Category: Prisons and Policing

  • Prisoners are often excluded from discussions about labor rights in America. There can be no doubt that prisoners participate in the capitalist economy in a way similar to other workers, but are victims of some of its starkest inequalities. Prisons are also steadily becoming workhouses for goods made by some of the largest corporations in the world. This privatization as well as the racialized aspect of mass incarceration make it crucial that any discussion of labor under capitalism should also include a discussion of prison labor. 

    The Corporate Accountability Lab lists three kinds of labor that are performed in prison: 1) in-house prison labor, or labor done by inmates to keep the mechanisms of the prison running; 2) work-release, where inmates provide labor to private companies off-site; and 3) prison industries, making goods for external sale. All of this labor contributes to surplus value for either the state or private industries. Marxist economists define surplus value to be the amount of value that is created in excess of the cost of the raw materials and the cost of paying workers; This value is stolen from the workers and redistributed to the employers. Since prisoners usually work for wages well below market averages, or for free, this surplus value is typically very high. 

    The predatory nature of prisons

    The recent surge in labor performed in prison has led to more people laboring in captivity than were enslaved 200 years ago. The surplus value that is created by the labor of prisoners takes a system that theoretically exists to protect society and turns it into one that steals the work of individuals and lowers the market value of all labor. 

    “The prison is a predatory structure that is supposed to provide a common good,” Dr. Joy James told The Real News Network. James is the Ebenezer Fitch Professor of Humanities at Williams College and  studies incarceration and rebellion against the police. “I feel comfortable saying that this is evil and I don’t care about the discussion of nuances of work because it is an evil that needs to be abolished.”

    Proponents of capitalism often point to its success at removing unpaid or “slave” labor from the market economy. However, while the 13th Amendment to the Constitution abolishes slavery in America, it leaves a loophole for incarcerated individuals. “Slavery becomes marginalized [in America] but it does not disappear,” explains Dr. Asatar Bair, an assistant professor of economics at Riverside City College and the author of the book “Prison Labor in the United States: An Economic Analysis.” In an interview with The Real News Network, Bair said that he believes that a key part of how this “slavery” was allowed to continue was the creation of the category of “the criminal” and the subsequent dehumanization of that category. 

    For several decades after the Civil War, Southern states used a particularly aggressive form of incarceration called convict leasing, where private contractors would “lease” prisoners in order to work in their farms or industries. While slaves were considered property and were taken care of like one would an asset, prisoners used under convict leasing were considered disposable. If one prisoner died, they would merely be replaced with another. This led to a higher mortality rate for prisoners in the convict leasing programs than that of enslaved people. 

    “People of African descent, formerly enslaved, are literally worked to death, because they are now the joint property of the state itself and corporations coming down from the North,” said James. “You don’t have to keep the workforce alive because if one dies you can get another.”

    Convict leasing eventually became unpopular with both labor and business interests in the United States because of this disposability. Businesses were unable to compete and labor objected to the use of a free workforce. Therefore, this form of work in prisons was mainly abolished by the restriction of markets in the 1920s and 1930s. Prison labor was prohibited from selling products across state lines by the Ashurst-Sumners Act of 1935, and most prison labor for the next few decades was used in service of prisons themselves, or of other state agencies. In addition, private corporations were generally excluded from operating within prisons. This market restriction led to a reduction of the number of prisoners operating within formal labor markets.

    Criminalization over justice

    However, in the late 1960s and 1970s, the government increased its criminalization of dissent in America, which caused the skyrocketing of incarceration rates. Richard Nixon started his war on drugs, which was first used to crack down on Black activists. This led into the Reagan administration increasing the penalties for the possession of crack cocaine and other narcotics. Then in 1994, the Clinton Crime bill, championed by Joe Biden, resulted in the largest increase of incarcerated people in the history of the United States. 

    “We are substituting incarceration for punishments that had before not involved that, or even criminalizing entirely new things,” said Bair. “All of the incentives [in the system] are towards incarceration. At the prosecution level, the district attorneys, the police, everyone has an interest here in locking someone up, not in justice per se.” 

    James argues that it is impossible to not also tie this surge of mass incarceration to the crackdown on Black activism. “1970 Nixon has to put down or eviscerate the political meaning of human rights… so he criminalizes dissent,” said James. “Black activists in the cities we will identify as junkies [so he] proposes the war against drugs. But it wasn’t a war against drugs, it was a war against dissent.”

    During this surge in mass incarceration, state and federal governments also started loosening the restrictions set in the 1920s and 1930s on private corporations using prison labor through the Private Industry Enhancement Certification Program (PIECP), which was authorized by Congress in 1979. This program. which allows private industries to form partnerships with prisons to use inmate labor, is supposed to follow certain requirements, including paying a prevailing wage. However, wages under the PIECP program have been reported to be as low as 0.16 cents a day. 

    Over 4100 corporations use the PIECP program to profit from prison labor made available by mass incarceration. 385 of these are publicly traded, and include companies such as 3M, ACE Hardware, Amazon, Microsoft and Northrop Grumman. But Bair isn’t sure if the inclusion of private companies really changes the injustice of the system. “Does it matter if the state or if a corporation is exploiting you?” he asked. 

    Labor without alternatives

    Bair points out that while under capitalism, labor both inside and outside the prison is exploitative, wherein the workers produce surplus value that they do not receive in return for their labor, there are special circumstances wherein the labor done within prisons is particularly alienating. The extremely coercive nature of prisons means that much of the work that is required is not really voluntary, since it is tied to things such as early release. “This is an environment of complete coercion. I mean any choice that is made in that setting is affected by its extremely coercive nature. To say that inmates choose something, I mean, what is their alternative?” he asks. 

    James agrees. “This is not dignified labor, this is coerced labor,” she said. “It’s around prisons that you see the starkest expression of extraction, and not just extraction for accumulation, but extraction for the sake of extraction.” 

    Both James and Bair believe that the way to fight against this coerced extraction is to focus on the humanity of prisoners and to destigmatize the “criminal.” Bair sees a short-term solution (short of abolition) to turn prisons into true sites of rehabilitation, and not punishment or warehousing. “We need to reaffirm the humanity of those behind bars and attack the discourse that says these are criminals,” he said. “People who are incarcerated are not a different kind of person; Anyone could be in this situation depending on what happens. We need to rehumanize them.”

    James further believes that in order to restore humanity to prisoners, you have to legitimize political dissent, especially against racial capitalism. “You have to rehumanize the incarcerated, and progressives tend to say focus on their suffering, that’s going to humanize them. I say that is absolutely right, but you also have to focus on their agency. But there is no way to reconstitute the human without legitimizing political dissent,” said James. “There is no way you can reconstruct the criminal… when police and civilians can kill with impunity just as long as the people are seen as disposable.”

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  • Dr. David Fowler stunned the world when he testified that Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin was not responsible for the death of George Floyd. But this is not the first time Fowler has taken a decidedly controversial position on a police involved killing. PAR takes a deep dive into past rulings by Fowler while he was the Chief Medical Examiner in Maryland. We explore three decisions where evidence contradicted his assertion that police were not responsible for in-custody deaths, and his questionable use of quasi-science to bolster these claims to absolve law enforcement.

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  • In the state of Maryland, prison inmates serving life sentences can only be granted parole by final decree from the governor. Even for elderly inmates at high risk of COVID-19 infection, as well as inmates who were sentenced to life in prison when they were juveniles, Maryland Governor Larry Hogan has refused to use this power to grant parole to many who desperately need it. The SB0202 bill, which is currently being debated in the Maryland legislature, would repeal this rule, putting decision-making power in the hands of a parole commission.

    In a recent episode of “Rattling the Bars” (originally published on March 22, 2021), TRNN Executive Producer Eddie Conway spoke with guests Pamela Sessoms, whose incarcerated fiancé contracted COVID-19 inside a Maryland prison, and Marc Schindler, the executive director of the Justice Policy Institute, about this parole policy. To give viewers context for the debate currently happening around SB0202 and why it’s important, we have compiled sections from that conversation here.

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  • PAR has three positive updates on cases we’ve recently covered. As part of our coverage of overpolicing in rural America, we update the case of Ohio cab driver Lufti Saalim, who was tasered while waiting for a customer; Texas resident Randal Thompson, arrested for drugs found in a car purchased at a police auction; and activist grandmother Michelle Lucas, who faced two years in prison for allegedly passing along a counterfeit $100 bill.

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  • As we continue our investigation into overpolicing and mass incarceration in rural America, we return to Pocomoke City on Maryland’s Lower Eastern Shore to speak with Michelle Lucas. Lucas is a pizza delivery driver, a proud grandmother, and community activist who asserts that she was railroaded into a felony conviction that could result in up to two years in prison.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

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  • Video obtained by TRNN reporters Taya Graham and Stephen Janis highlights American law enforcement officers’ lack of de-escalation training and respect for civilians. On this week’s PAR, Graham and Janis investigate the questionable arrest of an immigrant cab driver in Toledo, Ohio, caught on body camera, which shows how quickly police resort to using unnecessary force and how much damage it inflicts upon the civilians they’re supposed to protect.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

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  • Why is it so hard to reform the police, let alone hold police accountable for abusing their power? What are the legal and political protections that have put police above the very law they’re supposed to enforce? On this week’s PAR, reporters Taya Graham and Stephen Janis report on site from Annapolis, Maryland, where a Police Union rally was held to push back against recently proposed legislation that would reform policing and revoke the Law Enforcement Officers’ Bill Of Rights. Then, we speak with veteran copwatcher Tom Zebra on the importance of filming the police and his almost 20-year fight for transparency.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

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  • California is experiencing a public health disaster by keeping people incarcerated in overcrowded, unsanitary, and violent conditions. TRN Executive Producer Eddie Conway speaks with Amber-Rose Howard, Executive Director of Californians United for a Responsible Budget, about how her organization is fighting for prison closures, divestment, and mass releases.

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  • Every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST on The Real News Network, journalists Stephen Janis and Taya Graham premiere a new episode of the acclaimed Police Accountability Report, a show that investigates police corruption around the U.S., as well as the grassroots movement to hold police accountable.

    This week, in lieu of a new episode of PAR, we have a special interview with Janis and Graham about their new full-length documentary, “The Friendliest Town,” which tells the story of Kelvin Sewell, the first African-American police chief of Pocomoke City, MD. When Sewell, a former Baltimore City homicide investigator and narcotics officer, instituted radical changes to Pocomoke City’s policing system, focusing on community policing over aggressive law enforcement, the results were stunning. Then, the local white establishment fought back.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

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  • Since 2002, Greek revolutionary and activist Dimitris Koufontinas has been in prison for his role in the Revolutionary Organization 17 November (17N). Labelled a “terrorist” by the Greek government, Koufontinas began a hunger strike on Jan. 8, 2021, and has been refusing water since Feb.  22, in protest of his draconian treatment in prison. With his health rapidly deteriorating, time is running out for Koufontinas, but there is a growing international effort to demand that his life be spared. In this urgent episode of “Rattling the Bars,” Eddie Conway speaks with Demosthenes Papathatos, a political organizer in Greece, about Koufontinas’ condition.

    Tune in every Monday for new episodes of Rattling the Bars.

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  • Documents obtained by PAR reveal how an air ambulance (medevac) service has been used repeatedly to fly surveillance missions over the city of Baltimore, raising serious questions about the militarization of American police and the dystopian consequences of law enforcement’s growing civic influence. On this week’s episode of PAR, hosts Taya Graham and Stephen Janis take a closer look at the decision by Maryland State Police to purchase tactical helicopters, which has had troubling implications for a system tasked with providing a critical public health service.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

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  • Transcript

    Eddie Conway: In recent years, the issue of mass incarceration had reached the United States popular conscience, from Black artists speaking out at the Academy Awards …

    John Legend [Video Clip]: There are more Black men under correctional control today than were under slavery in 1850.

    Eddie Conway: To Netflix documentaries, such as 13th.

    Michelle Alexander [Video Clip]: After the Civil War, African-Americans were arrested en masse. It was our nation’s first prison bill.

    Eddie Conway: And even in recent presidential debates.

    Tulsi Gabbard [Video Clip]: I want to bring the conversation back to the broken criminal justice system that is disproportionately negatively impacting Black and Brown people all across this country today.

    Eddie Conway: Yet the issue has not been sufficiently addressed in any manner, as 2.3 million people still remain incarcerated in the United States of America. A recent study by the Justice Policy Institute shows that Maryland incarcerates more Black male adults than any other state in the United States.

    Shasta Deen: I guess at this point, we know that things are out of control.

    Eddie Conway: The issue becomes more stark when we realize that most of the people incarcerated in Maryland comes from Baltimore City. I spoke about this at a life sentencing conference in 2017.

    Eddie Conway [Video Clip]: In the urban communities, the citizens are locked up. In the rural communities, the citizens are locking those urban citizens up. So you create a situation where you have jobs for one community, incarceration, or I call it imprisonment, for another community.

    Eddie Conway: Yet Maryland officials have a different view of what’s going on. In a past debate between Governor Hogan and Ben Jealous, who was running for government, Hogan stated that Maryland’s incarceration rate and prison conditions had been reformed, and was improving.

    Governor Larry Hogan [Video Clip]: We’ve reduced our prison population more than the other 49 states. We’re number one in America, in reducing the prison population.

    Eddie Conway: In lieu of the progressive image that Maryland Governor Hogan was presenting, former Maryland prison guard, and executive director of the Justice Policy Institute, Marc Schindler, thought it was important to release this report.

    Marc Schindler: There’s been some progress in Maryland, a little bit. There’s been declines in the prison population in recent years, and I think we should all applaud that, but they haven’t gone anywhere near far enough.

    Marc Schindler: We thought it was time to do a couple things. One, to remind folks of the significant issues within Maryland’s justice system, or, as some I think would fairly call it, the injustice system in Maryland, including the deep and stark racial disparities that we’re seeing overall.

    Eddie Conway: The report reveals that Maryland is number one in locking up Black males from 18 to 24, and keeping them locked up, and breaking up families for decades.

    Marc Schindler: A significant majority of the people who are serving long sentences in Maryland’s prisons went in before they were aged 25 years.

    Eddie Conway: Yes, yes.

    Marc Schindler: They went in when they were young adults. We didn’t do good things or productive things when they were younger, and now they’re still sitting in Maryland’s prison prisons, as older individuals.

    Marc Schindler: It’s the same population at two different points in time. We wanted to lift up that discussion, and really draw attention, again, to the really alarming racial disparities in Maryland’s justice system, and really have people, hopefully, start to do something about it.

    Eddie Conway: Schindler talks about how Black communities are disproportionately affected by social abandonment by the state, in Maryland, and nationwide. I sat down with Schindler to talk about the report on black mass incarceration in Maryland, before the pandemic hit in 2020.

    Marc Schindler: It’s a larger issue within our society, including what we see in Maryland, right? So if you looked at Maryland’s child welfare system, you would see disparate treatment of kids of color. If you looked at Maryland’s schools, right, you would see a higher percentage of Black and Latino kids being suspended and expelled from school. If you looked at housing, right, if you looked at employment.

    Eddie Conway: When I first heard about this report, Louisiana came to mind, it popped in my head, and I’m seeing Angola is the largest prison system in the United States.

    Marc Schindler: Yeah.

    Eddie Conway: I thought of Texas, I thought of Mississippi. What’s the calculus you used to determine that Maryland is the most corporate of incarceration states?

    Marc Schindler: Maryland leads the nation in a way that we shouldn’t be proud of at all. So, more than twice the national average, in terms of people, the proportion of people in its prison system that are Black, and more than those other states you ticked off, Mississippi, Georgia, Louisiana, South Carolina. We can’t just recognize it. What are we going to do about it?

    Eddie Conway: After slavery ended in ’65, whatever, prison systems sprung up all over the South.

    Marc Schindler: That’s right.

    Eddie Conway: And obviously, here in Maryland, also. I mean, does the Institute see this as a continuation of slavery?

    Marc Schindler: Clearly, the original sin in this country, of slavery, hasn’t fully gone away, and we’re still seeing the repercussions. In some ways, most explicitly, we see that in our justice system.

    Marc Schindler: The other thing, I think, we have to remind ourself, when we think about Maryland, and we talk about those other Southern states is, Maryland is a Southern state.

    Eddie Conway: Yes, yes, that is-

    Marc Schindler: But I think, sometimes, we forget that we are below the Mason-Dixon line, right?

    Eddie Conway: Yeah, the Mason-Dixon, yes. Yeah.

    Marc Schindler: Maryland likes to hold itself out as a progressive state, but in many ways, it’s not.

    Eddie Conway: In order to redress the issue of mass incarceration in Maryland, a holistic approach need to be taken, according to Schindler, and more resources need to be directed to the Black community, and support structures.

    Marc Schindler: There’s a range of policies that we should be looking at, including things outside the justice system. We have to fund our education appropriately, and not have two different systems, one, for example, in Montgomery County, and another one in Baltimore City.

    Eddie Conway: Yeah.

    Marc Schindler: Right?

    Eddie Conway: Yeah.

    Marc Schindler: So we need to start leveling the playing field, in that respect. That also goes for housing, that goes for employment, right? There’s a range of issues, that, as we talked about, all impact how people do, and ultimately, whether they end up coming into contact with the justice system. So we have to start looking at policies outside the justice system.

    Eddie Conway: Shasta Deen, formerly incarcerated in the Maryland correctional system, points out that the longer you keep a person incarcerated, the more it costs the state, and, of course, the taxpayers.

    Shasta Deen: Because when you talk about age, you talk about medical issues and medical concerns. So we already know what it kind of costs, and I don’t know if the numbers have changed, but it’s thousands of dollars a year, just to house an individual. Then, when you add to the fact that they got medical issues, then it just increases, and it becomes a burden on taxpayers.

    Eddie Conway: In fact, Maryland spends over $288 million annually on corrections in Baltimore alone. Instead of investing so much money in locking up people, Maryland should do a mass release of elderly prisoners, because elderly prisoners costs more to incarcerate.

    Eddie Conway: In 2014, there was a mass release of elderly prisoners under the Unger case, where almost 200 prisoners were released, and there was one or two incidents in the entire release.

    Marc Schindler: One thing we know, when we talk about, for instance, the geriatric population of incarcerated elderly folks who are in Maryland’s prisons? We’ve got over a thousand people in Maryland’s prisons sitting today, who are over the over 60 years of age, who pose very little threat to public safety. The disproportionate number of those folks are Black, right?

    Eddie Conway: Mm-hmm (affirmative), yes.

    Marc Schindler: The disproportionate number of them are Black men who went to prison under the age of 25. That’s the other data point where Maryland unfortunately leads the country. 40% higher than other places, right?

    Eddie Conway: Wow.

    Marc Schindler: So we really have to have a conversation about what are we doing with those young Black men now? And what are we doing with the older Black men who are sitting in prison today, who went there decades ago, who no longer pose a risk to society? Why aren’t we, like with the Ungers, looking at how they can be safely returned to the community?

    Shasta Deen: We’ve already seen how individuals who’ve come home, they have impacted, and they have made some differences in young people’s lives. Clearly, that would be another benefit, if more individuals, who have reached a certain age, if you talk about that aging population, could come. Then they could bring value to the communities that they live in, to the neighborhoods, and even to the city. I mean, we can go even broader than that, but again, we have examples.

    Eddie Conway: During the COVID-19 outbreak, Governor Hogan stated that prisons were the safest place to be. National statistics show that prisons are a hotbed for spreading the pandemic, and the rate of deaths in the prison system is three times higher than that of the rate of the US population.

    Eddie Conway: Yet Governor Hogan put in an order, simultaneously, as he was saying, overcrowded prisons were safe, that would ban people from out in the larger community from gathering in groups any larger than 10. Because of public pressure, Governor Hogan agreed to release at least a thousand prisoners during the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Eddie Conway: Yet he only released those that had misdemeanor charges, and were eligible to be released within three or four months, anyway. Thousands of elderly prisoners still remain locked up in the Maryland prison system, as the COVID-19 virus continues to spread.

    Until recently, the horrifyingly unjust reality of America’s mass incarceration system has not been a central concern in popular political discourse. In the past few years, however, more people have learned about the brutality and inhumanity of mass incarceration as artists, activists, documentarians, and elected officials have called attention to the broken U.S. criminal justice system—and its disproportionate harm to Black and Brown people. But is this increased awareness of the problem translating to increased efforts to address it?

    While officials like Maryland’s Gov. Larry Hogan say they’re reducing incarceration rates and improving prison conditions, the data tells a different story. For instance, the Justice Policy Institute’s report “Rethinking Approaches to Over Incarceration of Black Young Adults in Maryland” shows that Maryland incarcerates Black people at more than twice the national rate and leads the country in incarcerating young Black men. In this episode of “Rattling the Bars,” Eddie Conway speaks with Justice Policy Institute’s Marc Schindler and returning citizen Shasta Deen about how the repercussions of slavery are still felt in Maryland’s justice system.

    Tune in every Monday for new episodes of Rattling the Bars.

    Read the Justice Policy Institute report: Rethinking Approaches to Over Incarceration of Black Young Adults in Maryland

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  • Transcript

    Taya Graham: Hello. My name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose, holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. To do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops, but try to dig deeper and expose the underlying system that makes bad policing possible.

    Today, we have an important update that speaks exactly to our purpose, another questionable arrest by police solely for the act of filming them. A set of charges with troubling ties to questionable case that we have already reported about on this show and we will examine how police and law enforcement monetize the people they arrest, charge and otherwise incarcerate them, so they can pay their own salaries. But before I get started, I need to ask for your support.

    Remember, we can’t do this type of work without you, so please, if you can, hit the donate link below and I want you to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com or reach out to me and message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. Of course, please like, share and comment on our videos.

    Okay. We’ve got that out of the way. Now, as many of you recall, just a few weeks ago, we reported on the arrest and beating of Nick Pettit by Columbus, Ohio police. Pettit was filming police on his own porch when he caught them striking a juvenile. Pettit spoke up and police attacked. Let’s watch.

    [VIDEO CLIP]

    Nick Pettit: Hey, you weren’t supposed to smack him in the face. What the fuck is wrong with you?

    Speaker 1: Go back to your house.

    Nick Pettit: Hell no, man. I’m on my property. I ain’t got to listen to you.

    Speaker 1: [crosstalk 00:01:49] Get in the house. Go in the house.

    Speaker 2: Go inside.

    Speaker 1: Get in the house. Go on inside.

    Nick Pettit: Hey, look, I got you all on camera right now. I’m on my private property.

    Speaker 2: [crosstalk 00:02:01] You’re under arrest.

    Nick Pettit: For what?

    Speaker 1: Come on.

    Nick Pettit: I didn’t even do nothing except record this whole situation. What are you doing?

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Taya Graham: Last month, Pettit and the ACLU filed a federal civil rights lawsuit, alleging the arrest was illegal and violated his constitutional rights. But one intriguing aspect of the case was the law used to charge Pettit for his alleged transgression. It’s an obscure statute called Misconduct During an Emergency, a nebulous infraction that even after some extensive research seemed designed to allow police flexibility to arrest people for behavior they find, for lack of a better word, annoying.

    But just this week, another viewer in Ohio contacted us with startling information. Anthony Holbrook was also arrested for filming cops on his own property, and he too was charged with the vaguely worded Misconduct During an Emergency.

    For more on this arrest and what the video shows I’m joined by my reporting partner, Stephen Janis. Stephen, thank you for joining me.

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: Stephen, give me some overview on this video and his arrest. What does it show and what are we looking at?

    Stephen Janis: What’s interesting about this video is that you see initially police handle a situation that could have been potentially dangerous quite well. They are able to stop a man who has a fake gun and is threatening people. So they get that done pretty effectively. What’s weird at the end of the video, after this is all over, they start to harass this man and ask him for information which he doesn’t want to provide and then turn it into arrest.

    [VIDEO CLIP]

    Speaker: You don’t have to give us any statements but you have to identify yourself.

    Anthony Holbrook: I wish to remain silent at this time.

    Speaker: Is that your final answer?

    Anthony Holbrook: Yeah.

    Speaker: [crosstalk 00:03:42], okay. Put your hands behind your back.

    Anthony Holbrook: Wow.

    [VIDEO CLIP ENDS]

    Stephen Janis: So really the video is kind of troubling because at that point, everything was over and there was no reason really to engage this man.

    Taya Graham: Now, you’ve looked into this law. What does it actually say?

    Stephen Janis: Well, what it says is that you can’t interfere with either a police officer or an EMT or a firefighter on the scene of an accident, but what’s interesting about it and it doesn’t really define interference, but it also says that you have to obey a lawful order. So it’s really kind of very vague and then of course it has one exception for the media.

    So I think this would classify as a media kind of situation because it’s the only place where you don’t really have to abide by the law in that situation, where you can’t be subject to arrest. So really the law contradicts what happened.

    Taya Graham: So the reason police initially gave for his arrest was that he had refused to show them his ID. Is that legal?

    Stephen Janis: Well, it’s a really interesting question. There is no federal law that says you have to identify yourself to a police officer. However, in Ohio, if you are witness to a felony, you’re supposed to be give identification. The question would be here, was he really a witness to a felony? Was he the only witness or was this more about the fact that he was filming police?

    And I think that’s a crucial question as to his arrest, because to me it seems like they’re more interested in the fact that he was filming police, given that the fact that this occurred in front of multiple people and it really wasn’t a question of what had happened. So I think the fact that he was filming gave him some protection there.

    I think it’s very troubling that police would use this law once again to get someone who was filming police and who were just really exercising their First Amendment rights.

    Taya Graham: And now to get more details on the video and the consequences of yet another questionable arrest I’m joined by Anthony Holbrook. Anthony, thank you so much for joining me.

    Anthony Holbrook: Thank you for having me.

    Taya Graham: So first I want to ask you to describe the events preceding your arrest. What were the cops doing in your neighborhood?

    Anthony Holbrook: They were dealing with a guy who had apparently been drunk and arguing with an ex-girlfriend and his step-son.

    I made sure I stayed away in my own driveway, tried to not communicate with the police. After it was all done they started asking everybody for their IDs and of course they got to me and I politely just declined so one guy, cop, sergeant, I’m not sure, he snapped his fingers and the two cops arrested me and charged me with obstruction, but I didn’t understand it because they had first told me I’m not in any trouble. They don’t need a statement. All they needed was my name, but before they even got the handcuffs on, they smacked my phone out of my hand and shut it off.

    I heard my plates and my name, my date of birth come over their radio. So they was already running tags before I answered any questions.

    Taya Graham: So after the police had arrested the man, they asked you for ID and you refused. Can you talk about why?

    Anthony Holbrook: Well, there were several things running through my head of why I did want [inaudible 00:07:01] the police. There’s been some scary stories that I’ve heard that police get your information, that is sold sometimes to third parties. But my main reason is, and I know this is weird, but the very first time I reported the police, they threatened me, made me give them my name and a couple months later I went to PeopleFinders and now I noticed on PeopleFinders that I am supposedly a suspect of being organized with a terrorist group.

    So that freaked me out when I seen that. So that’s why I didn’t want to give my name. I have heard of people reporting police and when they give their name, sometimes these cops will put them in a database or something like that and they’ll end up on a terrorist watch-list simply for reporting police.

    So I was scared. I didn’t want to give my name because I didn’t have anything to do with it.

    Taya Graham: I think it’s worth noting you were talking to Stephen before this interview about a pivotal moment prior to these arrests, when you became distrustful of police. Can you tell us about what happened?

    Anthony Holbrook: Back in 2015 I think, I was in college. After school I would drop my aunt and uncle off at their house and for no apparent reason I was pulled over by the Brady Lake police and they pulled us all out of the car. Wouldn’t tell me why and then searched my whole car without asking me for my permission and said I was free to go.

    I asked them why and they said because I was in a high-crime area. So that irritated. So that’s when I began to look into my constitutional rights because I was mad that they just abused their power and that’s when I started looking into my rights and started reporting police when I could.

    Taya Graham: So Anthony, what happened after you were arrested? How long were you in jail and what did prosecutors do with the case?

    Anthony Holbrook: Once they put me in the back of the police car, I started having anxiety. I started coughing. They must have assumed that I was sick and COVID had just came really big. So they put me in a cell and treated me like I had a bad disease.

    They refused to give me any of my medications. The next morning, this was around 9:00 at night, maybe 9:30, the next morning, around 8:30, 9:00 in the morning. I see the judge, I got a PR bond, but they wouldn’t let me out till around 4:00 that evening and then I noticed on my paperwork that the only reason they’re claiming that I didn’t see the judge until 3:00 or 3:20 in the evening and that’s why it took so long to release.

    Within six months, it was dismissed. I had to go all the way to trial. I had a public defender who I asked to get the body cam footage or the dash cam footage, try to find out why I was not only charged with obstruction, but misconduct at an emergency and he said there was no video and there was no dash cam and that the case was dismissed at the trial date.

    Taya Graham: How has this affected you? What have been the consequences for you? Whether emotional or financial?

    Anthony Holbrook: Recently, I’m having trouble getting a place to live, an apartment for my daughter and I because of these charges. And I’ve noticed that when I see cops get behind me while I’m driving, I get real bad anxiety and it wasn’t so bad until they arrested me for in my opinion, no reason that night.

    Taya Graham: So Anthony, what would you need to make you whole, or what would you want see happen to restore your trust in law enforcement?

    Anthony Holbrook: I don’t know if an apology would really do it because in the past, a couple of years ago, the cops threatened me just for recording them, threatened to blow me up. That if I was in Afghanistan and I was reporting them, they would blow me up like they did someone else.

    So it’s a little scary. I’ll put it this way. After the incident, it seemed like every time I was outside throwing the football back and forth with my daughter or brother-in-law, the sheriffs were always driving by at least once a day. I don’t know if it was me being paranoid. I don’t know, but I would just like to see a change.

    Taya Graham: Now, as we always try to do on the show, I want to connect the dots in Anthony’s story to a larger problem with law enforcement today. That is to try to provide some context on why the seemingly needless arrest of one man is critical to understanding the broader problems with American policing that we are all faced with today.

    And to do so, I want to take a look at a recent New York Times op-ed that examines how the monetization of law enforcement has turned America into a vast land of debtor’s prisons.

    Now, before I explain the premise of the article, just a little historical side note, imprisoning someone for an unpaid debt was actually something our country used to frown upon. In fact, it was considered to be such a destructive idea. Then in 1867, the Anti-Peonage Act was passed by Congress to prevent involuntary servitude for debt and the 14th Amendment to the Constitution was used by federal, district and supreme court justices to protect Americans from being imprisoned for court-related fines and fees.

    But as the article points out, that initial historical hesitancy has been discarded and the practice has become more commonplace, even ubiquitous. In fact, according to the article, The New Debt Prisons by Gene Sperling, the state of Texas imprisons over 500,000 people for unpaid debts. That’s just in the state of Texas alone. But these aren’t just people who failed to pay a credit card bill, or just decide to skip out on their monthly car note.

    No, these scofflaws end up behind bars because, wait for it, they have not paid court fines, probation fees, and even bills for being in jail in the first place. In other words, as states across the country, continue to impose fines and fees to people entangled in our criminal justice system, people who can’t pay sometimes find themselves locked away again.

    The problem has become so acute in so many communities that Sperling says our country has become quote, “A punitive debt trap for millions of low income Americans, essentially a debtor’s prison writ large”. But of course it is why cities and states have been raising these fees that is even more troubling.

    According to the article, the main reason fees have become so prohibitive is because they’re used to fund the same cops and courts that impose them. That’s right. As I said before, police and law enforcement monetize the people they arrest, charge and otherwise incarcerate so they can pay their own salary.

    So how could that go wrong? I mean, think about it. A system predicated on financializing criminal justice is basically a solution in search of a problem. A cop who knows his or her generous salary and pricey benefits are based on how many people end up in handcuffs is going to find as many ways to slap them on as many wrists as possible. A prosecutor or judge who knows court fees and criminal fines will pay for a cushy pension or lavish health benefits is surely going to search for as many ways to impose them as they can.

    The point is how can we trust a criminal justice system predicated upon profit? How can we literally trust a system that is using force and the threat of imprisonment to extract cash from the people it’s supposed to protect?

    I’m not sure what you call it, but it sounds like racketeering to me with a bit of communal extortion on the side. The worst part is that this power over our collective purse has no natural checks or balances.

    As we’ve seen again and again on this show, once a bad arrest is made, there are no repercussions for the officer or the department that allowed it. There are no charges or investigations into bad police behavior. Instead, even bad arrests end up a win for police with victims forced to pay court costs, lawyer fees and fines that accumulate usury interest if they aren’t paid off immediately.

    The point is we can’t have a criminal justice system that operates on the imperative of profit. Funding policing by the monetization of criminality takes the worst aspects of capitalism and the fascist impulses of a society obsessed with punishment and creates an anti-democratic stew so toxic, it could kill even the healthiest democracy.

    That’s why stories like the arrest of Anthony Holbrook must be told, and that’s why we won’t stop telling them.

    I would like to thank my guest Anthony Holbrook for joining me today. Anthony, thank you so much for your time.

    Anthony Holbrook: I was nervous, thank you.

    Taya Graham: And of course I would like to thank intrepid reporter, Stephen Janis for his editing, writing and reporting on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis: Okay, Taya. Thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: And of course I want to thank friend of the show Noli Dee, thanks, Noli Dee. And I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please reach out to us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out. You can email us tips privately @parattherealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct.

    You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And of course you can message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter or Facebook, and please like, share and comment.

    I do read your comments and I appreciate them. My name is Taya Graham and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe.

    Yet another arrest of a man recording police raises vexing questions about an obscure Ohio law that gives law enforcement almost unfettered power to detain and charge bystanders. PAR investigates how this statute may have been abused during a tense standoff, and the implications for citizen journalists who seek to record police.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

    The post Filming the police is legal, but that doesn’t stop them from arresting people for it appeared first on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Transcript

    Taya Graham: Hello. My name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always try to make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system which makes bad policing possible. And today, we’re going to achieve this goal by examining two examples of the theme we explore often on this show; the destructive consequences of American over-policing. First, by reporting on the arrest of a man seen here in this video, whose alleged crime was turning around when he spotted a cop. And then by reporting on the work of an international commission which is investigating police brutality in this country, which they believe is so exceptional it requires worldwide attention to fix.

    Taya Graham: But before I get started, I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us, and we might be able to investigate. You can reach out to me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter or Facebook, or you can email us privately at PAR@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. And please don’t forget to like and comment on our videos, we really do appreciate it, and it helps, and I try to answer your questions when I can. Okay, that’s out of the way.

    Taya Graham: Now, as we’ve often reported on this show, there is a burgeoning problem affecting American law enforcement that does not get enough attention. It’s an issue that some evidence suggests may be behind many of the troubling police encounters we report on. Sometimes we call this over-policing, but I think it’s helpful to think of it from a different perspective, overcapacity. Since we live in a crony capitalist society where the monetization of public problems seem to be the preferred form of governance, why not use the same lexicon to point out its flaws? Because in town after town we have covered across the country, one truism has emerged from the myriad of minor arrests for seemingly fictitious crimes we’ve recounted. There are just too many cops.

    Taya Graham: And today, we have a striking example of that thesis from Talking Rock, Georgia. A troubling video of the pursuit of a man who simply turned his car around when he spotted an officer parked on a road, a decision that has led to a prolonged legal battle and troubling consequences for the man who made the decision to reverse course. Now, it’s worth noting that tensions between Georgia State Troopers and the residents of Talking Rock in North Georgia had been high since the police-involved killing of John Harley Turner. He was shot on his own property by troopers after local hunters claimed he was threatening them, but then Turner was shot by the police on his own property just 45 minutes later.

    Taya Graham: So tensions were high, to say the least, and that’s when Charles Spradling heard a trooper was staked out down the road from his house. He decided to drive to investigate, and now I’ll let him tell us what happened next.

    Charles Spradling: At the time, it was just a roadblock, and I was going down to see it because having the neighbor tell me that she saw it is not the same as seeing it for yourself, and I wanted to be able to make sure that I could say, “Yes, on this date and time, there was indeed a police roadblock on our road.” Now, our road is very rural, so it would be highly unlikely for the police to have a roadblock there, so it had to be related to the incident with my neighbor five minutes earlier.

    Taya Graham: And as you can see in this video, police pulled Spradling over, ordered him out of his car, and demanded to see his license. Let’s listen to what happened next.

    Charles Spradling: I have every legal right to be [inaudible 00:03:49].

    Speaker 3: Well, you just… We’re doing a road check [crosstalk 00:03:52].

    Charles Spradling: I heard you were doing a road check. [crosstalk 00:03:58]. I do have a license, here.

    Speaker 3: Okay.

    Charles Spradling: [inaudible 00:03:58]. I went down there because my neighbors complained that there was a roadblock on our street. I went down there to see what’s going on.

    Speaker 3: Okay. He wont give me his license.

    Charles Spradling: I live right here.

    Speaker 3: I want you to give me your license. [crosstalk 00:04:12].

    Taya Graham: As you can see, police ultimately arrested Spradling, and since then they have embroiled him in a protracted legal battle. But before I get to my interview with him, I wanted to check in with my reporting partner, Stephen Janis to get some context on the case itself. Stephen, thank you for joining us.

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: First, as mentioned at the beginning of the show, the conflict originated with the shooting of a resident by a Georgia state trooper. What’s the status of this case and were any of the officers arrested?

    Stephen Janis: Well, as far as I can tell from what I looked at, there was no investigation of the officers, no questioning of the officers, the shooting was immediately ruled justified. So really nothing was done. There was no aftermath or after action investigation or any sort of report posted online. It was pretty much considered to be an okay shooting, which is a little disturbing.

    Taya Graham: Now there’ve been quite a few rulings about the constitutional rights to avoid speed traps or police checkpoints. Tell us a little about that.

    Stephen Janis: Well, let me be clear. It is not a crime to turn around when you see a police checkpoint, nor is it probable cause to chase somebody or try to arrest them when they avoid a police checkpoint. What’s interesting about that is that most of these cases revolve around DUI checkpoints. This clearly wasn’t that at all. So why the police chased him and what probable cause or justification effort remains a mystery because they violated his fourth amendment rights clearly.

    Charles Spradling: So, Stephen, finally, what are the police saying about Charles Spradling’s case? How are they justifying the arrest in the light of the questions over its legality?

    Stephen Janis: Well, to be honest, I haven’t been able to get in touch with police about this, but it’s clear the prosecutor dropped the charges almost immediately, showing that really there was really no basis or probable cause for this arrest, or no reason for the police to [inaudible 00:05:50]. It’s clear from what I said before, about the constitutionality of avoiding a police checkpoint, there was no basis for this, so the charges really were bogus.

    Taya Graham: And now to get more on the details on what happened and the consequences for the person you’re seeing in this video, I’m joined by the man himself, Charles Spradling. Charles, thank you so much for joining us.

    Charles Spradling: Thank you for inviting me on the show.

    Taya Graham: First, can you please explain to us the traffic stop that we are seeing in this video? What was their pretext for stopping you?

    Charles Spradling: If you watch the video, and it depends on the time that you actually look at the video as to what the pretext is. Initially the stop was… Allegedly it was suspicious for me to turn around at the site of a checkpoint down the road. But when they found out later in the video that their sergeant told them that he thinks it’s okay to do that, then they started to come up with all sorts of other reasons that should be clearly seen in the video.

    Taya Graham: Now you had good reason for not wanting to have a direct encounter with police, in particular the officers who slapped the cuffs on you. Can you tell us what he did to your neighbor?

    Charles Spradling: The neighbor in question called me about the roadblock. They live on the other side. Their son was 34 years old at the time, and he was a naturalist. He loved the outdoors. Well, hunters and that tend to not mix. The hunters apparently were on his property, they were hunting. He yelled through the woods, told them to get off of his property, that he was going to come down and shoot if they didn’t basically. But it was through the woods, so he didn’t confront them face to face. Well, they left the property, they went and called the police. The police came out and they immediately drew their weapons because the neighbor was wearing a chest holster with a .45 in it. They told him on his own property, “Put the weapon down, put the weapon down.” And of course, he said, “I have every right to have this weapon. I’m on my own property. I want to go to bed. Leave me alone. Just keep the trespassers off my property.”

    Charles Spradling: But this went on for about 45 minutes. At one point, my neighbor even went back into his house and grabbed a gallon jug of water and in a flash he came back out. Well, unbeknownst to him while he was in the house, the police devised a plan to get him to come closer. So when he came out, the female deputy on the scene had asked him if she could have a drink of his water, because he was carrying his gallon jug.

    Charles Spradling: So he started to approach the fence to give her that drink of water. Well, he didn’t know, but two of the deputies had jumped over the fence onto their property and were hiding and waiting for him. So when he got close enough to her to give her the water, then they opened fire with bean bag rounds at that point. And of course, he drew his weapon and fired back. He didn’t shoot any of them, but they let loose over a hundred rounds, ended up killing him.

    Taya Graham: That seems like that didn’t have to happen, that there was no need to escalate the encounter.

    Charles Spradling: Well, I agree with that. The problem we have is that that law enforcement don’t see things the same way as the citizens do, they just don’t. And they think that their word is to be obeyed under all circumstances, notwithstanding the law. And that’s the problem.

    Taya Graham: Now let’s take another look at the video. You asked to see the supervisor and you were placed in the back and the officers begin discussing what to do with you. What did they say to each other and during their call to their supervisor?

    Charles Spradling: Well, keep in mind at the time, I couldn’t hear this. So I’m locked in the back of the cage with handcuffs on and they’re discussing that he thinks it’s okay to turn around at checkpoint so they need to find probable cause to have stopped me. So the first thing one of the troopers looks at is the tire. He says “The tires are down to the [inaudible 00:09:56].”

    Speaker 3: He says we’re violating his rights, he’s got a weapon in the car. [inaudible 00:10:00]. Because he turned around and went the opposite way. It’s valid, but I know in Atlanta [inaudible 00:10:12] turn around and run. [inaudible 00:10:12].

    Charles Spradling: So they bring up the window tint. The window tint looks a little dark, but that was 14 minutes of course after he had handcuffs put on me.

    Taya Graham: Did you give permission for the search of your car? In your estimation, were your civil rights violated? I mean, where do you think the officers crossed the line?

    Charles Spradling: At that particular time, I was in the back of the car for 20 to 30 minutes before they finally come back and told me that I was “officially under arrest.” At that point it was a failure to display, obstruction of justice and faulty tires. So they claimed my tires were in the state. So I was taken to jail. I had to post about $2,700 in bond to get out of jail. So I was in jail for several hours until we worked that out. You know how easy that is on a Saturday afternoon after 4:00. They towed my car out of my driveway after searching it completely. They went to the glove box and the center console, they even ran the serial number on my firearm multiple times during the stop. I had a backpack in the back of the vehicle, they went completely through that.

    Charles Spradling: Ironically, they ended up giving my wife several of the possessions that were in the vehicle, including the firearm, but they refused to let her take the car the remaining distance up the driveway to the house. This was on Saturday. So on Monday morning, first thing I have to get up is go and get my car. You got to pay cash. They don’t accept credit cards when they’re impounds. So I drove down to get my car. From there, I drove over to my attorney’s office. I explained to him pretty much what I’ve said here on this video and his response to me was, “Okay, what else aren’t you telling me?” Which is like, no, that was really it. There was nothing I was hiding. So he arranged to have a preliminary hearing about three weeks from that date. The judge pretty much threw it all out. They dropped it like an affidavit.

    Taya Graham: Now on this show, we’ve spoken a lot about over-policing in particular in rural America. Do you think this is an example of it and is it really a problem?

    Charles Spradling: I think we’re over-policing everywhere, unfortunately. I don’t think it’s just rural America. I think a lot of these big city police officers are running into problems inside the cities and some of these bigger departments, and they’re coming out to the rural communities and they’re bringing their problems with them. I think that’s what’s really going on. And we’re just seeing it to where the power a police officer carries when he confronts somebody in public is intoxicating, and they get so used to that and they’re so accustomed to people praising them, worshiping everything that they do that when somebody says, wait a minute, you can’t do that. They don’t know how to handle it.

    Taya Graham: So how has this ordeal affected you? Can you talk a little bit about the personal toll for you?

    Charles Spradling: I’ve never been one to suffer an injustice lightly, it’s always affected me pretty heavily. This, it shocked me beyond the pale because I knew I had done nothing wrong. I was very careful that I don’t have anything illegal, my insurance is up to date, my registration, everything is proper. I live that way. So when I was stopped, I was taken back a little bit. It was like why I was being stopped in the first place? I turned around, it was more than a [inaudible 00:13:55] of a mile before the checkpoint. So I wasn’t even in the checkpoint region.

    Charles Spradling: But it took me back that, wow, if they can do this and what I have to go through to have my day in court that they like to tell you to go for, then what does a person who has the most minor infraction registration that may not be properly type or they could be a type or something doesn’t perfectly match, what chance do they have? Like I said, in my case, I don’t think they have anything they can come back on, and they’re really struggling with that. In fact, right now their story is that they arrested me from the very second they put the handcuffs on me. It was a full arrest even though they denied it multiple times both in the video and in the preliminary hearing.

    Charles Spradling: All of a sudden they’re changing their story now because they couldn’t get past, I believe, pulling my wallet out of my back pocket with objection. So the police get to redefine their narrative and they do it and they do it over and over again. And they know that we as citizens are going to have to spend thousands of dollars on legal fees to answer every one of their narratives. And if we do, then they’ll just change it and there goes another few thousand dollars.

    Taya Graham: Now, the reason we report on cases like this week after week is twofold. One, we want to be helpful to hundreds of people who reach out to us for assistance when facing unfair or unjust law enforcement. And two, we want to apply the specific to the general. Meaning we want to use these stories to paint a larger, more informed picture of the state of American policing, and nothing could be more exemplary of that idea than the case we just reported om, and by extension a conference which took place a few weeks ago, focused upon the use of force by American police. Keep in mind, American police use deadly force more often, and with more lethal consequences than almost any other country on earth. For example, cops in Australia kill as many people in 30 years as American cops shoot in one month. Granted the populations of both countries are quite disproportionate, but you get the idea.

    Taya Graham: And it’s our ongoing problem with the over use of force that was the topic of an international commission specially created and then paneled to investigate and report on the use of deadly force in this country. The commission took testimony from lawyers, family members and law enforcement officials who expressed concern about how many people die at the hands of cops. The panel examined controversial police killings like Tamir Rice, a 14 year old boy who was shot and killed by Cleveland Police while playing in a park with a toy gun. Or Tyrone West, a Baltimore City resident who was beaten by police for nearly an hour after he made a U-turn, and Brionna Taylor, the young nurse who was killed during a botched drug raid last year.

    Taya Graham: The point is that American law enforcement kill so many people in so many ways, and so often those same cops are rarely punished that it has required an outside body to intervene. In other words, American style policing is so extraordinarily brutal that in order to address it, we have to venture beyond the borders of the country which allows it. But that’s not where the excesses end, because this just released report by the investigative news site ProPublica exposed how deeply rooted all the aforementioned ills are embedded in our system of crony capitalism.

    Taya Graham: The award-winning journalism organization analyzed the contracts of New Jersey police officers looking for perks that led to extraordinary payouts. The group found that police there received a whopping $492 million for unused sick leave over the past several years. Payout so generous that some officers collected hundreds of thousands of dollars each in unused sick leave.

    Taya Graham: Now, let’s remember that during the most recent negotiations over the COVID relief package, negotiators specifically excluded a clause that would have guaranteed sick leave to American workers. The measure was dropped after republicans protested that the benefit would be too costly and the democrats failed to successfully craft and pass a bill that addresses the needs of an increasingly desperate electorate. Nevermind, we were in the middle of a deadly pandemic and nevermind that this sick leave is essential to keep all of us healthy.

    Taya Graham: But instead of affording a critical benefit to all of us, states like New Jersey have set aside half a billion dollars in wait for it, unused sick leave. That is while denying grocery store workers, cab drivers, retailers a right to a basic and life-saving benefit. State officials have made sure that police can cash in their unused sick pay like a taxpayer funded slush fund. In other words, cops get sick pay they don’t need or use, and we the people get nothing.

    Taya Graham: Considering this divide between the perk showered on police and the basic necessities denied the rest of us, is there any wonder we see stories like the one we featured in today’s show? Is it surprising that police make bogus arrests and use force under questionable circumstances? Are we really shocked when cops enforce punitive laws without reasonable discretion, all of which results with more of us riding away in jail? I think it’s the divide between the pricey perks for them and very little for us that reveals the true imperative of American policing. How US law enforcement has become a veritable Praetorian guard, the for-rent soldiers who defended Roman emperors and their unfettered wealth for a price. They are better paid and better protected from the laws in ways not afforded to the rest of us. In exchange they are tasked with enforcing economic inequality, not justice.

    Taya Graham: They can cash out sick pay while we are forced to work during a pandemic because they perform the valuable service of enforcing all the social boundaries that make inequality possible. That my friends is why we continue to see law enforcement officers paid outrageous salaries and receive plenty of perks the rest of us will never get. That is also why an international tribunal is actually forced to take on American law enforcement’s catastrophic brutality while our own leaders stand back and watch.

    Taya Graham: The truth is American policing has evolved in ways that have little to do with public safety or service instead has become a self-serving institution that feeds at the trough of American excess, a job that has been transformed by the influence of rapacious crony capitalism into an enforcer of the inherent unfairness which unfortunately engulfs us all. I would like to thank my guest Charles Spradling for sharing his story with us today. Thank you so much, Charles.

    Charles Spradling: Thank you. I really truly appreciate what you guys are doing out there because I know it’s somewhat of a thankless job, but it needs to be done and you’re fighting the fight along with everybody else, so thank you.

    Taya Graham: And of course, I have to thank intrepid reporter Stephen Janis for his writing, editing, research and reporting on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me, I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: And I want you to watch him to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please reach out to us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please email us your tips privately at P-A-R@therealnews.com and share your evidence. You can also direct message me @tayasbaltimore on Twitter or Facebook, or you can reach out to us through the Police Accountability Report Facebook page, Instagram page, and @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And please like, share and comment on our videos. It really does help, and I’ll answer your questions whenever I can. My name is Taya Graham and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    In this week’s PAR, Taya Graham and Stephen Janis continue their ongoing investigation into small-town overpolicing by reporting on the case of Charles Spradling. Spradling was supposedly stopped for avoiding a police roadblock, then Georgia State Troopers searched his car without consent and arrested him on dubious charges. While Spradling struggles to have his day in court, some residents of Talking Rock, Georgia, say that the pattern of overpolicing in their rural area is undeniable.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

    The post Illegal checkpoint arrest tied to a controversial shooting appeared first on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Flint Taylor and Jeff Haas, co-founders of the People’s Law Office in Chicago, were the lead lawyers in the landmark case that exposed the FBI’s involvement in the assassination of Black Panthers Fred Hampton and Mark Clark. While that case was settled nearly 40 years ago, newly revealed documents show that the conspiracy to murder Hampton and cover up evidence of government involvement goes deeper than most ever imagined. In this special episode of “Rattling the Bars,” Eddie Conway talks with Taylor and Haas about their decades-long battle for the truth, the government’s continued surveillance and persecution of dissenters, and the ongoing fight for justice and accountability.

    The post The government murdered Fred Hampton. Will it ever be held accountable? appeared first on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • One reason why The Real News Network calls Baltimore home is because we know that the struggles the people in this majority-minority city face (unequitable access to resources like education, clean air, and transportation, for example) are the struggles people face all over the globe. This is the latest installment of our weekly news roundup from the Baltimore trenches, which we hope will help keep our friends and neighbors abreast of what’s going on in our city, but we also hope these stories will resonate with people united in the struggle everywhere.

    West Baltimore Ruins

    The photos contained in “West Baltimore Ruins,” a new book from Baltimore photographer Shae McCoy, shows buildings that are missing their fronts—looking like poorly maintained doll houses—or missing either part of their roofs or backs, with slivers of the sky visible through the windows. McCoy says she takes pictures of crumbling homes and buildings as a way of preserving the past. 

    “A lot of these homes, vacant homes, have been around since I was growing up,” McCoy told The Real News’ Lisa Snowden-McCray. “I also thought it was important to preserve memories because people once lived in these places … where they are now ghost towns. People have picked up and left or these places are not livable, so they had no choice.”

    In a city like Baltimore where it seems like there’s not much to celebrate, leaders sometimes jump at the chance to take one of those posed shots where a group is wearing gleaming hardhats while gripping A Symbol of Change, like a golden shovel or a giant pair of scissors. It connotes success. Something is happening. Money is changing hands. That’s what former Mayor Catherine Pugh (currently in federal prison) was probably going for when a few years ago she climbed into an excavator and gleefully took down the front wall of an abandoned home in Druid Heights. “I can’t wait to knock down more!” she tweeted

    Many people have ideas about what should be done with these vacant, abandoned, and crumbling buildings, often leaning cartoonishly to the side, but McCoy is more concerned with preservation. She grew up in what’s now known as Poppleton, but to her it was Lexington Terrace. She says she has watched the area change. Then, she says, the neighborhood didn’t feel like ruins, to her. There was crime and abandoned buildings, to be sure, but things didn’t feel as dire. 

    “I kind of feel like it shows how these neighborhoods have depleted over the years and things like that and also what’s happening now,” McCoy said. “I thought it was important to shine light on gentrification, also on neglect, how a lot of these homes—vacant homes—have been around since I was growing up. I thought it was important to preserve memories, because people once lived in these places.”

    McCoy says she started out blogging and taking photos on her own, as something to do for fun. She began to find herself naturally gravitating towards photography and was eventually doing it as a career. She began documenting these buildings on an Instagram account, @west_baltimore_ruins. Now those photographs are collected in a book of the same name, out this month. Along with the images are telling data about blight and housing discrimination.

    “It was crazy because when I started the project it didn’t really have that much of a purpose,” McCoy said. “But as I started to think, as I started to post more and really see like, inside of these vacant homes and vacant businesses and really think about what used to be there, it was like I feel like I found the purpose.”

    Governor Hogan Criticized For Vaccine Rollout, Has Education Veto Rejected

    While the national love affair with Maryland’s Republican Gov. Larry Hogan continues (Hogan is frequently and inexplicably touted as some kind of voice of reason in the GOP), more and more Marylanders are realizing the limits of his strongman style of governing. On Monday, Feb. 8, a letter signed by 31 state leaders offered up recommendations to Hogan about how to better implement the COVID-19 vaccine rollout, including increased transparency, more vaccines, and the use of federal funding. As of yesterday, Maryland ranks 37 out of 50 when it comes to vaccinations, with 721,159 of 1,101,200 vaccines administered. That’s just a little over 65%. In Baltimore, Mayor Brandon Scott wrote a letter to the CEO of Johnson and Johnson—who last week submitted its single-dose vaccine to the Food and Drug Administration—asking if Baltimore City could purchase vaccines directly as a way to counter the inequity of Hogan’s vaccine rollout.

    Hogan dismissed Scott’s request by calling it a “nice try,” and characterizing it as a way to “jump to the front of the line.” Scott, however, argued it is an issue of racial equity.

    “Due to prioritization dictated to us by the state and the extraordinarily low supply of vaccine supplied to the city, only 3.4% of Black residents have received their first dose of the vaccine, and that’s just simply unacceptable,” Scott said at a Feb. 8 press conference.

    Hogan made news last year when he purchased COVID-19 tests from South Korea for $9.5 million, though it has since been revealed that the tests were costly and hard to use, and that the tests had to be replaced, costing an additional $2.5 million.

    On Feb. 11, Hogan held a press conference announcing a number of changes to Maryland’s COVID-19 plan. They are detailed here by Hogan’s Communications Director Mike Ricci.

    Also this week, the Maryland House of Delegates voted to override Hogan’s veto of the Kirwan Commission funding bill, which would, if implemented, fund schools in the state with an additional $4 billion, which would come from local and state jurisdictions. Kirwan funding would go towards expanding pre-kindergarten, increasing teacher salaries, and making sure students are career and college-ready by the time they graduate. As The Real News’ Jaisal Noor has reported over the years, Hogan has long opposed additional funding, while students and advocates have stressed that the $4 billion—which would make up for the underfunding of schools—would be phased in by 2030. They have argued that it would pay itself back within 15 years.

    Hogan, who has opposed Kirwan for years, argues the $4 billion is too costly because of the pandemic and recession. On Friday, Feb. 12, the Maryland state Senate also overrode the veto.

    “By overriding the Governor’s veto of the Blueprint for Maryland’s Future this afternoon, the Maryland General Assembly made clear that the status quo is unacceptable. If COVID-19 was the Governor’s reason for vetoing the Blueprint, it is also the moral imperative for overriding that veto,” State Senator Bill Ferguson said in a press release. “The same students and schools that have long faced underinvestment in their educational outcomes have been disparately impacted by virtual learning over the last year. At a time when our students, especially students of color and those living in areas with high concentrations of poverty, are experiencing immense learning loss, the worst thing we can do is reverse course on the Blueprint that was created to address these exact issues.”

    Keith Davis Jr. Tests Positive for COVID-19

    Last week, Battleground Baltimore called attention to the plight of Keith Davis Jr., a Baltimore man shot by police in 2015 and then charged with a homicide, which he has been tried for four separate times. Last week, Davis Jr. was hospitalized for internal bleeding. Last year, Davis’s lawyers argued that, because of injuries sustained during that shooting, his health was at risk in prison during the pandemic, and he had not received the medical treatment he needed nearly five years since his shooting. This week, Davis was discharged from the hospital and returned to prison. However, he has tested positive for COVID-19. In other words, precisely what Daviss lawyers and advocates said nearly one year ago—that due to injuries sustained when police shot him, Davis has breathing issues that make him especially susceptible to COVID-19—has come true.

    The Baltimore Suns Phillip Jackson reported that since the beginning of the pandemic, almost 4,000 prisoners in Maryland have tested positive for COVID-19.

    Brandon Scott Joins Mayors For Guaranteed Income

    This week, Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott announced he had joined Mayors For Guaranteed Income, a group of mayors across the United States pushing for a guaranteed income in the form of direct, recurring payments. This means Baltimore City is part of the pilot program intent on figuring out how to get cash to Baltimoreans who need it. “With a guaranteed income program, people are supported through monthly cash payments without restrictions for a sustained period of time, to create the breathing room to catch up on expenses and work toward long-term financial security,” a press release from Scott’s office explained.

    Cities that have implemented the pilot program—such as Stockton, CA—have given between 100-200 households $500-$1000 each month for somewhere between a year and a half to two years. Ideally, these pilot programs will generate interest in this kind of program on a federal level. 

    “Baltimore is the birthplace of redlining and residential segregation. That legacy shows up in the stark inequalities of our city today, which have been exacerbated by this pandemic. To ensure the economic security and dignity of our residents, we must be willing to invest in bold solutions,” Scott said in a press release. “I look forward to measuring the impact of this pilot program in Baltimore and joining other cities to build the case for federal policies that put more money into low-income households through guaranteed income.”

    Baltimore City Workers Have Not Been Paid Properly

    Since the beginning of this year, when Baltimore City switched to Workday, a new system to pay city employees, many have not been paid properly, or paid at all. Workday was introduced to move away from timesheets and streamline the process. Instead, the program has left many without the money they earned—and desperately need. The reason for this is that the program cannot easily account for the differences in city departments, which do not always work 9 AM-5PM work weeks, and that testing Workday before it was implemented was not as extensive as it should have been. In particular, Department Of Public Works employees have been affected and have even protested, gathering in front of City Hall earlier this month with signs that read, “Where is our $$$” and “Pay us Mayor Scott Now, Cancel Workday Today.”

    At a hearing about Workday this week, councilperson Mark Conway addressed the issue.

    “We can all agree that this situation is unacceptable. Many of the workers who have been left without paychecks or with paychecks in incorrect amounts have been working hard over the past year to make sure city services remain functional amid the COVID crisis. These include some of our first responders, who have been dutifully continuing to serve our city even though their jobs put them at greater risk of catching the virus,” Conway said this week during a hearing. “Technology and online payroll systems should make everyone’s life and job easier, not harder. It is safe to say that is not what happened in the transition to Workday, as city workers were left scrambling to get correct paychecks to pay their bills.”

    Bill Introduced To Give Baltimore City Control of Its Police Force

    Unlike most police departments, the Baltimore Police Department is actually a state agency. Compounded with Baltimore being, until recently, a “strong mayor” city, this lack of local control encourages the embattled police force’s lack of accountability and limits the power Baltimore’s elected officials have over the police department. It has been this way since the Civil War and there have been debates and even bills introduced to change it. But this year, there is a bill introduced on the state level that could finally make that change happen. The bill, filed by Maryland State Sen. Cory McCray—at the request of Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott—would require a study and interim report on the transfer of control, due at the end of 2021 (Delegate Melissa Wells has cross-filed a version of the bill in the House). From there, the transfer of control would not happen until 2025 because it would be contingent upon a ballot measure charter amendment in 2024’s general election. Still, this is an encouraging development in a longstanding fight to put BPD under the control of the city it polices.

    Elsewhere

    “Seeking exoneration, Marilyn Mosby instead gets a highly critical report from Baltimore’s IG,” Baltimore Brew.

    “Johns Hopkins Psychologist Bill Richards Studies the Magical Power of Music,” Baltimore Magazine.

    ”Isaiah Winters’ Visual Reprieve from COVID Monotony,” BmoreArt

    ”Eternally 3am: Baltimore after dark – in pictures,” The Guardian

    “Sparrows Point, An American Steel Story: Hard-Fought Negotiations,” WYPR

    The post ‘West Baltimore Ruins’ preserves the memory of neglected neighborhoods before they’re lost to gentrification appeared first on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Transcript

    Taya Graham: Hello, my name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. Remember, this show has a single purpose, holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable, but we don’t do this just by parsing the behavior of individual cops. No. We delve deeper into the system that makes bad policing possible. And today, we’re going to achieve this goal by telling the story of how police in a small Pennsylvania town tried to criminalize a treatment for opioid addiction, even as the suffering from the widespread over prescription of the pain killers has engulfed the country in an existential crisis.

    But, before we get started, I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct, we might be able to investigate for you. Please direct message me @tayasbaltimore on Twitter or Facebook, or you can email us at parattherealnews.com. And please like, share and comment on our videos, you know I read your comments and that I appreciate them.

    Okay. That’s out of the way. Now, as we often point out on this show, policing isn’t just about law enforcement. It’s also a business. In fact, we have used a variety of different sets of data and personal stories to point out just how embedded the profit motive is in the process of American policing. The point is, you don’t have to dig too deep into the process of American law enforcement to find the cruelty of crony capitalism running through it. And the reason we keep making this point is simple, policing for profit wreaks havoc in the lives of the people it touches. It’s a corrupting influence that turns law enforcement into a tool for inequality and greed that we continue to investigate.

    That’s why today we’re going to tell the story of Dawn Williams, a woman whose arrest and subsequent harassment by law enforcement touches all the aforementioned ills of a destructive war on drugs and police who seem eager to use it to book stats and generate revenues.

    Her story starts in the small sleepy town of Scottsdale, Pennsylvania. Dawn had just left the bedside of her father who was on life support in a nearby hospital. There, she was facing a horrible decision of if and when to discontinue his care. But as she was driving home, she made a turn without signaling, and before she could drive another block, the police pounced. Let’s listen.

    Dawn Williams: I was going through a lot. My dad had just recently fell ill and was in the hospital, and an hour prior to the DUI, his organs were failing, he was dying, and I had gotten the call from the hospital telling me that. And so I was crying, obviously an hour prior to this pull over, and so when he came up to the car, he instantly assumed that my appearance meant that I was on drugs, just because my eyes were red. And so he pulled me out of the car, and he asked me multiple times if I was using drugs, and I told him no. And then after, he did this whole ordeal where he had me do the different tests that [inaudible 00:03:08] and all of that. And I believe I’ve passed it. He says I didn’t, except for one. And then finally he said, “Are you on any prescription medications?” And I said, “Well, yeah, I’m prescribed buprenorphine.” The instant that I said that, he said, “Well, you’re under arrest for driving on prescription medication.”

    Taya Graham: And so, despite the fact she had a prescription for the drug buprenorphine, an approved treatment for opioid addiction, and even though she explained to the officer, her eyes were puffy from tears of despair, he arrested her. Let’s listen to what happened next.

    Dawn Williams: All that was in my system was the buprenorphine, and I wanted to prove that because I had already admitted to it, and that I wasn’t impaired. And so they took me to get the blood and everything, and then once they did that, they finally released me.

    Taya Graham: Now, her arrest was not the end of the story. In fact, the saga dragged on for three more years. But before we delve deeper into what happened to Dawn, I want to give you, the viewer, some background on buprenorphine and why it is such a critical tool in the battle against opioid addiction, and why it is so disturbing that police would arrest her for taking it. And to do so, I’m joined by my reporting partner, Steven Janis. Steven, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: So tell us a little bit about the history of buprenorphine.

    Stephen Janis: Well, buprenorphine was a drug that was developed about 20 years ago for the treatment of opiate addiction as an alternative to methadone. It can be prescribed by a doctor rather than having to go to a clinic, so it’s been considered to be a breakthrough for people who are suffering from opiate addiction. And also it doesn’t get you high, and it doesn’t have some of the after effects that methadone has. So really, it’s been really a breakthrough treatment. The only problem is the bureaucracy has made it difficult for doctors to be able to prescribe it. So really, it’s been a win-win except for the fact that the government keeps intervening in ways that are not productive.

    Taya Graham: Now, despite the fact that buprenorphine has been proved very effective, the DEA actually tried to make it harder to obtain. Tell us about that.

    Stephen Janis: Yeah. I mean, buprenorphine is currently schedule three, which is part of a schedule that goes from one to five, that sort of tells you how dangerous a drug is. One being absolutely no medical use, and the DEA tried to move it up that schedule, make it more dangerous, more difficult to obtain, and more difficult to prescribe. So it was really counter productive, given that we have this opioid crisis in the country, it was really absurd.

    Taya Graham: Now, you have reviewed the arrest records of Dawn and reached out to the police department. What have you learned?

    Stephen Janis: Well, it’s amazing if you look at the statement of probable cause that Dawn shared with us, how much the cop tries to get her, makes her go through multiple field sobriety tests, and doesn’t listen to her information when she tells him that she’s on a legally prescribed medication. It really seems, from reading the documents, that they were out to get her. And on top of that, when I tried to call the police department, of course, I didn’t get any answer. So right at this moment, they’re not commenting, but it’s clear from the documents itself that they really, really wanted to make this arrest, and it’s not clear as to why.

    Taya Graham: So, we have a legally prescribed, proven effective treatment for opioid addiction. Then, we have a woman who has been given this medication to assist her during a fragile recovery. And then we have a cop who apparently seems set on criminalizing her for reasons that remain unexplained. But unfortunately, the arrest is not where the story ends. And for more on that, I’m talking to Dawn herself. Dawn, thank you for joining us.

    Dawn Williams: Thank you for having me.

    Taya Graham: So, after you were arrested, tell us what happened next.

    Dawn Williams: Once he placed me in cuffs, he put me in the back of the car. When he put me in the back of the car, he did a search on my vehicle. He found nothing. And then my fiancé came to the car because I had my daughter with me. My fiancé came, he picked up the car, he picked up my daughter, and at that time he even spoke to him, he was like, “I sent her, I was home when she left. I would never have sent her with my daughter somewhere if she were impaired.” He even witnessed the cop saying that, “It doesn’t matter if you’re impaired or not, she’s not allowed to do this.” And so then they took me to the hospital to have blood drawn, which I completely agreed to, because like I said, all that was in my system was the buprenorphine and I wanted to prove that because I had already admitted to it, and that I wasn’t impaired. And so they took me to get the blood and everything. And then once they did that, they finally released me.

    Taya Graham: Dawn, why do you think they pursued this case? Why would they continue to charge you even after they learned you had told the truth?

    Dawn Williams: The only thing that makes sense to me is why they did it, is money. They need to bring in money. It’s a huge thing, that the town that this happened to me in is a small town, there’s not a whole lot of crime, your average, basic small town. So I think that they were just out hunting. I mean, whenever I initially first seen the police and I was dropping the girl off, they were just sitting in their car, parked. And so I think that they thought it was an opportunity to bring in some revenue.

    Taya Graham: So how many doctors did they enlist to try to charge you with a crime?

    Dawn Williams: I’m not exactly sure of an exact number of doctors. Where I get that information from is when they finally decided, three years later, three and a half years later, to drop this, what the DA had said to the judge was that the Commonwealth could not prove their burden, and then he gave some reasons why. And one of them was that they had reached out to multiple different doctors to try and get one of them to say that this medication definitely would have impaired her, in the amount of medication, et cetera, et cetera. So I’m not exactly sure how many, but I know it was quite a few and I know they contacted, like I said, the initial lab that they took me to was obviously of their choice, but then that wasn’t even good enough. They still sent the blood work out, again, to at least another one, or I think he said other labs, we sent it to other labs, and said that they tried to get it to just say something different, but it all came up the same.

    Taya Graham: So prosecutors refused to drop this case. Tell us about what happened.

    Dawn Williams: So initially when they charged me, they charged me with, I have no background, I have no criminal record. So initially they charged me with a regular first offense DUI. So that means that I would have something called an ARD, that I should have been able to use, if in fact that, like I wasn’t willing to go to trial, if I wasn’t willing to chance being convicted. If I wanted to just, get a lesser sentence, have it expunged in the end, and all of those benefits of taking a deal. I was given that initially. But then, I don’t know who found out, or who realized, it wasn’t found out, it was always in the police report that my daughter was with me, but they offered me my ARD. I accepted. I was scared. Like I said, at the time they keep kept pounding into my head that DUIs, you can’t beat them. If a cop says you were DUI, I don’t know the percentage, but you’re basically going to be charged.

    And so that really scared me that I would have this record lingering over me, so I was going to take it. But somebody was greedy, and all of a sudden said, “No, she had her daughter with her, that bumps it up from a regular misdemeanor to an M1,” which is a misdemeanor first, I don’t know, it bumps it up to kind of like as if it was my second or third time getting a DUI, opposed to my first DUI. And that made the penalties a lot worse as well. So, I reached out to Dr. Fisher and let him know what was going on, and by the grace of God, he was outraged. So he was willing to come and testify for me any time that I needed, free of charge. He was willing to have me tested out of his pocket, neurologically, physically, mentally, anything that they needed to prove that this medication is not what they think it is. And that’s really the only way I beat this charge, was because I had him in my corner.

    Dawn, how has this affected you personally? I’m assuming that if you were being treated for addiction, this must’ve been very difficult, and this case dragged on for three years. Can you tell us what kind of toll this has taken on you and your family? This must’ve been an emotional and financial burden as well.

    Dawn Williams: About six months after the incident, I, for no connection to this, I moved to North Carolina. And they still had me come back for [inaudible 00:12:13] regularly, which cost a lot of money to travel from North Carolina back to Pennsylvania, it’s about a 10 hour drive. I went through the steps of getting on this medication and to recover from addiction, and had been on this medication for about two years at this point.

    So I had been on it for quite some time and it helped me tremendously. It’s how people get their lives back. Whenever somebody is addicted and they go through withdrawal, and I’m not trying to make excuses for it because it can be done, but when you have children, you have to just go through that, stop work, stop taking care of your kids. That’s not easy.

    It’s a medication that they themselves prescribed. I mean, during this case, they tried to have me go have what they call a PRN, which is a [inaudible 00:13:09] evaluation at a drug and alcohol behavioral help center. If I wasn’t already on buprenorphine, they would recommend me getting on buprenorphine. So it’s just ironic that they want to pull you over for something that they themselves, and charge you on, for something that they themselves recommend.

    Taya Graham: As you know, the mainstream media often highlights cases of police brutality as exceptional examples of so-called bad apple cops. They like to use shocking footage and brutal arrests as proof that they are adroitly putting the spotlight on American law enforcement when extreme behavior warrants it. Fair enough. But the problem with this type of reporting is that it misses the forest for the trees. What I mean is it ignores how the system slowly grinds up people like Dawn with little or no oversight, how the law enforcement industrial complex finds new ways to feed off the public trough by dragging people into a system who clearly don’t belong there, and how it achieves that goal by insinuating itself into facets of civil life where it seems ill suited to operate, but intervenes nonetheless.

    And let me add, on a personal note, getting buprenorphine as treatment for opioid addiction can be the beginning of saving your life. Most of you watching have a loved one, a family member or a friend, who have had their lives damaged by addiction. Can you imagine them being persecuted and prosecuted for doing the right thing and getting a doctor’s treatment?

    To make this clear, I want you to take a close look at one of the documents Dawn shared with us. It’s the medical bill for the so-called drug test which police conducted in order to justify the charges against her. The total for this, for lack of a better term, test, was $450. But I want you to think about that for a second, and consider the implications, because that 450 is a symbol of a deeper malaise that has been the focus of this show.

    First of all, there’s a special $200 buprenorphine charge. We called the County Medical Examiner’s Office and tried to determine what that was, but best we can guess, it’s a special charge just to test for buprenorphine. And if that’s not odd enough, then we have another so-called administrative fee. That’s another 50 bucks. I guess he might be saying at this point, so cops wasted a couple hundred bucks on a test, so what? I mean in the grander scheme of an industry that spends $80 billion a year on incarceration, what’s a couple hundred bucks among friends?

    Well, it’s what that money represents, not the dollar amount, that’s more important. Notice how the County Medical Examiner was able to use a bad arrest to rack up a nice piece of cash on a meaningless case of trumped up charges. Maybe this isn’t the first time they’ve had to test for buprenorphine. Maybe this is a nice little gift from the cops to keep bringing in revenue to keep the lights on. Maybe it’s just one of hundreds of tests a month, a nice little police-generated cash cow.

    We asked the County to break out the numbers for us, and surprise, they haven’t responded. And maybe they’re not the only agency with their hand in the cookie jar. Let’s remember that the prosecutors put Dawn through a three year ordeal, ordering her to submit to a mental evaluation. I wonder who gets paid for that? And let’s not forget her useless public defender who was billing taxpayers while he continued to drag out the case. And we can’t fail to mention the prosecutors that went on a doctor shopping spree, again, courtesy of you, the people who pay their salaries.

    The worst part of this whole story is that no one was watching. If Dawn had not reached out to our show, this whole fiasco would happen under the shield of secrecy usually afforded to police. The law enforcement heroes who trumped up charges and racked up expenses on your tab would have been able to keep withdrawing from the bank of public safety, unbeknownst to the people who fund it.

    Well, sorry to inform the Scottsdale Police Department, but that’s what we do here at the Police Accountability Report. We turn over the rocks and we see what crawls out, even if it’s just a questionable invoice for 450 bucks, we find out the truth, uncomfortable or not. Granted, we’re just journalists, and our job is to report the facts, nothing more, but at least in this case, the public that you purport to serve will get a fair assessment of your services. The people who pay your salaries will have the opportunity to judge if a three year taxpayer financed prosecution is worth the price. For this so-called pursuit of justice will not be served under the cover of darkness, that’s because we just turned on the lights.

    I’d like to thank Dawn Williams for being so forthright with us and coming forward to speak with us. Thank you, Dawn.

    Dawn Williams: Thank you for having me.

    Taya Graham: And I have to thank Intrepid reporter Steven Janis for his writing, editing and reporting on this piece. Thank you, Steven.

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: And of course, I want to thank friend of the show Noli Dee for her support. Thanks, Noli Dee. And I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at parattherealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And of course you can always message me directly at tayasbaltimore on Twitter or Facebook. And please like and comment. I do read the comments and appreciate them.

    My name is Taya Graham, and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.

    While the nation suffers a opioid addiction crisis fueled by profit-hungry pharmaceutical companies, police in a small Pennsylvania town arrested a woman for taking a widely prescribed treatment for opiate addiction while driving. In this week’s PAR, Stephen Janis and Taya Graham examine the case of Dawn Williams. We explore what this case reveals about the ongoing war on drugs and how law enforcement continues to criminalize facets of civic life, raising troubling questions about the true imperative of American policing.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

    The post She was arrested for trying to fight opioid addiction with legal medication appeared first on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In this episode of the Police Accountability Report, we tell the story of Kelvin Sewell, the first Black police chief of Pocomoke City, a small town on Maryland’s Lower Eastern Shore. When Sewell tried to fight back against a notorious drug unit that was raiding his town and wreaking havoc in the Black community, both he and the people he served faced devastating consequences.

    The post A police chief tried to stop the drug war—then they came for him appeared first on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Transcript

    Eddie Conway: Thank you for joining me for this episode of Rattling the Bars. In past episodes, we have been focusing on the well-being of elderly prisoners in the prison industrial complex. Since then, this pandemic, COVID-19 has hit, we have increased our coverage of the conditions inside in relationship to elderly prisoners. Obviously, they are more susceptible to catching COVID-19 than any other part of the population, they’re in overcrowded conditions, and we think they need to have available if they want the vaccine, but I want to take a minute today just to focus on one elderly prisoner. So joining me today to talk about Sundiata Acoli, is Reverend Lukata Mjumbe. Thanks for joining me, Reverend Lukata. Would you talk a little bit about Sundiata Acoli’s situation? Who is he?

    Rev. Lukata Mjumbe: Thank you, Brother Conway. My name is the Reverend Lukata Mjumbe, and I’m a member of the Sundiata Acoli Freedom Campaign, and it’s my privilege to be here with you today and to be connected with your listeners to talk about Sundiata Acoli. Sundiata Acoli is an 84 year old father and grandfather. He was born in 1937 in Texas, and has been in prison since 1973. He dedicated his life as an activist, as an organizer connected with the civil rights and the Black Liberation Movement in the 1960s and 70s, And he committed himself to the struggle for freedom and justice, and has been locked in a prison cell since 1973.

    I connected with Sundiata back when I was a college student working for Amnesty International USA, and I was looking at a list of men and women from the 1960s and 70s that had been incarcerated in relationship to their political activities and involvement in various political movements, and I connected with Sundiata back then. I began writing to him as a young man in my early 20s, while he was in prison, and have been working since that time for his freedom. I never imagined that I would be almost 50 years old and still working for his freedom, but on January the 14th, Sundiata turned 84 years old in prison, and there is a growing movement of people across the State of New Jersey, across the country, that are calling for us to bring Sundiata home.

    When I was in my 20s, I was an activist and an organizer myself. Today, I am a pastor. I’m the pastor of a Presbyterian church in Princeton, New Jersey, and I have joined together with other pastors, and imams, and rabbis, and faith leaders from around the state that have said almost 48 years is too long for Sundiata Acoli to have been in prison. This octogenarian prisoner is in jeopardy right now. He was diagnosed with COVID-19 last year, and we prayed, and we prayed, and we prayed that his life would not be lost, and our prayers were answered. But now we know that he continues to be in jeopardy, not only because the institution where he is incarcerated right now is under a lockdown as a result of COVID-19, but because Sundiata, as an 84 year old man, has a number of other health conditions, which make him especially vulnerable.

    So we’re calling upon people around the country, around the state, to join with us in saying, “Bring Sundiata home,” and again, I thank you for giving me the opportunity just to talk with you just a little bit about Sundiata, about who he is, about who he’s been, but as importantly, looking forward to whatever future that he has left, which we hope and pray will be outside of a prison cell, rather than to [inaudible 00:04:37].

    Eddie Conway: Can you tell me a little bit about his family? Obviously, he’s been locked up for 48 years, that’s a long time. How is this affecting them? Do he have support, and what’s the situation with the family?

    Rev. Lukata Mjumbe: Well, it’s one of those questions that often comes up with any prisoners that you are working for their release. They ask, “Well, do they have family? What’s their family situation? Do they have a family and community that would welcome them when they come home?” Oftentimes, when people have been in prison, even for a short period of time, they may have lost all contact with any other people, and that can be a very real contributing factor to difficulties in integrating back into communities outside of the prison facility.

    Well, Sundiata has two daughters who love him, who have written letters on his behalf, who have written to the governor, who have made appeals to him. There’s one daughter who lives in Texas, the other who is in New York, and they have said, “Look, we are ready to receive our father. We are ready to allow our father to have the rest of his life, not only with us, but also with his grandchildren, where he will have the opportunity to be loved and to be cared for. We have a place for him, there will be no problem,” and Sundiata has an extended family, even beyond his daughters and his grandchildren. He has a loving community of people that, as I mentioned before, have been working for decades to see his release and are looking forward to receiving him, and welcoming him, and caring for him, as he moves further into the twilight of his life.

    Eddie Conway: Okay. I can’t verify this, but I believe that somewhere in Texas in his earlier years before he joined the Black Panther Party, he was involved in the NASA program down in Texas. Do you know anything about that?

    Rev. Lukata Mjumbe: Absolutely. Now there are many, many people who were brilliant and had all kinds of different types of work that they did prior to their involvement in the civil rights movement and during their involved in the civil rights movement. But yes, Sundiata was and is a mathematician. He was a computer programmer, he worked for NASA, he worked for a number of computer programming firms when he was in New York, and worked as a member of the Black Panther Party while he was in New York. And so, yes, this is someone who had serious and has serious skills and opportunities, and decided aside and alongside all of that, that he wanted to use the natural gifts that he had, and the skills and the talents that he developed as a part of a freedom movement. So when we talk about Sundiata, we talk about him as a human being, that he is someone who yes, was highly skilled, highly educated. Yes, that worked for NASA, was a computer programmer.

    Now, my brother, I suspect that computer systems have changed quite a bit in 2021, as opposed to the systems that he was dealing with back in the late 60s and early 70s, but Sundiata is someone who has always been incredibly gifted and talented. I remember when I was a college student, and classmates of mine and student members of the organization that I was a part of in Atlanta, Georgia, we used the write to Sundiata, and call Sundiata and other prisoners who were incarcerated as a result of their political activities, and they would help us with our college papers. They would give us advice and instruction, and do rewrites, and sometimes they were more difficult in their critiques than our professors were. So Sundiata is someone who we have always known, not only as someone who had a deep commitment to the freedom struggle, but someone who was incredibly talented, and skilled, and intellectually developed, he’s also an artist and a poet.

    And a number of people who wrote to him recently, I mentioned that his birthday was just this month, the day before the birthday of the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King on January 14th, and so hundreds of people around the country wrote letters to Sundiata. He’s in the federal prison in Cumberland, Maryland, and he’s been in this federal prison, even though he is a New Jersey State prisoner, since the 1970s, he was moved into the federal system as a result of his history of political activity, and when they are getting letters written back from him, they’re just amazed. I have someone who just called me a couple of days ago that said, “I got a letter back from Sundiata Acoli,” and this gentleman is an accomplished poet, and he sent Sundiata a poem, and Sundiata read his poem, and gave him an evaluation and a critique, and he said, “I am just honored and privileged that he took the time to look at my work, to share with me, to help me to become better,” and that’s a testimony that I can give personally about Sundiata, and that so many others can.

    So yes, brother, that history is something that we find written up in biographies about Sundiata about his history with NASA. I wouldn’t say he was one of those hidden figures that they’ve done movies about, but certainly, his history and his contribution, in many ways, are hidden, when we only think about him as a prisoner.

    Eddie Conway: Yes, I have a personal story like that to share myself. I was writing the book, The Greatest Threat, a book about the Black Panther Party and COINTELPRO, and I sent it to him and he critiqued it, he offered a suggestion to improve it, additions to the edits, and the book turned out pretty well, so I was thankful to him for that. You say you are working with a group of faith leaders to get some support for Acoli. What does that look like, and how can people help with that?

    Rev. Lukata Mjumbe: Well, it looks like what I would consider to be growth and expansion. Oftentimes, when we talk about those who are connected with our legacy of struggle and the Black Liberation Movement, there’s a certain group of people, a certain reliable constituency of folks that we can expect to call for freedom, and justice, and self-determination, who may mobilize or organize, and we have seen those communities working hard for Sundiata for decades. Now what we’re seeing is a growing group of people who you might not expect.

    Now, for example, members of my church, where the average member of my church is over 60 years old, we have people who are in their 60s, and 70s, and 80s, and 90s who are saying, “What in the world is going on? Why is this man 84 years old, still in prison? He’s no threat to commit additional crimes. There is no recidivism contradiction that we have to deal with.” When we look at Sundiata, we see that he has had a perfect disciplinary record for 27 years without any infractions whatsoever. And so, now what we’re finding are older people who may not know anything about in great detail, the history of our freedom movement. Now we’re finding people who are coming out of faith communities, whether they be historic black churches, whether they be large churches or small churches, whether they be white churches, or brown churches, or urban churches, or suburban churches, whether they be rabbis, or imams.

    I was on a call just last night with a group of believers from a temple in Hillsborough, New Jersey, and we were talking about the documentary that was on Netflix by Ava DuVernay, 13, and they were able to make a connection with the contradictions that we see within the system of mass incarceration, with the particular case of Sundiata Acoli, And they themselves have made commitments to write letters, to reach out.

    So the ways that we can help are manifold. The first thing that I ask people to do, is if you’re on social media, and if you receive and connect with information in that way, go to the hashtag, #BringSundiataHome. if you go to the hashtag #BringSundiataHome, you’re going to find access to the Sundiata Acoli Freedom Campaign website, for example, which is www.sundiata, and I’ll spell it out, Sundiata Acoli, www. S-U-N-D-I-A-T-A A-C-O-L-I .org. And so, when you go to the website, you’ll find information in terms of Sundiata’s case, you’ll find information about how you can write him directly at the federal correctional institution in Cumberland, Maryland, Sundiata’s quote, slave name, the name before he accepted his African name, was Clark Squire. And so, you’ll have to write him with Sundiata Acoli with Squire in parentheses, and his prison number, number 39794-066, and then you’ll send it to P.O. Box 1000, Cumberland, Maryland, to the federal correctional institution at Cumberland, Maryland.

    You’ll be able to write him, but then we also will be encouraging people to keep following this hashtag and to get more information, because there are some important struggles that are coming up this year, and we’ve committed to bring Sundiata home this year, and that’s going to involve writing letters to Governor Phil Murphy, sending emails, making phone calls. There’s a lot that we can do even while we’re sheltered in place amidst COVID-19, and some of our senior citizens have found that they can be amazingly impactful activists and organizers from their living room or from their dining room table.

    So we’re going to ask people to write letters, to send emails, to make phone calls. We’re going to ask people to make contributions where they’re able, because we still have some legal expenses that are ahead of us this year, and appeals that we are filing. Sundiata has come before the parole board and has been denied parole six times. And so, we don’t have six more times, we don’t have one more time. Sundiata, at 84 years of age, with serious health contradictions beyond COVID-19, he has issues with his heart, he has intestinal issues. There are other presenting health issues that he has been struggling with, and that anyone would struggle with after they’ve been locked up in prison for almost 48 years in substandard conditions. This is the year that we have to bring Sundiata home.

    So we ask that you be made aware of what’s going on, that you keep Sundiata’s name on your lips, that you begin to talk with people and connect it, when we have discussions about mass incarceration, when we have discussions about criminal justice. I say to churches, and we’ve been doing this with Sundiata for over a year now, put Sundiata Acoli on your sick and shut-in list. Every week, we have a group of people who are sick, who are shut in, who we pray [inaudible 00:16:55], who we know that we’re not able to connect with directly, who we know are unable to move and to have access the way they would like to or the way that they need to. Certainly, Sundiata Acoli, as well as so many other women and men who are incarcerated within the American prison system, are sick and shut in. And so, add Sundiata to your prayer list, add Sundiata to your advocacy list, and get involved with the Sundiata Acoli Freedom Campaign, which again, you can connect with at www.sundiataacoli.org.

    Eddie Conway: So all that information you just shared with the public will be found at the end of this video, and they can get in contact with Acoli through the address and so on. Do you have any final thoughts, something you want to share with the public?

    Rev. Lukata Mjumbe: Well, I just want to emphasize the urgency. One, let me first say, well, thank you. I know that you are one who understands this legacy of struggle, that knows the details of the trial and tribulation of people who are incarcerated and held for long periods of time. And so, I honor you and I respect you, Brother Conway, and I appreciate you. In fact, I remember seeing your name on that list back in the early 90s, when I was looking on the list of various women and men who were locked and bound as a result of their political activities on the injustice of this system. But I say to so many of us who are wanting to advocate for Sundiata, if not now, when? If not us, then who? That we have to do something this year, and we have to do something which is going to appeal to the broadest cross section of people who will join with us in a harmony that says, “Bring Sundiata home.”

    I’m not arguing anymore about the particularities of Sundiata’s case. I am a pastor, and I have prayed for everybody involved in this case. If you go back and you look at what happened in 1973, I hadn’t even turned two years old at the time, I was still one at the time. There were so many people that were impacted. Sundiata was a driver of a car on the New Jersey Turnpike. You may have come to know about Sundiata Acoli as a result of his association with the case of JoAnne Chesimard, now known as Assata Shakur, and there had been so much political angling that has surrounded this case going back all the way to the early 1970s, and Sundiata, in many ways, has been a casualty much of that political angling, but I’m not arguing about that anymore.

    Sundiata has already served almost 48 years of prison, it will be 48 years in May. He has served what is almost what would be double a life sentence in the State of New Jersey. He has already paid and served every single year, every single month, every single day that he should serve, and the courts have already said that he should be released. We’ve gone before panels of judges that said, “Clean disciplinary record. When we look at the parole situation, there’s no reason why he should not be released,” but the reason has been politics. So moving forward, we’re not dealing with a focus and a fixation on politics, we’re calling for the compassionate release of an 84 year old man who has almost been in prison for 48 years, who was born in 1937, incarcerated in 1973, who is a grandfather, who is a father, who is sick and who needs to come home.

    And so, if people can find it in their hearts to understand that there is no need, and there is no justice, and there is no rational, logical, principled, moral reason to keep Sundiata Acoli in prison, I just ask that you do something. That to send an email, that you write a letter, that you make a phone call, that you let his name be on your lips, that you speak to a friend or a family member, if you have a grandmother, if you have a great-grandmother, if you have someone who is elderly in your life.

    In the Book of Colossians, and I’ll end with this, I am a preacher. In the Book of Colossians, the Apostle Paul, in the very last verse of a short letter that the Apostle Paul wrote, he said, “Remember my chains. Remember my chains.” In the Book of Hebrews it says, “Imagine that you are in prison with me.” So imagine if you were in prison with Sundiata for 48 years. Imagine if your grandfather, if your great-grandfather or great-grandmother, or grandmother were in prison, and what would you do? That’s what I wake up with in the morning. I think about this man, grandfather, father, activist, organizer, someone who is beloved and needs to come home, and I just ask that you join with us.

    Eddie Conway: So, thank you for joining me.

    Rev. Lukata Mjumbe: Thank you, brother. God bless you.Eddie Conway: And thank you for joining this episode of Rattling the Bars.

    At 84 years old, Sundiata Acoli has been in prison for 48 years, and has been denied parole six times. Last December, he was diagnosed with COVID-19. In this episode of Rattling the Bars, Rev. Lukata Mjumbe of the Sundiata Acoli Freedom Campaign joins Eddie Conway to discuss Acoli’s life as an organizer, mathematician, artist, and poet; the push by his friends and family, along with faith leaders, to secure his release; and the challenges aging prisoners face to their health and well-being.

    Tune in every Monday for new episodes of Rattling the Bars.

    The post ‘Bring Sundiata home’: The case for freeing elderly political prisoners appeared first on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In the first segment of this week’s “Marc Steiner Show,” we discuss what changes we should and shouldn’t expect in U.S. policy toward Palestine and Israel in the Biden era. For this segment, Marc is joined by James Zogby, founder and president of the Arab American Institute, managing director of Zogby Research Services, former member of the Democratic National Committee, and author of “Arab Voices: What They Are Saying to Us, and Why It Matters”; and Phyllis Bennis, director of the New Internationalism Project at the Institute for Policy Studies, founding member of the U.S. Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation, national board member of Jewish Voice for Peace, and author of numerous books, including “Love Wins: Palestinian Perseverance Behind Walls.”

    In the second segment of this week’s “Marc Steiner Show,” we talk to some of the student organizers who are leading the grassroots effort to force the University of Florida to unequivocally end its use of unpaid prison labor. For this segment, Marc is joined by University of Florida undergraduates Jerry Jerome and Ava Kaplan (who is also a member of Dream Defenders), as well as Will Boose, a UF alumnus and member of the Coalition to Abolish Prison Slavery.

    Tune in for new episodes of The Marc Steiner Show every Friday on TRNN.

    The post Will US policy on Palestine and Israel change under Biden? Florida students take on prison slave labor appeared first on The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Transcript

    Taya Graham: Hello. My name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. Today, we have a breaking news update about a story we reported on last year. It’s the tale of a militarized unit of Columbus, Ohio, police who, as you can see in this video, stormed the property of a resident recording them, but before I get started, I want you watching to know that we can investigate for you, too. Please send us your tips and evidence of police misconduct to par@therealnews.com or share them with us at The Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram. Of course, you can share with me privately @tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook and message me directly. Please like and share and comment on our videos. We need and appreciate your support. 

    Now, as you know, this show is focused on a single objective: holding police accountable. And as we’ve noted on previous shows, that entails not just reporting the facts of a case, but following up on the stories we’ve reported on in the past, which is why today we’re going to revisit the story of Columbus, Ohio, resident Nick Pettit and, in the process, hopefully offer an example of how holding police accountable and getting results is, in fact, possible. Pettit is the man who took this video, a harrowing encounter with police that all started with a simple decision by him to record. Let’s listen to him recount what happened as he witnessed a police officer strike a teenager and how they responded to his criticism. 

    Nick Pettit: I didn’t expect to see the assault on a minor. I’m a father. I have three kids myself. So I would expect if somebody seen an officer do that to my child unlawfully or even if it was lawfully, it’s not your place to do that to my child. When I started recording, everything should have been normal. Nothing should have been said to me. The search had been pretty much completed at that point. When I pulled my phone out and started recording and the officer started addressing me, it was one of those things where I didn’t know if I was in the right or wrong at the time for sure, but I wasn’t interfering with their investigation. I wasn’t talking to them or anything like that. 

    Taya Graham: Police threw Pettit to the ground, confiscated his phone, and arrested him and held him in prison for five days, and charged him with the heinous crime of misconduct during an emergency situation. This all happened despite the fact that Pettit was standing on his own porch, exercising his First Amendment rights. Of course as with many stories of fraught police encounters we cover, Pettit lost his job prospects, faced a variety of court challenges, and overall, suffered many of the common setbacks that usually occur when law enforcement initiate questionable arrests. Let’s listen. 

    Nick Pettit: When they took me to jail, I think I rode around in the back of a police van for about a good hour and a half, two hours before I got to the police or to the detective’s office where I sat for a minute and then went to the jailhouse, but I had had an appointment set up with the judge for one of my other cases that I was already trying to get handled. With this happening, it kind of messed that up and I ended up catching kind of more hefty sentence on that because it messed up everything that was supposed to be going on. They charged me with misconduct at an emergency, which apparently is only a law here in Ohio. 

    To call my wife from somebody else’s inmate number and using their information to call and hearing my wife cry about the fact that she can’t find me in the jail system, she doesn’t know where I’m at, she doesn’t know if I’m in the hospital, she doesn’t know if I’m dead for five days. Then I get charges brought up against me and fight that for a year. After the first five days, I spent another 22 days in jail and then got released. Then when the court dates come, to hear the prosecutor constantly say I was in the wrong for voicing my opinion or I was in the wrong for causing a harmful situation by recording with my cell phone and not speaking, it kind of made me lose trust in the justice system. 

    Taya Graham: But now, let’s move on to breaking news about the case, pushback that occurred when we at the Police Accountability Report followed up on Nick’s story and connected him with the ACLU in Ohio. We just want to say thank you to Debbie Jeon at the ACLU of Maryland for putting us in touch with her colleagues in Ohio. But to get more details, I’m joined by my reporting partner Stephen Janis. Stephen, thank you for joining me. 

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it. 

    Taya Graham: So Stephen, the ACLU of Ohio took legal action on Nick’s behalf. What did they do?

    Stephen Janis: Well, the breaking news here is that the ACLU of Ohio has sued Columbus Police on behalf of Nick Pettit in federal court, a federal civil rights lawsuit, alleging that they violated his First Amendment rights. So that’s big breaking news from Columbus, Ohio, and big breaking news for a guest of our show. 

    Taya Graham: Now, Stephen, you’ve reviewed the filing. What stands out with you in regards to the lawsuit?

    Stephen Janis: Well, there are two interesting things here. Number one, the SWAT team that did the raid didn’t find any guns in Nick’s neighbor’s house. So that’s number one. Number two, which is amazing, is that the 911 operator, when Nick’s sister-in-law called the 911 operator and said, “Hey, they’re brutalizing my brother-in-law,” the operator threatened her with arrest.

    Pettit’s Sister [Audio Clip]: My brother-in-law, talking about arresting me because I’m recording. 

    911 Operator [Audio Clip]: Ma’am, ma’am. 

    Pettit’s Sister [Audio Clip]: Yes. 

    911 Operator [Audio Clip]: Ma’am. 

    Pettit’s Sister [Audio Clip]: Yes. 

    911 Operator [Audio Clip]: Listen to me. 

    Pettit’s Sister [Audio Clip]: That’s just one officer yelling at me right now-

    911 Operator [Audio Clip]: Okay. 

    Pettit’s Sister [Audio Clip]: … because I got my door open. 

    911 Operator [Audio Clip]: Listen to me. Listen to me. You’re going to get your with misuse of 911. 

    Pettit’s Sister [Audio Clip]: How?

    911 Operator [Audio Clip]: Because you’re calling 911 when the police-

    Pettit’s Sister [Audio Clip]: [crosstalk 00:06:02]. 

    911 Operator [Audio Clip]: You’re calling 911 when the police are at your house. 

    Stephen Janis: So the violations didn’t just end with what they did to Nick. 

    Taya Graham: So you’ve reached out to Columbus Police for comment. What did they say?

    Stephen Janis: Well, I sent an email asking for comment on the lawsuit. They said they would not comment on pending litigation. However, when they filed their response in court, we should get an idea of what they have to say about this and we will report back on it as soon as we get it, Taya. 

    Taya Graham: And now joining us to discuss the most recent developments, here is the man at the heart of the controversy, Nick Pettit. Nick, thank you so much for your time. 

    Nick Pettit: Hey, thanks for having me back. It’s good to be back. 

    Taya Graham: Nick, what kind of impact did this have on you and your family emotionally, financially? What kind of toll has this taken on you?

    Nick Pettit: This is tough to talk about because, like I said, I’ve been treated like I didn’t have a voice for most of my life. I’ve had incidents like I describe where I got stopped for a small traffic violation and had highway patrol pull guns on me. I have it where I walk down the street and they jump out of their car, run up on me with guns, and tell me I’m not allowed to talk or tell my side of the story. You guys … Oh, man. I can’t even begin to describe how happy you guys have made me. So I thank all of you. I may not know all of your names, but thank you all. 

    Taya Graham: Nick, I know it’s so difficult to get a job after having a record and to have someone give you a chance at employment, someone who sees you as you, not as your past. How much did it hurt to lose this opportunity?

    Nick Pettit: The physical doesn’t even compare to that amount of pain. That pain doesn’t go away. That pain is something that I have been fighting for years to even feel remotely close to a normal person. I’ve made mistakes and I’ve judged myself very, very harshly for those mistakes. I’ve always told myself I’m not a good person, that nobody’s going to care about me anymore and nobody’s going to give me a chance. Then my wife, I meet her, and she gives me a chance. I apply to this major, just huge, major Fortune 500 company. This is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for somebody like me, especially after the struggle that I’ve been through.

    I’ve applied and applied and applied and applied for multiple jobs and I keep getting turned down. Either my record’s too intense, or the publicity behind what was going on was too much for the company and they didn’t want to have anything that looked bad on them. So for Big Lots to reach out and say, “Yeah, we’ll hire you,” that made me feel … That pain trumps the physical pain, the scars on my face, the dislocated shoulder, and the sharp pains that I get when I move too much in one direction. That doesn’t even come close to how I feel inside. 

    Taya Graham: Nick, when your rights were first violated by the police, do you feel like the mainstream media heard you and took you seriously?

    Nick Pettit: No. No, honestly, I don’t. I’m not going to name the news network, but I did an interview and during the interview, everything seemed fine. The person seemed like they were on my side. Then when the story broke, it was like, “Oh, wow. Really? You’re kind of painting me out to be a bad guy. Instead of talking about this specific incident, you’re going into my past about how I have multiple felonies and all this other stuff. That’s my information to tell. It’s not yours. That has nothing to do with this case. That has nothing to do with this trial, and you’re painting these slanderous things against me. Yeah, they may be true, but that’s not what we are here to talk about. You’re essentially trying to turn the public against the fact that I was done wrong to protect the police who were supposed to be the ones who protect us.”

    Taya Graham: The ACLU has recognized that this was a violation of your civil rights. What is the ACLU doing on your behalf?

    Nick Pettit: The ACLU has actually done a lot. They did a lot of research into this. They found out that a lot of the things that were done were unconstitutional. They did violate my rights, and they pursued a suit against certain individuals and parties. I am not 100% at liberty to speak about that, but they were the ones that let me know that it was okay to still trust some people in the system. They let me know that there are still good people there, but at the same time, they kind of also reaffirmed that the system is a lot more worse off than what I initially thought it was. 

    Taya Graham: Now, as we can see from Nick’s experience, police accountability is not only an important, but essential, task. As Nick shared with us in his interview, that single encounter with Columbus, Ohio, police set off a chain of circumstances that continue to have repercussions in his life. I think it’s a cautionary tale for all the pro-police apologists who think that law enforcement need unfettered powers and that the casualties of police overreach are just the cost of doing business. 

    Nothing could emphasize this point more than a recent report from the Maryland branch of the ACLU, the same organization that helped us help Nick. Last week, they issued a report that documented the lack of accountability in the Baltimore Police Department and what it revealed is both troubling and indicative of how difficult it is to police the police. The report tallied the number of complaints against the officers and made the list available to the public. It is a stark documentation of just how incapable our elected leaders are of institutional and meaningful reform. The study analyzed citizen complaints filed against the Baltimore Police officers between 2015 and 2019. In total, it revealed during that period of time residents filed some 13,392 such complaints against the department with under 3,000 officers, but it’s the officers who made the top of that list that we’re showing on the screen that are the most startling. 

    That’s because the names you’re seeing now, Wayne Jenkins, Evodio Hendrix, Marcus Taylor, are all parts of one of the most corrupt police units in a town with a penchant for police malfeasance. All three were members of the so-called Gun Trace Task Force, a group of officers who robbed residents, stole overtime, and dealt drugs, a brazen group of lawless cops who were well-known to residents for their brutal tactics and disregard for the law. In fact, even when the Department of Justice was actively investigating the Baltimore Police Department in 2016, members of the Gun Trace Task Force continued to plunder the city using their police powers for personal gain while wreaking havoc on the city they were sworn to serve. 

    But what’s most alarming and revealing about the report is that even though these complaints streamed in against these officers, the city did nothing. In fact, the police department touted the accomplishments of the GTTF, often sending emails to the media announcing gun arrests even while the citizens were crying out for help. In other words, as serious complaints were being filed at great personal risk to the residents of the city, even as these notifications recounted the same criminal behavior that eventually ensnared the Gun Trace Task Force in a series of high-profile crimes and lengthy prison sentences, the city did absolutely nothing. Not a thing. 

    Instead, the police budget was increased, police reform legislation continued to languish, and the political power of law enforcement flourished. That’s the point, and that’s the reason we do what we do because, despite all the processes and checks and balances that were purportedly in place to stop cops from acting as criminals, nothing happened. Despite the fact these officers were robbing residents, dealing drugs, and filling out fake time sheets, the reason they were caught was because one of the GTTF members was caught on a wiretap of an unrelated drug investigation. That’s right. The city did nothing, saw nothing, and ignored everything. The cries of help from its residents were pushed aside while the GTTF racked up incredible salaries, drug stashes, and victims that numbered in the hundreds. 

    That’s the point, why it’s so important for us to tell the stories of people like Nick Pettit, to help be the voice of the voiceless, to give citizens like Nick a way to tell their side of the story. Let’s remember, as Nick pointed out, the local media painted him as a criminal, as a man unworthy to be treated fairly due to his past, of a person who, in their view, deserved to be thrown to the ground, handcuffed, and illegally arrested, whose subsequent suffering and the consequences of these actions were not considered worthy of sincere recognition. Instead, like most of the mainstream media, they venerated the cops and ignored the consequences for the people who got in their way. 

    Well, at the Police Accountability Report, we take the opposite approach. We listen to you to give a fair and reasonable account of the other side, to ensure that law enforcement is not the only voice that gets heard. It’s a pledge that we will keep so that the voiceless will not be silenced. I want to thank Nick for talking with us and for being willing to speak out for others. 

    Nick Pettit: Thank you all very much. 

    Taya Graham: And I want to thank my reporting partner Stephen Janis for his editing, writing, and research on this piece. Thank you, Stephen. 

    Stephen Janis: Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham: And of course, I have to thank friend of the show, Noli Dee for her support. Thanks, Noli Dee. And I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate. Please reach out to us.

    You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at The Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram or @eyesonpolice on Twitter and of course, you can message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter or Facebook. Please like and comment. I do read your comments and I appreciate them and I try to answer your questions whenever I can. My name is Taya Graham, and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    The encounter between Nick Pettit and a Columbus, Ohio, SWAT team exemplifies the ongoing problems stemming from the growth of militarized policing. In this episode, we review the process by which PAR helped Pettit fight back, and the details of the lawsuit filed by the ACLU of Ohio filed on his behalf, which seeks to hold the officers who assaulted Pettit on his own porch accountable.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

    The post Militarized police attacked him on his own front porch. PAR helped him fight back appeared first on The Real News Network.

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  • In 1980, TRNN’s Eddie Conway helped organize a prisoners’ educational outreach program called “Say Their Own Word,” where thinkers and scholars came to Maryland Penitentiary and spoke about topics like impending U.S. fascism, the prison-industrial complex, capitalism, increasing surveillance, and many other issues that have become even more pressing today. These speakers included Amiri Baraka, Askia Muhammad, Bruce Franklin, Nijole Benokraitis, and Charlie Cobb. As part of a series, TRNN will be speaking with these individuals about their predictions in 1980 and how they resonate today.

    Prisoners worked closely with librarian Brenda Vogel, who wrote the grant that funded the “To Say Their Own Word” project. Brenda Vogel was one of the project directors, along with Eddie Conway, a former member of the Black Panther Party and political prisoner during that time. Their leadership is an example of the synergy in community organizing that transcends prison walls.

    The post Say Their Own Word appeared first on The Real News Network.

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  • Public health experts and advocates continue to shine a light on the horrifying statistics of COVID-19 infections within the prison-industrial complex. Those same experts, moreover, have shown that outbreaks in prisons and jails spread quickly and violently to communities outside prison walls. And yet, this humanitarian and public health crisis is still largely going unaddressed. In this week’s episode of Rattling the Bars, Eddie Conway talks with Dr. Lauren Brinkley-Rubenstein, assistant professor of social medicine at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, a core faculty member of the UNC Center for Health Equity Research, and one of the co-founders of the COVID Prison Project.

    Tune in every Monday for new episodes of Rattling the Bars.

    The post Refusing to vaccinate prisoners is both cruel and dangerous appeared first on The Real News Network.

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  • Eric Brandt is a well-known, albeit controversial, figure in the cop watching community and beyond. Brandt’s tactics may be abrasive, but have they led to real police reform? Or, as others have claimed, is he just a gadfly whose antics are more provocative than substantive? These are the questions we explore in depth on this week’s PAR: We examine Brandt’s recent court victories in light of the debate over what constitutes real progress towards making law enforcement responsive to the community.

    Tune in every Thursday at 9:00 p.m. EST for new episodes of the Police Accountability Report.

    The post The Eric Brandt story: How a controversial cop watcher became one of the most successful police reformers in the US appeared first on The Real News Network.

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  • On April 4, 2018, The Real News Network held an event to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. This event featured stirring speeches from then-Senator Nina Turner, Danny Glover, and TRNN Executive Producer Eddie Conway about the radical legacy of MLK and the millions who made the civil rights movement what it was, and about how we in the present are tasked with honoring that legacy and carrying it into the future. This Martin Luther King Jr. Day, as the COVID-19 pandemic rages on and the forces of racism and reaction tear through the country, we find ourselves in a different world than the one we were in when TRNN held this event. But the struggle is no different—and, just like before, it’s on all of us to take up that struggle. 

    This special MLK Day episode of Rattling the Bars features clips from the speeches Sen. Turner and Glover delivered in 2018 accompanied by a new introduction from Eddie Conway. If you would like to view these speeches in full, follow the links below: 

    The post MLK Day 2021: The monsters are here, but the movement lives on appeared first on The Real News Network.

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