minute. If they were dropped off by parents, where were they supposed to disperse to? When law enforcement is interacting with–

    Speaker: Sir?

    Kareem Henton: Yes?

    Speaker: I’m sorry, but your time is up.

    Kareem Henton: When law enforcement’s interacting with young people, you should act in the proper way, and you didn’t do that because you don’t value our children.

    Chief Scott Meyer: I would disagree with you. I value your opinion, but I would disagree with you. I and the officers that work for this police department care very deeply about children. I understand that we need to find some common ground. I understand that, and I’m willing to have those conversations, but please, I do want everybody to understand that. I think that’s a commonality amongst us all. I would hope obviously that we all care deeply about children and each other.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • As we’ve covered previously on Rattling the Bars, prisons in the US have been a major source of COVID-19 infections throughout the pandemic, and experts have suggested that the reality is even worse than the limited data have shown. Now, as the more contagious Delta variant causes another surge in cases in prisons around the country, certain states have stopped sharing infection statistics with the public, and there is less transparency and oversight than ever before.

    In this episode of Rattling the Bars, TRNN Executive Producer Eddie Conway speaks with professors Kathryn M. Nowotny and Zinzi Bailey of the COVID Prison Project about the concerning reality that we simply don’t have good information about COVID-19 infections and deaths connected to the prison system. Kathryn M. Nowotny is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Miami and is a co-lead investigator and co-founder of the COVID Prison Project; Zinzi Bailey is a research assistant professor at the University of Miami Miller School of Medicine and project investigator for the COVID Prison Project.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Baltimore County State’s Attorney Scott Shellenberger, notorious for his opposition to criminal justice and police reforms, is facing a primary opponent for the first time since he took office 15 years ago: Robbie Leonard, an attorney and activist, will face off against Shellenberger in next year’s Democratic primary.

    “When George Floyd’s murder inspired so many activists to take to the streets and fight for meaningful justice reform and police reform, I saw Scott Shellenberger being the singular force trying to stop any kind of progress,” Leonard told Battleground Baltimore, referring to Shellenberger’s opposition to many of the police reforms introduced last summer. “[Shellenberger] testified against police reform legislation in Baltimore County. He testified against police reform legislation sponsored by Speaker Adrienne Jones in Annapolis, and he’s just completely out of step with where the Democratic Party is right now.”

    “Scott and I were on opposite sides of every piece of legislation 10 years ago, when I was in the Public Defender’s Office working on their government relations team … He wanted to keep the death penalty. I wanted to repeal it. He wanted to send people to jail for marijuana. I wanted to legalize it, and the list goes on.”

    Robbie Leonard, Democratic primary candidate for Baltimore County State’s Attorney

    Leonard is an attorney and activist who serves as the secretary of Maryland Democratic Party, and recently represented plaintiffs who successfully sued Gov. Larry Hogan for illegally ending federal unemployment benefits for thousands of Marylanders. Before starting a private practice last year, Leonard represented hundreds of lead poisoning victims seeking remuneration from their landlords. Leonard also worked at the Office of the Baltimore City Public Defender from 2008-2012.

    “Scott and I were on opposite sides of every piece of legislation 10 years ago, when I was in the Public Defender’s Office working on their government relations team,” Leonard said. “He wanted to keep the death penalty. I wanted to repeal it. He wanted to send people to jail for marijuana. I wanted to legalize it, and the list goes on.”

    Shellenberger opposed making allegations of police abuse public, and penalties for cops who refuse to use their body camera to record interactions with civilians. He also opposed a measure that would require the state prosecutor to investigate allegations of excessive force and criminal misconduct among police. He argued against reducing sentences for inmates sentenced to prison before the age of 25, or are over 60 and had already served lengthy prison terms—and he has defended charging juveniles as adults.

    In 2015, Shellenberger called for Hogan to reinstate the death penalty, which was abolished in 2013 after advocates exposed it was deeply racist in its application.  

    Local activist and artist Duane “Shorty” Davis has long been a critic of Shellenberger, after Shellenberger’s office charged Davis with making a bomb threat after Davis left one of his pieces of art—the kind of decorated toilet he often leaves in public to, as Davis says, “potty train politicians”—in front of a county courthouse. Davis was ultimately found not guilty.

    Leonard says he fundamentally disagrees with many of Shellenberger’s positions, and would take a drastically different approach to being state’s attorney.

    “Instead of focusing on petty offenses and saddling somebody with a criminal record that’s going to affect the rest of their lives, we need to be focusing our attention on the crimes that actually matter where there’s victims involved, specifically in areas of sexual assault, sexual violence, child abuse, child molestation,” Leonard said. 

    In 2018, Shellenberger was part of a federal class action lawsuit from rape surviors for allegedly obstructing justice, and sending police to a victims’ house to threaten them with arrest if she continued to press charges, as the Baltimore Brew reported. 

    Leonard told Battleground Baltimore he has been meeting with women’s groups who advocate for sexual assault survivors.

    “They know that it’s time for a change and they support my candidacy,” Leonard said.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • This week on PAR, we continue our ongoing investigation into the problem of rural overpolicing and provide a critical update on the killing of Tyler Rushing, which we reported on earlier in the year. Rushing’s case is yet another stark example of cops ignoring the needs of a civilian experiencing mental distress; instead, police brutally deployed a K-9, which bit him repeatedly, before shooting Rushing in the back of the head. Now, a police expert is speaking out, casting doubt on every action officers took the night Rushing died and raising more questions about the use of force by law enforcement and the untold consequences of abusing it.


    Transcript

    Taya Graham: Hello, my name is Taya Graham. And welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops; instead we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today, we will achieve that goal with breaking news about a horrifying police killing in a small rural community, a tragic case that demonstrates just how above the law police actually are.

    But I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com. And please like, share, and comment on our videos, you know I read your comments and that I appreciate them. And of course, you can always reach out to me directly @tayasbaltimore on Facebook or Twitter. And if you can, you can hit the Patreon donate link below in the comments. We have a Patreon, so if you feel inspired please feel free to click the link. Okay. Now we’ve gotten all that stuff out of the way.

     Now, several months ago, we showed you this, one of the most horrifying body camera videos I have ever seen. It showed the torturous death of Tyler Rushing at the hands of Chico Police. It was the case we decided to highlight, not just because of its sheer brutality, but also due to the fact it was a prime example of the type of policing we have continued to report on: overpolicing in rural America.

    Tyler’s ordeal started when he was visiting a rural county in Northern California called Butte. It’s a sparsely populated area with just 200,000 people, but it’s also home to a highly aggressive form of policing that has led to 42 deaths at the hands of police in the past 30 years, many of them controversial. And that’s where Tyler’s tragic story begins, because what happened to the avid photo journalist during his visit to a small city in Butte called Chico, is a story that begins with the culture of unchecked police violence there, and ends in a tragedy that could have been prevented.

    Tyler’s tale starts with an encounter with a security guard. The guard was patrolling the grounds of the Title Company in Chico, when he and Tyler clashed. It was then the guard drew his weapon and fired twice. Despite the fact that California law requires non-law enforcement personnel to refrain from using force, the security guard opened fire. He later claimed Tyler was trespassing and attacked him with a potted plant. But Tyler’s family said he might’ve been scared or unaware that the man was a security guard. Let’s watch. And before I do, I have to warn you, what you’re about to see is very disturbing.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Speaker:    [shouting] Hey, hey, hey [inaudible]. Hey, hey. Stop. Stop. Stop.

    Speaker:    [inaudible]. [shouting] you fucking asshole. You fucking asshole. [inaudible] You fucking asshole. [inaudible]. [sounds of metal clashing, mic popping]

    Speaker:    [radio] Standby, we have a 10-45. [sounds of metal clanging, falling].

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham: That was not the end of Tyler’s ordeal. Not hardly. After he was shot, he retreated to a bathroom inside the building where the shooting occurred. Chico Police arrived claiming they were trying to lure Tyler out. However, after only an hour of communicating with him, the cops stormed in, guns blazing, with a K-9 attack dog in tow. The dog bit Tyler in the groin just prior to being shot again. Let’s watch the video again. And I have to warn you, what you are going to watch is very difficult to see.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Speaker: [inaudible] fuck.

    Speaker: [inaudible shouting]. [sound of water running]

    Speaker: Watch out.

    Speaker: Watch your head.

    Speaker: [inaudible].

    Speaker: [crosstalk].

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham: Tyler was shot through the back of the head. And even as he laid on the ground dying, he was tasered by police while lying in a pool of his own blood. But that’s only the beginning of this story, because since his horrifying death, his father Scott Rushing has been on a mission to hold police accountable. Part of that quest has been an ongoing lawsuit against the officers who killed Tyler. But it’s also been an ongoing struggle for something that almost always proves elusive when police kill. And that’s the truth.

    That’s because key evidence in the series of events that led up to the horrible death that we’ve seen on video has been withheld from Rushing and his lawyers. Interviews with the police obtained by a journalist in Chico, California, sheds light on the conflicting stories about why police felt compelled to use violence when other options were available. And so before we talk to Scott, I will discuss this new evidence with my reporting partner, Stephen Janis. Stephen, thank you for joining me.

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: So, Stephen, tell us about this new evidence.

    Stephen Janis: Well, I mean, Scott will talk about the evidence that was uncovered by a reporter out in Chico, but what I looked at was the deposition of a police use of force expert and a K-9 expert. And what he said was just stunning about this case of how poorly it was managed and how Tyler did not have to die. Let’s listen to one statement he made.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Police Expert: With my vast amount of experience and training and the number of searches that I’ve deployed on and the searches that I’ve done and things in training and seen other handlers in action—Not only from my department, but other departments—I have reason to believe that the officer jumped out of the way or stumbled out of the way because the dog was in there and he was afraid of getting bit.

    Interviewer: So it’s your understanding the dog was already in there when he turned his back?

    Police Expert: …I think so. Or coming in right there, yeah.

    Interviewer: Okay.

    Police Expert: I’ve never seen anything like this. It’s just so bizarre. And in this case it was just a cluster.

    Interviewer: Okay.

    Police Expert: There was no organization to this whatsoever.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Stephen Janis: And then he goes on to say something further that’s shocking. That this whole mess was caused by the mishandling of the canine. And the fact that the canine dog was sent in to a man who was having a mental health break and that this canine attacked him and it never should have happened. Let’s listen to what he had to say there.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Police Expert: The totality of this incident was nothing more than a bunch of Keystone Cops trying to do something they didn’t have the experience and training or tactics, knowledge, or equipment to do, and no supervision. This was a joke. It wasn’t a joke. This was a catastrophe.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Stephen Janis: Okay. So the point is, this is a man who has handled k-9s forever, and he’s basically saying, Chico police didn’t know what they were doing and that Tyler Rushing didn’t have to die. I mean, it’s really stunning. And it’s very sad because this is a cop. And he’s saying these people were quote-unquote “Keystone Cops”. So it’s really, really troubling.

    Taya Graham: Why is this evidence so critical?

    Stephen Janis: Well, I think a lot of times we are supposed to adopt the police narrative that everything that can be done should be done. In other words, if we decide to do it, it was the right thing to do. But in this case, as you can see, these people clearly didn’t know what they’re doing. The problem was, it wasn’t like someone cooking a hamburger or washing your car. It was people dealing with a life or death situation with a young man who was in distress, and the end result was a tragic and horrible death. So that’s why it’s important that we have to listen to this type of evidence to realize that, hey, sometimes police just don’t know what they’re doing. And it has deadly consequences.

    Taya Graham: Can you give us a sense of how violent police are in Chico and Brutte? I mean, another young man was killed just weeks before Tyler, right?

    Stephen Janis: Yeah. I mean, a couple of months before Tyler was killed, Desmond Phillips is killed by police in his own home during another mental health call. So you can see the police are ill-equipped. There have been dozens of killings over the past 30 years, not a single police officer has been indicted or tried for it. And so really you have a county where police have very little scrutiny and really in some sense are out of control, poorly managed, poorly trained. It’s really a disaster.

    Taya Graham: Now I was fortunate enough to actually conduct a sit-down interview with Scott Rushing. Scott was in Washington, DC, to attend a rally for families of the victims of police violence. I caught up with him in DC in a hotel room two weeks ago, and we discussed not just the new details of Tyler’s case, but the profoundly unique sorrow that affects families who lose loved ones to the fatal indifference of American law enforcement. Let’s watch.

    [VIDEO CLIP BEGINS]

    Taya Graham: My first question is, can you give us an update on the investigation, the status of the case, looking into your son’s death?

    Scott Rushing: Yes. The new information that I have is through the efforts of a local journalist in Chico, have finally pried out of records of the Chico Police Department, the District Attorney’s Office, the Sheriff’s office, interviews of the officers involved in killing Tyler and the guard just within hours after he was killed. Those interviews were done, would have been July 24, 2017. Tyler was killed about midnight on the 23rd.

     So within a few hours, all the officers, I mean the killers, had been interviewed. But, my attorney was not given that information, was not given those videos. In my opinion, they’re very damning. The information finally connects the dots for my attorneys and me to what happened that evening, because those are recollections immediately from the killing.

    Taya Graham: So it seems to me that getting these videos at such a late date is a form of suppressing evidence. Do you think this was a coverup? Why do you think you received these videos so late?

    Scott Rushing: For one thing, the actual person in charge of the extraction or breaking of Tyler was not who we thought it was. It was implied by the district attorney it was a Chico police sergeant, but it turns out it was the K-9 handler, a deputy sheriff. Because of the dog being used to extract Tyler, the K-9 officer takes control and orders the staging, orders the lining up, they call it staging or stacking of the officers. Who’s lethal, who’s less lethal, who has a taser, who breaks in, and so on.

    A young deputy, he was about two years of experience and about a year with the dog, ended up being in charge of the extraction of Tyler. There was a lieutenant on scene with decades of experience, the sergeant who shot Tyler had decades of experience. But the person in charge was a deputy sheriff, the K-9 handler. We were not told that. That was not revealed to us. We didn’t know until a few days ago that the actual person we should have deposed and been talking to was the deputy sheriff.

    They knew that there was something odd about the way that dog was used, or misused, the way I alleged. And sure enough, with these videos, we now have that confirmed. Why that was not given to us, is my question for the DA. What are you hiding? What else are you hiding?

    Taya Graham: I guess my last question for you is what keeps you going? Why do you keep pressing forward?

    Scott Rushing: It’s merely to bring attention to, really, police reform. And the fact that every year, statistically, over a thousand civilians are killed. So even since Tyler was killed four years ago, you think about it, four thousand civilians have been killed since my son. And I’m one of the few people of that four thousand that’s able to even mount a legal action. I’m getting obstructed by the legal system. What about people that can’t afford to do that?

    Tyler would not be one who would want vigilantism. That would not be Tyler. He was a very peaceful person, but he wouldn’t want anybody else to be attacked and violated like he was. I believe that’s what he would want. So we have the resources. That’s my motivation. I can’t let the bad guys win.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham: Now, one aspect of this tragedy that haunts me as I watched the body camera footage of this terrible tragedy is how the actions of the officers constitute a chain of causality initiated by a single legal sin. It’s a topic that we’ve discussed before, but bears repeating because it’s ingrained in the culture of law enforcement and has much to do with what happened with Tyler. It’s a legal precedent called “qualified immunity.”

    As most of you already know, it’s a standard that allows law enforcement officers to evade legal liability for their actions. Basically an idea that police officers deserve a special shield from any sort of legal litigation. A concept that has made it almost impossible for families of victims like Tyler to prevail in court. And there’s a recent case that reveals just how much this idea enables bad policing and is perhaps illustrative of how empowering it is for police who abuse their power.

    It involves a St. Paul-Minneapolis police officer named Heather Weyker. In 2010, the veteran cop was the lead for investigation of allegedly massive case of human sex trafficking. The crimes allegedly encompassed more than 30 defendants in the city Somali community. It was a breathtaking scheme to exploit young girls that led to indictments, arrest, and incarceration.

    The case was based on a set of statements from witnesses a judge later determined was unreliable. These allegations were stunning that a 12-year-old girl had been sold for sex by a cohort of at least a dozen men, but it turns out it wasn’t true. None of it. That didn’t matter to Weyker. She continued to lie in court, which led to charges against eight men. All of whom were acquitted. But, even with those facts, the prosecutor appealed a jury’s decision, an appeal which failed. Nevertheless, the defendants had to spend four years in jail for a fake crime.

    It gets worse. It gets much worse. One of the fake witnesses got into an altercation with a young woman in 2011, when the sex traffic trial was still pending. The witness attacked the girl with a knife. After the altercation, the witness called officer Weyker ,and she sprang into action. Charges were filed against the teenage girl. She was in prison for roughly a year and charged with witness tampering. I’m not kidding. She was even held in solitary confinement.

    That victim sued, and now a US appeals court is in the process of deciding if officer Weyker should be held accountable. Apparently, the St Paul police have forgotten how to do so because, now wait for it, in 2013, Weyker was promoted to sergeant. And just to add another layer to the lack-of-accountability cake, the so-called internal investigation of Weyker is still ongoing, six years later.

    But the real question here is how many instances of bad policing have qualified immunity enabled? How much chaos and havoc have other cops sown in the lives of innocent people knowing full well they will be afforded special protection under the law? And how is such a lawless idea actually legal? I mean, isn’t law enforcement always espousing how even the tiniest infraction of the law justifies harsh consequences?

    Haven’t we heard police unions denouncing judges for coddling criminals, or handing out light sentences. I mean, it’s the clarion call. They continue even as the US incarcerates a greater percentage of its population than any other country on the planet earth. Think of all the examples about police apply the law to us, that we have reported on, on the show. And now contrast them to how the law applies to them, the police officers. In other words, which sets of behaviors are more destructive?

    Now, most of the encounters we report on involve traffic stops, camping, driving a vehicle purchased at a police auction, driving in your own neighborhood, pulling up in your own driveway, recording police from your front porch, holding a sign while giving out food donations. But in each of these cases, law enforcement was ruthless in their prosecution of the law. Many of the people we covered were subject to arrest, protracted prosecution and even prison. 

    So, returning to the question I already raised: which behavior is ostensibly more destructive? Which crimes inflict more pain on society: a cop who lies so that innocent people spend a year in jail, or a person who doesn’t stop before the white line preceding a stop sign? Which takes the greatest toll on the health of the community: a cop who falsely charges a young woman with witness tampering or a man who holds an offensive sign? Which set of processes extract more resources from all of us: a prosecutor who keeps innocent people in jail to appeal a case based on lies, or a man who drives to a park with his friends and is pulled over for changing lanes?

    It seems like an absurd set of questions. Doesn’t it? I mean, it seems like I must be reporting on some sort of insane country, which has unleashed law enforcement so destructive that it inflicts more harm than good. It seems like I must simply be making all these stories up because it just doesn’t make a damn bit of sense. Unfortunately, all the aforementioned contradictions reflect the true state of law enforcement in this country.

    Every twisted case is an example of just how out of balance the scales of justice truly are. Every sad and tragic example is a recognition of the reality that we have allowed cops and courts to operate with impunity and without accountability. And that’s the crucial part, because if officers like Weyker can destroy people’s lives without consequences and actually get promoted, then there is no system of accountability. Then the legal system we’ve created has simply turned the law into a cudgel for politics and self promotion.

    The reality that cases like Tyler Rushing and the failed sex trafficking case reveal is a literal dystopia where a person can take a life or destroy one and no one has to answer for it at all. I want to thank my guest, Scott Rushing, for coming forward and sharing his incredibly tragic story with us. Scott, thank you so much for your time. And I want to thank intrepid reporter Stephen Janis for his hard work on this piece. His writing, his research, his editing. Thank you so much.

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: And of course, I have to thank friend of the show, Noli Dee, for her support. Thanks, Noli Dee. And I have to thank our new Patreons for joining us. You get a double thank. Thanks, you guys. And I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct.

    You can also message us @PoliceAccountabilityReport on Facebook or Instagram, or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And of course, you can always message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. And please like, and comment. I do read your comments and appreciate them. And we do have a Patreon link pinned in the comments below. So if work like this is important to you and you can spare a few dollars, it would mean a great deal. We don’t run ads. We don’t take corporate dollars. So anything you can do is appreciated. My name is Taya Graham, and I am your host to The Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Once again, the NYPD 67th Precinct in Flatbush had parked a car on the sidewalk. Again, neighborhood residents sprang into action, coordinating dialing 311 to lodge yet another complaint via WhatsApp chat groups. Commandeering public sidewalks to park police squad cars is one thing. Then, another wrecked car—instead of being taken to a tow lot— appeared on the same sidewalk by the Snyder Avenue station, as if a portal from a different dimension had opened in the sky, dumping battered and booted cars on this majority-Black and working-class section of Brooklyn. 

    Then, another wrecked car—instead of being taken to a tow lot— appeared on the same sidewalk by the Snyder Avenue station, as if a portal from a different dimension had opened in the sky, dumping battered and booted cars on this majority-Black and working-class section of Brooklyn.

    “The cops have taken over a majority of the blocks by putting abandoned, booted cars. So we’re hoping to see if they could take the booted cars and put them in a tow lot and clear up [parking] spaces for more of the residents,” said Adrian Césaire, 42, who has lived on Snyder Avenue for over 20 years. 

    The trash and wreckage of bashed-up cars left by the NYPD is not only an eyesore; it’s an affront amid pandemic-related budget cuts in 2020 totaling millions of dollars, which hurt both the jobs of union sanitation and municipal workers and left residents to clean up litter-strewn streets. While across the country states like Minnesota are pushing to enact ambitious reforms, including the disbanding of police departments, Brooklyn residents have more modest aims. They want the NYPD, whose budget is one of the largest in the nation, even after a modest reduction to $98.56 billion for the 2022 fiscal year, to stop trashing their neighborhood—another way, as far as residents are concerned, the NYPD makes their lives more difficult while displaying their contempt for Black working-class communities like Flatbush. 

    On a gray Saturday in August, I spot a black Mercedes sedan with tinted windows on that sidewalk, its bottom fender hanging off like a busted lip, the Mercedes-logo grill pressed up against the windshield. Next to it are a large dumpster, a white refrigerator, and two black office chairs with exposed padding. 

    A wrecked Mercedes dumped on the public sidewalk outside the 67th Precinct station house in Brooklyn, New York. Photo taken by Luis Feliz Leon on August 28, 2021.

    “Before these dumpsters, the garbage was leaking to the streets and everything,” says Kevon Nesbitt, 40, who has rummaged through garbage at the precinct for over 10 years. 

    I find Nesbitt diving into the dumpster, masked up and gloved, sorting recyclables to collect the deposit on bottles and cans. He sports a blue T-shirt spelling out his day job as a porter in one of the newly erected buildings that replaced the two-family homes that once lined these streets.

    “I have kids. It helps a lot,” he says, describing how many residents turn to recycling as their “bread and butter.” He explains that at least the refrigerator wasn’t put inside the dumpster because a sanitation truck picking it up would compress it and cause an explosion. 

    He sounds sanguine about the neighborhood. “As the years passed, they turned around and got dumpsters and that makes the place look a lot better, even though you have one or two casualties.” 

    The “casualties” are the refrigerator and office chairs on the sidewalk. Asked whether that’s illegal dumping, he says it depends on who’s responsible. “Cops?” I ask, after hearing residents speculate on the provenance of office furniture and other big items. “They have the right to do that, but if someone else in the neighborhood was to do that, that’d be a problem.” 

    In an email statement, the NYPD acknowledged an increase in wrecked cars, blaming changes in the chain of command, and referencing the hiring of a new commander, Deputy Inspector Gaby Celiba, in January. “At that time there were more than four dozen vehicles at the location awaiting transfer to the tow pound,” an NYPD spokesperson said in a statement, adding that the number has now been reduced “to less than a dozen as of August 28.” Calling a spade a spade is something I believe in, and I saw more than half a dozen totaled and booted vehicles on Aug. 28. 

    Brooklyn residents voted the 67th Precinct the worst in a March Streetsblog NYC survey and ranked it a top contender along with the 34th Precinct in Washington Heights and 114th Precinct in Astoria. In the last week of July, the New York City Department of Sanitation doubled the number of trucks going out in the area from six to 12 a week, and put Sanitation Department enforcement officers at hot spots for illegal dumping, according to reports from The City.

    From July 25 to Aug. 7, across East New York, the Sanitation Department issued 24 summonses for illegal dumping and nine for improper disposal of garbage, and 15 for littering from a car. They also carried out 16 vehicle impounds, according to a department spokesperson. 

    The trash and wreckage of bashed-up cars left by the NYPD is not only an eyesore; it’s an affront amid pandemic-related budget cuts in 2020 totaling millions of dollars, which hurt both the jobs of union sanitation and municipal workers and left residents to clean up litter-strewn streets.

    Data from 311 requests for litter baskets show a whopping 1,076 calls from Brooklyn residents for fiscal year 2021 in comparison to 373 (Manhattan), 314 (Bronx), 486 (Queens), and 124 (Staten Island). 

    In response to the NYPD’s 67th Precinct allegedly dumping furniture outside the station house, the Sanitation Department said, “All New Yorkers are our partners in keeping the city clean, and all have an obligation to put trash in its proper place.” But the department found no evidence of illegal dumping, which involves leaving bulk refuse on public or private property. Items such as refrigerators can be picked up by calling 311.  

    The NYPD responded to dumping allegations, saying that “trash items were placed next to the dumpster for trash collection.” A neighborhood resident confirmed that the refrigerator and chairs had been collected. 

    It’s hard to conclusively settle the allegations of cops engaging in illegal dumping—short of the Sanitation Department putting sentries near the Snyder Avenue station house to surveil them. Penalties for illegal dumping range from $4,000 to $18,000 if the trash is dumped from a vehicle. 

    After the pandemic hit, the Sanitation Department’s budget was slashed by $106 million, according to a department spokesperson. The funds have since been restored for fiscal year 2022, starting July 2021. In response to the cuts, food scrap drop-off sites were closed in March of last year. Composting was restored in April of 2021, with more than 100 sites in operation and more on the way. 

    Brooklyn community residents interviewed for this story describe the Sanitation Department as responsive, and they note that coordinated street cleanups are happening. But faced with budget cuts that were only restored a little over a month ago, the department had its hands tied. The result has been heaps of uncollected garbage, a wasteland of towering piles of trash bags. No neighborhood has been spared. As of August this year, the city had received 27,631 complaints, almost certain to surpass the 27,835 complaints residents filed in 2020, according to data reviewed by The City

    The department’s roughly 10,000 employees remove about 12,000 tons of trash from the streets daily, says department spokesperson Joshua Goodman. 

    “So the idea that one neighborhood would feel their trash collection is ‘poor’ is certainly distressing, given the amount of work involved in giving all New Yorkers the clean and safe streets they both expect and deserve,” he wrote in an email.  

    Another issue is that the Police Department has commandeered entire blocks to park their squad cars, using the city’s “combat parking” law, which allows squad cars to be parked perpendicularly to the curb. The rationale is to be ready to bolt to the scene of an emergency, but in practice, it gives the appearance of an occupying force. 

    The Police Department has commandeered entire blocks to park their squad cars, using the city’s “combat parking” law, which allows squad cars to be parked perpendicularly to the curb. The rationale is to be ready to bolt to the scene of an emergency, but in practice, it gives the appearance of an occupying force.

    The practice is even more egregious in Flatbush. Cops park directly on the sidewalk, blocking stroller and wheelchair access. 

    “I don’t really condone that because it’s a mess,” Nesbitt says, pointing to combat-parked cars. “A woman with a stroller can barely even walk through here. What if someone hits a car when someone’s walking past and that car just hits the person and squeezes them in the back? That’s just ridiculous.”

    Police also put booted and wrecked cars on the street, blocking sanitation trucks from cleaning all the way up to the curb. 

    Alexandra Schmidbauer of the Flatbush Community Association can’t remember the last time cops moved the cars to make way for the brushes of a sanitation truck. 

    “It is up to the 67th Precinct to enforce alternate-side parking so that the street sweeper can have access to clean the street,” she wrote in a July 3 email to community affairs police officer Remy Jean-Francois. She offered to help put up signs to ask people to move their cars on alternate-side-of-the-street parking days, so they could avoid getting tickets, but said a big part of the issue is “the booted cars that belong to the precinct which are often totaled and should be in a city tow yard.” 

    “We only get our streets cleaned when its [sic] for a precinct event,” Schmidbauer added. “I have lived and worked in many different parts of Brooklyn and Manhattan, and I have never seen anything like this. I’m sure it has a lot to do with the fact that this is a predominantly black/brown community, and a lot to do with predecessors in your position because I believe you would like to help make it better but you are probably told that this is just the way it is right now. Anytime I step outside my neighborhood, I am reminded that this is not how it is for most other Brooklyn neighborhoods.”

    “Mr. Jean-Francois does not reply,” she wrote in August to Assemblymember Rodneyse Bichotte’s office.  

    Schmidbauer has made similar pleas to other elected officials, including City Councilmember Mathieu Eugene, whose district office is on Rogers Avenue south of the 67th Precinct. Most recently, she spoke to someone at Public Advocate Jumaane Williams’ office.

    What she was told was deflating, she said in a text message on Aug. 29: “There is virtually no hope for the current administration to hold the precinct accountable, and he would try to help me but basically wait for [Eric] Adams to come in.” 

    As we stroll through the streets near the precinct, on Snyder Avenue, Erasmus Street, and Albemarle Road between Nostrand and Rogers avenues, we encounter booted cars, the refrigerator outside the precinct, car seats, an oversized restaurant menu with no listed price for lamb over rice, and an odd assortment of homespun paraphernalia in black trash bags. 

    That’s a common sentiment among Flatbush residents—a hard-nosed self-reliance that largely absolves government of its obligations to provide public services for residents.

    Schmidbauer sends me an image from her extensive collection of snapshots of litter piling up alongside the curb where the sweepers can’t reach, cataloguing before-and-after pictures of how long trash has been left to fester. 

    We meet longtime Flatbush resident Versel Talbert, 56, outside his home on Snyder Avenue with a broom and dustpan in his hand. 

    “If I come in at night, and see debris around, I clean it up before the morning, from what I see. So I grab my broom and clean. I try to keep the environment clean,” he says, adding he doesn’t wait for the city to do it, even though it’s the city’s job. 

    That’s a common sentiment among Flatbush residents—a hard-nosed self-reliance that largely absolves government of its obligations to provide public services for residents. 

    I ask Schmidbauer about the pitfalls of bootstrapping it with community cleanups and other beautification projects instead of demanding good upkeep with public services like street cleaning. 

    “If there was someone else to pick up the trash and plant things and maintain the streets, and constantly ask the precinct to move cars and enforce parking, I would be happy to let them do it,” she says. “But in my experience, I think that there’s nothing being done here. Because this is a neighborhood of disenfranchised people.”

    That earnest commitment to community stewardship lends itself to an urban policy that favors market policy solutions and is hostile to unions, treating public austerity as fixed rather than as a contested political arena. 

    Take, for example, the city’s Clean Curbs program, a collaboration between the sanitation and transportation departments, to enlist private entities like business improvement districts, widely considered vehicles of gentrification, in the administration of public services. “It’s a bit like streeteries, but for trash,” wrote Curbed’s Alissa Walker last year, describing the cumbersome requirement for applicants to design and install decked platforms with sealed containers up to eight feet wide and five feet tall and 20 feet long. 

    Other alternatives include a community garden Ray Beth Maye, 70, and her neighborhoods maintain on Tilden Avenue to promote a sense of community ownership. Over the course of 19 years, Mama Maye, as her neighbors affectionately call her, has seen overbuilding on the block trammel the quality of life of the community, taking away what she calls “the assorted amenities of life” like laundromats, schools, supermarkets, and parking. As a founding member of the Flatbush Community Association, Mama Maye is hopeful about people coming together. 

    Ray Beth Maye, a local resident, stands in front of a community garden on Tilden Avenue in Brooklyn, New York. Photo taken by Luis Feliz Leon on August 28, 2021.

    “There’s a rule you say, ‘if everybody did what I do, what would the effect on the world be?’” she asks. “I would like to see more people do what I do and what Alexandra does, which is taking responsibility and taking ownership.” 

    “And I think when you get the energy of the young people with whatever nuggets of wisdom we’ve managed to gather over our years of living, and you get those [those two] working together, then you really have hope for a solid future. Because you give each other hope. That would be my hope that we keep working and expanding,” she says. 

    She points to practical changes of the mulch for tree guards, cantaloupe, and beans harvested from the community garden to feed the neighborhood. 

    It’s of course more complicated than an either-or choice about whether to contribute to a community or press demands on the municipal government. Instead, it’s about what demands to make in the first place, and what contributions build collective power as opposed to undermining it. That’s hard work. But Black people shouldn’t have to beg and plead to the city government for clean streets that New Yorkers in whiter and more well-heeled neighborhoods take for granted. 

    There is a tangled web of interests at play in this kind of volunteerism, which may appear on the surface as magnanimous and big-hearted. This year, Schmidbauer graduated with a public health degree from Brooklyn College, and her academic interest in urban sustainability coupled with the daily experience of walking her dog through a neighborhood strewn with trash provided the impetus to get involved in improving it. The Flatbush Community Association won a $1,500 “Love Your Block” grant from the Mayor’s Fund. 

    “The irony is incredibly strong that we would get money from the Mayor’s office to basically combat gentrification issues, but then not get any help with the root of the problem,” she says. 

    It’s as if the institutional body of municipal government took the right hand to gouge out the left eye. Add the NYPD, and it’s the right hand taking a gun and blasting the Sanitation Department’s efforts to rein in illegal dumping to smithereens.

    Irony, indeed. It’s as if the institutional body of municipal government took the right hand to gouge out the left eye. Add the NYPD, and it’s the right hand taking a gun and blasting the Sanitation Department’s efforts to rein in illegal dumping to smithereens. 

    The Flatbush Community Association also got a $1,000 grant from the Citizens Committee for New York City. 

    The Citizens Committee for New York emerged out of the city’s 1970s fiscal crisis. It intended to rally corporate and real estate interests in an effort to reorganize municipal government away from the reigning postwar social democracy and towards a market ethos and technocratic decision-making. They rejected the proposition of an activist government intervening to improve the quality of life for New Yorkers, embracing instead an ideal of corporate social responsibility buttressed by rugged individualism and austerity. 

    Historian Kim Phillips-Fein writes in Fear City: New York’s Fiscal Crisis and the Rise of Austerity Politics that the 1970s were the turning point when the city was transformed into the “highly stratified society it is today—a city of apartments bought as investment properties for the wealthy of the world even as almost 60,000 New Yorkers live in homeless shelters.” 

    The city government also reorganized the public sector, beginning to privatize work previously done by municipal workers in unions. “The City pioneered the use of welfare recipients and volunteers to undercut lower-skilled unionized civil service jobs, and it began to forge partnerships with nonprofit organizations to farm out responsibility for managing public amenities to the private sector,” write John Krisky and Maud Simonet in Who Cleans the Park? Public Work and Urban Governance in New York City. 

    The Brooklyn District Attorney’s office offered volunteers who need to complete community service to help with cleanup, Schmidbauer wrote me via text in September. At an NYPD Build the Block event that same month, she raised concerns about heaps of garbage and bashed-up cars. In response, the NYPD, she says, told her to launch a petition directed at the Department of Sanitation. 

    Schmidbauer says her commitment to grassroots activism was inspired by reproductive justice activist Brittany Brathwaite, with whom she took a class at Brooklyn College. But she was also fed up with the experience of logging in complaints to 311 and hitting an impasse with city agencies. She had to turn elsewhere for support. 

    “I just saw that it wasn’t happening for us, and that this neighborhood was just a little bit more ignored than the other neighborhoods I’ve lived in Brooklyn, and that it probably wasn’t going to happen without some grassroots action,” she says.

    Schmidbauer and other members of the Flatbush Community Association have been going door to door to talk to their neighbors, searching for solutions and power in each other without relinquishing their ability to exercise power over the city’s governance. 

    They have powerful models to draw from. In the summer of 1969 in Spanish Harlem, the Young Lords, a militant group of local Puerto Rican activists who modeled themselves on the Black Panther Party, bagged up trash for the Sanitation Department to haul away.

    “We had bags and bags and bags of trash. We said, ‘You going to come clean this trash up now or what?’ They refused,” recalled former Young Lord Hiram Maristany, a photographer who documented what came to be known as the Garbage Offensive

    The Young Lords hauled rusted refrigerators, old cars, mattresses, and furniture to Third Avenue near East 110th Street, and set them on fire. 

    Pablo Guzmán, another member of the Young Lords, described what led to the conflagration in a 1995 article in the Village Voice

    “All we had been trying to do after sweeping up the streets on previous Sundays was talk with Sanitation about once-a-week pickups and nonexistent trash cans, and about how to decently treat people asking for help instead of blowing them off,” he wrote.

    Much as New Yorkers are now drawing on tactics from the 1930s to stop evictions during the pandemic, will Flatbush residents emulate the Young Lords in fighting the degradation of their neighborhood by the NYPD and the real estate industry?

    “We have enough new housing that people can’t afford,” says Schmidbauer. “The police have enough of a budget. The rights and the control are slipping away from people’s hands. And it’s affecting our quality of life. So it’s just time to make ourselves heard and say ‘enough.’”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.