Category: Prisons and Policing

  • After the death of his father, Andru Kulas just wanted to spend a night out with his friends. Things took a turn when a group of men suddenly approached his friend and pushed her to the ground. The attackers fled, and Andru and his friends climbed the roof of a nearby restaurant to search for them, prompting a local security guard to call the police. When police arrived on the scene, they accosted Andrew as he was eating a burrito, and then proceeded to pepper spray and arrest him. Police Accountability Report investigates.

    Production: Taya Graham, Stephen Janis
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis, Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose, holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today, we will achieve that goal by showing you this video of Colorado police tracking down a man, assaulting him, and arresting him after he tried to find an assailant who had pushed his female friend to the ground.

    But it’s how much effort cops put into tracking down the victim, not the suspect that raises more questions as to why police partisans keep arguing, we need more cops, not less, a question we will investigate in light of this shocking video. But before we get started, I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com, or you can reach out to me directly on Facebook or Twitter @tayasbaltimore and we might be able to investigate for you.

    And please, like, share, and comment on our videos. It helps us get the word out and can even help our guests. And you know I read your comments and appreciate them. You see those little hearts I give out down there. Oh, and we also have a Patreon called Accountability Reports. So if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated.

    Okay, now we’ve gotten that out of the way. Now, almost every time we publish a story about police doing something inexplicable, we invariably get someone who posts a surprisingly predictable response. Put simply, “If you don’t like the police, maybe don’t call them when you need them.” Fair enough. Even though I think holding police accountable is not a for or against proposition, I get the point. But I think the person in the video I’m showing now would probably be happy if cops had followed the advice of our critics.

    Because the series of events I’m about to relay to you are so impossible to explain, so seemingly excessive, it’s hard for me to put them into a context where I can begin to understand them or even explain them to you. An unrelenting pursuit by police that would be laughable if it hadn’t ended in personal tragedy for the victim.

    The story starts in Fort Collins, Colorado in August of 2021 when Andrew Kulis was spending a night out with friends. His father had recently passed and those same friends didn’t want him to be alone while he was grieving, but the evening soon took a turn for the worse, when three men decided to start trouble by shoving Andrew’s female friend to the ground. The trio fled, which prompted Andrew and his associate to try to track them down. To do so, the pair climbed to a rooftop area of the bar to see if they could spot the assailants. However, the efforts failed to yield results.

    So all three soon left the establishment to buy some burritos at a nearby eatery. And that, they thought, was the end of that. But for some reason, the action of Kulis and his friends had caught the attention of a bouncer at the club. That person, let’s call him a security Karen, actually followed the group to the restaurant, and then, I’m not kidding, called the police. And that leads to what you’re watching now, when not one, but two, but three Fort Collins cops decided that these post bar revelers were worthy of a serious show of force. And they called dispatch for backup. Take a look.

    Andrew:

    What’s going on?

    Speaker 2:

    Can you just give us a second here?

    Andrew:

    Yeah, but he’s helping them.

    Speaker 2:

    Yep. All right, can you just give us a second here?

    Andrew:

    So can you help me?

    Speaker 2:

    I’ll help you as soon as we’re done. Okay?

    Andrew:

    What’s going on?

    Speaker 2:

    Please give us some space, all right? Back up.

    Andrew:

    I’ll give you as much space as [inaudible 00:03:37].

    Speaker 2:

    All right, thank you. Then just stand back over there. Okay?

    Andrew:

    What’s going on? That’s great, but my rights are to [inaudible 00:03:46].

    Speaker 2:

    You don’t have rights in this right now.

    Andrew:

    No, I don’t have rights at all.

    Speaker 2:

    So I just need you to step back.

    Andrew:

    No, because we don’t have rights these days.

    Speaker 2:

    Do you want me to give you a ticket too?

    Andrew:

    Dude, come on. Serious right now? Come on. I’m being respectful.

    Speaker 2:

    I just told you, I’ll talk with you as soon as we’re done here.

    Andrew:

    [inaudible 00:04:04] out.

    Taya Graham:

    Now it’s worth noting the cops didn’t ask about the possible assailants, and they didn’t even really probe into the reasons Andrew and his friends went to the roof. Frankly, it’s hard to determine exactly why they thought it was necessary to investigate a man calmly eating a burrito and write him a ticket. But apparently, that’s exactly what they did. Take a look.

    Andrew:

    Because you can’t talk to me man-to-man with a burrito in my hand. Come on. Are you serious right now? There’s fucking three guys that fucking ran away at the fucking thing and pushed her down on the fucking ground. Yeah, you don’t care. No, because she fucking got her head knocked down on the ground.

    Speaker 2:

    If you keep encroaching on his face, you’re going to get a ticket.

    Andrew:

    No, no, I’ll back away.

    Speaker 2:

    Thank you.

    Andrew:

    I’ll back away and I’ll talk my peace because that’s my right. Do you understand that? That’s my right.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, one can understand why Andrew might’ve been a bit annoyed with this intrusion. Remember again, he was mourning the death of his father, but even more importantly, his female friend had been the victim of an assault. But those facts didn’t seem to matter as cops escalated the encounter.

    Andrew:

    Go ahead, do your fucking shit. But you know what? Someone got hurt and it wasn’t right. There’s three other guys that fucking knocked her down and you guys don’t care.

    Speaker 2:

    Based on what the informant told us, you are getting a citation for third degree trespassing, okay?

    Andrew:

    For what, dude? You didn’t give me anything. For what?

    Speaker 2:

    [inaudible 00:05:45] trespassing.

    Andrew:

    Trespass… Are you [inaudible 00:05:48]?

    Speaker 2:

    So, I’ll explain this to you-

    Andrew:

    No, no. I’m not signing anything.

    Speaker 2:

    You don’t have to sign anything.

    Andrew:

    No, you can keep my fucking ID. I’ll get it next week. No, that’s bullshit, dude. No, I’m not taking it. No.

    Speaker 5:

    If you don’t take it, it’s still getting turned in and there’s going to be a warrant for your arrest when you don’t show up for that court date.

    Andrew:

    Yeah, that’s great. I’ll fucking show up because I have a client that is a fucking attorney and it’ll take your shit. Oh, yeah. No, no, no, no you don’t…

    Speaker 5:

    This is yours, okay?

    Andrew:

    Are you serious right now?

    Taya Graham:

    In fact, given the circumstances, this seems like the perfect moment to exercise what we call officer discretion, the idea that an officer can deem an incident not worth police intervention. It’s a concept that apparently the police in Fort Collins are not familiar with, because instead of just deciding to write the ticket and leave, they apparently had to take Andrew to the ground. Take a look.

    Speaker 2:

    Stop resisting.

    Speaker 7:

    Andrew, stop.

    Andrew:

    Dude. Ow, dude.

    Speaker 2:

    Stop resisting.

    Andrew:

    I’m not. I’m sorry, are you serious right now?

    Speaker 2:

    Stop resisting.

    Andrew:

    Are you serious?

    Speaker 2:

    Put your hand behind your back your back.

    Andrew:

    [inaudible 00:06:55].

    Speaker 7:

    Andrew, stop.

    Speaker 2:

    Stop resisting.

    Andrew:

    I’m sorry, are you serious right now?

    Speaker 2:

    Stop resisting.

    Andrew:

    Are you serious?

    Speaker 2:

    Put your hand behind your back.

    Speaker 7:

    Stop, stop. Andrew, Andrew, stop.

    Speaker 2:

    Stop resisting.

    Speaker 7:

    Andrew, stop. Andrew, stop.

    Speaker 2:

    Stop resisting.

    Andrew:

    Let’s go motherfuckers.

    Speaker 2:

    OC.

    Speaker 7:

    No, Andrew. Andrew, stop.

    Speaker 2:

    OC.

    Speaker 7:

    Andrew, stop.

    Speaker 2:

    Comply or force will be used against you.

    Taya Graham:

    And apparently undeterred by the absurdity of turning a nonviolent encounter into an ugly episode of police brutality, cops went even further. They decided that Andrew was so dangerous and such a threat to the safety of Fort Collins, they pepper sprayed him. But it wasn’t just your normal use of OC pepper spray, which is bad enough. The cops on the scene actually violated police procedure and sprayed just two inches away from his face.

    A dangerous use of force that is all, but prohibited for simple reason. Spraying the weapon that close can lead to something called hydraulic needling, a misuse of which can permanently damage the eyes and cause serious injury. Take a look and just a warning, this might be upsetting. So if you don’t want to see what police did, just skip this portion of the body camera video.

    Speaker 2:

    OC.

    Speaker 7:

    Andrew, stop.

    Speaker 2:

    Comply or force will be used against you.

    Andrew:

    Please don’t.

    Speaker 2:

    Comply.

    Speaker 5:

    You’re going to get OC.

    Speaker 2:

    Turn over.

    Speaker 7:

    You, get away.

    Speaker 5:

    Go on your back.

    Speaker 2:

    Turn over.

    Andrew:

    Are you serious right now?

    Speaker 2:

    Yes.

    Speaker 5:

    [inaudible 00:08:22]. Sorry.

    Speaker 2:

    Stop resisting.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, the injuries Andrew suffered in the days he was functionally blind were just the beginning of the fallout over his arrest. And for more on what has happened since and what the investigation into that office uncovered, I will be joined by Sarah Schielke shortly. But before we do, I’m joined by my reporting partner, Stephen Janis, who has been looking into the police and looking into the facts about this case. Stephen, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    So Stephen, first, the officer who maced Andrew, officer Parks, was there an investigation into his actions and what were the results?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, Taya, this is a very interesting story, because first of all, internal affairs found out that the officer did not need to mace Mr. Kulis at all. In fact, they said they could have put the ticket down on the ground, they could have put the license down on the ground, or they could have confiscated it. They didn’t need to use force. No force was justified. So the internal investigation was extremely clear, this officer violated departmental policy.

    Taya Graham:

    So for the actions of Officer Kevin Parks, which we know violated police procedure by their own standards, what sort of discipline did he face or was he prosecuted?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, Taya, this is where the story gets really interesting, because no, nothing was done to this officer. This officer was not punished. He was fully exonerated by internal affairs and the police chief. But on top of that, we got this picture of him giving him awards shortly after this determination. So really, you can see this is a typical case how policing and police are incapable of policing themselves.

    Taya Graham:

    So what else do we know about the Fort Collins Police Department?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, we know a lot of things. Number one, we know there’s an officer who has been accused of writing 10 false DUIs, but we also know something just from watching this video, what did we learn? They sent five officers to a trespassing case. I can’t think of any more stark example of over-policing to send five officers to write a trespassing ticket. If you need that many officers to do that, you have too many officers. I think that’s a lesson we can take from this and it’s something important to keep in mind when we cover policing across this country.

    Taya Graham:

    And now to discuss what she’s uncovered about the officers, the department, and the general absurdity of this arrest, I’m joined by Andrew’s lawyer, Sarah Schielke. Sarah, thank you so much for joining me.

    Sarah Schielke:

    Thanks for having me, Taya.

    Taya Graham:

    So first, tell me why Andrew and his friend allegedly trespassed onto the roof of the bar. It’s something to do with the assault of their female friend, correct?

    Sarah Schielke:

    Yeah. They had been out that night. Andrew had with his two friends and there had apparently been some kind of scuffle in a bar that involved… Not involving them, but involving some other guy ultimately shoving their female friend as he ran out. And they went looking for him, they wanted to confront him and were trying to find the guy. And in their endeavoring to find him, they went up on this rooftop area of a bar. They didn’t realize it was closed. They just went up there to get a better vantage point, couldn’t find him. And so basically kind of gave up, figured he was long gone and went across the street to get burritos.

    Taya Graham:

    So Andrew and his friends had already peacefully moved on to a food stand and were enjoying a burrito when over three Fort Collins police officers approached them. Can you tell me what happened next?

    Sarah Schielke:

    Apparently a bouncer had noticed them go up in the rooftop and had called police, and then had followed Andrew and his two friends around. Waiting for the police to arrive, this is a very over-policed town and with not very much crime for the officers to keep themselves occupied with. So it looks to me at least like a good portion of the entire night shift showed up, and the bouncer pointed out Andrew and his friends over peaceably eating burritos to them.

    And they went up to them, began questioning them about this alleged trespass and they openly admitted they went up there and that they were looking for the guy who had shoved their friend. And they implored these officers to help them with that. And were trying to provide more information to assist and they were not interested in investigating this assault, which their female friend also corroborated had happened to her. They were far more interested apparently in this third degree trespass, writing these tickets, which is a petty offense, the lowest level crime in the state of Colorado.

    Taya Graham:

    Can you tell me why so many Fort Collins police officers would come to a scene for such a minor and petty trespass offense?

    Sarah Schielke:

    Yep. Third degree trespass is a petty offense in Colorado. I have no idea. Someone may need to ask the Fort Collins police services about that. I mean, if you want to know my broader thoughts on that, it’s because this area, this state, frankly the whole country, but especially here locally, is extremely over-policed. We have too many officers with not enough things to do. So when that call came in and they’ve got everybody working that night shift, they sent them all because there’s not much crime happening here.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, Andrew refused physically taking the summons. That’s his legal right, correct? I mean, did Andrew actually violate the law at any time during his interaction with these police officers?

    Sarah Schielke:

    The second that that citation was completed and Andrew informed the officer he was showing up and he had a means for showing up, there’s really nothing left for them to do. Legally, rationally, constitutionally, there’s no justification to detain him. There’s no justification to jam the ticket in his pocket, and there’s certainly no justification to use any kind of force in that scenario. The fact that this officer, Officer Park did these things, I think it speaks to the fact that earlier, Andrew was very critical.

    The fact that these guys were not investigating this assault on their friend, he used a very colorful language. He exercises First Amendment Right to criticize his government, which is in my opinion, the most important constitutional right we have. And unfortunately, when you have officers with ego involved, when you have departments that endorse and condone escalation, needless escalation of these encounters into violence, you will see more often than you would believe these type of scenarios unfold where the officer who’s aggrieved, whose ego is aggrieved, waits for the first opportunity upon which they can claim fill in the blank, resisting, obstructing, all of those fake type of justification offenses. And then they go wild on the person. They get very violent, they escalate and we see the type of stuff we saw in this video.

    Taya Graham:

    The police that were attempting to serve the citation suddenly became very aggressive and threw Andrew to the ground. What happened next?

    Sarah Schielke:

    In terms of what leads up to these events, a theme I’ve always seemed to notice is it’s not just something as simple as not wanting to take a citation. What usually precipitates these type of wild aggression events from police officers is that the person that they’re attacking was critical of their police work prior to them. That they were exercising their First Amendment Right to criticize their government, criticize the actions of their government, and a lot of the times, these people aren’t going to be using the nicest of words.

    As you can see, Mr. Kulis does, but this is supposed to be part and parcel of the job as a police officer is that you are above responding with violence to these types of comments. It’s really the core of your job, but that obviously is not what happened here. Andrew expressed a lot of displeasure using some pretty colorful words about their failure to investigate the guy who had assaulted their friend. And when this officer got the first opportunity to retaliate and hurt him for that, we see him do it.

    And it’s very obvious that this encounter should have been ended once that ticket was ripped off and handed to him. But instead, it escalates into what we see on the camera, which is inexplicable, horrific, outrageous. There aren’t enough words for it. As a member of this community, I can tell you that myself and basically every other person I know living here would not look at that situation and say, oh, this is some criminal activity. I hope that the police snuff out with force and violence. In fact, that’s the last thing that I would want as a community member.

    And these police officers are supposed to know that, they’re supposed to be trained this way and yet we see as this unfolded not just with the events themselves, but the aftermath with internal affairs at this police department saying this was unjustified force. And then the chief taking it somewhere else to get people to exonerate his officer anyway. It’s question marks and exclamation points left and right. Where do we begin?

    Taya Graham:

    Now, there can be very serious consequences for pepper spraying someone so close to their face, especially just two or three inches away. Can you talk about how serious it is?

    Sarah Schielke:

    Yeah, so there’s not much scientific data on what happens when you spray somebody in their eyes from that close because nobody’s willing to do it on humans. It is extremely dangerous. The operator’s manuals, all of the training that any agency receives regarding this OC spray states that it’s supposed to be deployed from minimum of three feet away. And if deployed within three feet, the circumstances need to be that the officer’s life is in danger basically. Obviously not the case here.

    I mean, they have five officers tackling on… Choking Andrew, doing the whole… They’ve got him down and they’re just yelling at him to roll over, which is a physical impossibility for him at that point. And then they spray him from two inches. That, as I watch it, looks nothing short of deliberately and knowingly retaliatory, knowingly a policy violation and a violation of training.

    We can see in the police department’s heavily redacted IA investigation into it that they interviewed one of their own lieutenants who confirmed that their officers are trained not to deploy it from that close. And the risk is this what’s called hydraulic needling effect, which is where the particulate that is in the OC spray and combined with the volume at which it is sprayed out can cause the particulates to be permanently launched in the eyeball in a way that your eye could never heal, which unfortunately did happen with Andrew in this case. He has a little area in his left eye that has remained cloudy vision-wise ever since the incident.

    Taya Graham:

    So how long was Andrew in jail for and how serious were his injuries? I mean, he was in pain and functionally blind for nearly three days.

    Sarah Schielke:

    He was, and it took a really long time for him to get medical care on scene, for him to be seen to receive medical treatment at the jail. He had contacts in, which is an additionally endangering event that weren’t removed until after he was at the jail. So that was trapping more of that spray against his eye. I can’t imagine how painful it was and I also can’t imagine… I mean, Andrew lives by himself and his father had just passed away. It was the only family he had, and so he had to spend those next three days trying to take care of himself, functionally blind, worrying I’m sure the whole time of whether he was ever going to get full vision restored.

    Taya Graham:

    So what are the counts and allegations in your lawsuit? What type of case are you filing?

    Sarah Schielke:

    We filed a lawsuit in federal courts for violations of Andrew’s constitutional rights, both state and federal. The primary ones being the Fourth Amendment and the Colorado equivalent here, which is to be free from Unreasonable Search and Seizure. There’s also, we’ve filed what are called Monell Claims. Those are claims that target and go after the municipality itself, the chain of command, the people in charge, for their basically failing to train or failing to supervise.

    Or permitting such a pattern or custom within their departments of permitting this behavior that that became a moving, driving cause of the event as well. I think that what is extremely compelling on that Monell Claim here for Mr. Culis’ lawsuit with respect to the chief and Fort Collins police services itself is the fact that they ratified the behavior afterwards.

    Taya Graham:

    How did the department justify their findings?

    Sarah Schielke:

    When confronted with a video, which is obviously an officer using force when he had no authorization to do so, then making that force increasingly excessive with this pinnacle of being sprayed in the eyes. But the spraying in the eyes is so crazy to think about that a lot of what I’ve noticed gets lost in the shuffles well is that when he throws him to the ground, that was not an accepted or trained takedown method.

    The grabbing him from the back and swinging him down. And very unsurprisingly, you can actually hear Andrew’s head hit the concrete and he appears to have had his head shoved in that direction on his way down by Officer Park, which thank God he doesn’t have brain injuries from that. That has the potential to be even more seriously permanently damaging to a human being.

    This case is super unusual and jaw dropping because we have these IA units. It’s yet another safeguard that we have installed to ensure that police are held accountable. And that when police officers abuse their power, that it’s one of our many… Along with body cams and the laws Colorado has been passing for that as well, it’s one of the safeguards we built in. And here we witnessed that safeguard actually appeared to be functioning appropriately in terms of doing a thorough investigation, looking at the policy, talking to who trains on the OC spray.

    And then producing these findings saying that they shouldn’t have done this. Where things take this insane turn and what for me, I think makes the biggest and most concerning claim in this case come to light is what the chief and the chain of command did with those findings afterwards. Which was to redact them away and without explanation, without explanation to their community especially, but also without explanation of Mr. Culis who did make this complaint to initiate the investigation. To just exonerate this officer and that’s what we call in the lawsuit world, that’s ratification of conduct, which suggests that this officer likely engaged in it because he knew he wouldn’t get in trouble for it and potentially would be complimented for it.

    Taya Graham:

    Can you tell me if there are any issues with excessive force or police misconduct within the Fort Collins Police Department? I mean, this is an exceptionally aggressive incident over a minor offense. Are there issues with this department?

    Sarah Schielke:

    In my research for this lawsuit and from what I just know practicing in this area, there unfortunately is. Fort Collins Police Department has a long and recent history of using OC spray on people when they really should not have, and I’m tasing people when they shouldn’t have, either because they didn’t have justification to do so, or because they’re deploying it in a way that violates training in terms of being too dangerous.

    Taya Graham:

    What do you and Andrew hope will be the result of this lawsuit?

    Sarah Schielke:

    Obviously the first issue, and I feel like I’m a broken record on this sometimes is leadership. We need to have a change in leadership. The guy who’s in charge right now, I don’t know if you saw, on the day I released the video and filed the lawsuit in this case, there was so much backlash on him and his department that he went on to the Fort Collins Police YouTube and posted a video defending what they did. And basically telling everybody that they don’t have all the facts so they’re going to re-release the video, et cetera.

    It doesn’t look like it went very well for him with this endeavor, but joking aside, that’s deeply concerning that a chief would want to do that given when he’s seeing what the community feedback is, which is why on earth would you guys have utilized force? Or even continued escalating this very garden-variety low level offense type of encounter? And for him to jump up and pretty boldly and proudly say that nothing wrong was done here, that’s a big concern.

    I think there need to be leadership changes obviously when that’s the factual landscape we’re looking at. Another interesting wrinkle with this lawsuit that happened after we filed it was that the chief in his statement to the press, because there was a lot of local news coverage on it here, he informed everybody that the Citizen Review Board had reviewed this and exonerated this officer for the event.

    And if you look at how he says this and pushes this narrative of the Citizen Review Board exonerating it, it really sounds like he is trying to shove all of the blame for the ratification onto this board of six citizens who typically are former police officers. And for whom he and other officers at the agency control what information they receive when they’re doing a review. I have a lot to say about that that we probably don’t have time for.

    But I’ve always had the thought that in my experience, I’ve never seen a citizen review board actually do anything worthwhile. Ever take a stand or say anything that isn’t aligned with whatever predetermined outcome the agency wants. And for in this situation on such bad facts, on really incontrovertibly bad facts with a very bad video for this chief to jump out to the public and say, our Citizen Review Board exonerated this officer, that to me, is such an indictment of the Citizen Review Board.

    Taya Graham:

    Okay. I think my main takeaway from this story is something about policing that continues to play out over and over again, but could use some discussion so that we better understand it. And when I say understand it, I mean grasping the consequences of bad policy with the hopes of avoiding situations like the one we just showed you in the future. In this case, what I mean is how often we misapply the power of policing to tasks that could be otherwise dealt with without handcuffs, conflicts in tricky situations that for some unknown reason fall under the auspices of police, but would be better served if they didn’t.

    Now, I think there’s a reason for this overuse of the badge that also explains my aforementioned concern about the misapplication of state power. An underlying imperative that drives police into spaces that would otherwise be better served, but is driven by perverse incentives that are forcing the square peg of policing into the round hole of social ills. Not just convenient, but beneficial to some. So what do I mean? Well, let me show you, not tell you.

    I’m going to start with this unassuming piece of plastic that I believe is a perfect example of all the ridiculous bad policy choices I just described. This instrument, which dispenses a life-saving medicine, tells us all we need to know about the literally upside down world our addiction to policing has created. So this is what’s known as Narcan. It’s literally Lazarus in a bottle, a medicine that can bring people who have overdosed on opioids back to life with a single shot.

    In fact, it’s so efficacious, that just recently the drug was made available to buy without a prescription so that anyone who needs it can theoretically get it. The move was made in response to the ever-growing opioid crisis, which continues to claim tens of thousands of lives per year. The hope is that if Narcan is easier to obtain, lives can be saved in the process. There’s a catch, because it turns out that the company which makes Narcan actually fought efforts to make it more available.

    In fact, a recent Washington Post article found that executives lobbied Congress to delay the process to make it over-the-counter for nearly eight years. During that period, tens of thousands… Actually, hold that. Hundreds of thousands of people died and yet public officials were unable, afraid, or otherwise bought and paid for to the extent that they did not do a single thing to ensure that a lifesaving medication was available everywhere and for everyone, even as hundreds of thousands of people die.

    Let me emphasize, people were allowed to die and officials did nothing. Instead, as I said before, they protected the profits of a single drug company, but it gets worse. Over that same period of time, the government was more than willing to fund another so-called solution to address the overdose crisis. An approach that has been used over and over again with increasingly dismal results. I’m talking about policing.

    That’s right. While a life-saving drug was totally out the reach of the people who needed it the most, so executives could grab greater profits, the government was more than willing to throw millions of dollars at law enforcement to fix a health problem. While Wall Street gobbled up big bonuses and fat fees from big pharma, our own representative government couldn’t overcome their own greed to use a simple solution that was literally right at their fingertips.

    Instead, they threw millions, actually, hundreds of millions at police to cure addiction. I mean, I want you to think about how sick that calculus really is. We know that opioid addiction is literally a physical dependence, meaning, once you’re hooked, you need medical treatment to cure it. We know that it was the pharmaceutical companies themselves that flooded the country with opioid pills to bolster profits, while evidence showed deaths from their abuse were climbing. And we know the war on drugs have been an utter and obvious failure even though billions of dollars have been spent to prosecute it.

    And yet, still, still our government chose to empower people with guns and handcuffs to arrest and imprison people with a condition that could better be solved with that humble drug. They chose to use courts and cages and cops to fix a disease of the mind and body instead of choosing to demand. And I do mean demand, that a drug company put people over profits. I am serious. We need to think about how horrible this is. We need to comprehend how cruel this idea is, how much it says about the police state, how much it tells us about the type of law enforcement we see on this show and what it is really about.

    We, meaning our country, could not forego profits to save lives and instead we used policing to address a medical crisis. We literally could not summon the courage or the power to stop people from dying while we easily shelled out more money for cops, more patrol cars, more jail cells, and ultimately, more human suffering. I want you to think about what this means, that greed trumped life, that it’s easier to fund arrest than it is to fund a medical marvel. And that ultimately, we chose profits over people and cops over care.

    Nothing about this makes sense unless you’re willing to understand how much enforcing the law is really about unleashing the cruelty of a system that is not only irrational, but in my opinion, often barbaric. I want you for a moment to take stock of this idea, how inhumane it is, how utterly irrational it is, how completely ridiculous it is, and yet, how symbolic it is of the problem with a country that thrives on punishment for profit.

    Simply put, it’s an absolutely absurd approach to an existential crisis, which once again, only seems to exacerbate it. This is exactly the reason people do not trust our government. This more so than social media or TikTok is why people are skeptical of power. The utter institutional stupidity and carelessness is why we don’t believe the people we send to Washington actually work for us. I have seen firsthand how the opioid crisis has affected my own city of Baltimore.

    I have reported on a woman specifically who could not get proper treatment and died as a result. I have been a witness to the utter arrogance and dismissiveness of a system that would rather jail drug users than offer them life-saving medications. I have recounted in my reporting how that policy has torn our city asunder. And what I’ve learned is that all of the stupidity, arrogance, and yes, cruelty, stems from a simple yet destructive idea, that we don’t matter.

    Well, let me say this, you matter to us. You matter to me, and we will continue to report on stories that matter to everyone as long as we’re able to, as long as you want us to. I’d like to thank my guest, civil rights attorney, Sarah Schielke, for her work to protect the civil liberties of the public and for taking the time to speak with us today. Thank you, Sarah. And of course, I have to thank intrepid reporter, Stephen Janis for his writing, research, and editing on this piece. Thank you Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    And I want to thank friends of the show, Noli D and Lacey R for their support, thank you both very much. And a very special thanks to our Accountability Report, Patreons. We appreciate you and I look forward to thanking each and every one of you personally in our next livestream, especially Patreon associate producers, John ER, David K, and Louis P. Super fans, Shane [inaudible 00:35:24], Pineapple Girl, Chris R, Matter of Rights, and Angela True.

    And I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram or at Eyes on Police on Twitter. And of course, you can always message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook.

    And please like and comment. You know I really read your comments and appreciate them. And we do have the Patreon link pinned in the comments below for Accountability Report. So if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated. My name is Taya Graham and I’m your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.

    Speaker 9:

    Thank you so much for watching The Real News Network, where we lift up the voices, stories and struggles that you care about most. And we need your help to keep doing this work. So please, tap your screen now, subscribe and donate to the Real News Network. Solidarity forever.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Shocking video of Pennsylvania State Trooper Ronald K. Davis wrestling his girlfriend, Michelle Perfanov, to the ground has opened the lid on a case of clear domestic abuse buttressed by state power. Davis, who is married, allegedly lied to his fellow officers and personally arrested Perfanov in order to have her involuntarily committed to a psychiatric ward after Perfanov tried to end their four-month relationship. Davis has since been charged with false imprisonment, assault, strangulation and official oppression. Although he was warned by fellow officers to not take matters into his own hands Davis used carefully curated text messages to obtain the order, tracked Perfanov down, assaulted her, and placed her in custody. Police Accountability Report examines the case.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham, and thank you for joining me for this breaking news update from the Police Accountability Report. Shocking video has been released of a Pennsylvania state trooper named Ronald K. Davis, who has been charged with strangulation, false imprisonment, official misconduct in office, assault, and the forcible involuntary commitment of his girlfriend. Take a look at this video.

    Speaker 1:

    Absolutely not. What is wrong with you? Would you do this? Would you? I thought. Okay, please let me go. You just called the cops on me. You’re a cop. You’re a fucking pussy. What the fuck is wrong with you? I’ve lived all over the world and not one time has anyone ever come up, tackled me, attacked me, and called the cops on me for existing in the woods. But if you want to sit on me and you call the cops on me for what? For what? Oh, because I’m around a sociopath who says he can do whatever the he fucking want.

    Women are objects he can fuck whatever he wants. You’re insane. You’re absolutely insane. You can’t just walk up to someone and attack them and then call the cops on them and say you’re going… That’s not okay. Get off of me. You’ve just called the cops on me for existing. You don’t give a shit about anything except yourself. And if this is caring, you have a very fucked up, delusional way of expressing it. Get off of me. I didn’t do anything. I didn’t do anything wrong except disagree with you. Let me go. You can’t just stop with me like that. Get off of me. I can’t breathe. I can’t.

    Speaker 2:

    Don’t bite me.

    Speaker 1:

    Please let me go.

    Speaker 2:

    No.

    Speaker 1:

    Please let me go.

    Speaker 2:

    No.

    Speaker 1:

    Please let me go. Can I just sit up?

    Speaker 2:

    No.

    Speaker 1:

    I can’t breathe. Why won’t you listen to that? Just please not let him put anything on my name or my record? I didn’t do anything. That’s all I have because I didn’t do anything.

    Speaker 2:

    I don’t think that’s the situation. I don’t think that’s the situation. Nobody’s here to hurt you at all.

    Speaker 1:

    Then why are you here? I didn’t do anything wrong.

    Speaker 2:

    Watch your antenna, dudes.

    Speaker 1:

    Please. Please. I didn’t do anything wrong. You can’t take me here.

    Speaker 2:

    Stop pinching me.

    Speaker 1:

    What did I do? Please stop. Get me a tree like a human being, please? Can you do that? Can I stand here and put my things together? You can watch me all you want. You can watch me all you want. That’s not fair. I didn’t do anything wrong to get away from you. I don’t understand.

    Speaker 2:

    Relax.

    Speaker 1:

    I can’t relax. You just called the cops on me for existing because I didn’t like your drew. Jesus, dude. Come on. What the fuck? Why are you treating me like I’m a criminal? I didn’t do anything. I just want to be able to stand back.

    Speaker 2:

    You call them back and find out where they are.

    Speaker 1:

    I just wouldn’t be able to stand. This isn’t fair. I didn’t do anything wrong. I didn’t do anything wrong. I didn’t do anything wrong. I just left. I don’t understand. I don’t understand. Please stop. Please stop so I can get the hair out of my face. That would be really nice. Please. Can I just get the hair out of my van? I can go anywhere. The cops are on their way anyway, but I don’t even know what I did. Please. Please. Please. Come on. What did I do? This is not fair. Can I stand up, please? I can’t breathe again. Can I stand here?

    Speaker 2:

    Yes.

    Speaker 1:

    Can I just stand and get my arms back?

    Speaker 2:

    Yep.

    Speaker 1:

    Well, what’s going to happen here? Well, what did you do? Just attack. What is going on? What is happening? Why? What the fuck? I didn’t do anything wrong. I didn’t do anything. I didn’t do anything. I didn’t do anything. I didn’t do anything. I didn’t do anything. Why are the cops coming for me?

    Speaker 2:

    To help you.

    Speaker 1:

    To help me with what? You?

    Taya Graham:

    Now, if you took note as I do, she sounds clearheaded and surprisingly reasonable during this encounter. Stephen, what did you note?

    Stephen Janis:

    Okay, so I read the affidavit, which outlined the charges, and it all started with a, I guess, this trooper was dating this young woman and she’s decided she was done with it. She wanted to leave. He locked her belongings and took away her trailer, which she was living in, and locked that up so she couldn’t get in. She was desperate. She wanted to leave the area of Pennsylvania he was in and move to another city, and he was looking to prevent it. That’s what precipitated this.

    They got into an argument via text, and he used those texts to say that she was suicidal and swear out a false, let me say false affidavit for her involuntary commitment. He then executed that warrant, which we’re showing you right now that execution, and did it without any approval of the State Trooper barrack where he worked. It was a completely very scary misuse of police force. Let’s take another look at the video and watch carefully how brutal he is and ask yourself this question, why did he record this?

    Taya Graham:

    Now, this incident traces back to somewhat turbulent relationship that he had with the victim. Ronald K. Davis is a married man with a family, and he had his ex-girlfriend living on a piece of the property he had in the woods. Her camper was there. When she expressed her desire to no longer be in a relationship with him and move to the city, he locked her out of her camper, withheld her belongings, and even threatened to paint her as crazy. Take a look at these allegations. Stephen, talk us through some of these allegations.

    Stephen Janis:

    I mean, what happened was that she was involuntarily committed and then she went for an interview at the State Trooper barrack that he worked. She said, “Hey, I never wanted to kill myself.” There was no exigent circumstances here. The troopers looked at the text message and said, and also spoke to the people in the medical facility, said, “Yeah, she is not a person who wants to kill herself. This is all about his being upset with her ending the relationship.” They went through all the texts.

    Actually after he swore out for the involuntary commitment against her, the state troopers there had said, “We will execute this. You should not be involved in this.” He said, “No, I’ll handle it.” Walked out. Then he enlisted a civilian, got into a car, and then for some reason had the civilian record this, which we’re showing you on the screen now. He really, I think, felt that he could use the criminal justice system to his advantage. Very scary in that sense because a young woman ended up spending 72 hours involuntarily committed.

    I’m not sure why police investigated this, but they actually did a very thorough job. If you look at the allegations, it was a very clear investigation and really, really, really damning.

    Taya Graham:

    I do have to say that the investigation that was done was excellent. However, I think because of the incredibly damning video evidence, an investigation was absolutely necessary. Can you imagine, 72 hours locked up involuntarily knowing that a man with a badge and a gun is the one responsible for it? It is an incredible form of intimidation.

    Something else I wanted to note is that the police officer warned her when she was trying to break up with him that he would “paint her as crazy” and he said F around and find out. He had the intention all along. This was a very premeditated act of using his badge to intimidate and control a young woman whose only crime was wanting to break up with him. Now, Steven, do you know where these charges stand right now?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, right now they are in process. I mean, there has been no trial. There’s no trial date set that I can see in the system. Right now, these are just allegations. Charges were not against him. I don’t know the status of employment. Didn’t say in the media reports whether he had been fired. I would assume he’d be under some internal investigation, absolutely.

    But for now, there are charges that will be adjudicated at a later date. I would hope, and I’m not saying this in any opinion, but that his gun and badge would be taken away at least at this point, given what he’s capable of.

    Taya Graham:

    Absolutely.

    Stephen Janis:

    I think any person would call for that kind of accountability in a case like this.

    Taya Graham:

    One of the reasons why it was so important for me to highlight this particular story is that it is not uncommon for there to be intimate partner violence or domestic violence within the law enforcement community. As a matter of fact, there’s statistics that show between 28% to as high as 40% of law enforcement officers have engaged in some form of intimate partner violence, which is three to four times higher than the general population. It makes me think back to the case of Jeffrey Wharton, a New Mexico Albuquerque police officer.

    Back in 2020, he was caught on ring camera dragging his girlfriend. It resulted in gashes and a brain bleed, and yet his girlfriend said she did not want to press charges and refused to testify against him in court, which shows you how powerful the intimidation is of someone who has a badge and a gun when you want to end a relationship or when you say you want to leave. We’re going to give you updates on this story. Stephen, thank you so much for covering this with me.

    I really appreciate it. We’re going to be back with another Police Accountability Report episode this Thursday, 9:00 PM Eastern Time. I hope to see you there. And as always, be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Well-known cop watcher James Freeman was unfazed by the mainstream media’s recent coverage of a phenomenon he himself has participated in for the better part of five years. 

    A recent Washington Post story highlighted how Freeman and other “cop watchers” had altered the behavior of police officers with simple yet powerful tools: omnipresent cell phone cameras that turn encounters with cops into provocative YouTube videos. But for him, by the time the article was published, it was already outdated.

    Freeman is one of hundreds who have reinvented the process of cop watching since the Black Panther Party started filming police in the 1960s. He thinks the battle between citizen journalists and law enforcement has evolved. 

    Partly, that battle has shifted from the streets to the courts—a change in venue that Freeman says has been a natural evolution, and one that he knows all too well since his cop-watching tactics have often ended up being adjudicated by a judge, not police on the street.   

    “You start to realize the judiciary is truly a branch of government accountable only to itself,” Freeman told Police Accountability Report. “It’s frustrating because they can endlessly drag you through the system.”

    But cop watching itself has also changed, a practice that is part of a broader movement to redefine what it means for regular people to actively push back against an array of institutions, not just policing, that govern their lives. This ongoing struggle to hold power accountable may have started on the streets, but it has since moved on. 

    Freeman is one of hundreds who have reinvented the process of cop watching since the Black Panther Party started filming police in the 1960s. He thinks the battle between citizen journalists and law enforcement has evolved.

    This idea crystallized for Freeman when he turned his attention to his local courthouse in rural New Mexico. The move led to one of Freeman’s most daunting skirmishes and, recently, one of his most implausible victories.  

    Officials had banned Freeman from the courthouse in New Mexico via an administrative order, arguing he was disruptive. But Freeman countered with a federal lawsuit alleging the order violated his right to due process and the First-Amendment-guaranteed freedom of the press. The defendants, a group of court officers, did not respond to the complaint, which led to a default judgment in Freeman’s favor. Now, his lawyers are in settlement talks.

    “We’ll see what happens, but at least I can go back and report,” he said. “I’m going to keep fighting.”

    Freeman is not the only cop watcher who has found the legal system a more fertile ground to press the argument that citizen journalists are an integral—and Constitutionally protected—part of holding police and government power accountable. 

    The Texas cop watcher Phillip Turner, known as The Battousai, who was featured in the Washington Post article, made case law during his battle with Corrigan, Texas, police. The YouTuber, who has over 251,000 subscribers, was arrested for the simple act of filming the police. 

    According to the lawsuit, Turner was cuffed and placed in the back of the police cruiser with the windows rolled up so “they could leave him there to sweat for a while.” The arrest led to a federal civil rights lawsuit establishing the right to film police officers, their vehicles, and stations in the notably conservative federal Fifth District.  

    But, as The Battousai has since learned, the process of turning a court ruling into a reality on the street is more complex. The decision, now codified in case law as Turner v. Driver, established the right to film police and allowed municipalities to set widely varying restrictions. 

    But that court order has led to another battle over the interpretation of the ruling, which The Battousai says the town has used to bend the appellate court decision by setting overly restrictive guidelines.

    “None of the appellate courts ruled on distance. It is up to the town to come up with a reasonable time, place, and manner to record,” he told PAR

    “They decided to come up with a law to criminalize filming police officers,” he said, explaining that the ruling has led to another legal battle. “I’m fighting it.”

    From curbside to the courts

    The shift to the courtroom from the sidewalk reflects an uncomfortable reality that often goes hand in hand with the process of constantly watching cops: sometimes, the act itself can lead to an arrest. That fact was particularly true for one of cop watching’s most controversial practitioners, Denver activist Eric Brandt. 

    Brandt says he has been arrested almost 200 times, a result that some attribute to his confrontational and often colorful style when interacting with police, but others say it stems from law enforcement’s intolerance of pushback. Either way, Brandt and his unorthodox antics left their mark—not just on the sidewalk, but in the courtroom. 

    He was known for bicycling around Denver with a giant homemade middle finger inscribed with “F-ck Cops,” and for attending hearings dressed in unconventional attire, including wearing a spaghetti strainer on his head, which Brandt said he did as part of his religious observance as a “Pastafarian.” 

    Brandt is currently serving a 12-year sentence after pleading guilty to three felony counts of Retaliating against a Judge. The penalty has been decried as overly harsh by his supporters, and Brandt is now appealing it on the grounds that the judge’s rationale for the sentence expressed bias against him. 

    Last November, Denver City Council agreed to pay Brandt $65,000 to settle a lawsuit over his 2018 arrest for shouting “No Justice? No Peace! Fuck the Denver police!” on the 16th Street Mall.

    But Brandt was, and still is, a prolific filer of lawsuits, writing his own briefs and representing himself in roughly a dozen civil rights and First Amendment cases. 

    Notably, he sued the Englewood police department after they arrested him for a tattoo that displayed a middle finger on his forearm emblazoned with his signature “F-ck Cops” motto. 

    Brandt’s pro se suit led to a $30,000 settlement, First Amendment training for the Englewood police department, and the early institution of body-worn cameras. 

    “I call this my $30,000 tattoo,” Brandt told PAR in an interview in 2021. 

    Last November, Denver City Council agreed to pay Brandt $65,000 to settle a lawsuit over his 2018 arrest for shouting “No Justice? No Peace! Fuck the Denver police!” on the 16th Street Mall. 

    He was also part of a groundbreaking lawsuit that established the right to film police in the federal 10th Circuit. Brandt and another cop watcher, Abade Izzaray (known as Liberty Freak), filed the suit, which began with a straightforward cop watch of a DUI stop in Lakewood, Colorado, in 2020. 

    The duo’s encounter was peaceful until another officer who was not involved in the stop arrived on the scene: Officer Yehia. Yehia purposely moved in front of their cameras, flashed a light into their faces, and then drove his car in Brandt’s direction while repeatedly using his car horn. 

    Abade and Brandt filed a suit pro se, arguing that the officer’s actions interfered with their right to record. But after a federal district court ruled the officer could not be held accountable due to qualified immunity, several advocacy groups joined the suit with the hope it would be a test case to establish the right to film police. 

    The Electronic Frontier Foundation, the Cato Institute, and the US Department of Justice were among the organizations that filed amicus briefs on their behalf. Eventually, the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the officer should have known the right to record was established and remanded the case back to the district court for a trial.  

    The plaintiffs recently reached a settlement for $35,000. But, as Liberty Freak notes, he has effectively stopped actively cop watching while remaining entangled in various legal actions stemming from his previous work on the streets. For him, that is the next and most important battleground: creating case law that will make the process of cop watching less fraught.  

    “It’s so much more difficult than people think,” he told PAR. “I’ve been so lucky to have Eric Brandt, who has connected me to a lot of attorneys who have helped us,”

    But he added that trying to steer a case through the courts without a law license is perhaps even more precarious than turning a camera on cops. 

    “Doing it on your own, I’ve discovered, there’s not a whole lot of help if you’re working pro se,” he said. “It’s like you have to be part of a special clan.’

    For a group of Texas YouTubers, a recent set of indictments has led to the more troubling prospect that municipalities could criminalize the act of cop watching—an existential struggle that could lead to years in jail and a veritable shutdown for others who could fall under the same legal category.

    Can Cop Watching Be Criminalized?

    Not all cop watchers, however, are battling in civil courts over the right to film. 

    For a group of Texas YouTubers, a recent set of indictments has led to the more troubling prospect that municipalities could criminalize the act of cop watching—an existential struggle that could lead to years in jail and a veritable shutdown for others who could fall under the same legal category.  

    Prosecutors in Polk County, Texas, have charged four Livingston, Texas, cop watchers, including HBO Matt and Corners News, under the state’s “Organized Crime” statute. 

    The charges result from what HBO Matt says was a routine cop watch. The indictment used a novel legal theory arguing that, since cop watchers create videos that are monetized on YouTube, their act of filming is a criminal conspiracy.

    “They know that they don’t have a real criminal case against us, but they are dragging us through the courts… The process is the punishment,” he said.  

    But Texas is not alone in using the law to push back against—and, perhaps, criminalize—cop watching. It is a strategy taking root in several statehouses such as Arizona, Oklahoma, and Indiana. 

    In Arizona, multiple media organizations, including the ACLU and the Associated Press, joined forces to fight a law limiting how close people can get to police while recording them—a law that was declared unconstitutional in July by US District Judge John J. Tuchi.

    In Indiana, state legislators also passed HEA 1186, a bill to limit cop watchers from filming within 25 feet of a police officer. The bill is being contested after a cop watcher named Donald Nicodemus, also known as Freedom2Film, was charged with violating the law after cops continued to order him to back up in 25-foot increments multiple times while he was documenting a police investigation into a shooting. 

    The lawsuit contends the law creates an onerous and subjective 25-foot buffer between the videographer and officers performing their duties. The ACLU asserts that HEA 1186’s wording permits officers to enforce this perimeter solely based on the act of recording, without evidence of interference with an officer’s duties.

    The streets still matter

    Of course, many who continue to cop watch still find work on the street to be a necessary and essential part of the process..  

    Tom Zebra, who has been filming cops with a VHS recorder in his trunk since the early aughts, and his partner Laura Shark, were recently reminded of this truism when they arrived on the scene of a car stop by the Los Angeles County Sheriff in June. 

    The LA sheriffs, notorious for their penchant for racially profiling motorists, had detained a driver for having tinted windows. But the encounter soon escalated when police accused the driver of being under the influence of marijuana. Officers proceeded to confiscate the phone of his passenger, who had been filming. 

    “They know that they don’t have a real criminal case against us, but they are dragging us through the courts… The process is the punishment.”

    “HBO MATT,” COP WATCHER

    Fortunately, Tom, Laura, and Jodie Kat Media arrived shortly after the police had handcuffed the driver. Their documentation of what happened next provided compelling first-hand reporting on an agency that the ACLU had accused of spending billions of dollars indiscriminately pulling over motorists of color.  

    As the trio continued to film, police escalated the stop by accusing the driver of smoking marijuana, citing his recent purchase at a nearby dispensary. However, he maintained his innocence, noting that the purchase was still in its container. The driver was arrested, and his passenger was abandoned on the side of the road; her phone was confiscated, and her house keys and wallet were impounded.

    Still, Tom and Laura continued to film and provide a visual record of the anatomy of a questionable car stop, capturing on a granular level what the ACLU had accused the department of doing writ large.

    Fortunately, the passenger could turn to the cop watchers for consolation, a ride, and $85 to retrieve her property.

    A movement that is about more than cops

    Perhaps the shift from the curb to courts is a simple recognition of what cop watching truly is about: a movement that goes beyond policing. 

    What these chaotic camera people lack in Twitter credibility or legacy media stature, they compensate for with anarchistic creativity. They invent new ways to report without internalizing or prescribing any particular presentation ethos other than defiance. In a sense, they have taken back the free press from the elites who profess to own its digital domains by putting their imagination first. The one commonality this disparate group shares is the belief they have the right to be heard.

    It is imprecise, messy, and often provocative. But it’s also a grassroots movement about much more than cops—perhaps that’s the real story the mainstream media is missing.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • After two years of resistance against the proposed “Atlanta Public Safety Training Center,” more commonly known as Cop City, more than 60 activists associated with the movement have been indicted on RICO charges. The push to build Cop City and the heavy-handed state response to local protests cannot be separated from the past decade of neoliberal crisis and anti-police protests rocking Atlanta and the country at large. Taya Graham and Stephen Janis of Police Accountability Report join Rattling the Bars for a special crossover episode on the movement to Stop Cop City.

    Studio Production: David Hebden, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Mansa Musa:

    Welcome to this edition of Rattling The Bars. I’m your host, Mansa Musa. Conrad George Jackson stated in one of his writings that, “The criminal justice system itself is the enemy of any type of resistance to fascism.” Throughout this country’s history, we see the use of the criminal injustice system to suppress any type of resistance to fascism. J. Edgar Hoover stated that the goal of the counterintelligence program COINTELPRO was to prevent the rise of a Black Messiah, who would be capable of organizing Black people and the defying fascism.

    Given our history, it’s no surprise that in 2023, we’re talking about an attempt to build a military style complex for training police in Atlanta, also known as Cop City. Cop City itself will be a monument to our criminal injustice system. The fastest response to people protesting Cop City shows what this project is all about. As we speak, the state of Georgia is pursuing RICO charges for over 60 Cop City protestors. Before the crackdown on Cop City protestors, the LA Police Department criminal conspiracy section used agent provocateur to set up and kill members of the Black Panther Party.

    The most noted agent provocateur was Louis Tackwood. Criminalizing civil disobedience was a goal of the LA criminal conspiracy section, and that’s just one of the countless examples of state fascist crackdown on descent, The Chicago Seven, The Panther 21, anti-war protestors in the ’60s, civil rights protestors, and now the Stop Cop City Movement. Joining me to talk about Cop City are my colleagues, Stephen Janis and Taya Graham. Welcome to Rattling The Bars.

    Stephen Janis:

    Thanks for having us.

    Taya Graham:

    Glad to be back.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah, I’m definitely glad to have you all back. Before we go into unpacking Cop City, let’s just give context to where we believe that this response is coming from. We had Rodney King.

    Taya Graham:

    Yes.

    Mansa Musa:

    We had Freddie Gray. We had George Floyd. We had multiple examples of people being killed by the police. And as a result of that, we had an outcry, a national outcry, worldwide outcry against police brutality and the taxes being used. And the cry, it came on a lot of level with police reform. I’ve got issues with reforming the police, but that’s what they came up with. We need to do something with divesting the police.

    And as a result of that, we see now the fastest response is to say, “Okay, we hear you. So, we’re going to do something and we’re going to meet your demands by creating a training mechanism for the police. And the training mechanism we’re going to create, we’re going to create this state-of-the-art facility. We’re going to create this training facility that’s going to be so magnificent that when the police come out, they’re going to be like Robocop.

    They’re going to be programmed to see the kitten in the tree, take it down. They’ll be programmed to see little kid girl crossing the street with the bicycles, stop the car. They’d be so sanitized that when people call for the police, they’re going to expect the police to come and do what they’re delegated to do.” That’s a myth.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    All right, let me say this here. Both of you all went down there and visited Cop City. So, educate our audience on, starting with you Janis, educate our audience on what is Cop City.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, before I talk about Cop City, I just want to say that we have this idea at the police accountability report that the idea that you can reform police so that police are no longer corrupt is an ill thought out idea. The idea that there’s this beautiful police, utopian police department that will do nothing but constitutionally enforce the law is looking at the problem in the wrong way because the police department only reflects the underlying values of community. And in this sense, in a sense we see in Baltimore made these cities, it reflects the massive wealth inequality and injustice that construct these communities.

    So, the idea to say there’s some magic solution, and when you look to Baltimore, and I think Taya has talked about this extensively, our consent decree, which we had in 2016 with the federal government has led to tens of millions of dollars spent on the police department, but nothing into the community. So, why do you think that’s going to help anything? So, that should be the first thing we say before we approach this idea of Cop City.

    Now in March, Taya and I traveled to Cop City. And we really were on the ground and looking at it. And I think Cop City, as you said, is an expression of this idea. And it’s sort of an extension of a lot of concepts that we’ll get into as we go on. But the main thing about it was that it was very interesting to see the synergy between corporate wealth, which is the Atlanta Police Foundation and the political might of the police. The two coincided in this lopsided neoliberal, I guess, you would call alliance, that wanted to further push the myth that you’re talking about.

    That somehow investing more money in police will make a community better. And the biggest part of that is when you look at Cop City taking this beautiful sort of very, I think, limited amount of force and tearing it down is I think emblematic of how corrupt that idea is essentially.

    Taya Graham:

    And let me describe for you a little bit, since we did go there in person what the Weelaunee Forest is like. So, there’s over 300 acres of this forest and it’s considered one of the four lungs of Atlanta. That is how important this forest is. So, its preservation is absolutely necessary because if you knock down, like they’re planning to 85 acres of the forest, it can contribute to soil erosion, which means there’s going to be more flooding. If you take down these trees, then you’re going to be limiting the amount of air pollution that can be dealt with as these trees are beautiful, natural carbon captures. They produce oxygen.

    And these trees are absolutely essential to keeping those neighborhoods as well as the city at of Atlanta cool and pleasant to be in. So, this is a beautiful forest that was originally deeded for the recreational use of the people that live in the unincorporated DeKalb County that surround it. And those are primarily Black working-class neighborhoods. It was supposed to be kept for their use, for their enjoyment, for their recreation.

    And instead, 85 acres is going to be raised to build this complex. Now, they’ve scaled back the complex a little bit. The Atlanta Public Safety Foundation originally planned to have this complex have demolitions, but now they’re only going to have firing ranges. They’re not going to do the demolitions anymore.

    Mansa Musa:

    We ain’t blowing it up. We’re going to shoot stuff.

    Taya Graham:

    We’re just going to shoot things. They’re going to have a nightclub. They’re going to have an apartment building. They’re going to have mock city streets. So, it does seem, I think, the residents have a genuine concern as to what type of training they’re going to be receiving there.

    Stephen Janis:

    And when we visited the neighborhoods surrounding it, you would see housing that was just in disrepair. And also, in Atlanta, we would see $750,000 condos rising, but an extreme shortage of affordable housing. So, they’re building apartments, they’re building a mock village, but they’re not building affordable housing for people in the city or helping people to repair the housing that they have. I think that’s a perfect sort of analogy or a metaphor for what this is really about.

    Mansa Musa:

    And it resonates your point when the whole design of the police is supposed to be to make the community safer and it should be a cohesion between the two. But in this regard, we see that, one, you’re taking an ecological nightmare to stop, one, and that mean the quality of life in that community is going to get worser.

    But more importantly, when you have a depressed environment, then it’s right for police brutality because now you can justify coming into the neighborhoods and saying, “Oh, well, if crime is running amuck,” yeah, you create such a depressed environment, where people don’t have no alternative and it’s not justification for criminal behavior, but it’s the reality of what you do to the poor and oppressed community.

    But going forward, okay, let’s look at how did this come about? Because you, Taya, was talking about, and this is really the insanity part about this whole thing with Atlanta. Because we was talking about when you look at Atlanta, okay, you look at Dr. King, you look at the civil rights movement, you look at everything that went on in Atlanta to get Atlanta to become what they call the Black Mecca with more like a Black mistake. In reality because you have the middle class, the liberal elitist middle class that’s in Atlanta that controlled the most political machinery. They weighed and they sided with this.

    So, where are you? So, how is the people being represented in this community?

    Stephen Janis:

    Go ahead.

    Taya Graham:

    Well, something I noticed is that there seems to be a divide between the old guard of Black civil rights activists who eventually moved into positions of leadership in Atlanta and the new younger generation of activists. The old Black civil rights folks, the NAACP, other activists, other leaders in positions of power, they’ve remained notably silent or have actually cosigned onto this project.

    Whereas the younger generation of activists are pushing back and asking their elders, why aren’t they stepping forward? Why are they allowing this to happen? Ninety million dollars is going to be invested into this. And as Stephen rightly pointed out, there’s a need for affordable housing. How were they able to raise $90 million? Well, I can tell you.

    Home Depot put their money in. Delta Airlines put their money in. Merrill Lynch put their money in. Inspire Brands, which is actually parent company for Dunkin’ Donuts. And I won’t make a joke about cops and donuts. But Coca-Cola, it’s like a who’s who of corporate America.

    Mansa Musa:

    Corporate America.

    Taya Graham:

    And I think it so clearly shows something that many people have discussed, which there is a line between what police do that they … Police are primarily protectors of private property and capital interests.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Taya Graham:

    And I think this is so clear that money is being poured into a project to further the police’s ability to protect private capital as opposed to genuinely public safety.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, as we were talking about before, this is kind of the culmination of the neoliberal crisis that started years ago. And one of the ideas of neoliberalism that I think is often misunderstood with regards to the police is the fact that neoliberalism is supposed to be the idea that it’s disband government programs because the private market can solve the problems. But what it is in reality is that private capital ask government to actually ensure their profits.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Stephen Janis:

    And that’s different about it. Like in Baltimore here, we have developers who use the government to subsidize and ensure their profits. And so, what happens when you do that is a tremendous imbalance of wealth and a tremendously destructive political economy. And the only way that you can keep that and I think sort of tap down on the uprising about the unfairness is to use policing.

    And the best way to mythologize policing is to invest in things symbolically like Cop City, where you’re saying, “Look what we’re doing. We’re building this beautiful.” And I think partly, it was interesting because people mentioned to us that this was called so-called the Atlanta way, where they kind of get together with the powers that be and the neoliberal, I don’t know what to call them, tools. And they conjure this vision that somehow investing in public safety is going to somehow improve the underlying condition just isn’t true.

    Neoliberalism has caused an historic income inequality and building Cop City is not going to create safety. Building affordable housing might.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right. And that’s really what’s going-

    Stephen Janis:

    And it’s a mythology that continues. It continues to stay.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. It definitely continues because the reality is that if you give people jobs, if you give people housing and you give people quality education-

    Stephen Janis:

    Without lead in it.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah, without lead in it, you get people holistic food, you invest in people, then you don’t need the police because people going to take care of themselves. But going back, looking at some of the things that’s going on in Atlanta, and really, I found just outrageous is we talking about a place where at one point in time, the police was literally, people were so fearful of the police and terrorized them that they wouldn’t even come out their house that night before because of Jim Crow.

    And now we have a situation where you actually because of corporate America and corporate America lying in your pockets and corporate America investing in your campaign and corporate America ensuring that you stay in this seat of so-called power to continue to do the building of capitalists that now you turn a blind eye to the reality that you are encouraging a military industrial complex style police department to police your community because they’re not going to police the more affluent. They don’t have to police the more affluent. They’re going to be the barricade between the affluent community and the poor and oppressed community.

    Taya Graham:

    When you said that, that made me think of the reaction, because this is something that Atlanta residents pointed out to us. In 2020, when Rayshard Brooks was brutalized by the police, there was an uprising in Atlanta. And I think the people at the time, the politicians, the people in power, the corporations, Coca-Cola, Home Depot, Wells Fargo, all those folks who are funding this project, they got very scared. They very much wanted to protect their investment, their capital. And that’s one of the reasons why they’re turning to this public safety complex.

    And I think one of the things that people don’t often mention is that in the area around Weelaunee Forest, that Black working-class area, that’s unincorporated DeKalb County. They have no representation on that city council that is voting for Cop City.

    Stephen Janis:

    That has voted continually.

    Taya Graham:

    So, they literally have no other choice than to go out in the street and protest and to hold signs. They have no other way of expressing their voice. They are literally disenfranchised when it comes to this project.

    Mansa Musa:

    And that was strategic because like you said, if they go in an area where it’s not incorporated, then they don’t have to worry about the pretense, the politicians don’t have to worry about the pretense of being concerned or coming forward and reading all the script. “Yeah, we’re going see about, we’re going to investigate.” They don’t have to come up with that. They can just say like, “Well, hey, it’s business as usual.”

    But okay, let’s talk about the indictment of the 60 people under RICO. Now, this is here is probably the most ominous thing I’ve seen agree in terms of the utilization of the criminal justice system. And George Jackson say, “It’s the institution that’s the threat.” And he was specifically talking about the criminal justice system, where you take an act, RICK Act and primary responsible for where it’s really a catchall.

    Stephen Janis:

    It is.

    Mansa Musa:

    We could get charged with RICO right now.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yes, we could.

    Mansa Musa:

    And we say the wrong thing.

    Stephen Janis:

    Absolutely.

    Mansa Musa:

    And somebody say, “Oh, yeah, well, they was talking about blowing up something.” And we could get y’all with RICO and be find ourselves in front of federal grand jury trying to rationalize why our freedom of speech should be recognized. Okay, how did this come about?

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah, I mean, I think as Taya was talking about, there was a tremendous fear in the neoliberal coalition that she discussed with corporations and police, especially because they actually mentioned Rayshard Brooks, who was a man who was killed by police after falling asleep in a drive-thru line in a restaurant. So, I think there was tremendous fear after that. And they kind of got together and they saw these groups, these grassroots groups rising up. What are we going to do about them? How are we going to completely, I think, destroy the ability to protest?

    Because this indictment is one of the most scary things, and I’ve been covering the criminal justice for 20 years, that I’ve ever read. This thing is insane. I mean, they do stuff like say they had letter writing campaigns. They argued the First Amendment. They gave people numbers to call when they were in jail, things that are all supposed to be fundamentally protected. And they indicted people for it. They indicted people for it. And the preamble is like an introduction. I guess, they’d have a little waxing philosophic on anarchism.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh, my gosh. They had three pages describing anarchism. They talked about collectivism, mutual aid, sacrificing individual needs for the collective good. I’m reading this.

    Stephen Janis:

    All of it sounds really attractive to me.

    Taya Graham:

    I was going to say, they’re making anarchism sound pretty great. But if it wasn’t so tragic what they were doing, I would have to laugh. They talked about handing out flyers as part of the criminal conspiracy.

    Stephen Janis:

    They talked about zines, zines.

    Taya Graham:

    Making zines, the little-

    Stephen Janis:

    Pamphlets.

    Taya Graham:

    … photocopy. You put a staple in the middle that you hand out, maybe you give them out to 20 or 30 people. They’re talking about zines as being part of being a conspiracy. And just to also add to this, they’ve also used domestic terrorism charges and weaponized it against the protesters. And one of the most tragic things about the use of the domestic terrorism charges is that originally, the law changing the exact meaning of domestic terrorism charges was done in order to ensure that Dylann Roof, who massacred those people would be able to be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.

    And at the time, an elected official went on record and said, “You know what? Broadening the definition of domestic terrorism may seem like a good thing right now, but this could be weaponized against activists. In particular, it could be weaponized against folks in the Black Lives Matter Movement.” And what do we see right now? It’s being weaponized against activists. It’s being weaponized against people who are using their freedom of speech and people who are involved in anti-racist and anti-police brutality movement.

    Stephen Janis:

    I mean, this is like, Instead of relying on a modicum of government structure, anarchy relies on human association instead of government to fulfill all human needs. I mean, is that supposed to be an indictment of something?

    Mansa Musa:

    What is that?

    Stephen Janis:

    The community is going to rely upon itself to have its own power? I mean, it’s basically saying that the power only lies with us and not with you.

    Mansa Musa:

    And to y’all point, when you’re taking the weaponize, now you’re weaponizing just civil disobedience.

    Stephen Janis:

    Exactly, the basics.

    Mansa Musa:

    But more importantly, you’re weaponizing, you’re saying that anybody that has a problem with an unpopular policy or procedure, depending on how they … Anything other than saying nothing.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah.

    Taya Graham:

    Right.

    Mansa Musa:

    Because if you say anything, if this get by, this watch, if this get by, then this becomes the template for all social disobedience. And to go back to your point, Janis, mainly when we look at Black Lives Matter, when we look at any type of protest, I’m going to give you a good example of how they could have used it and the kids at Sandy Hook. Because remember when 300,000 kids came to Washington, they said that because about the gun laws and it was 300 kids, juvenile, I mean young kids.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yes, it could have.

    Mansa Musa:

    But they could turn around and say, “Oh, no, this is anarchy. We’re going to indict them on the RICO for coming out talking about the NRA.” That’s how services-

    Stephen Janis:

    And I mean, even more absurd. We speak people from the Atlanta Bail Fund, who they also indicted for money laundering. The amount, total amount of question is $6,000.

    Taya Graham:

    Just $6,000. It was absolutely absurd. And can I just add?

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah, go ahead.

    Taya Graham:

    Very specifically, this money laundering that they accused and we spoke to [inaudible 00:20:09].

    Stephen Janis:

    We spoke to it.

    Taya Graham:

    … of the Atlanta Bail Solidarity Foundation. So, what they do is that if you are exercising your right to free speech, you’re at a protest-

    Stephen Janis:

    And you get arrested.

    Taya Graham:

    … and you get arrested, you can call them and they will help raise money to get you out.

    Stephen Janis:

    And you write your number.

    Taya Graham:

    But they criminalized, they put this in the charges that if you wrote their number on your arm so that you could call them later to be bailed out, that was considered part of a criminal conspiracy. And that’s $6,000 that Stephen mentioned, that money that was part of the money laundering, that was money that was for gas, flyers, printing media, yard signs. That’s the money laundering they’re talking about. I have never seen charges so trumped up in my life.

    Stephen Janis:

    It’s insane.

    Mansa Musa:

    I’m going to give you one. I’m going to give you where the real money laundering is. The real money laundering is the fact that you’re spending all this money from the state’s [inaudible 00:20:59] to prosecute people on these bogus charges.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh, thank you.

    Mansa Musa:

    Because all the money that you spent, all this money … I remember Susan McDougal, when Kenneth Starr went at her and all that money he spent on keeping her locked up, the amount of money that was spent on that, they could have built houses for everybody in the goddamn country. But it’s the same thing here. You spending all this money to justify this insanity that you call justice and that you could spend the same money on medical schools, safer communities in the sense of providing more housing, which would create a safer environment, people more investing it. Jobs.

    You could spend this money on this, but instead you’re going to spend some money on saying you’re going to criminalize somebody for saying, “Oh, somebody going to bail me out. I can’t remember their number, so I’m going to write that number on my arm. Or I’m going to have that number in my pocket. Where have I had that number at? Or right here. Somebody call this number right here. So, all y’all in the conspiracy because y’all conspiring to do what? To get out?”

    Taya Graham:

    Exactly, exactly.

    Stephen Janis:

    The one thing we could say about this is that it must be what they have done, what the activists in Atlanta have done has put so much fear in the criminal justice system, in the neoliberal system that they must feel like they have to squash it out to nothing. Because honestly, they have put a mirror on the ugliness of what Cop City really is and the ugliness of the idea that underlines it. And we went down there. When we were down there, we actually saw quite tragically the aftermath of after police had a military organization gone in and just thrown people out. But it was just, like there was a campfire. There were signs.

    Taya Graham:

    And there were tents. There was a treehouse. And you could tell that this was a place that there were families had been there, that people-

    Stephen Janis:

    It was a community.

    Taya Graham:

    Yeah.

    Stephen Janis:

    It was a community of people with mutual concern.

    Taya Graham:

    The people had been enjoying the space and it had just been utterly destroyed. The only thing that was left was a memorial to Manny Teran, La Tortuguita.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay, right, the one they killed.

    Taya Graham:

    Yeah. That was left to them. But it was really quite sad.

    Stephen Janis:

    But it was humble. Do you know what I mean? It was humble.

    Mansa Musa:

    I already know. And as I’m sitting back thinking about it, because what they did or what they’re doing, like you say, it’s no longer about Cop City. See the narrative shifting. It’s no longer about Cop City. It’s about these anarchists, these saboteurs, these agent provocateurs that’s coming down there to destroy the city. But me and you was talking about this earlier, Taya, when you look at the list of people that they indicted, it’s like the who’s who don’t live around in Georgia. It’s the who’s who, where you live at. I don’t live in Georgia.

    You know what? And this is a classic southern tactic. And back during civil rights era, this was a classic southern tactic that they used the outsiders coming down here to start trouble and the bus boy, the buses coming down here to start trouble. So, this is they going back to that narrative like, “Oh, outsiders coming down here because the people of Atlanta don’t have no problem with this because it’s for the people of Atlanta. So, why would you have a problem if you’re not going to be down here? Y’all mad because we’re going to have a safe police place.”

    Taya Graham:

    I’m so glad you pointed that out because that is exactly the narrative that was fed to the mainstream media, especially when the first charges came out of the domestic terrorism charges, which happened at the Weelaunee Forest Music Festival. There were 33 people charged. Thirty-one of them were from outside of Georgia. And they highlighted every state. I think there was one that was actually from outside the United States. Every single state that they were from, and only two people from Georgia were actually charged with domestic terrorism.

    And I was thinking to myself, that’s very purposeful because the people I spoke with said there were plenty of Georgia residents there. And it was very much to create a narrative that these are outside agitators, that our people here in the community are fine with this and these people are coming in and stirring our good folk up. That’s exactly what I got from that.

    Stephen Janis:

    I mean, unfortunately for them, the constitution applies no matter what state you’re in. Technically. I don’t even know why that’s an issue.

    Taya Graham:

    That’s right.

    Mansa Musa:

    Something else that’s problematic about this because we recognize that when we had protests and occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, the war in Vietnam, when people protest, they came from all over the world to express solidarity with this issue. Now, you’re scaring people off by saying, “If you come down to Georgia, you cross the state. Now, we’re going to find some draconian law to say you transporting ill thoughts to bring into Georgia to create a problem for the Georgian citizens. Therefore, we’re going to charge you up under RICO or we’re going to charge you with conspiracy, or we’re going to charge you with everything but a homicide.”

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah. I mean, I really think that the idea here is to really, it’s not just about crushing descent. It is affirming the idea that descent is somehow more destabilizing than the economic system they created, right?

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right. That’s right.

    Stephen Janis:

    That, oh, my god, the real threat is about 20 kids sitting around a campfire, not Delta Airlines and Coca-Cola destroying the environment, destroying the world we live in. That’s not the threat. The threat is the kids that created little, like you said-

    Taya Graham:

    Little treehouse.

    Stephen Janis:

    … treehouses and sat inside a forest. That’s the real threat. And that’s the whole point of this is to somehow conjure this. It’s like the last gas with the neoliberal sort of violence that we see.

    Taya Graham:

    And I would just add to that, one of the things that I noticed in that incredibly lengthy indictment was how they kept on talking about solidarity and mutual aid as if it was some kind of evil. And like you were talking about, people from all over the world came to participate in our protests in this country during a variety of civil rights movements. So, why is it a crime to receive support, help brotherhood and aid from other people who, let’s say, don’t absolutely live in your city or aren’t directly impacted by the crisis that’s occurring in your community? Why is it a crime to receive support from others?

    Stephen Janis:

    Because neoliberal capitalism is inherently divisive. And any community that erupts as an abeyance to it becomes a threat.

    Mansa Musa:

    And that’s really the threat. Because if this was existed back during the times of the abolitionist slavery that everybody, that all abolitionists would’ve been charged with the RICO.

    Taya Graham:

    You’re so right.

    Stephen Janis:

    Oh, my god, yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    This was everybody-

    Taya Graham:

    Everyone in the underground railroad.

    Mansa Musa:

    Everybody in the underground railroad would’ve been charged with conspiracy to disrupt capitalism. And at the end of the day, that’s what really, like you say, Janis, that’s the problem. The problem is not civil disobedience. The problem is that the capitalism and fascism and oppression, that creates an environment for police to run them up because they’re the occupying force in the community.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, we’ve seen in Baltimore, the community was economically destabilized by deindustrialization and what do they do, but send in militarized policing to solve the problem. I mean, it’s really strange about it for me as a person who’s not necessarily a capitalist, capitalists supposed to be more efficient with money. Well, if we had just invested in the community, we wouldn’t need all these damn police. And I think that’s what they’re trying to say in Cop City is, “If you take that $90 million and put it into us, we will show you what we can do as a community.”

    Mansa Musa:

    Yup. And remember in this conversation about the police and getting them out of the community and just getting them away from us was to invest in the community, in the form of bringing social workers in, bringing mental health agencies, to bring people into the community to help the community get stronger as opposed to bringing the police and limited amount of police that you have. But now, they then shifted the narrative. It’s not even about the police no more now.

    Stephen Janis:

    No.

    Mansa Musa:

    And unless we can get back on the subject matter of what’s really going on down there, it’s going to be about these 60 people.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah.

    Taya Graham:

    Something that I think we really found in having this conversation is that it’s highlighted what a threat our solidarity is, what a threat that is to our government. And that’s actually really shameful that human beings coming together in mutual aid and support of each other is considered a threat.

    And something that we tried to point out to people when we did our reporting on Cop City is you may think this is a problem in Atlanta and in Georgia, and you think this isn’t going to be a problem for you. Well, we know for a fact because this is part of their advertisement materials for the training facility that roughly 40% of the police officers that are going to be trained at Cop City are going to be from outside of Georgia. They’re planning on training police officers and sheriffs from all around the country.

    Mansa Musa:

    They can do that, but people can’t come down there in solidarity. And Angela Davis made that in her book if they come in the morning, say, “They come for me in the morning, they’ll come for you tonight.”

    Taya Graham:

    Absolutely.

    Mansa Musa:

    As we close out, how do people get access to the indictment and how do they get access to some more information on cops?

    Stephen Janis:

    Just Google Georgia Bureau of Investigation and press release for indictment or the Georgia State’s Attorney General website has it, posted a link to it. Honestly, I don’t usually tell people to read indictments. And there’s this idea of a speaking indictment versus just a very basic indictment. Well, this is a blueprint indictment where it’s like this is a blueprint to suppress all human descent. It’s anti-humanist in its essence. Because if we can’t have solidarity amongst ourselves, if we can’t have community coalesce around an idea that we don’t like, then it’s game over.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah, it’s game over.

    Stephen Janis:

    It’s game over.

    Mansa Musa:

    This is 1983 in its lowest form.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah.

    Taya Graham:

    And you know what? Stephen made an excellent suggestion for everyone to read this indictment-

    Stephen Janis:

    I strongly suggest it.

    Taya Graham:

    … because it’s a blueprint. Also, Cop City itself is a blueprint because we’re looking in our city, Baltimore, right now at our own Cop City being built at a historic Black university at Coppin State, we’re looking at possibly a $330 million police training center being built in my city. So, if you think Cop City can’t come to you…

    Mansa Musa:

    And as we close on this note, that really sickens me because you saying an HBCU, and the amount of money, they kick back to them, that’s automatically going like, “Oh, okay, well, we’re going to look that way.” As opposed to investing that money. You don’t need to really look farther when investing. You can ride up any street and see the abandonminiums in the city.

    Taya Graham:

    Yes.

    Mansa Musa:

    And so, if you want to stop on any block and say, “Well, I’m going to invest $100,000 in this block, or $200,000 in this block, $400,000 in this block,” the whole city be revitalized, unified, and you won’t need the police because people be invested in the community. Thank y’all for joining me on this conversation.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah. Thank you for having us.

    Taya Graham:

    Thank you for having us back.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. And I like having y’all back because it’s important. One thing on the ground, y’all, all things about exposing police and corruption when it comes to that particular institution, and we need people really to recognize that we’re not talking about Cop City. We’re not talking about cop and state Cop City. We’re talking about a system of fascism and oppression that breeds conditions for people to be subjugated and dehumanized. And then, the response to that dehumanization, when they seek the self-determination, the response is to build a Cop City, to militarize the police. Thank you for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:

    Thanks so much.

    Mansa Musa:

    We continue to ask you to continue to support Rattling The Bars and The Real News. It’s only on Rattling The Bars and The Real News that you get this cutting edge journalism, this cutting edge investigation from both Janis and Taya. They’re always in the space, always exposing the injustice, always exposing those things that are problematic with this country.

    And it’s only from Rattling The Bars and The Real News you’ll get this kind of information. You’re not going to get this type of information on main media. You’re not going to get this type of information on major networks. You’re only going to get it on Rattling The Bars. You’re only going to get it on The Real News because guess what? We are really the news. Thank you.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The cop watching movement has proliferated in the last decade as more and more video evidence of routine police abuse has surfaced online. Several states are making an attempt to fight back with new laws restricting the practice. In Indiana, the state legislature recently passed HEA 1186—a new bill that prevents cop watchers from filming within 25 feet of a police officer. Police have wasted no time in abusing the law to intimidate and repress cop watchers, as newly released footage from a crime scene in South Bend demonstrates. Police Accountability Report investigates the push by states and police departments to crack down on cop watchers and foil attempts to hold the police accountable.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis, Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose, holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today, we will achieve that goal by showing you this video that reveals just how easy it is to abuse the immense power we confer on police. That’s because, as you will see, cops not only stop two men for walking down a street without any probable cause. But after it was clear there was no evidence to sustain the stop, the police on the scene tried to put the blame for their overreach on the people they detained and harassed.

    But before we get started, I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com. Or you can reach out to me directly at Taya’s Baltimore on Facebook or Twitter, and we might be able to investigate for you. And please like, share and comment on our videos. It does help us get the word out and it can even help our guests. And of course, you know I read your comments and appreciate them. You see those little hearts I give out down there. And we also have a Patreon called Accountability Reports. So if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated. All right. We’ve gotten that out of the way.

    Now, as I’ve discussed on this show before, police power is both extraordinary and unusual. Extraordinary in that it’s been allowed to erode our constitutional rights under the pretext of law and order for decades. Unusual because that erosion has led to an undemocratic pathos, and it’s crept into American society in ways that are often unnoticed and unacknowledged. And nothing exemplifies this dual threat to our rights than the video I am showing you right now. It depicts a random stop by police of two men walking peacefully on a public sidewalk. But it’s what happened once police realized they had been caught in a classic case of overreach that shows us, not tells us, how the law enforcement industrial complex has become comfortable with the idea that our rights don’t matter, especially if exercising your rights impedes their power and exposes how they abuse it.

    The story starts in Nappanee, Indiana. There, Donald Nicodemus, otherwise and somewhat ironically known as Freedom2Film, was walking down a public street with a friend. Both, of course, were carrying cell phone cameras, but they were also apparently doing something else that was far more insidious. Let’s watch as a Nappanee officer confronts them.

    Officer 1:

    Hey, guys. Stop. Both of you, stop.

    Speaker 3:

    Is that a lawful order?

    Freedom2Film:

    Is that a lawful order?

    Officer 1:

    Huh?

    Freedom2Film:

    Is that a lawful order?

    Speaker 3:

    Is that a lawful order? Don’t blind my camera. Is that a lawful order?

    Officer 1:

    That’s fine. I just want to see what you guys are up to.

    Speaker 3:

    Well, what are you up to? What’s your name and badge number?

    Freedom2Film:

    What are you up to?

    Officer 1:

    I’m Officer [inaudible 00:03:03], 843 with the Nappanee Police Department.

    Speaker 3:

    Well, I don’t answer questions. Thank you very much. Have a nice day.

    Freedom2Film:

    Why’d you stop us?

    Officer 1:

    I saw you guys hanging out by the gas station.

    Speaker 3:

    Why would you stop somebody-

    Freedom2Film:

    Why’d you stop us?

    Speaker 3:

    … from moving about freely, unimpeded for no reason?

    Officer 1:

    Because it’s the middle of the night.

    Freedom2Film:

    So what?

    Officer 1:

    I saw you guys up under here.

    Speaker 3:

    So what?

    Freedom2Film:

    Are we suspected of doing something?

    Officer 1:

    Because I saw you guys with backpacks on. You were standing [inaudible 00:03:26]-

    Freedom2Film:

    Oh, because we had backpacks on?

    Officer 1:

    The business is closed. It’s private property.

    Freedom2Film:

    We’re walking down an easement.

    Speaker 3:

    This is an easement.

    Officer 1:

    You are now. I came back by. You guys were right here. I’m just seeing-

    Freedom2Film:

    This is still an easement.

    Speaker 3:

    It’s still an easement.

    Freedom2Film:

    You see those utility poles?

    Officer 1:

    I do.

    Speaker 3:

    Where’s your supervisor at?

    Officer 1:

    He’s actually working with me.

    Speaker 3:

    Get him down here.

    Freedom2Film:

    Get him down here.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, it’s worth noting that the sidewalk is practically the last vestige of our First Amendment rights. It’s like an oasis of freedom that has yet to be sullied by the government or otherwise fully encroached upon. That’s because American law enforcement has taken an increasingly aggressive posture towards filming them while performing their official duties. Meaning if you’re on the road or a street, you are blocking traffic. Or if you’re at a public office or facility, you’re prohibited from filming, regardless. So that leaves the sidewalk as the sole geography where filming anything is expressly protected and it’s in the freedom to film zone where officers continued to harass him. Take a look.

    Officer 1:

    He’s right here if you want to talk to him.

    Freedom2Film:

    Oh, absolutely.

    Speaker 3:

    Sure. Don’t impede traffic. Pull in so he can …

    Officer 1:

    This business is closed.

    Freedom2Film:

    We were on an easement.

    Speaker 3:

    Is the city closed?

    Officer 1:

    No, you said I was impeding traffic.

    Speaker 3:

    No, he’s impeding traffic.

    Officer 1:

    Oh.

    Speaker 3:

    You might want to turn your lights on.

    Officer 1:

    He’s got his emergency lights on.

    Officer 2:

    My lights are on.

    Speaker 3:

    What’s your name and badge number?

    Officer 1:

    These guys want to talk to my supervisor.

    Officer 2:

    What’s up?

    Speaker 3:

    What’s your name and badge number?

    Freedom2Film:

    We’re wondering the same thing.

    Officer 2:

    Officer Johnson, 840. Why? What’s up?

    Freedom2Film:

    We were ordered to stop when we were-

    Speaker 3:

    We were ordered to stop unlawfully.

    Freedom2Film:

    … freely traveling down the-

    Officer 2:

    What do you mean unlawfully?

    Speaker 3:

    Do you know what moving about freely unimpeded means?

    Officer 2:

    Are you walking on the sidewalk?

    Speaker 3:

    Reasonable [inaudible 00:05:02] suspicion.

    Officer 2:

    Where were you when this officer approached you?

    Officer 1:

    This is a [inaudible 00:05:05].

    Freedom2Film:

    We were on the sidewalk.

    Speaker 3:

    We were on a sidewalk.

    Officer 2:

    Then go.

    Freedom2Film:

    No, he told us to stop.

    Officer 2:

    So you’re not going now?

    Speaker 3:

    So are you the supervisor-

    Freedom2Film:

    Stop means-

    Officer 2:

    I am.

    Speaker 3:

    … or are you just his [inaudible 00:05:15] buddy?

    Officer 2:

    I’m the supervisor.

    Speaker 3:

    Okay. Well, he said that-

    Officer 2:

    So you’re free to go.

    Freedom2Film:

    Well, he said stop so …

    Officer 1:

    I said stop. I asked who you were.

    Freedom2Film:

    … if we were to keep going, we would probably be hemmed up for resisting.

    Taya Graham:

    But it turns out Freedom2Film was prepared to push back, which is exactly what he did as the officers continued to question him, queries that turned to accusations as the encounter unfolded. Take a look.

    Officer 2:

    Okay, are you guys … I’m assuming with all the cameras, you’re just out here trying to bait officers.

    Freedom2Film:

    No. No. We ain’t baiting nothing. We’re walking down the street.

    Speaker 3:

    Is that an inflammatory statement?

    Officer 2:

    No, it is not.

    Speaker 3:

    Baiting? By walking down the road?

    Officer 2:

    Okay, you guys can go.

    Officer 1:

    So here’s the thing-

    Freedom2Film:

    Well, we were going to go. I don’t have a problem with that.

    Officer 1:

    [inaudible 00:05:58] so you were standing-

    Freedom2Film:

    What’s your name, Johnson?

    Officer 1:

    … at the gas station.

    Freedom2Film:

    What’s your badge number, Johnson? What’s your badge number?

    Officer 2:

    Okay, you guys are free to go.

    Freedom2Film:

    What’s your badge number?

    Officer 2:

    Okay, if you’re going to [inaudible 00:06:11].

    Freedom2Film:

    No-

    Officer 2:

    This is [inaudible 00:06:12].

    Freedom2Film:

    I want to know your badge number.

    Officer 2:

    Now, it’s a lawful order for you guys to go.

    Freedom2Film:

    We don’t have to go nowhere. We’re on a public sidewalk.

    Speaker 3:

    We’re on a public sidewalk.

    Officer 2:

    Go.

    Freedom2Film:

    We don’t have to go.

    Officer 2:

    Okay. Do you know what provocation is?

    Freedom2Film:

    What’s that?

    Officer 2:

    Provocation is willingly and knowingly and intentionally coming out in a confrontational state to incite violence.

    Freedom2Film:

    I just asked for your badge number.

    Officer 2:

    Huh?

    Officer 1:

    I think your ignorance of the law is [inaudible 00:06:31].

    Freedom2Film:

    I asked for your badge number.

    Officer 2:

    Where’d you get your law degree? Where’d you get your law degree?

    Speaker 3:

    [inaudible 00:06:40].

    Officer 2:

    Where’d you get your law degree?

    Speaker 3:

    I don’t answer questions.

    Officer 2:

    Okay, then go.

    Taya Graham:

    And finally, faced with the absurdity of the intrusion on the rights of both men to walk unimpeded through their community, something unexpected but revealing happened. An admission by the officer that I think speaks to the reason every citizen should have the right to film them. Just watch.

    Officer 1:

    You guys are free to go.

    Freedom2Film:

    We’re on a public sidewalk.

    Speaker 3:

    You’re free to go too.

    Officer 1:

    I’m here all night. You don’t tell me what to do.

    Officer 2:

    I get paid the same whether I stand right here-

    Freedom2Film:

    Well, you told us what to do.

    Officer 2:

    I can stand here all night.

    Speaker 3:

    All right.

    Officer 1:

    Well, when you’re standing under that gas station-

    Freedom2Film:

    You said because we had backpacks on.

    Officer 1:

    I come back by and you’re walking away, it looks a little suspicious so I-

    Freedom2Film:

    Is suspicious a crime?

    Officer 1:

    And then when I said, “Hey, stop,” and you continued to walk?

    Freedom2Film:

    Because we didn’t feel like we had to stop.

    Officer 1:

    That makes me think something else.

    Officer 2:

    So you saw them walking behind the building?

    Freedom2Film:

    We were-

    Officer 1:

    No, they were-

    Freedom2Film:

    We got all this on camera, man.

    Officer 1:

    … standing up under the Speedway [inaudible 00:07:32] right here.

    Officer 2:

    I don’t care. Okay, you guys are free to go.

    Freedom2Film:

    We’re free to stay too. You’re not.

    Officer 1:

    You don’t tell us when to leave. You are free to go from this spot right here.

    Freedom2Film:

    Free to go. Free to stay.

    Speaker 3:

    We’re free to stay.

    Officer 1:

    Okay, whatever.

    Freedom2Film:

    We’re on a public sidewalk.

    Officer 1:

    I don’t know what you’re trying to prove here.

    Freedom2Film:

    Well, we’re trying to prove that people get harassed for doing no crimes in this country every day of the week-

    Officer 2:

    You guys watch way too much YouTube. That’s all I got to say. You guys watch way too much YouTube where I can assume all these videos are going to be found. So you’re free to go.

    Freedom2Film:

    So are you.

    Officer 2:

    I’m going to enjoy the rest of my night.

    Speaker 3:

    Okay. I’m doing my job. So you stay over there. This is a completely different incident.

    Officer 1:

    And remember the 25-foot wall.

    Freedom2Film:

    Yeah, remember the 25-foot wall. Remember that name too.

    Officer 2:

    Remember the name. Why?

    Freedom2Film:

    Remember that name.

    Officer 2:

    Why?

    Freedom2Film:

    Remember that name.

    Officer 2:

    Why?

    Freedom2Film:

    Remember it.

    Officer 2:

    Do you want to get an intimidation charge?

    Freedom2Film:

    No. You just brought up the 25-foot law. I’m saying remember that name.

    Officer 2:

    Do you know the 25-foot law?

    Freedom2Film:

    I do.

    Officer 2:

    What is it?

    Freedom2Film:

    Anybody that encroaches within 25 feet of an officer during a scene or something.

    Officer 2:

    Okay.

    Freedom2Film:

    Yeah. So I’m just saying remember that name. Remember it.

    Officer 2:

    Remember the name?

    Freedom2Film:

    Yep.

    Officer 1:

    If you know the 25-foot rule, I suggest you stay on your side of the road.

    Freedom2Film:

    All right. So he’s running my ID because I crossed the street.

    Officer 1:

    What’s that?

    Freedom2Film:

    He’s running my name because I crossed the street.

    Officer 1:

    Yeah, you didn’t use the crosswalk.

    Freedom2Film:

    Do you guys know what the statute is in Indiana?

    Officer 1:

    Do you know what the statute is?

    Freedom2Film:

    Yeah, I do. If you cross outside a crosswalk, you yield to the traffic. There was no traffic. I crossed the street.

    Officer 2:

    [inaudible 00:09:16] okay, his driver’s license, whatever it is.

    Freedom2Film:

    Oh, he’s giving me a ticket.

    Officer 2:

    I am giving you a ticket. Failure to use the sidewalk or crosswalk when available.

    Taya Graham:

    Now it turns out there is more behind Freedom2Film’s encounter with Indiana police than meets the eye. That’s because the state has recently passed a law to crack down on filming police, a move that he is fighting with his camera and in the courts. And for more on those efforts and what he’s doing, we will be speaking to him later.

    But first I’m joined by my reporting partner, Stephen Janis, who’s been looking into the case and reaching out to the police. Stephen, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    So, first, what are police saying about this encounter? How are they justifying it?

    Stephen Janis:

    I’ll tell you. I reached out to the Nappanee Indiana Police Department. I sent them a message through their Facebook page. I have not heard back but my main question was how do you explain what the officers were doing? Why were they interfering with someone’s right to peaceably assemble and move up and down a sidewalk? So far they haven’t responded but, if they do, I will put something in the chat and let people know what happened.

    Taya Graham:

    So can you explain this law in Indiana that’s supposed to limit cop watching? What is it intended to do and how is it actually being implemented?

    Stephen Janis:

    So, Taya, as you can see, this is absolutely ridiculous. This police officer could literally push him into a nearby state towards Chicago or something. I don’t know. It’s crazy. So that’s why the ACLU is challenging this because it’s arbitrary. And we know when police have access to arbitrary power, things go south quickly. So it’s an absurd law.

    Taya Graham:

    So what are your thoughts on this push to make cop watching basically illegal? What do you think is going on and what will be the long-term ramifications?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, I think what we’re seeing here is a power dynamic between citizens and their rights and the police department’s ability to abuse them. And why I think it’s important is because they’re not going to enforce this kind of law against the mainstream media. Who they’re worried about are the regular citizens picking up their cameras and saying, “We’re going to hold you accountable in ways you never anticipated.” I think that’s what this is about because really in some ways it’s like asymmetrical warfare. When people just come out with cameras and their YouTube channels, they cover police in a different way, I think a much more accountable way. I think the mainstream media kind of works with police in many ways that cop watchers don’t. And this is about really I think pushing back against cop watchers, not about the rest of the mainstream media and the people who work for big media organizations with lots of money. This is about pushing back on fundamental freedoms of a citizen to go out and record. And really we need to fight back against it.

    Taya Graham:

    And now to delve deeper into the anti-cop watching law, his work as a First Amendment auditor and what he has learned from numerous encounters with police, I’m joined by Freedom2Film. Donald, thank you so much for joining me.

    Freedom2Film:

    Thank you for having me, Taya.

    Taya Graham:

    So you seem to have been cop watching earlier that evening and were walking with a friend down a public sidewalk and an officer approached you. What happened next?

    Freedom2Film:

    He told us to stop. He directed us to stop and we turned around and approached him and asked him if that was a lawful order.

    Taya Graham:

    So you asked for a supervisor, but his arrival only seemed to make the situation worse. How did he approach you and can you tell me what he said?

    Freedom2Film:

    He approached with kind of an attitude. Once he realized that we were recording, he then stated that he felt like we were baiting them, and my partner asked him if that was an inflammatory statement.

    Taya Graham:

    So it’s interesting that he mentioned the word inflammatory because you were accused of provocation by the supervisor. However, the first officer initiated the stop, but the second referenced your cameras as part of the provocation. What was he referring to here?

    Freedom2Film:

    I believe he meant because I had raised my voice to him. I was requesting his name and badge number and he didn’t answer me the first one or two times I asked. So I raised my voice and then he brought up the term of provocation and I asked him, “How is requesting your name and badge number provocation?” And then he started to define what provocation meant. And for just requesting someone’s information, it’s hard to believe that they could try to use that against you.

    Taya Graham:

    So the officer asked you or the gentleman with you, where did you get your law degree. Do you think he was hoping that you didn’t know your rights to the letter? I mean what do you think he meant by that statement?

    Freedom2Film:

    I believe he was just trying to poke fun at us because a lot of police make statements about YouTube law degrees or people that watch the videos and stuff. So it’s funny to them. I’ve never claimed to have a law degree. I just look things up and learn things to apply to whatever situation I’m facing filming police in the course of their duties.

    Taya Graham:

    So I thought it was interesting when the officer said you were free to go and you said you were free to stay and the officers seemed very displeased by that response, but your encounter didn’t end there. The officers went to confer and then immediately approached you again and it seemed they forced a situation where they could demand your ID. What happened next?

    Freedom2Film:

    First off, we were told that we were stopped originally when this encounter first began because we were seen walking through a private parking lot of a private business that was closed. Okay, so after the supervisor we requested came and we had our discussion with them, they left the scene and immediately went across the street to a private parking lot of a closed business. So you can see where this is going.

    Taya Graham:

    So the officer mentioned the 25-foot law and you laughed and told him to remember your name and he immediately accused you of intimidation, possibly trying to build a case against you. Tell me about Indiana’s 25-foot law and your unique connection to it.

    Freedom2Film:

    Yes. Indiana recently passed a law July 1st, the 25-foot law, which is basically in a nutshell that if you approach an officer during an investigation, if you are asked to step 25 feet back, you must do so or you can be arrested for, I believe, a Class C misdemeanor.

    Taya Graham:

    So you had an interaction where they used the 25-foot law in a questionable way. The officer asks you to move back 25 feet and then enforced another 25 feet back and then another. Can you describe the scenario?

    Freedom2Film:

    Okay, so that situation was a shots fired call. We arrived, another YouTuber and I, Famously Unfamous is his channel, we arrived and the police were on the other side of the street kind of catty corner to where we were and they were placing shot casing markers. And the side of the street that we were on, there was a disturbance next door to a business and there was no crime scene tape or any markers indicating where a boundary was. So we heard a disturbance between citizens and the police and we were moving towards that area so we could see what was happening. And as soon as we started to cross the street at Brookfield, we were ordered by Officer Stepp to stop. So we stopped and he said we couldn’t proceed any farther. So he paced out 25 feet or 25 steps, which probably wasn’t 25 feet. So we complied with that.

    Then a short moment later, Officer Veal approached and asked Officer Stepp if it was okay because I told him … He said we were okay there and he asked Officer Stepp if that was okay and he said, “Disregard what I said,” because he was going to move us back farther. And then something was said or something, maybe someone said, “You’re dismissed or something.” And that made him very upset. So he said he was the crime scene tech, push back farther, 25 more feet from that point that we were already pushed. It just got very heated.

    The thing of it is, and this example has been brought up by the ACLU, that one officer can push you back 25 feet, a different officer can come and push you back another 25 feet, a different officer, so on and so forth. You see where this is going, and pretty soon you’re hundreds of feet away. So this is a point here that they’re misusing the 25-foot law.

    Taya Graham:

    So you’ve filed a lawsuit and the ACLU is actually joining you. Can you tell me a little bit about it and what you hope the outcome will be? What do you hope it will change?

    Freedom2Film:

    Yes. I reached out to the ACLU very quickly after that incident and they replied and they definitely took my case. I’m glad I reached out to him because I don’t think anybody else would’ve been willing to take it.

    Taya Graham:

    So the officer seemed particularly concerned that you would film him and put him on YouTube. Were you concerned that when he ran your name that you would experience retaliation for being a cop watcher or being connected to this ACLU lawsuit?

    Freedom2Film:

    I mean I already felt that I was being retaliated against right on the spot just from the previous encounter. And then when they crossed the street and were sitting in the parking lot, I already felt that I was being retaliated against. They were just waiting to find something that they could pull out of their bag of tricks to get me on. So I don’t fear any retaliation on the ACLU lawsuit now that I’m sure they’re informed that I’m behind that lawsuit. But yeah, in the moment there, I already knew I was being-

    Taya Graham:

    So why did you become a cop watcher? What was the catalyst or what inspired you?

    Freedom2Film:

    I would say there’s a few things, but one of the first things that I encountered was one night I was coming home from work and I seen a lot of red and blue lights ahead of me. At first I thought it was an accident. With modern police cars, the LED lights are so overbearing. As I got closer, I didn’t even … Well, before I had gotten to the police cars, apparently they had a sign to indicate that it was a DUI checkpoint, which I didn’t catch until later after I reviewed the video. But as I got closer, I was being waved into a parking lot and then an officer come to my window and start asking me questions, if I’d been drinking. And the thing that bothered me the most about it was they needed to see my ID. I refused at first and then more officers, he requested the Sarge or something to come and he come and said if I do not provide my ID, I will go to jail for failure to ID.

    That really bothered me that I was being inconvenienced and then being demanded to give ID for not doing anything against the law. I’m just coming home from work. There were some other things going on in South Bend that kind of sparked my interest, and I decided to pick up a camera and go film. I did start watching some other people. One of the first people that I started to watch on YouTube was Tom Zebra, his cop watches, and started to learn just what to do. It just kind of kicked off from there.

    Taya Graham:

    What’s the goal of your YouTube channel? What do you hope to accomplish?

    Freedom2Film:

    My goal has always been to bring awareness to what’s going on with the police and I hope that somebody gains from seeing what I do, how I interact with the police, how I’m using my rights. I just hope people will take away something out of it that will benefit them in the future.

    Taya Graham:

    I had asked you what inspired you to become a cop watcher, and you mentioned that you were nearly killed by a cop?

    Freedom2Film:

    Yeah, I would be. I would be dead or in a body cast because a buddy of mine was next to me and we were discussing something or talking and the light turned green and it was probably maybe almost three seconds and then I started to proceed. And I remember out of the corner of my eye, just as we started or I started to go, I seen a car but it was way down the road. And I started to go and, then the next thing you know, I see a light out of the corner of my eye. It flew by and I was like, “Holy” … I was stunned.

    Not only did he run the red light, he was excessively speeding because that’s a 30 mile an hour zone on the street.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, there’s a question that we always ask as journalists when we are confronted with an institution or an agency that does not wish to answer to the people. It’s a query that is the first thought that crosses my mind when a branch of government is pushing back on the right to hold them accountable or pushing back against transparency. But simply what are they trying to hide?

    I think it’s a reasonable question because, as we report it extensively, politicians are increasingly passing laws that make it harder if not in some cases illegal to record police. And even more troubling, prosecutors are subjecting cop watchers and First Amendment activists to bizarre charges like organized crime in an effort to thwart their right to record. Which brings me back to my point about hiding something because it’s hard to imagine why average citizens touting cell phones or GoPros would actually require a concerted government effort to stop them. What is it about a person with a cell phone that puts the fear of God in government officials that they will literally try to destroy the First Amendment to stop them?

    Well, let me try to answer that question. To do so, I’m going to share some facts about the state of our country that might initially seem irrelevant but would perhaps explain the full-on push to keep cell phone cameras at bay. A statistic that is unique to our country and that is the unseen driver of many ills, and it might seem inexplicable, but can actually be easily understood if you consider the simple, straightforward statistical reality. And here it is.

    The US has the highest level of wealth inequality of any similarly situated nation on earth. In other words, the rich here are richer and more awash in wealth than any other country that has a comparable economy. And the divide between the ultra rich and the rest of us is wider and more vast than any civilization that has preceded us or currently exists.

    But of course you might be asking now, Taya, what does this have to do with police? What does the fact that we have the biggest collection of fat cats and robber barons in the history of the world have to do with law enforcement? How are the filthy rich and bad policing connected? Well, let me try to answer that question. It’s all explained by Matthew Desmond in his book, Poverty, by America. Or if you want to watch our 2015 documentary called How Poverty Works, I’ll put a link in the comments below.

    So both explore a simple fact about the intersection of poverty and wealth inequality. Poverty is actually profitable and great wealth is extracted by exploiting it. Both pieces also explore another truism about poverty that is often overlooked as well. Not only is it profitable, but it’s actually designed to be so. And that creates a system that is both disruptive and destabilizing and that has to be managed because, as poverty becomes more and more profitable for the few, the basic living conditions of the many become more and more tenuous. And that’s where policing comes in because the reasons we see so much absurd, odd or even downright unnecessary policing is because it’s really not unnecessary at all. Meaning police play a critical role in maintaining this resource divide than is often acknowledged.

    So let me try and explain how I think this works. The main thing to remember about extreme wealth is that it does not occur in a vacuum. Extreme wealth requires, among other things, the hoarding of communal resources. For example, not paying their fair share for infrastructure that makes their wealth possible but, more importantly, controlling the political system that reinforces it.

    What exactly do I mean? Well, if you’re the beneficiary of extreme wealth earned off the backs of the working people of this country, how do you keep the rest of the world from noticing? What I mean is if you’re filthy rich at the expense of the poor, how do you keep anyone from figuring out or demanding accountability and even, ever more daunting, demanding fairness? Well, one way is to keep everyone off balance. And the best way to do that is to use an expansive and punitive criminal justice system to keep them occupied. What that means is that every useless arrest or bogus traffic ticket or overly harsh penalty that we report on are actually tools. In other words, over policing is not excessive at all. In the videos we see of cops using cuffs in situations that seem at best ridiculous are actually part of a broader effort to crush, dissent and corral the chaos that ensues when wealth is so unevenly skewed.

    Consider this statistical correlation if you think I’m conjuring patterns that don’t exist. Since the 1970s, America has become the most rabid incarcerator in the history of the world. Since then, the number of people in prison per population in the US rose seven times. That’s sevenfold for anyone out there keeping score, meaning during that same period, our country’s income inequality also rose exponentially. The amount of people incarcerated increased exponentially too. We put more people behind bars than any country on earth.

    Now I understand, as I’ve said before, that correlation is not always causation. And I understand that there are a myriad of factors that determine how many people end up ensnared in our criminal justice system. I certainly get that wealth inequality and building prisons is not a straightforward and easy relationship to delineate. But I will say this. There is one undeniable fact about wealth inequality that I think coincides quite nicely with the overly aggressive law enforcement we witness on a weekly basis. It is, to say the least, destabilizing and it is disruptive for the same reason over policing is destructive. It represents a gross imbalance of power. That is, the more unaccountable billionaires you have, the more the political system that’s supposed to represent all of us is bent to their will, the more resources are concentrated with just a handful of people, the more that power distorts all the checks and balances that are supposed to ensure that our government serves everyone.

    I mean consider what happened to a proposal in Congress that was supposed to limit surprise medical bills. So surprise medical bills occur when a patient under distress receives care from a doctor out of the network covered by their insurance. That series of events of no fault to the patient can lead to huge bills that are one of the reasons medical debt has exploded in this country and more and more people are going bankrupt because of it. Several years ago, Congress decided enough was enough and began the process of approving legislation to stop the practice and end this unfair fleecing of Americans for good. But something funny happened on the way to passing this bill. A mysterious group started a $28 million dollar advertising blitz arguing the law would somehow be unfair to doctors. In other words, ensuring that patients were not overwhelmed with bankruptcy inducing bills through no fault of their own was bad for the business of medicine.

    And the campaign worked and the bill was seriously watered down from an outright ban to a process of arbitration which, of course, favored the hospitals and doctors who benefited from this twisted process in the first place. And who was behind it? Who was making the case to put upon doctors to be able to drop a $40,000 dollar bill on an appendectomy patient? None other than investment bankers. Among them, the Blackstone Group, a collection of billionaires who apparently didn’t have enough money and thus were forced to rip off sick people in their most vulnerable moments.

    The mega rich consortium of billionaires spent a trifling amount for them to ensure, no, actually guarantee that tens of thousands of people were stuck with hundreds of millions in debilitating debt, debt that will inevitably destroy people’s lives, drain their retirement accounts or their kids’ college funds, kick them out of their homes, ruin marriages and, finally, make them criminals. And that’s where law enforcement ultimately earns their keep. Because at the end of this ruinous trail of wealth lie the people who make it possible, the working folks, the ones that politicians pander to every four years but who aren’t afforded the decency of basic protections from fraudulent medical bills so someone can add another billion to their bank account.

    My point is that, in order to continue this unhealthy wealth imbalance, the political system that’s supposed to represent the common good must be thwarted. And once it is, then the people who could use their power to change it, namely us, must be disenfranchised and we must be convinced that we are not worthy of the privilege. It’s a twisted self-reinforcing vicious cycle. Excessive wealth corrupts and breaks a political system and makes us all seem like the other is the problem, and the ensuing chaos it creates must be managed by an overbearing criminal justice system to diminish our political efficacy and, as I’ve said before, our civic imagination.

    That’s why we see police power abused week after week after week and that’s why we will keep reporting on it week after week. Because even though the billionaires control the mainstream media, the independent press which Stephen and I represent, will not be silenced.

    I want to thank Freedom2Film for joining us and I hope he will update us soon on the success of his lawsuit to protect the right to film police. And, of course, I have to thank intrepid reporter, Stephen Janis, for his research, writing and editing on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:

    Thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    And I want to thank friends and mods of the show, Noli D and Lacey R for their support. Thank you both and a very special thanks to our Accountability Report patreons. We appreciate you and I look forward to thanking each and every single one of you personally in our next livestream, especially patreon associate producers Johnny Yard, David K, Louis P and super friends Shane Buster, Pineapple Girl, Chris R, Matter of Rights, and Angela True.

    And I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram or at Eyes on Police on Twitter. And of course you can always message me directly at Taya’s Baltimore on Twitter or Facebook. And please like and comment. You know I read your comments and appreciate them. And we do have our Patreon link pinned in the comments below for accountability reports. So if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is greatly appreciated.

    My name is Taya Graham and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • While the death penalty has been abolished in 23 states and Washington, DC, other states are doubling down on the barbaric practice of capital punishment. Idaho wants to bring back firing squads, and now the state of Alabama is pushing to become the first state to execute a death row inmate, Kenneth Smith, by forcing him to inhale pure nitrogen. Why are these states seeking such cruel execution methods? Alabama-based investigative journalist Lee Hedgepeth joins Rattling the Bars.

    Studio Production: David Hebden, Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay. Thank you for joining me for this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m your host Mansa Musa. Imagine witnessing someone being smothered to death with a pillow. The person being smothered has been convicted of a capital offense and a sentence of death. And this is the state’s form of execution. He’s being smothered to death after other forms of execution were unsuccessful. Even after he’s dead, they continue to smother him 15 more minutes. This will be the form of execution of Alabama death row prisoner, Kenneth Smith. But instead of a pillow, the state of Alabama will use nitrogen hypoxia gas. Would this be considered cruel? Would this be considered unusual? The Eighth Amendment of the United States Constitution protects criminal defenders from cruel and unusual punishment. Joining me to talk about the case of Kenneth Smith and Alabama’s execution method is investigative reporter, Lee Hedgepeth. Welcome to Rattling the Bars, Lee.

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Thank you so much for having me.

    Mansa Musa:

    Lee, tell our audience a little bit about yourself before we unpack the case of Kenneth Smith.

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Sure. So my name’s Lee Hedgepeth. I’m an investigative reporter. I write Tread, which is a newsletter of investigative journalism based here in Alabama. And I’ve covered issues around criminal justice and the death penalty for around a decade now. So I’ve been there at the prison Holman Correctional down toward Mobile County in the south part of the state, about eight times for different executions and have witnessed four executions. So death penalty is an issue that’s really important to me and something that I think journalists should be covering all across the country.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay. And the case of Kenneth Smith really epitomized the insanity associated with the death penalty and you can correct me if I’m wrong, they attempted to execute Kenneth Smith before with lethal injection and it was unsuccessful. And then after that, because they couldn’t get the chemicals for lethal injection, the state of Alabama just put the death penalty on hold and now they come up with this new form of execution, which is some form of a gas. And you can explain that a little bit more. But the point that we want to unpack is how did this particular methodology come about?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Sure. So for years now, lethal injection has become more and more difficult for states to carry out for a variety of reasons. One of which you just pointed out, which is the difficulty in getting the drugs. So most of the lethal injection protocols that states use in these executions call for either one or multiple drugs that are made by usually European drug manufacturers. Well, no country in Europe has the death penalty and Europe has laws against such companies providing the chemicals. And so, a lot of these companies have said, “Look, we’re not going to provide these chemicals for execution.” So that’s become a challenge for states that continue to pursue the death penalty. We saw Mississippi, for example, the FDA rated Mississippi a few years ago and took some of the drugs they had and said, “You can’t use street drugs effectively to execute people.” So here in Alabama, we’ve kind of had the same types of difficulties. And we have three executions back to back, beginning with the execution of a man named Joe Nathan James that were botched.

    And so, the first one, Joe Nathan James execution, they ended up performing what’s called a cutdown, which is a rudimentary procedure where if they can’t gain access to the inmates veins, they’ll cut and try to get to the inmates veins that way, like using a scalpel. So that was what was done in Joe Nathan James’s case. So Alabama for multiple executions has had difficulty in accessing people’s veins. So we don’t know the medical background of the people who are on the execution team. That’s one thing that I’ve been trying to get more information on. But the codes of ethics for nurses and for doctors require that they don’t participate in execution. So these folks that are trying to access the veins of inmates, they’re going against the code of ethics of their own profession by participating in this process. And so, Alabama’s had difficulty. So twice Alabama had to abandon their attempts to execute folks because they couldn’t access the veins. And one of those cases was the case of Kenny Smith.

    Mansa Musa:

    Come on.

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    So Kenny Smith was convicted of a murder that occurred in 1988. So he’s served decades now for this crime, already been punished in that way. And so, Alabama attempts to execute him via lethal injection, and that’s unsuccessful. They aren’t able to access his vein. They try for hours actually to access his vein. So if you can imagine the psychological torture of thinking that you’re going to be executed, at one point in a court filing, he describes the process of them strapping him down in the execution chamber of these members of the execution team, doing things like slapping his neck to try to gain access to things wherever they could. So you can imagine the torturous situation this is in.

    And so, they were unsuccessful in that attempt. So eventually just before midnight when the execution warrants fires, they abandoned their attempt to execute him. And now we’re a few months later and Alabama has decided to move to this new method of execution called nitrogen hypoxia. So this method of execution’s never been tested before, never been used by government anywhere in the world. So effectively, the method is they will put a mask on the condemned individual and they will slowly take the oxygen out, leaving only nitrogen for the person to breathe. And so, effectively that’ll suffocate the person and lead to their death. So this hasn’t been tested anywhere, but Alabama says, “If we can’t successfully lethally inject people, this is the route that we’re going to take.”

    Mansa Musa:

    And when you mentioned the protocol, and here I was reading because they have redacted so much of the documentation relative to the methodology, to this particular form of execution, that it’s a lot of uncertainty as to the effect. And here, we are talking about cruel and unusual punishment because regardless of what we think should happen or we pro death penalty or not, it’s still a standard reason that the execution has to be, for lack of better word, humane in regards to the person that’s being executed. Have they been able to, or have you been able to glean from your investigation the problems associated with this particular form of execution as gas?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Yeah, so Alabama historically has not provided really any information publicly related to its execution protocols. So when they do release them, like you mentioned, they’re heavily redacted documents that don’t really provide a perfect picture of what they plan to happen. And we know, of course, Alabama’s plans don’t always come to fruition when it comes to these things. They have a checkered history. But what we do know is that nitrogen is a very dangerous gas. So viewers may think nitrogen is in the air we breathe already. So why is it a problem? Well, the type of nitrogen that’s used is compressed nitrogen, so it has to be put in a tank so that they can use it as they want to in these executions and those types of nitrogen that are in tanks, compressed nitrogen can easily fill up a room. It’s an odorless gas, you can’t smell it, you can’t see it, and it can quickly fill up a room. So there are hundreds and hundreds of cases around the country where there are workplaces where nitrogen-

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    … is used frequently. So there are places like poultry plants and things like that. So there was a case in Georgia, I believe a few years back where there was a nitrogen leak. And these workers who worked in this poultry plant, a lot of Hispanic workers were working in the poultry plant, couldn’t see nitrogen, couldn’t smell the nitrogen, but there was a leak. They all start passing out while other folks don’t realize what’s happening, and they see folks passing out and the natural reaction is to go and help. So when they go and help, they begin to pass out too.

    So this is a pattern that we see in these nitrogen workplace accidents is that when the rescuers come to help people, they also are susceptible to the same nitrogen that the folks who passed out were. So nitrogen is a very dangerous chemical. And what we haven’t been able to see from Alabama is what is the process that you’re using to protect, not just the individuals in the execution chamber, the members of the press who were there, the family members, both of the condemned inmate and of the victims’ family because present as well. But what about the whole population of the prison?

    Mansa Musa:

    Prison population, right?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Right. So all of these tanks have to be stored on site, right? So what if there is a puncture like there wasn’t the Georgia facility? What if there is some type of accident where this colorless, odorless gas is harming not just the people that Alabama is targeting, but everyone else do.

    Mansa Musa:

    And we already know that based on your previous observation, that when the lethal injection, the people that were administering the injection, they would just get their training off the back of a matchbook. Or if they are in the profession, they’re violating their oath to not be a part of the execution, but stand the reason that they’re not in the medical field because you can’t find a vein. But now we are looking at how do you train these people to administer this gas because like you say, they strap a mask on, who’s to say that the mass is not leaking, the mass is covering the entire face. And because we don’t know if we can’t smell it, we don’t have no way of detecting it. You go in there to execute one person under the pretense that he committed a crime, capital offense and wound up killing eight or nine other people or hospitalizing eight or nine people. What has the Supreme Court said about this particular methodology, this nitrogen gas?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    So the Supreme Court hasn’t weighed in on this particular methodology before. So one of the things the Supreme Court has said is that if a person who’s on death row is challenging their method of execution, and this in itself seems cruel to me, but the Supreme Court has said you have to have an alternate method to propose. So you have to tell the court, “Look, I don’t want you to kill me this way. So here’s the way that I propose you do kill me.” Which seems in itself to be cruel to me. But that’s the Supreme Court precedent. The Supreme Court hasn’t weighed in on this methodology, but as we all know, with the six to three majority of the Supreme Court.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right. We already know how it’s going to go. And I thought in my mind was that once you have a failed attempt of execution, shouldn’t the person be exonerated? If you can’t kill me, should not be given the benefit? Or that’s just being idealistic?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Well, I think there’s a certain amount of idealism certainly there. But one of the things that I think is certainly the case here is there are very few execution survivors in America, if anywhere. So typically, when states try to execute someone, even if they have to try and try over and over again for hours, they’re eventually, quote, unquote, “successful” in killing the person. This is an extremely rare case in the sense that they weren’t able, they tried to execute him and they didn’t. So I think one of the strongest challenges that Mr. Smith may have when it comes to getting courts to side with him in an appeal would be challenging, trying to execute him for a second time as cruel and unusual. I can’t think of anything more unusual than trying to execute somebody for a second time, right?

    Mansa Musa:

    And when I was looking up the amendment, and I told you when they came out with the Furman case. The Furman case was a case that they used to really examine the death penalty, and they did a historical analysis of how they were utilizing execution, how they were beheading people, how they were putting bodies up on stakes, putting their heads. The cruel reality was something beyond personal imagination. But where are we at as far as Kenneth Smith? And in terms of the process, he’s waiting for what? He’s waiting for the court to decide whether or not to stay or to go forward?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    So right now, the Attorney General’s office here in Alabama, the Alabama Attorney General is a very bloodthirsty when it comes to capital punishment and has challenged even the governor in the state to be more in favor of the death penalty. And so, at this point, they’ve announced that they will be asking for this execution date using nitrogen hypoxia. So that request has gone to the Alabama Supreme Court. And the Alabama Supreme Court, to my knowledge, has never rejected a request for an execution date. So that will likely happen in the coming days. And then once that happens, Alabama’s governor will decide the particular time and the timeframe of the execution.

    Mansa Musa:

    And I know, I think I read a book where one individual who was on death row, and I think he was in Alabama, called The Sun Never Shines. And he was saying that that’s when I think they had the electric chair and that he was on the tier. And the close proximity of the electric chair to the chair was such that whenever they execute somebody, you had the stench, you had the whole atmosphere changed in terms of a more bleak light type of atmosphere. Where’s Kenneth Smith housed at right now?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    So Kenny Smith, along with all of the male folks who are on death row, are housed in a prison called Holman Correctional Facility, which is in Atmore, Alabama in the southern part of the state. So up until maybe the week of his execution, he’ll be housed in the same death row sale that he’s been in for his entire detention. So you mentioned the impact on other folks when a person’s executed, one of the things that has struck me in covering executions is when the journalists go into the prison, we can see all of the windows of folks who were on death row.

    And they use the windows as a method of communication. So they’ll put signs up. So I was there for the execution of Joe Nathan James a few years ago, and the family of the victim in that case was opposed to his execution. So in a lot of these cases, Alabama’s officials and other state officials will say, “We’re doing this for the victim.” So in this case, the daughters of the victim and the brother of the victim said, “Please don’t execute this person. Don’t do it in our name.” So when I go to witness the execution, we’re going into the execution chamber and we can see these windows of death row. And in one of the windows there’s a sign that says, “The family is against it. This is a murder.”

    And so, I think a lot of us obviously, and the most important thing is the cruelty to Kenneth Smith in this case of them trying to execute him again. But I think it’s also important to think about the impact that this type of trauma has, not just on him, but on all of the folks on death row when they see the state trying again and again to execute the same person in such a seemingly cruel and unusual manner in violation of the Constitution that protects all of us, not just those of us who aren’t on death row.

    Mansa Musa:

    And his co-defendant was executed already, right?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Correct. One of-

    Mansa Musa:

    Go ahead.

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Sure. One of the things to note in this case though, so the murder was of a woman named Liz Sennett, and her husband was the person who contracted the murder. He was a pastor and he killed himself after the plot came to light. So the person who initially was responsible for all of this took his own life. So there’s no sense of closure or justice in that way. And all of these additional lives that are being impacted afterward is definitely something to think about.

    Mansa Musa:

    And they have a tendency to do that, to pour it on when they get an opportunity. But in terms of Kenneth Smith, have you been able to visit him or you’re not allowed?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    So I haven’t been able to visit him in person. I haven’t been able to speak with him off and on. So I spoke with him just after the state tried to execute him. And one of the things that he said was, “The state is going to regret having let me out of that room.” So I think one of the things that’s important to Kenny is to make sure that any legal challenges or any legacy that he has is a legacy that helps those folks that are also on death row and a legacy that challenges Alabama’s willingness to execute people in cruel and unusual ways.

    Mansa Musa:

    In that regard, I noticed that most states have gotten away from the death penalty, but Alabama, like you say, is in transgender when it comes to this. And we have an attorney general down there that’s his political platform. I kill people without remorse, and I kill people with mythologies that is cruel and unusual, and Bob Berg, but killed on my will. Is that his mantra?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Yeah. It seems to me as though the attorney general here is angling for governor, and I think that will be the platform that he will run on.

    Mansa Musa:

    And as Kenneth, I heard what you say in terms of where your state of mind is as far as what do you want to come out of this. But after the failed attempts, I’m quite sure he’s been traumatized. And in this regard, how does the institution provide any type of mental health for him? Because I guess, in their mind they’re like, “Well, you going to get killed anyway, so…”

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Yeah. So I’ve spoken to a lot of people about this and I certainly don’t think he’s receiving the type of therapy that he would need in the wake of such a traumatic event as the state trying to end your life. One of the things that I’ve talked to other folks about is that other folks that know him, who knew him before and know him now, who are on death row say he seems to be kind of in a trance. It’s kind of surreal surviving and execution.

    And one of the things that I’ve asked the Alabama Department of Corrections about and haven’t heard back about is that the same individuals that were the ones who tried to execute him, the officials, the guards that were involved in that process, that were there in that room are still people that are around him every day. So for Kenny, you can imagine how traumatizing it is to see your executioner come to give you lunch every day or whatever the case may be. So I think that’s something that we should also think about as the impact, the retraumatization that’s happening when he sees these staff members that participated in the first attempted execution.

    Mansa Musa:

    And this is the very thing that the Eighth Amendment is supposed to protect against. This is the cruel reality that they talk about cruel and there was your point, that you attempted execution. But then not only that, but then have the very people be back in an environment where you’re being revisited by all the people who are involved in the process. You’re not getting no mental health because of your circumstances that you on death row, therefore you shouldn’t. Your mentality or your state of mind is of no importance in, because in the state of Alabama in particular, they already got that set up that, “Well, we are going to execute you. You are on death row.” And how long has he been on death row? Since the ’80s?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Yeah. So the murder occurred in ’88. I think he was convicted in the early ’90s. So he is been on death row for three decades or more at this point.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah, he’s been on death row for 30 or more years. And then even after all that, they failed to attempt to execute him, where’s the humanity and where’s the justification in that? And what about the victims, the family members of the deceased, where are they at?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    So we haven’t heard from the family members. So that’s something that I try, I think is very important, is to see where they stand. And so, far, Elizabeth’s family hasn’t been willing to speak with the press.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right. And that’s kind of mind-boggling because like you say, the husband was the principal involved and he took his life. So that’s questionable as to why he did what he did in terms of the whole thing. But going forward, what do you want our audience to know about this process, this methodology?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Sure. So one of the things that I think is the most important for people to know is that this method of execution, which they call nitrogen hypoxia, but I call nitrogen suffocation because that’s what it is a method that has never been tested before. Not by Russia, not by North Korea, not by any communist government you’ve ever heard of.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    This is a method. This is completely untested. And I just ask folks, read the Eighth Amendment that bans cruel and unusual punishment in the United States, regardless of whether you’ve committed a crime or not, and think to yourself, is this method of execution taking away the oxygen that someone breathes? Do you find that to be cruel or unusual? So I just ask folks to ask themselves that question. And if they feel like maybe it is a cruel and unusual method, reach out to organizations like Project Hope to Abolish the Death Penalty here in Alabama, or nonprofit organizations, wherever you are that are involved with the death penalty and get involved on the issues, vote on issues like this. President Biden, we’re talking about state level death penalty cases here, but there’s a federal death row too.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    And President Biden has the power right now to today with a stroke of the pen to commute every single one of those death sentences and end the possibility that someone like Trump gets in office and does what he did at the end of his last term, which is execute people over and over again at the end of the term. So if you care about the death penalty, if you oppose to the death penalty, write to somebody like Biden and say, “Look, solve this problem today” because that’s something that’s within his power.

    Mansa Musa:

    And how can our audience get in touch with you all? Stay on top of what you’re doing?

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Sure. So you can follow me on Twitter, my Twitter handle is @lee_hedgepeth. You can also just go to treadbylee.com. So that’s the newsletter I have, and that’s T-R-E-A-D, by, B-Y, L-E-E, lee.com.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay. Thank you, Lee. And you really rattled the bars today, nitrogen suffocation, and this is exactly what it is. And we want our audience to really look at this because at the end of the day, it’s the taxpayers is paying for this. And so, you have to ask yourself as a taxpayer, am I putting my money into someone being suffocated to death? Take all the oxygen out of them and let them die. I’m suffocating. There’s no humanity associated with it, it’s torturous. There’s no way of looking at it other than that. And the only reason why we are doing it is because we’re in a state where we have an Attorney General that’s a blood sucker, and he’s got blood on his mind. He’s got blood on his hands, and Kenneth Smith is just a victim of this process. We thank you for enlightening our audience on this process, and we ask our audience to be mindful of this type of reporting that we do, because you’re only going to get this only news on The Real News Network.

    You’re not going to get this news nowhere else, and we’re not telling you how you should weigh in on the death penalty or not the death. We asking you to weigh in on what is humane and what isn’t humane. We’re asking you to look at your humanity and see if your humanity can be measured up against what’s going on in Alabama with this nitrogen suffocation. That’s all it is. And we asking that you continue to support The Real News and Rattling the Bars, because the only way you’re going to get this information, it’s the only way you’re going to be educated about this process. Thank you very much, Lee. Thank you for joining us.

    Lee Hedgepeth:

    Thank you so much for talking about this important topic.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

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    This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on Sep. 5, 2023. It is shared here with permission under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.

    Organizers with the Stop Cop City movement in Atlanta said Tuesday that new organized crime and racketeering charges against more than 60 campaigners were aimed at quashing all dissent against the construction of a $90 million police training facility in the city, as well as similar law enforcement projects.

    Georgia’s Republican attorney general, Chris Carr, announced that a grand jury indicted 61 protesters under the state’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act, with some accused only of distributing fliers.

    “These charges, like the previous repressive prosecutions by the State of Georgia, seek to intimidate protesters, legal observers, and bail funds alike, and send the chilling message that any dissent to Cop City will be punished with the full power and violence of the government,” organizers with the Cop City Vote Coalition (CCVC) toldThe Appeal. “The Cop City Vote Coalition strongly condemns these anti-democratic charges.”

    The indictments are the latest escalation by the state against movement to “Stop Cop City,” as opponents have called the proposed 85-acre Public Safety Training Center planned in the Weelaunee Forest in DeKalb County.

    Forest defender Manuel Esteban Paez Terán, known as Tortuguita, was shot and killed by police earlier this year while trying to stop the clearing of the area, and prosecutors in DeKalb County and Fulton County filed domestic terrorism charges against 42 people who have protested the training center. Many of those charged were also listed in Tuesday’s indictments.

    As Common Dreams reported in May, the Georgia and Atlanta police also arrested three organizers of a bail fund supporting protesters, accusing them of money laundering and charity fraud. The organizers are also among those facing RICO charges.

    The New Republic noted that the date listed on the indictments is May 25, 2020—the day George Floyd was murdered by a Minneapolis police officer, marking the beginning of a nationwide uprising against police violence. The date suggests “that the attorney general’s office plans to link the Stop Cop City movement with the larger protests that followed Floyd’s death,” wrote Edith Olmsted at the outlet.

    The RICO charges, said racial justice group Color of Change, represent “a blatant attempt to silence democratic protest—and a dangerous violation of the constitutional right to protest.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • After 52 years of incarceration, Edward Alan Poindexter is among the longest-serving political prisoners in US and world history. Originally part of the “Omaha Two,” Poindexter and Mondo we Langa, both leaders of the Omaha Black Panthers, were convicted of the murder of Omaha police officer Larry Minard in 1971. Poindexter and we Langa’s case has long been a subject of scrutiny, with Amnesty International recommending a retrial for both men in 1999. We Lenga passed away in 2016 after years of poor health, and now Poindexter’s family members fear he could face a similar fate unless he’s released on medical and compassionate grounds.

    Studio Production: Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Mansa Musa:  Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m your host, Mansa Musa. August 21 marks the 52nd anniversary of the assassination of Comrade George L. Jackson. This episode of Rattling the Bars is being taped on August 21, 2023. 

    When I came into The Real News office, the marquee read, “Free all political prisoners.” And nothing is more appropriate than our show today. Ed Poindexter and the late Mondo We Langa are two political prisoners, the Omaha Two, who were framed, convicted, and sentenced to life in prison in 1971 for the murder of Omaha police officer Larry Minard who died when a suitcase dynamite bomb exploded in a vacant house in north Omaha on August 17, 1970. Here to talk about the case of the Omaha Two are Tekla Ali Johnson, a supporter of political prisoners; Adrian Payne, Ed Poindexter’s sister; and Ericka “Rikki” Payne, Ed Poindexter’s niece. Welcome to Rattling the Bars.

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  Thank you.

    Adrian Payne:  Thank you.

    Tekla Johnson:  Thank you.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah, thank you. Okay, Ms. Andrea.

    Adrian Payne:  It’s Adrian.

    Mansa Musa:  Oh, it’s Adrian. Ms. Adrian. All right. Let’s start with you. You are Ed Poindexter’s sister.

    Adrian Payne:  Yes.

    Mansa Musa:  Tell us a little bit about Ed, your brother, for the benefit of our audience.

    Adrian Payne:  He is a kind, wonderful brother. He was like my best friend. He always stood beside me and he was wonderful. You couldn’t say anything bad about him. As we were growing up, like I said, he was always there and we did things together. He would take me places with him. He never was like, oh, little sister, get back and all that. He was never like that.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah. Can you recall if you can, the day that they arrested him? And if you can remember, what was that like?

    Adrian Payne:  Oh, it was terrible. They were standing behind the bushes and the house. They had the house surrounded. And I came out on the porch and I was with Rikki and I said don’t shoot my brother. He’s coming out. He’s not going to resist. He came on out. He came out without any recourse or anything and they took him on into the car. It was so sad.

    Mansa Musa:  And that was in the ’70s. And he’s been in prison ever since?

    Adrian Payne:  Yes.

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  Yeah, he’s been in prison for 53 years. I was six months old.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah. And Rikki, right now you’re involved with the defense committee in terms of trying to get Ed released. By way of this conversation, Ed’s co-defendant has since passed away. Mondo We Langa has since then passed away. What is the state of your uncle’s health at this juncture right now?

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  Actually, his health isn’t very good. He has diabetes and they amputated his leg without telling anybody. I know when me and my mom visited, they made visitations super hard. You can only go on a Wednesday at 10:00AM. And when we did go to visit him he was very confused. He was in a wheelchair and I noticed that his legs were black. So I wasn’t surprised that they amputated one but it would’ve been nice if somebody would’ve let us know. We’re really curious as to how he got in that bad state. If you’re controlling all his food and you’re controlling everything how could he get to that point where his leg gets amputated?

    Mansa Musa:  I did 48 years and I’ve been out all of three years. But I know this to be a fact: When you’re dealing with mass incarceration in the prison industrial complex, the medical situation in all prisons is inadequate. I know when I got out, I got a physical. I got diagnosed, I had hepatitis C. I had gotten a knee replacement when I was locked up. When I got out they realized that they put it in there wrong and I had to get it taken out again and done over.

    So in terms of your observation and your concern, it is appropriate because they’re misdiagnosing them. Or they’re not properly diagnosed to save money, this is what goes on. But in terms of what’s going on, in terms of mobilizing to get his release, where are we standing with that? What are some of the things going on around this case?

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  Actually, we have done several things. Tekla has helped Jericho with a call to action where they call the prison and demand certain things and are demanding his release. We did a walk with Preston Love Jr. And Senator Ernie Chambers spoke at that particular – Basically, we’ve been doing what we’ve been doing for over 50 years. Actually, it went dormant for a little while. We were told by my uncle because he was scared for us, that he wanted us to sit back and he was going to get out. Because my grandmother has been threatened we’re a part of the COINTELPRO program. I know that our landline was tapped. My grandmother had to agree to it but they said that as long as there was nothing said on the phone that had anything to do with my uncle, then they wouldn’t do anything. And me and my sister, when we were little, we used to pick the phone up and be like, the dead person’s in the basement. We wanted to see if the police were going to show up.

    Mansa Musa:  [Laughs] Yeah.

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  We were so bad. But yeah it’s terrible. He tried to be a part of our family the whole time. We used to go see him once a week. We watched the prison change how –

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah, I know how. I’m there.

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  Yeah. Yeah. My grandmother used to make him cookies. We got pictures from when we used to go see him once a week. He used to send me to really fancy summer programs. He used to pay for those. I did a dance class with this really popular dancer named Sandra McSwain at the Joplin Art Museum. I was in the newspaper because he sent me to that program one summer. So he tried to be a hands-on uncle, even from prison. I thought that was absolutely amazing.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah. And we know from experience that that’s the whole thing. To try to destroy any type of family association. That’s why you said earlier that the visitation procedures are hard. But Maya Angelou said I still rise regardless of whatever goes on. And still, I rise. And this is the case with your Uncle Ed, regardless of what’s going on with him. And still, I rise. I can understand him wanting to take a position for your protection. At the same token, in terms of the information about this case, I’m reading where the case from day one has been consistently inconsistent testimonies, and fabricated evidence. Where do we stand in terms of trying to get some judicial relief for Ed?

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  My biggest issue with that is – Okay, okay, this is me from the heart – My biggest issue is they send us to school to learn law and justice. They make us do this Pledge of Allegiance and they promise us these rights and all these things but with my uncle, none of that has been followed. He’s basically been proven innocent because the person that they said made the 911 call wasn’t the person who made the 911 call. They made us get a voice analysis person and he said that wasn’t Duane Peak on the 911 call. The judge got red as a beet and didn’t say anything. But they had promised my grandma that they would give him a new trial if they proved that that was not Duane Peak on the 911 call.

    Also, in that same trial, they said that he had explosive chemicals in his pocket. It’s the same thing that’s in laundry detergent. So we had a specialist say that whatever that chemical is, it’s also found in laundry detergent. Then at that same trial, this police officer leaned over my grandma and said, you will not get out over my dead body. I don’t care what these people say. I couldn’t believe it. I told the reporter, did you hear that? Did you write that down? Did you record that? Her name was Carol Schrader. She ignored me.

    Mansa Musa:  We know that from our experience and observation that J. Edgar Hoover and the COINTELPRO, counter-intelligence program, created this primarily for the purpose of completely destroying any political opposition. Anybody that had an independent thinking process. Anybody that was against the oppressive, abusive, nature of the government. They had a system where they had two ways they were going to approach them: either they’re going to kill them off or kill them by death by a thousand cuts. Death by a thousand cuts and use the criminal injustice system to lock ’em up.

    Which brings me to you, Tekla. Now you’ve been involved with the case for longer than most people. Give us some background information on yourself, how you got involved with this case, and where you’re at now in terms of supporting Ed.

    Tekla Johnson:  Well, my name is Tekla Ali Johnson. I currently teach African-American studies and history. But most of my work or my life has been in community organizing. And what led me to it was a relationship with Ed’s co-defendant, Mondo We Langa. I would like to go through that and a few more things about the case. But before I forget I wanted to pull out a couple of things. You asked about current things that have happened in terms of the family’s involvement. And I don’t want to miss these two being said.

    Mansa Musa:  Come on now.

    Tekla Johnson:  In April, both Rikki and Adrian made a statement which was a very important statement. They made it in a submission to the United Nations International Independent Expert Mechanism to Advance Racial Justice. In other words, justices from a committee from the United Nations came to five cities around the country. And these two were able to speak to that. Efia Nwangaza helped to organize the one in Atlanta and they were able to make a presentation that was, I thought, very, very powerful about the defense. Maybe you got to see that.

    But getting that to the United Nations has been so much effort to get it outside of the US: first to get it out of Nebraska, knowledge about the case. Ericka, I think you all would agree. And then to get the information national and then to get it to the United Nations. The other thing that they have been doing recently is working very hard to secure an attorney specifically to look at the medical release. They have acquired an attorney, and they’ll be meeting with him at the end of this week who has now agreed to do that.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay, good.

    Tekla Johnson:  So the family has been very active in this last year and in many multiple years. But you asked recently, where is it at right now? Right now, the emphasis is on securing this medical release through an additional attorney to come on board. As far as the case itself do you want me to go back through where that is?

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah, yeah. We want you to because we need our audience to understand exactly what’s going on with them. When we say political prisoners oftentimes we look at it from the perspective that they politicize the individual. But this is by design, like I said, COINTELPRO had two objectives: to stop the rise of what they call a Black Messiah or anybody that could lead people. And the way they were going to deal with them was by two means: either kill them off or death by a thousand cuts. Death by a thousand cuts is to put them in the criminal justice system and then ignore all evidence of innocence. So go, yes ma’am, please.

    Tekla Johnson:  So Ericka hit on some of the big major points. I’ll try to snake around there and get in a few additional details. The original situation in which Ed Poindexter and Mondo We Lango, who was then David Rice, came to join the Black Panther party was police killings in Omaha. There had already been three police killings in Omaha and they decided to join. Eddie Baldwin and some others had started a Black Panther Party chapter. It was functioning on a social level but not really meeting the service needs of the people. These brothers came in, they were serious.

    They went to Des Moines, Iowa, and trained under Pete O’Neal. Pete told me that, I didn’t get that from Ed, that they came, they were very serious young brothers, and trained under him. Especially Ed would go and get the information and come and bring it back. In the course of them doing work, police patrols, a breakfast program, they had another killing. It was Vivian Strong. And I remember this. I was three. A 14-year-old girl was shot in the back of the head, in the projects, by the police. Then the brothers stepped it up and they started the Vivian Strong Liberation School. They actually did it for a time in the headquarters and for a time, they did it out of Mondo’s house.

    They were pulled into a grand jury to ask them, what were you teaching in the Vivian Strong Liberation School? Which, of course, was African liberation and history. So they began to get on the radar of the FBI director and we’ve seen memos from the FBI director. Then as you know, there are other things going on around the country. There’s bombings and the white left, some of them have admitted doing some of the bombings. There’s a bombing and a police officer – There’s a 911 call that Rikki was talking about. There is a vacant house, a policeman went there and was killed in the bomb.

    The call, I’ve heard the call. The call had an older man’s voice, a very, very deep voice. It was 911. That call was hidden – Speaking to your thousand cuts – And was not given to the defense at the time of the trial. It was said it was lost. So for years, all through the initial trial, you couldn’t hear this. They brought a young teenager, 15-year-old Duane Peak, to the courtroom. He said he didn’t do it. He said I don’t have anything to do with it. And they didn’t either at the preliminary hearing. Senator Chambers was there – And Ericka speaks to this – They pulled him out at a recess, brought him back, and he looked like he had been roughed up. The senator said he looked like he’d been crying. They put sunglasses on him and he said, yeah, I did it. And they told me to do it.

    Ed had an alibi. Mondo had an alibi. They were both with women somewhere else. They weren’t at the scene. So the initial charge was conspiracy to commit murder. Then they said they blocked off all of Mondo’s house and they found dynamite in Mondo’s house. And Ed knew how to do it because Ed was a veteran, had been in the military. So Ed knew had to do it and was in Mondo’s house.

    During the course of the trial, Mondo said, wait a minute. Where they’re showing that picture, there’s a coal bin there. He said, there’s no coal bin there. So the house burnt down during the trial. So it is one thing after another. Then, as Ericka said, in 1996 they came back and they found the young man. Senator Chambers went out there to Seattle, Washington, where he now lives. Duane Peak. They pushed him to witness protection and took him out to Seattle. Tom Owens did a voice expert analysis. And I have to credit Tamik El-Amin, one of the defense committee leaders at the time. Went out there and tested the voice, and said, this voice is not this 15-year-old boy. They tested against Duane’s voice. It’s not him. They took it back to court and they refused to hear it.

    There was one break. There was a break in 1974. By the way, Ed had been eligible for parole after two years. It’s now 53 years later.

    Mansa Musa:  Right, right, right.

    Tekla Johnson:  So in 1974, the Federal District Court said the search of Mondo’s home was illegal. Mind you, the house was burnt down. The evidence was already gone. But they said it was illegal in the first place. 1975, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld it. The State of Nebraska, being as it is, appealed with the police union – as Ericka talked about – Pushing, pushing, pushing, and appealed the case to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court refused to hear the case and sent the case back to state court, where it’s been ever since. They’ve tried everything from habeas corpus writ to everything.

    Bob Bardle, one of the attorneys said, we’ve explored everything. We’ve tried to get it. Then in 1993, even before the voice analysis results came out, the Nebraska Parole Board, in 1993, voted to release Mondo, or to commute a sentence to time served, and to do the same with Ed in 1994. It has to then go to the Pardons Board on which the governor, the Secretary of State, and Attorney General for the state all sit. They said, no, we’re not going to do it.

    So this has been a political case from start to finish. Both men have maintained their innocence. The problem with the men and the reason that they were targeted, was twofold, of course, because they were members of the Black Panther Party trying to secure freedom, trying to feed the people, trying to educate people, and, we have to remember, trying to stop police violence and murders against Black people. This whole Black Lives Matter … I even said it to Molina up there. Abdullah, this doesn’t mean anything if you can’t recognize those who first fought to try to free you Black people from these police killings. And that is those Black Panther Party members.

    Mansa Musa:  Right.

    Tekla Johnson:  Yeah, so –

    Mansa Musa:  And to echo that point, that’s why it’s so important that we have groups like Jericho. Because it’s a result of Jericho that we constantly are reminded and made aware of political prisoners, what’s going on with political prisoners. But more importantly, it is through Jericho that Ed’s case is constantly at the forefront of people’s minds. But I agree with you that when it comes down to a mass movement on political prisoners, then we fall short at times.

    But talk about–- And any one of y’all can weigh in on this–- Where do we stand at in terms of the possibility of getting a medical release? What’s the success ratio in Nebraska there? Because I know in the State of Maryland, where I’m at, I’m in the District of Columbia but in the State of Maryland, this is what they do here, where we at the doctor has got to diagnose that you’re going to die shortly thereafter you released. So it’s not more so to let you go. It’s more about letting you go and die on the street, as opposed to letting you go and try to get treatment. What do we look at for us right now in terms of Ed getting a medical release?

    Tekla Johnson:  Well, I will say that he is suffering a diminishing quality of life that’s irreversible, which is the standard in Nebraska. That’s what I would say. He’s eligible, in our opinion and the opinion of the attorney that the family’s working with because he has a diminishing quality of life that’s irreversible. He is in a wheelchair. He’s been wheelchair-bound for years but he has now been amputated below the knee. He cannot turn over in bed very well. And he definitely can’t sit up for more than 10 seconds on his own. He can’t walk. He cannot go to the bathroom by himself.

    Mansa Musa:  Rikki, when was the last time you visited Ed?

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  It’s been about three months because of the difficult visitation hours. We live an hour away which is not a lot but if you got to be there at nine o’clock in the morning. But my mother’s doing better. She was in a wheelchair and stuff like that. Now she’s up on the walker, so we are going to make it down there sooner. But still, once a week on Wednesdays is hard if you have to work or anything.

    Mansa Musa:  Right. Adrian, what do you want our audience to know about your brother as we move toward closing? What do you want to tell our audience about Ed that they need to know and why they should become involved with Ed’s case?

    Adrian Payne:  Well, because like I said, he doesn’t deserve to be in there and he’s been proven innocent.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s right.

    Adrian Payne:  So he should be out. He’s a wonderful person.

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  And because he has created programs in the prison to help other prisoners; he’s gotten an education. He literally has helped them in the prison to control some of the prisoners. Come on with the programs on how to be a better person and things of that nature. Of course, I’m not technical but he has done multiple programs and things like that. When he was in Lino Lakes, he used to work for them. I have a picture of him in a COOGI sweater.

    Mansa Musa:  [Laughs]

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  It’s unreal. I felt like in Minnesota they were keeping him comfortable, trying to keep him quiet. But then, he came back home because of the promise of being able to have a new trial. Then he’s been treated badly in Lincoln, and now my grandmother has passed on. So this fight is for my grandma. My grandma knew that her child was going to make it out. So this fight is for my grandma who passed on in 2011 and my baby sister three months after my grandmother. We are losing people. And come on, make room for the real criminals is how I feel.

    Mansa Musa:  And we know that right now, one of them got four different indictments coming out against him and he’s able to walk the streets. He can turn himself in and go right back out without fear of being locked up when the evidence is astronomical against him. Versus the evidence against Ed being astronomical against his innocence. We have more evidence of Ed’s innocence than we have of his guilt. But yet, like I said, the death of a thousand cuts.

    Tekla Johnson:  Can I say something about Jericho before we leave?

    Mansa Musa:  Yes ma’am.

    Tekla Johnson:  I wanted to express how closely the family has been working with Jericho. Ed’s brother and wife, who have power of attorney and power of medical, were able to take a trip up to Nebraska – Help being arranged by, of course, the family that’s already there – And Jericho was able to help provide resources to help them make that way recently. We work very closely with Jericho. I’m a former co-chair of Jericho, as well as a regional chair of Jericho when Baba Herman Ferguson had appointed me back in the late ’90s when they had the Jericho March. So we’ve been working with Jericho very closely the whole time.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay, closing out, how does our audience get in touch or learn more about Ed’s case? And how do they become involved in the latest initiative that’s taking place in trying to get a medical release?

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  If they want to get educated on the case there are several YouTube videos, some super-interesting ones, too. Even a cop that said, I think we did the right thing. What does he mean, he thinks he did the right thing.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah, yeah, yeah.

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  The YouTube videos, if nothing else, they’re super informative, super interesting, super frustrating. If they want to be caught up on the case and what went on they’ll also see all the things that didn’t match up and things like that. There’s a big rabbit hole, what they call a rabbit hole with that.

    Tekla Johnson:  There’s also a BBC documentary from back in 1993. You can contact me, you can contact – I’m going to let Ericka say for sure if you want her, too. But you can contact me. I’m working closely with the New York chapter of Jericho to get out information. In fact, that’s what we’re sending information through. There’s another local defense committee that the family has been working with but the family has decided to take leadership because – And I’ll be honest,  some folks feel that Ed would be better off going to a retirement home or something like that, instead of the family.

    And with Jericho, we always respected the position of the prisoner and always respected the position of the family. So what other people think, especially when they’re not from our community, does not bear on the way they do things, the way we do things. It’s two different things.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay, there you have it. The Real News, Rattling the Bars. We want Ed home. And as Rikki said, this is about finding solace for his mother. This is about reversing an injustice that’s been taking place for over 50 years when all the evidence says that Ed is innocent. But more importantly, Ed and his co-defendant need to be exonerated because this is about innocence. This is not about a technicality. This is about people who have done nothing other than stand up against police brutality, stood up against injustice, and because of this, they’ve suffered a death of a thousand cuts.

    Thank y’all for joining us today. And we look forward to when Ed comes out, being able to hug his sister, being able to hug his niece, being able to hug all his supporters, and enjoying a nice meal with family. And all will be behind him.

    Ericka “Rikki” Payne:  Thank you.

    Adrian Payne:  Thank you

    Tekla Johnson:  Thank you.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The shocking arrest, prosecution, and imprisonment of Nebraska teen Celeste Burgess and her mother, Jessica Burgess, has now become one of the best-known cases of abortion criminalization in post-Roe America. But the Burgess case is just the tip of the iceberg. Some 1,700 people have been prosecuted under similar laws since the 2022 Supreme Court Dobbs decision. Emma Roth of Pregnancy Justice joins Rattling the Bars to discuss the Burgess case and the broader movement to criminalize abortion care.

    Emma Roth is a staff attorney with Pregnancy Justice, a nonprofit advocacy group that defends the civil rights of women and pregnant people.

    Pre-Production: Maximillian Alvarez
    Studio Production: David Hebden, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Mansa Musa:  Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m your host, Mansa Musa. Even before the Supreme Court and its majority of far right-wing fundamentalist justices overturned Roe v. Wade last year, states around the country have found ways to criminalize people for having abortions. But things are getting worse and a recent case in Nebraska makes this clear.

    Celeste Burgess, who’s 19 years old, was sentenced to 90 days in jail and two years probation after self-managing an abortion at 29 weeks. To talk about this, we are joined by Emma Roth, who’s a staff attorney with Pregnancy Justice, a non-profit advocacy group that defends the civil rights of women and pregnant people. Thank you for joining me, Emma Roth.

    Emma Roth:  Thank you for having me.

    Mansa Musa:  Tell us a little bit about yourself and the work that you do at Pregnancy Justice.

    Emma Roth:  Sure. I’m Emma Roth, I use she/her pronouns, and I’m a staff attorney at Pregnancy Justice. We are a national organization. We’re based in New York City but we take on cases all over the country and we provide direct legal representation as well as strategic legal advocacy in cases in which a pregnant person is facing criminalization or other punitive state action because of their pregnancy or their pregnancy outcome. Whether that is a miscarriage or a stillbirth or an abortion, or if the pregnant person carried their pregnancy to term and had a healthy baby yet they’re still stigmatized because of the perception that they did something to put their pregnancy at risk.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay. This is bizarre, beyond anybody’s imagination, that we’ll be having a conversation about the criminalization of a person’s decision or their right to choose what they want to do with their body. This has been a longstanding battle for a woman’s right to choose. We’ve been constantly going back and forth with this country trying to regulate morality but now we find ourselves in a situation where we have a female, a woman, Celeste Burgess, who ended up in jail for having an abortion. Give us the background on this and tell us a little bit about this case, please.

    Emma Roth:  Sure. Let me start by laying out a bit of the national landscape and the broader background leading up to this particular case. Even though the Supreme Court, one year ago in the Dobbs decision, reversed Roe versus Wade and 50 years of legal precedent protecting the legal right to abortion, the issue of pregnancy criminalization is not new at all. In fact, our organization has been working on these cases for over 20 years and since 1973, the year in which Roe was decided, up until the Dobbs decision in 2022, we’ve tracked over 1700 cases in which pregnant people are criminalized because of their pregnancies or their pregnancy outcomes.

    In each of these cases, the pregnant person is facing a charge that they would not face but for the fact that they’re pregnant. We’re not talking about your average type of possession charge, if let’s say the allegation is the pregnant person used drugs, but rather a charge of murder or homicide or manslaughter if the pregnant person experienced a tragic pregnancy loss like a stillbirth or a miscarriage, or a charge like child neglect or child abuse or child endangerment if the pregnant person carried their baby to term.

    These cases are certainly not anything new. What there’s now much greater concern about is the criminalization of abortion itself. But prosecutors are relying on the exact same playbook that they have been using for decades to criminalize pregnant people. The case that we’ve come together to talk about today of Celeste Burgess is a case out of Nebraska, where a teenager was criminalized, along with her mother, because they sought abortion medication because she was not ready to be a mother yet. She was 17 years old at the time of the incident in question and she and her mother knew that that was far too early for her to take on the enormous responsibilities of parenthood when she had her whole life ahead of her. So they sought abortion medication in order for her to terminate her pregnancy.

    The catch is that self-managing your abortion through taking abortion medication is not illegal in the vast majority of states. There are only two states that criminalize self-managed abortion: that’s South Carolina and Nevada. Nebraska is not one of them. Rather than charge her with some offense that was directly linked to abortion, they tried to throw other charges at her in order to stigmatize and police what they viewed as immoral behavior of deciding to terminate her own pregnancy.

    Mansa Musa:  Now, okay. This is interesting because we here – And I’m in Washington DC and when Roe was reversed, I was going past the Supreme Court, so I saw everybody on both sides of the fence, pro, and con – But in this whole conversation I have never heard about how they systematically have been criminalizing a woman’s choice. Why this is not on the radar? Why is this not forefront? Because this is criminal in and of itself when say a person chooses to make a decision, then you say, well, we’re going to criminalize it by saying this is murder, or we’re going to criminalize it by saying this is an assault on life.

    In other words, your criminalization of it is what really what I’m looking at, your criminalization is the same criminalization that you give a person that goes out and commits a felonious crime, like if I go out and murder somebody. You in essence are saying that, if I as a female or a woman, if I choose to have an abortion, you can charge me with murder. Why is this not at the forefront of this debate about abortion?

    Emma Roth:  It’s an excellent question. And the answer is that the mainstream anti-abortion groups know that it is incredibly politically unpopular to admit that their end goal is to criminalize the abortion seeker herself, so the actual person who is pregnant and seeks an abortion. And they know that there is broad public support for the right to bodily autonomy, the right to abortion, and the notion that anybody would be jailed for seeking to terminate their own pregnancy is very politically unpopular.

    Instead, what this right-wing anti-abortion movement claims, is that they are only seeking to target the providers of abortion with these criminal statutes. They say, we’re going after the doctors, and they frame the doctors as these baby killers who are manipulating women into seeking abortions against their will. And they have this very paternalistic framing where they say that they’re opposed to abortion because they’re actually trying to protect women and protect them from this industry that is killing their babies. It would be contrary to that framework for them to admit that what they actually want to do, and what in many cases they’ve done all along, is to criminalize the pregnant person herself. 

    You may remember in the 2016 presidential debate between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, he actually said, there has to be some punishment for the woman. And it was as if he was saying the quiet part out loud because so many in the anti-abortion movement think that, but they won’t admit it because they know it’s politically unpopular. And then all of the mainstream anti-abortion groups were saying, no, no, no, that’s not what we believe. And he ended up walking those comments back.

    It’s more and more the fringe elements of the anti-abortion movement who will say that part out loud and really own the fact that they want to criminalize the person seeking the abortion. But it’s gaining more and more credence and acceptance within the more mainstream anti-abortion movement. And we saw this in the past legislative session where there were some bills introduced, including one in North Carolina, where somebody who sought an abortion could face the death penalty for killing a quote-unquote person.

    And the ideology that is behind this new wave of restrictions is the notion of fetal personhood: the notion that a fetus inside the womb has all of the same civil and constitutional rights as a living human being. And while in theory the pregnant person herself also has constitutional and civil rights, the reality is that this right-wing movement pits these two groups against each other, the fetus versus the mother, and is saying, well, if you terminate your pregnancy, you are a murderer and therefore you deserve to go to jail or prison.

    Mansa Musa:  I recognize that the anti-abortion right-wing elements have been systemic in dismantling Roe. And we really need to educate our listeners on this here. Why is it that the pro-choice seems like they’re being outflanked in a lot of regards? Why is it that they’re not able to reverse this perspective?

    Emma Roth:  The right-wing anti-abortion movement has been incredibly strategic, well-funded, and organized for decades. And this has been a top priority issue for conservatives, in particular the evangelical movement. And they’ve been particularly strategic about organizing around judicial nominations and focusing on the fact that the Supreme Court, and changing the composition of the Supreme Court such that there are a majority of anti-abortion justices, is the end goal. And that is something that Donald Trump campaigned on from day one.

    To some extent, Democrats were asleep at the wheel, in part because we have won this issue in the court of public opinion. The majority of Americans have supported abortion rights for decades. And that hasn’t changed since Dobbs. In fact, when it’s up to the voters, when there are things like ballot initiatives, we frequently prevail in getting to pass pro-abortion measures or defeating anti-abortion measures. What we haven’t been as successful at is elevating those who are protective of abortion rights to high-up positions within the judiciary.

    And to some degree, we’ve really been out-strategized by the right wing on that. And they’re also very willing to do cynical things and stretch the boundaries of the law and stretch the boundaries of convention in order to accomplish their goal of obliterating the fundamental right to abortion. And Democrats by and large are much more focused on tradition and norms. So one example of that is the failure to expand the court because Democrats don’t want to end the filibuster, which they would need to do in order to expand the court. And while we’re focused on these things like norms, we’re not playing the same game. The conservatives who are anti-abortion are playing by completely different rules than the pro-abortion rights side of our country.

    Mansa Musa:  So what is y’all’s strategy in terms of trying to get people to see the necessity on the state, local, and national level, the necessity to mobilize getting pro-choice measures, pro-choice legislators, pro-choice city council, et cetera so that the conversation will not be around if a person’s making a decision to do something that they feel as though it’s in their best interest health-wise, that they won’t be criminalized and charged with a myriad of charges you outlined earlier?

    Emma Roth:  We are a non-partisan 501(c)(3) organization, so we don’t do any campaigning for individual candidates. What we do is work affirmatively on promoting legislation that would be protective of the rights of pregnant people, regardless of whether they seek to carry to term or seek to terminate their pregnancies. And we also engage in legal advocacy.

    A huge part of our strategy is exposing these cynical tactics that the anti-abortion and anti-birth justice link of the American justice system is relying on to criminalize pregnant people for their pregnancies or their pregnancy outcomes. Every day we are representing actual pregnant people who are facing these criminal charges and we are sharing their stories. The right wing has depended so much on the fact that they have been targeting some of the most marginalized members of the American community. They have been focused on targeting poor people, people of color, substance users, and young people, and hoping that the public won’t really notice or won’t really care because they’re focused on criminalizing such stigmatized populations.

    And we are not only providing direct legal counsel but also sharing in the media, sharing our clients’ stories of the horrors that they’re facing and the complete injustices of the criminal legal charges that they’re facing. And hoping by elevating these stories, we’re letting people know that this is an issue that’s already happening. The right is already criminalizing pregnant people. This isn’t just a threat now that the Supreme Court decided Dobbs and Roe has been eliminated and the fundamental right to abortion has been eliminated. This isn’t just a threat that people will go to jail for their pregnancy outcomes. This has been happening for decades and we’ve been representing these people for decades. And it’s time to pay attention and listen.

    Mansa Musa:  Right. And how’s Celeste? What’s the status of her situation, her case, and how is that playing out?

    Emma Roth:  She was recently sentenced on a guilty plea. This is another interesting case, whereas I talked about earlier, the charge itself is very rarely going to be something that has abortion in the actual criminal code. Because getting your own abortion medication or doing what’s called self-managed abortion is not illegal in the vast majority of states. So instead of criminalizing her for that, they criminalized her with a count of concealing or abandoning a corpse.

    And this is a charge that we often see when a defendant has done something that the prosecution views as immoral. They start throwing spaghetti at the wall and trying to bring any charge that will stick. They couldn’t charge her with the fact that she terminated her pregnancy because that wasn’t illegal under Nebraska law, so instead they charged her with the fact that she disposed of the fetus’s body in a way that they disapproved of.

    And as a result, she was sentenced to 90 days in jail and two years of probation. And what we can’t forget here is that this is a teenager. This is somebody who had her entire life ahead of her and who made a very personal decision with her mother that she wasn’t ready to become a parent yet. And instead of providing her with compassion and resources, the state decided to lock her in jail and give her a felony that will follow her around for the rest of her life because of all of the collateral consequences of a conviction.

    Mansa Musa:  All right, so going forward, where are you at right now? Because I’m quite sure there are more Celeste cases out there; more people, women, and family members that are making a decision on the wellbeing of their family that’s going to be confronted with this. So where are y’all at right now in terms of educating people and also moving them in a direction where they can get a better understanding of how to go about advocating for themselves in this situation? Because this is, like I said, a stretch of anybody’s imagination that a family can sit down and say, this is what we’re going to do with our life, and then the government comes in and says, well, you all can do that, but …

    Emma Roth:  Yeah. It’s essential that people who are part of marginalized populations who are more likely to be targeted in these cases, as well as the stakeholders who are involved in these cases – Whether that be the medical providers who way too often report their pregnant patients to the police or law enforcement officers or prosecutors – That everyone who’s involved in the system understands these injustices and understands what they can do to prevent them. We’ve created resources, including something we call our Confronting Pregnancy Criminalization Guide that’s available on Pregnancy Justice’s website, that tells each actor involved in the system, concrete steps that they can take in order to interrupt the pathway of pregnancy criminalization and prevent cases like this from happening in the first instance.

    It’s vital that people be aware of their rights but also that people speak out when they work in a field – Whether that be in the medical setting, if they work as a medical examiner conducting an autopsy, if they work as a criminal defense attorney, as a prosecutor, as police, as a judge – All of these actors need to understand that this problem is already huge and is only growing by the day and that there are concrete things that they can do to stop it.

    Mansa Musa:  Tell our audience and our viewers how they can stay in touch with y’all and if they want to support any of y’all initiatives, how they become involved.

    Emma Roth:  Sure. You can find us on our website at pregnancyjusticeus.org, and you can follow us on Twitter, on Instagram. And we welcome the involvement of the public, whether that’s through donations, whether that’s through sharing our materials, sharing our content, speaking out with friends and loved ones in their own community, and educating them about these injustices. As more people can get involved in securing the rights of pregnant people, the better. We’ll take all the help we can get. I’m so honored that you invited us here today and thank you to your listeners for their interest in this issue.

    Mansa Musa:  All right, there you have it. Rattling the Bars. Emma Roth, you really rattled the bars today because you let our audience know that this has been an ongoing practice of the right wing to criminalize a woman’s choice and a person’s right to decide what they want to do with themselves. And we ask our listeners and our viewers to continue to support Rattling the Bars. It’s only on The Real News and Rattling the Bars that you’re going to get this information where when you say Roe v. Wade, you don’t think of Roe v. Wade and somebody getting 90 days in prison. You don’t think of Roe v. Wade and somebody going to trial or the prospect of being tried for murder. When you say Roe v. Wade, you don’t think of Roe v. Wade and think that somebody can go to prison and can’t get a bond. You don’t think of Roe v. Wade in any criminalization of a person’s decision.

    You only think of what the narratives are being painted by the right wing: that this is immoral, this is bad. But you don’t hear the conversation about no, what is immoral is people telling anybody if they make a decision to do with their life that they’re going to criminalize because they got the right. Thank you, Emma. We appreciate you, and your continued success.

    Emma Roth:  Thank you so much for having me.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Thank you so much for watching The Real News Network, where we lift up the voices, stories, and struggles that you care about most. And we need your help to keep doing this work, so please tap your screen now, subscribe, and donate to The Real News Network. Solidarity forever.

  • Common Dreams Logo

    This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on Aug. 4, 2023. It is shared here with permission under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.

    A U.S. federal appellate court on Friday ruled that a Jim Crow-era Mississippi law permanently disenfranchising people with certain felony convictions is unconstitutional.

    In a decision that can be appealed to the full U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals, a three-judge panel of the tribunal ruled 2-1 that Section 241 of Mississippi’s 1890 Constitution “violates the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment and the 14th Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection under the law.”

    Last August, the 5th Circuit affirmed Section 241, with dissenting Judge James E. Graves Jr., a Black Mississippian, lamenting that when his colleagues were “handed an opportunity to right a 130-year-old wrong, the majority instead upholds it.”

    The U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear an appeal of the ruling, prompting a scathing dissent from liberal Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson.

    “In the last 50 years, a national consensus has emerged among the state legislatures against permanently disenfranchising those who have satisfied their judicially imposed sentences and thus repaid their debts to society,” Friday’s ruling states. “Mississippi stands as an outlier among its sister states, bucking a clear national trend in our nation against permanent disenfranchisement.”

    Friday’s ruling is the result of a 2018 lawsuit filed by the Southern Poverty Law Center and ACLU on behalf of plaintiffs including Dennis Hopkins, who has been disenfranchised since 1998 due to a grand larceny conviction.

    “In school, they teach our kids that everybody’s vote counts, but no matter how I’ve lived for the past 20 years, I don’t count, not my values or my experience,” Hopkins said when the suit was filed. “I have paid Mississippi what I owe it in full, but I still can’t cast my vote for my children’s future.”

    Section 241 “mandates permanent, lifetime disenfranchisement of a person convicted of a crime of any one of ‘murder, rape, bribery, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods under false pretense, perjury, forgery, embezzlement, or bigamy,’” according to the ruling.

    As the NAACP Legal Defense Fund (LDF) notes, “Section 241 permanently disenfranchises people convicted of 10 specific crimes, eight of which were chosen by all-white delegates in 1890 and based on their belief that Black people were more likely than white people to be convicted of those crimes.”

    There are currently more than 20 crimes that disenfranchise Mississippians from voting. The state—which according to the Sentencing Project is one of only 12 with lifetime disenfranchisement—added 11 more offenses to the ban list in 2005.

    In contrast, everyone age 18 and up—including currently incarcerated individuals—has the right to vote in Maine and Vermont.

    While Black Mississippians are 36% of Mississippi’s voting-age population, they make up 59% of its disenfranchised people.

    “Section 241 is Jim Crow law, which created a deliberate and invidious scheme to disenfranchise Black people,” said LDF assistant counsel Patricia Okonta.

    “Today, Black Mississippians continue to be disproportionately harmed by this provision,” Okonta added. “While the state is home to the highest percentage of Black Americans of any state in the country, it has not elected a Black person to statewide office since 1890.”

    According to the Felony Murder Elimination Project, a California-based advocacy group:

    Over 215,000 people in Mississippi were disenfranchised as of 2019, representing almost 10% of the entire state population. Of this total, only 7% are incarcerated. The remaining 93% are living in the community either under probation or parole supervision, or have completed their criminal sentence. The number of African American residents disenfranchised in Mississippi numbered 127,130 in 2016 or nearly 16% of the Black electorate.

    “No one disputes that Mississippi’s felon disenfranchisement law was enacted more than 100 years ago for the announced purpose of maintaining white supremacy and blocking Black citizens from voting,” ACLU national legal director David Cole said in a statement.

    “Racially motivated laws don’t become valid over time,” Cole added. “It’s just as unconstitutional today as it was when it was enacted. That such a law remains on the books today is a stain on the state’s law books, and plainly unconstitutional.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The revelations of widespread torture of detainees at the illegal US naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba, rattled the American conscience during the Bush Jr. administration. Two decades later, detainments at Guantanamo continue, but the public has largely moved on. Yet for many former detainees of Guantanamo, release from their former prison has just opened a new chapter of horrors. A recent report from Elise Swain of The Intercept reveals that instead of being sent home, some 30% of former Guantanamo detainees were deported to a third country such as Kazakhstan, the UAE, and others. Despite being released from Guantanamo, these former detainees continue to experience arbitrary detention under the Kazakh and Emirati governments while being prevented from reuniting with their families. Elise Swain joins Rattling the Bars to explain these new revelations.

    Elise Swain is photo editor of The Intercept. 

    Pre-Production: Maximillian Alvarez
    Studio Production: David Hebden, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Mansa Musa:  Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m your host, Mansa Musa. The US military prison at Guantanamo Bay continues to be a stain on our humanity and what we call our civilization. A state-sanctioned black ops site where human rights functionally don’t exist, where torture is routine, Amnesty International called Guantanamo Bay, the Gulag of our time.

    Now imagine if you had somehow survived the horrors of Guantanamo Bay as a political prisoner, only to find yourself dumped on the side of a road in a country you don’t know, with no identification papers, no passport, no money, no way to contact or see your family, no legal existence. In a recent report for The Intercept, where the photo editor journalist Elise Swain wrote, “Life behind Guantanamo Bay for some men is just another Guantanamo Bay. Those who cannot be repatriated are instead sent to a third country, like Kazakhstan, where former detainees have been met with more arbitrary detention.” To talk about this, we are joined today by Elise Swain. Welcome to Rattling the Bars, Elise.

    Elise Swain:  Thank you so much for having me.

    Mansa Musa:  So let’s start by making sure listeners know what’s happening to these prisoners at Guantanamo Bay being released into foreign countries.

    Elise Swain:  Right, so we have a situation at Guantanamo Bay for the last 20 years where 779 men came in and were either released, or the few remaining: 30, are still there today. And so, what happened with a lot of these men, hundreds of them were Yemeni: men from Yemen, and the political situation in Yemen had deteriorated. The government was nonexistent. The country was in a civil war.

    When the US government couldn’t prosecute and had no evidence to charge and continue to detain these prisoners of law, the unconstitutionally held men, they had to release them. And so what ended up happening was, they were not able to return to places like Yemen because that was deemed too unstable and the US was worried about the security of the US and if these men were to reengage with terrorism and extremism.

    What they ended up doing was creating these third-country resettlement deals and that is what I’m interested in my reporting that I’ve been doing lately for The Intercept. We’re talking specifically about countries where this has gone very wrong. There are many successful resettlement stories, where men have been able to essentially live normal lives; work, travel, get married, and obtain their documents. But what I’m interested in talking about today is the issues that we’re seeing play out in places like Kazakhstan, the United Arab Emirates, where these men are lacking fundamental, basic human rights.

    Mansa Musa:  Right.

    Elise Swain:  So let’s get into all of that.

    Mansa Musa:  You spent a lot of time reporting on the story of Sabri al-Qurashi. Tell us about Sabri and what’s it been like to talk to him directly.

    Elise Swain:  Sabri’s become a friend. Sabri’s an amazing person. I’m really lucky to call him a friend at this point. He’s one of the kindest, most caring, considerate, funny people that I’ve spoken to. His native language is Arabic. He was dumped in Kazakhstan nine years ago where they speak Kazakh and Russian, so he’s had to learn English and now Russian, and he’s caught between these three different languages. But as we spent months speaking, his English did get better and we did some reporting from Arabic to English and I was able to really understand and tell his story for the first time. Because a lot of these men, as I said there were 770 of them, a lot of these stories never got told.

    Sabri spent 12 years at Guantanamo. He was not one of the black site prisoners. He was deemed low intelligence value because he was picked up in Pakistan, where he was working with merchandise. He was there for a perfume factory, buying wholesale things, trying to make money, trying to be a rich man and make his family proud. And he was young, and he happened to be there at this time when 9/11 had happened and they were dumping leaflets, offering bounty money up to $5,000, and warlords across Pakistan and in Afghanistan were selling people to the US government for money. This happened with up to 86% of the men that were at Guantanamo Bay.

    And so, unable to return to Yemen after Guantanamo, Sabri was pretty enthusiastic and was looking forward to being offered a life in Kazakhstan. It’s a Muslim country. He was told that he would be living under some restrictions for the first two years but essentially he was going there as a free man; he would have all the same rights as Kazakh citizens. He was told he would be treated as a member of society. And for the last eight years, he has found himself without the most basic needs being met. He said to me, truly, my life now is as bad as it was when I was in Guantanamo, and in many aspects even worse. At least there, I knew I was in prison and that I would at least get out one day. So now he’s essentially living in an open-air prison where he’s being told that he’s free and he’s living in what I would consider the complete opposite of freedom.

    His movements are monitored. People are actively discouraged from talking to him and being friends with him. They become monitored. He’s kept mostly in isolation because of this, because of the stigma of being branded a terrorist in Kazakhstan. He does not have an ID, he does not have asylum. He’s stateless living in this country. He is unable to receive money or mail. He can’t drive, he cannot travel, and the International Committee of the Red Cross is the one that pays for him to have an apartment and live there. He’s getting no support from the actual Kazakh government.

    Mansa Musa:  What does Sabri’s situation say about what other former Guantanamo Bay detainees are going through and why are they going to countries like Kazakhstan?

    Elise Swain:  These resettlement deals are run out of an office at the State Department. So we have a diplomatic branch of the government taking over and trying to clean up the mess made post-9/11 with Guantanamo Bay and the mess of the CIA and all of the torture that occurred there. So essentially now, with an office within the State Department first created under Obama, to transfer these men out of Guantanamo during the days when the Obama administration they wanted to close Guantanamo. That was a priority. Of course, then Trump came in and disbanded this office at the State Department, stopped any transfers out of Guantanamo Bay, and made men who were cleared for release sit there and wait for four more years until they were able to leave.

    People like Sabri and Mohammed, the two remaining today in Kazakhstan, are ending up in places like that because they’re essentially pawns in a geopolitical game. What the State Department is doing is using diplomacy to try to police these men in countries that are unwilling hosts. So no one wants to be responsible for men that the US has said were the worst of the worst: terrorists, extremists, people who killed innocent civilian life and did war crimes. Of course, we have a very, very small percentage of men remaining in Guantanamo today they were able to bring evidence against that they were involved in a war crime against the US. Most of these men were un-chargeable but did the time for it anyway.

    So no one wants to be responsible for them but some countries are accepting them in these deals with the State Department because it strengthens their relationship with the US; there’s a quid pro quo here, maybe it gets benefits for them in some ways later on the road, or they’re being paid to take them in. I have heard that, not in all cases, but in some cases, we are literally paying countries to take these men off of our hands. So it shows real neglect of the US to have any thoughtful policy in place for what to do with these men once they were able to be released. What has happened here with this resettlement situation, or even for the men that go back home to their native countries, there is no exoneration for them. They’re not leaving Guantanamo with a pat on the back and the handshake saying, we’re so sorry for what we did to you. Here are reparations. Here’s compensation. Here’s rehabilitation for what you went through for the arbitrary detention that amounts to torture.

    For some of the men, they did go through the black site interrogation program. For the other men, there was military-run torture. We had two different parts of the government torturing. Interrogations that went beyond any reasonable what they call stress positions, enhanced interrogation. No, it’s torture. What the CIA did and what the US government did at Guantanamo and beyond was torture. And there has been no meaningful accountability for what was done to those men and there has been no prosecution for those who committed it.

    And so for now, these men to be released from Guantanamo to be tied up in more decades of bureaucratic nonsense, where they’re left with no rights and the State Department says about the situation in Kazakhstan, listen, it’s not a priority right now. His life isn’t in danger, so he’s going to continue to live at the margins of society. And that’s what we have now. It is a diplomatic quagmire where these men have been tied up for decades in legal messes that the US itself created by handing them over to another country and not meaningfully following up, having no meaningful follow-up with the diplomacy deal that was done. What happens after the two years? The US couldn’t care less.

    So unless these men advocate for themselves, unless they talk to the media, unless they write a book or go on social media and become activists, these men are remaining nameless victims of the war on terror, and they are living on the margins of society, and they are impoverished, willfully so, because they are not allowed to work, and they have not been exonerated, and they are broken.

    Mansa Musa:  You cited in your article about the UN investigation into Guantanamo Bay, and you basically said that it didn’t really reveal nothing that was not already known, and that in reality, it was a bit too late to help people like Sabri. And more importantly, unpack, in your investigation, did they conclude that reparations should be given to men like Sabri?

    Elise Swain:  This report from the Special Repertoire on Human Rights for the United Nations was significant in many ways. This was the first independent investigator from the UN to be able to have full access and full cooperation from the US to go into the actual prison. She was able to interview the men that were still held there. She talked to men who have been released. I know for a fact she spoke with Sabri and with Mansoor Adayfi and others who have been released for this investigation.

    So really, this is a critical understanding and so much of this we’ve been missing because the media has not been allowed to do their jobs. We are not allowed to speak to these men. They are held incommunicado and they always will be because they were victims of CIA torture. And so, the more that they can control that narrative, the more that they can turn, the US public, make sure that we continue to turn a blind eye to the horrifying international human rights abuses that were committed in our name, the better. What this report to me meant was a reaffirmation that the core of the problem here is this arbitrariness. There’s this inexplicable, indefinite detention that is never-ending and because of lack of public interest, because of the media turning its spotlight onto the situation, we have allowed a situation where, as the UN Special Repertoire writes, life beyond Guantanamo for some men is another Guantanamo.

    And it’s all of these reasons that I’ve mentioned that this is the case. If there was public interest, if the narrative had changed, oh my God, look at what we’ve done, these men were all largely not involved in 9/11 or in the USS Cole bombing. No, these men were not involved in active violent plots against the US. They were living their lives. Some of them, yes, of course, they were training with Al-Qaeda or the Taliban, but that’s part of the culture and we had no understanding of why they were really there. That wasn’t the crime. The crime was war crimes against the US. But the United States never admitted faults, never said all of these men were innocent in the way that our own criminal justice system would define innocence.

    So what happens is that we now have a neglectful media that is not covering this in the same way and we have this report published 20 years too late.

    Mansa Musa:  Right, right. Yeah, exactly.

    Elise Swain:  What do we do about it now? All of this is already in progress. All of the bureaucratic issues and the CIA torture, it’s already happened. There’s no changing it unless we completely change the public narrative around how these issues are viewed and what our understanding of justice is. What is the US definition of innocence for these men? If we continue to call them terrorists over and over and over again, this is what living after Guantanamo means. It is another Guantanamo.

    So what she points out specifically in this report that was of interest to me was highlighting Kazakhstan and the United Arab Emirates, where these abuses on detainees, she found to be egregious. Now, that’s a powerful word for a UN paper to use. I don’t think you can get much more serious than having an egregious concern.

    And so she wrote, “In Kazakhstan, former detainees effectively remain under house arrest and are unable to live a normal and dignified life due to the secondary security measures put in place post transfer.” Now again, what do we do about this situation? The State Department is saying, well, it’s up to Kazakhstan to decide what the security measures are. Kazakhstan is responsible for them. And the Special Repertoire disagrees, essentially, with that.

    She says, “There is a legal and moral obligation for the US to use all of its diplomatic and legal resources to facilitate re-transferring these men with meaningful assurance and support to the other countries.” What this means is that she is saying these men need to be taken out of Kazakhstan, out of the United Arab Emirates, because they are being essentially tortured, and held in arbitrary detention yet again, and it is morally imperative that the US steps in and is involved.

    And in my reporting, I found that essentially the US government completely disagrees with this. From a legal standpoint, they say, no, no, we had a deal. The deal is over. Kazakhstan is in legal control of these men and we want nothing to do with it. Diplomatically, this would be the moral obligation part.

    Mansa Musa:  I got you.

    Elise Swain:  Morally, they also say, no, that’s not for us to decide the morality of what has happened with these men. I was told in a quote from the State Department, once security assurances have expired, and pending any specific renegotiation of assurances, it falls largely to the discretion of the host country to determine what security membership they continue to implement. They’re saying our hands are tied, we have no interest. This is oh, sure, on a personal level I can say this is terrible that this happened, but it’s really not for us here at the State Department to deal with.

    And she says, no, absolutely there is a legal and moral obligation. And so, that’s critical. I really haven’t seen such a powerful call to action from the US. This slammed the US government. The UN really, really took us to task here for what has been done to these men at Guantanamo currently, and mostly in the countries where they have been arbitrarily detained.

    She also found that this report was significant in finding a much larger study that had been done for the first time, that she looked into so many different cases of where these detainees have been sent. What I’m saying is that this is the first time that someone has looked into the enormity of the situation and interviewed so many former detainees that have been put out in the world because really there hasn’t, no one’s really keeping track of that.

    And so, she found that the men released from Guantanamo in resettlement deals, in fact, had not been given proper legal status by their host countries in 30% of documented cases. And that’s only documented cases. She wasn’t able to interview all 700 people who were there. And sorry, not all 700, of course, are in resettlement host countries. However, hundreds are, and 30% is quite high; 30% is unacceptable.

    Mansa Musa:  And the problem with this whole report, in terms of how the problem for the US is this: okay, you created the problem. You rounded people up under the pretense that they represent a threat to the security of the US. You round them up, you take them to Guantanamo Bay. Then after you held them for up to 20 years or better, or less, then you say, oh, you’re no longer a threat. You’re no longer a problem. You’re no longer a security threat to the US but yet you don’t have the humanity, or you don’t feel the more obligation to say, oh, because of what we did to you now we’re going to send you back to your country and compensate you.

    No. The way we’re going to do it, we’re going to pass the buck. We’re going to come to an agreement with the United Arab Emirates and Kazakhstan and say that you take them off our hands, they’re your responsibility. We’ll pay you but in terms of us having anything to do with them, we are no longer obligated and we’re not going to do anything with them.

    But as we close out, I want to make one observation: When 9/11 happened, I was serving time in the Maryland prison system. I did 48 years prior to being released, but during that time, I was in the supermax when 9/11 happened. And I was on the walk and I was looking out my cell. I saw when the Twin Towers went down. I went to a person’s cell and I said, you know what? The Twin Towers went down. I said, the US is going to find somebody to blame and when they find somebody to blame, they going to make sure that they do everything humanly possible to eradicate them as a people or eradicate them as human beings. And this is what they have done to Sabri.

    Going forward, what do you want our listeners to know and what should be the takeaway from this whole thing? How do you think the American people should respond to what’s going on with men like Sabri and others that are waiting, or others that are already in these situations?

    Elise Swain:  What needs to change in the thinking about Guantanamo is what we were speaking about before and something you mentioned here. Why were these men not given reparations? Why were these men not rehabilitated or given compensation? Because we do not want to acknowledge that they are victims of torture and that we were wrong.

    There is a confirmation bias with these men that is persistent and is so uniformly understood as the truth. And what I mean by confirmation bias is that we cannot begin to admit that we got the wrong people, that these men were not responsible for 9/11. So Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and the accused for 9/11 are still at Guantanamo Bay. The trial has not even happened. We’ve been stuck in pretrial hearings. People in the US don’t know about this. They don’t know that there is a broken commission system where the military is the judge in these cases.

    Guantanamo has been a story in the news for 23 years now and it’s a story that people think that they know and they’re tired of. The overwhelming narrative is, yeah, that’s where we sent the terrorists after 9/11. We got them. That’s where all the bad guys went. And in reality, the unbelievable fuck-up that was Guantanamo is really not understood. Mark Fallon, who was one of the heads of the Naval Criminal Investigation Services makes a great point of this in his book, Unjustifiable Means. Many leading people in the military have been able to say, we made a lot of mistakes. These men were not supposed to be there. They were nobodies. It was not Osama bin Laden at Guantanamo Bay. But that’s very rare. That’s rare for people in the government to admit, we got this so terribly wrong.

    For Obama to have done what he did, where he did not prosecute torture. He said, let’s look forward, not backward. We lost a pivotal moment there in understanding what was done post-9/11. They swept the torture under the rug. They allowed this legal nightmare of over-classification and lack of justice for both the victims, the family members, the victims of 9/11 and other incidents, and the American public.

    There’s been no justice done for us, for the victims of 9/11. There’s been no justice for the maybe one million innocent Iraqis who were slaughtered in the aftermath of 9/11, having had nothing to do with it. There’s been no justice for the bombing of Afghanistan, Libya, Somalia, the drone strikes in those countries, in Pakistan as well, and on and on and on. We have unleashed Pandora’s box–

    Mansa Musa:  Of terrorism.

    Elise Swain:  –Of terrorism on other countries that did not deserve the Islamophobic attacks and brutalization and murder outright of their people.

    Mansa Musa:  Elise, as we close out, tell our audience how they can get in touch with you or how they can review some of your writings or stay abreast as you report these things. Because as you said, the public is being desensitized by Guantanamo Bay because that’s the narrative that the fascists are pushing now.:Terrorists live there. If you got an attitude about that, then you support terrorism, so you should be happy that we got the terrorists isolated and taken care of, to stop another 9/11. How can our people, our viewers, and listeners, stay abreast of what’s going on?

    Elise Swain:  I just got back, actually, from Guantanamo Bay. I was there on a reporting trip, and I will have some stories coming out soon at TheIntercept.com. I have a staff page there. If you simply Google Elise Swain, The Intercept, you can see all of the reporting and writing that I’ve done right there on my staff page. I am on Twitter, I am on Instagram, and I would say check back in at the Intercept because I have some great stories coming up.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay, there you have it. Elise Swain, rattling the bars.

    When we say close Guantanamo Bay, we always think about what we’re going to do with the people that are there, and that gives us consternation about closing. Because this is a narrative that’s being perpetuated by the government, the fascists: If we close it, then we have to do something with the terrorists, and therefore that’s why it’s not being closed.

    No. When we say close Guantanamo Bay, we’re saying close it because, as Elise Swain put out, these are innocent people that are being held there that were rounded up, the same way they rounded up people and put them in Japanese internment camps, the same way they rounded people up and put them in Auschwitz and Bacuag and DACA, the same way they rounded up people in Africa and brought them over as slaves. This is a human tragedy. The human tragedy of Guantanamo Bay is that they’re terrorizing people, and they’re turning, as we saw, the terrorism on them. Then they send them to countries where they don’t have any rights and don’t have a way of re-socializing themselves.

    We ask that you continue to support the Real News and Rattling the Bars because it’s the only way you going to get Elise Swain that’s going to tell you about Guantanamo Bay and give you the real news behind it. Because guess what? We are actually the real news. Thank you, Elise. We appreciate it and continue your good work.

    Elise Swain:  Thank you so much. Solidarity, my friend.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • This story originally appeared in In These Times on July 13, 2023. It is shared here with permission.

    The fight in Atlanta over Cop City, a massive police training facility, has turned into ground zero for overlapping crises facing our country: the climate emergency, vast political and economic inequality, ever-militarizing police forces and systemic racism. 

    If we want a democracy healthy enough to solve these crises, it’s worth paying attention to what is happening in the South River Forest.

    On May 31, in a disturbing move shortly before Atlanta’s City Council approved more funding for the facility, Georgia law enforcement arrested three members of the Atlanta Solidarity Fund, which provides activists with legal support and bail money. 

    Organized bail support for activists is a longstanding tradition, exemplified by the historical precedent of churches and community groups raising funds to bail Martin Luther King, Jr. and other civil rights leaders out of jail. Now, however, the authorities are deeming such acts ​“money laundering” and ​“charity fraud.” 

    In reality, the fund was targeted for supporting the Stop Cop City movement, which opposes the police training facility. 

    Many in the community fear the Cop City facility will be used to train police in counterinsurgency, further militarizing an already armed and equipped force. In a city with wide wealth and income disparities, more militarized policing fits into what community activist Micah Herskind describes as ​“the state’s retreat from the provision of social welfare and the interrelated build-up of policing and imprisonment to manage inequality’s outcomes.” 

    The facility is largely funded by the corporate-backed Atlanta Police Foundation (APF), whose donors include Amazon, JP Morgan Chase, Home Depot and Wells Fargo. Militarized policing is a growing concern in the United States, and corporate-funded militarized policing raises further unease about law enforcement becoming directly beholden to corporate interests. 

    As local resident Brad Beadles put it, ​“When private corporate donors are able to fund militarized training facilities for the police, they are essentially buying off the police. They are making it clear who the police work for.”

    Cop City also has adverse environmental justice effects. Building the facility will require cutting down part of an urban forest adjacent to a majority-Black, working class community.

    Urban forests provide critical environmental benefits for nearby residents. They filter pollutants from the air, store carbon, and mitigate floods and the urban heat island effect. Destroying community access to nature and outdoor recreation also negatively impacts mental health, as individuals with less access to green spaces have higher prevalence of mental distress, anxiety and depression. 

    Cutting down forests anywhere in an age of climate crisis is a bad idea, but doing it next to a working-class Black community is particularly egregious when there are already nationwide racial disparities in urban heat island exposure and access to greenspaces. By 2050, summer high temperatures in the Atlanta metropolitan area are predicted to be 4.1 degrees Fahrenheit hotter than they are today, making preservation of Atlanta’s tree coverage all the more imperative.

    The arrests of the bail fund organizers are only one example of state repression against the Stop Cop City movement.

    In a January raid on a protest encampment in the forest, police killed Manuel Esteban Paez Terán, an activist also known as Tortuguita. Police claim Tortuguita shot first, but have refused to provide proof. Results from two independent autopsies contradict the official story, raising the possibility that this was a cover-up of a ​“friendly fire” accident between police officers — or worse, an assassination. 

    Activists in the movement have also been arrested on ​“domestic terrorism” charges for having muddy shoes or having legal support numbers written on their arms — prosecutorial overreach with clear intent to intimidate.The state is using violence and terror to try to stamp out a movement opposing a facility meant to train law enforcement in violence and terror. 

    Environmental activists reoccupy the Atlanta Forest, a preserved forest Atlanta that is scheduled to be developed as a police training center, March 4, 2023 in Atlanta, Georgia. PHOTO BY ANDREW LICHTENSTEIN/CORBIS VIA GETTY IMAGES

    Residents of Atlanta have spoken out against Cop City. A September 2021 City Council hearing on the subject received 17 hours of testimony, with about 70 percent against the project. The Council approved the project regardless.

    In June 2023, the Council held a hearing on approving more public funding for Cop City. This time, they heard 13 hours of testimony, with the overwhelming majority in opposition. Once again, the Council approved the funding anyway.

    Criminalizing protest

    The criminalization of protest in Atlanta is part of a years-long trend.

    In a 2020 Institute for Policy Studies report called Muzzling Dissent: How Corporate Influence over Politics Has Fueled Anti-Protest Laws, we examined state repression of oil and gas infrastructure protesters with so-called ​“Critical Infrastructure Protection” laws. 

    Similar to the Cop City project in Atlanta, the communities impacted by the oil and gas projects we studied had high levels of economic insecurity and were overwhelmingly Black, Indigenous or poor white people. We examined pipeline resistance struggles in three different states — a Black environmental justice community in Louisiana with the highest rates of cancer in the country, an Indigenous nation fighting to protect their cultural resources in Minnesota and impoverished Appalachian communities in West Virginia.

    Versions of ​“Critical Infrastructure Protection” legislation in Louisiana and West Virginia (which have the laws on the books), and Minnesota (where the legislature passed a bill that was subsequently vetoed by the governor), all included similar language that identified varying types of fossil fuel infrastructure as ​“critical infrastructure” and criminalized entering these sites with the threat of felony charges. 

    Many versions of the bill also held supposed ​“co-conspirators” of such activities liable. These types of charges criminalize participation in a group or social movement involved in protesting, which parallels many of the police repression tactics against Stop Cop City, also known as the Defend the Atlanta Forest movement. 

    Forest defenders who were arrested in Atlanta have often faced ​“domestic terrorism” enhancement charges in addition to ​“felony trespassing” due to their association with the ​“Defend the Atlanta Forest” movement, which prosecutors claim is a ​“criminal organization” under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO).

    In Muzzling Dissent, we identified how the fossil fuel industry is weaponizing the term ​“critical infrastructure protection” — which is historically associated with safeguarding infrastructure that serves a vital function for communities, such as roads and bridges — to restrict the ability of communities to protect themselves against destructive oil and gas projects. 

    The State of Georgia and the City of Atlanta are now weaponizing RICO, a 1970s law to prosecute violent mafia activity, against an autonomous and decentralized environmental justice movement.

    Similarly, the State of Georgia and the City of Atlanta are now weaponizing RICO, a 1970s law to prosecute violent mafia activity, against an autonomous and decentralized environmental justice movement. 

    Corporate capture

    “Critical Infrastructure Protection” laws are most successful in states with the most concentrated fossil fuel industry power at a time when domestic oil and gas production is at a record high. 

    In all three of our case studies, the ​“Critical Infrastructure Protection” bills were led by state legislators who took large campaign donations from oil and gas companies. In fact, the original model text for the bills was drafted by the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) — a non-profit heavily funded by the fossil fuel industry and closely tied to many of the policy makers who passed the bills.

    Muzzling Dissent was ultimately an illustration of how unfettered corporate power leads to the criminalization of community resistance against wealthy, private interests. Similarly, it’s no coincidence that Cop City is being built in a heavily corporatized city.

    Atlanta has been dubbed the ​“Silicon Peach” because of its position as one of the fastest growing urban technology hubs in the United States. In addition to a booming technology sector, recent tax cuts for the film industry have made Atlanta a new hotspot for high-budget entertainment studios. 

    Atlanta is also home to Coca-Cola, UPS, Delta Airlines and Home Depot — each of which are represented on the APF’s Board of Directors (with the recent exception of Coca-Cola, which stepped down after Color of Change exposed the corruption and controversies surrounding the foundation). 

    The unwillingness of the majority of elected-officials in Atlanta to acknowledge the widespread opposition to Cop City is a testament to the power of the corporate-backed APF. 

    Undermining democracy

    The recent Congressional intervention to force construction of the Mountain Valley Pipeline (MVP) is also consistent with the trend of powerful corporate interests promoting militarized state repression to protect their interests against the popular will.

    Stop Mount Valley Pipeline rally held in front of the White House in Washington D.C. on June 08, 2023. PHOTO BY MOSTAFA BASSIM/ANADOLU AGENCY VIA GETTY IMAGES

    Sen. Joe Manchin (D-WV), the architect of the provision benefiting MVP in the debt ceiling bill, gets the most oil and gas industry money of any federal legislator. And Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY), who made the back-room deal with Manchin to force the pipeline’s approval, has received more than $300,000 from MVP developer NextEra Energy.

    While the MVP deal does not directly criminalize dissent, it closes off regulatory and legal tools for project-impacted communities to fight back, making protest and direct action even more indispensable. It requires regulatory agencies to issue all permits for the project without going through the customary review process that projects usually have to go through, cutting communities out of intervening in permitting processes by filing comments in regulatory dockets. It also exempts permits issued to the MVP from judicial review, closing off the courts as another venue for communities to fight back.

    When the so-called ​“proper channels” for communities to resist harmful corporate projects are made inaccessible, protest tactics are sometimes seen as the only choice left for those fighting to defend their communities. And as the crackdown in Atlanta shows, such protest tactics can lead to activists being locked up, creating a chilling effect for those engaging in dissent.

    This trend is a serious threat to social movement organizing. The first step in fighting back is to develop a shared understanding of militarization of law enforcement, stigmatization of protest, and corporate capture of government — not as isolated evils, but as an intertwined strategy to undermine democracy.

    In the meantime, Stop Cop City organizers are circulating a petition to put the issue before voters on the ballot for municipal elections on November 7. If the organizers collect enough signatures to put the decision on Cop City question on the ballot, voters will get to choose whether or not to lease the city-owned land for the project. Despite their opponents’ best efforts, Atlanta Forest Defenders have not given up on democracy. They are taking their case against Cop City directly to the people of Atlanta, asserting organized people power as the antidote to concentrated corporate power.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Mass incarceration as we know it today owes much of its existence to the political rationale created by the War on Drugs. Although proffered as a solution to the public health crisis of drug addiction, prisons actually provide little in the way of real care or rehabilitation for people struggling with substance abuse. In Alaska, True North Recovery, an addiction treatment and advocacy organization run by formerly incarcerated people, is working to expand care for incarcerated people suffering from addiction. Kara Nelson joins Rattling the Bars to discuss these efforts.

    Kara Nelson is currently the chief operating officer at True North Recovery, and a Governor-appointed board member of the Alaska Advisory Board on Alcoholism and Drug Addiction. Since 2016, Kara has served as a chaplain for the Alaska Department of Corrections.

    Studio: David Hebden, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Mansa Musa:  Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m Mansa Musa, your host. Kara Nelson is currently the chief operating officer at True North Recovery and a governor-appointed board member of the Alaska Advisory Board on Alcoholism and Drug Addiction. Since 2016, Kara has served as a chaplain for the Alaska Department of Corrections. Welcome to Rattling the Bars, Kara.

    Kara Nelson:  Thank you. It’s such an honor to be here.

    Mansa Musa:  I gave a brief overview of some of the things. Tell our audience a little bit about yourself.

    Kara Nelson:  Sure. Well, as you mentioned, I’m the chief operating officer here at True North Recovery, but I started out after 20 years of active addiction, in and out of prison. It was about 20 years there. My last release was in 2011. At that time I started a nonprofit, a home for women coming home after incarceration. And it was a launching pad for a lot of advocacy and people speaking out that one had a desire to live a recovery pathway, but also people that had been formerly incarcerated, family members, and a space that hadn’t been done before.

    That has started me on this trek of how I got to where I’m at and I’ve been involved with True North from the beginning. One of my best friends is the CEO, and I say that because he also was incarcerated. We have lived experienced employees. I would say, about 95% of us have some lived experience as well as our professional experience, which gives us the unique ability for that innovative way of reimagining behavioral health, and how we do it.

    Mansa Musa:  All right. As I was talking to you earlier about Alaska. And for most people, unless you live in Alaska, visited, or had some type of tourist association with it, our general information comes from Discovery. And in that regard, we often think of Alaska as wilderness, we often think of Alaska as people that are more nature-driven. We don’t think of Alaska as a place where people will have a substance abuse problem. We don’t think of Alaska as a place where you have people going to prison, or what a prison would look like in Alaska; It’d be a stretch of our imagination. Talk about, in the face of what’s going on in society today, mainly with drug addiction.

     I’m from the District of Columbia, I’m in this region, we have a fentanyl overdose and we have the legalization of marijuana. And at the same token, it’s been decriminalized in terms of your possession of it, but it’s not decriminalized in terms of, you do something with it in your system and caused something to happen, that you going to be charged appropriately. Talk about the recovery effort that you all are doing up there in Alaska. Talk about y’all program and some of the things that you all are doing, and why you think this is important work in Alaska.

    Kara Nelson:  Well, it’s incredibly impactful. One, Alaska is very different than anywhere else, and so a lot of the different programs and initiatives don’t work the same here because Alaska’s huge and people, we’re spread out all over the place. For instance, when we have substances brought into our state, they’re either brought in by plane or boat and so there are federal issues and charges that are associated with that. It’s hard to get the support you need, people live in very remote areas. We have 750,000 people that live in Alaska and almost 400,000 of those live in one city: in Anchorage, about 45 minutes from where I’m at right now. And so, it’s very difficult. We have the same issues as across the country and the challenges are heightened because of lack of access. 

    We’re usually pretty behind when it comes to being innovative or having those resources and changing the landscape of how we provide treatment. I’m very passionate about programs and getting inside the prisons, making sure that everyone has equal access to mental health and substance use treatment and rehabilitation. That’s also very unique because the prisons are a long way away from your home, so there isn’t that connectivity. Also, because it’s so dark here in the wintertime, the depression levels and suicide rates are extremely high. Last year we were first in the country, I’m not quite sure what the numbers are this year for suicide, as well as domestic violence, which of course all are in that continuum of getting into prison and utilizing substances to survive. And it’s what works and what doesn’t work. 

    Mansa Musa:  Right, I got you. If you know, how many prisons exist in Alaska?

    Kara Nelson:  It’s a unified prison system. We have 12 prisons and then there are lots of holding facilities. We have these small communities and honestly, they call them holding facilities, but people could stay there for a very lengthy period of time. We have one woman’s prison, which is in Anchorage. And so, if you live anywhere in the state and you get sent to the woman’s prison, you’re so far away from your family. Also, we work hard with the DOC to have the programming inside for treatment, especially mental health and substance use disorders. But what happens is, they only have, in one institution, maybe five people who can fit into the boxes to check, and then it’s portrayed as it’s happening across the state. So that’s something that we work on to eliminate and have access to care.

    Mansa Musa:  In terms of the organization, True North Recovery,  I was looking at some of the things that you all are doing on the webpage. But talk about how long you all have been in existence. And what are some of the things that you’re doing, both outside in society and if you all have any inroads in dealing with anything within the correction system?

    Kara Nelson:  True North Recovery was founded in 2016. But prior to that, it was two guys who were tired of seeing their friends die. And I was friends with them and I was also doing that in the nonprofit I mentioned earlier, the home for women and programming for women. And so, we took it upon ourselves because we were trying to make a change. Yet, with all the different treatment facilities and behavioral health systems, there were so many barriers, you couldn’t get an assessment to get in, for months out.

    One of the many things that is part of our hearts is same-day access to services. It started out as a peer support network and different treatment centers would contract us to do peer support. And at the time, it wasn’t talked about like it is now. People didn’t want to talk about going to prison, people didn’t talk about their recovery. It started out there and they saw the impact of that lived experience with others in a way that they couldn’t hear it when we were trying to advocate for. But when they saw it working and the success stories and even if people didn’t live an abstinence-based life, their quality of life changed. Fiend 2 Clean was what it was called in the beginning. And the State of Alaska approached us and said, we want to fund you to start a nonprofit. And we called it True North, and that was in 2016. I’m pretty sure it’s the only time a state has freeloaded crazy kids who were trying to save lives at the time.

    Since then, we started as an outpatient program with peer support across the board. We don’t add peer support into our programs, we are peers, and we add the clinical aspects and the other aspects into that. We started out as an outpatient. It grew tremendously because, of course, in the beginning, we were people that people could relate to. We would have so many messages coming in. And again, I didn’t technically work for True North, but we were in a tight little network across the state making this happen. We went from there to opening an inpatient treatment center and it’s a 10,000 square foot beautiful home. Everything we do is very personalized, it’s not an institution. If you walked into our treatment center, it’s very homelike, very comfortable. 

    Everyone that works inside that building does have lived experience: everyone from our master clinician to our intake people. And of course, that comes with working with the prison system, and trying to do bed-to-bed transfers, and building those relationships. Mind you, it’s a small state, we’ve all had interactions with the criminal justice system. So, developing all those relationships and recognizing that it’s not always policy that will change things. We want to get in, build relationships, and then change the culture. Change the culture within the probation system, change the culture within the prison system, judges, and prosecutors.

    Now we’re opening another inpatient treatment facility up north in Fairbanks. We have a lot of very extensive reentry case management, we go inside before, and then, of course, during there are lots of bail hearings. We have a walk-in crisis center, we do a mobile crisis team, and again, all utilize people with lived experience. They’ll go on the streets with the mental health clinician up here, develop relationships with law enforcement so they don’t have to go to the ER, they don’t have to go to prison. They’re not going to get arrested when we can build that trust and have them call our mobile crisis team and go deescalate a situation.

    Mansa Musa:  Right, right, right. And from what I’m seeing, from what I’m gathering, you all are heavy on recognizing that when we talk about substance use disorder or alcohol use disorder, you all seem like you’ve got the model that most people are adopting. That in the country that’s learned, this is more about mental health than it is about criminal behavior. Is that a correct analysis?

    Kara Nelson:  Absolutely –

    Mansa Musa: And in terms – Go ahead. Go ahead. Excuse me.

    Kara Nelson:  – We can’t incarcerate our way out of these complex social issues. It’s been a long process, but we’re at a great place now where we’re building foundations to do away with those old ideas. Mind you, as I said, we had to do it first to show this is evidence-based. When you support someone, when you surround them, and don’t punish them for acting on their illness. And let us do the work. You don’t have to, we’ll do it.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah, yeah, yeah. That’s right. I heard you say you all had got funding for True North Recovery. In terms of your relationship with the Department of Correction or the court system, how are you all able to impact both to get them to recognize that it’s a mental health issue and that the way to deal with it is to be more treatment-orientated, as opposed to carceral? Have you all been able to make inroads in that regard?

    Kara Nelson:  We have, it’s person by person. Also, to make it clear, we don’t work for you, but we are going to have the minimal contact that we can. I’m talking about judges.  Let’s say someone gets a bail hearing and a bed in our facility, we want to make sure they trust what we’re doing, but we’re also holding the line of that confidentiality and HIPAA. And a lot of times they don’t want to do that because in their mind they’re like, these are pre-sentence people. They’re probably going to go to prison, for years possibly. Why would we let them out for treatment?

    And we’re good at explaining and educating that, even if they did end up doing some time, there’s a ton of drugs and situations and the culture inside the prison that we’re also working on, but we’re not there yet. And so, there are so many people that have died by overdose and suicide, especially in our Alaska prisons in the last two years. It’s tripled without having that treatment and rehabilitation inside.

    Mansa Musa:  I did an amount of time in prison, and I saw firsthand substance abuse in prison. I was instrumental in being a part of that organization in terms of the fellowship and trying to get other men within the prison population to deal with this disease of addiction, or to deal with whatever was going on with them that causes them to revert to substance use disorder. And I noticed that, as of late, the courts in this area have started accepting the model of its mental as opposed to criminal, and they have been inclined to send people to drug programs. Is your program being utilized by the court as a referral?

    Kara Nelson:  We are not specifically, but again, it’s a small state. There are certain treatment centers that have contracts with the DOC, and we do that in the place we started services. And we will. Because we’re such a young company and people are trying to check us out because we’ve grown so fast, we wait around for permission or funding. We know that the best thing is to get people either into treatment or at the right level of care, immediately. We do have drug courts here, again, they’re so different across the board.

    In one city in Alaska, mind you, we have to fly, we don’t just drive from city to city. It’s what we do in the interior. And so, it’s an education piece on letting them know that we are available and we will take folks. And there are a lot of archaic mindsets still. Unless you’re in the main area, which is Anchorage, they’re pretty open about that.

    Mansa Musa:  People that have substance use disorder problems, can they walk into your organization if they don’t have any insurance? Or do they have to have some type of insurance in order to receive the treatment that you’re offering?

    Kara Nelson:  We’re on Medicaid, we take Medicaid. And if you don’t have Medicaid, we will help you get that. If you don’t qualify for Medicaid, we’re not going to turn anyone away. It’s different situations where we do a sliding scale fee, but also we have scholarships. It could mean many different things, even if someone has an income. Again, because we’ve all walked through it ourselves, I’ve been through every program you can imagine, years of active addiction in and out of prisons. And so, those are how the lens of our decision-making is made.

    Obviously, we stay in the regulations for the state, yet also, we’re always challenging them and showing them, I know this is how you’ve always done it, but here’s what we’ve done, and it works, and people are getting well.

    Mansa Musa:  And in terms of the families, women that are suffering from substance use disorder, if they have children, have you all been confronted with them in situations? And how do you all navigate that? And I know that’s a hard situation because, for a person that’s a recovering addict like myself, I’ve made some bad decisions that ultimately led to some relationships. To the days that I’m having problems with parenting., how do you all deal with those types of situations?

    Kara Nelson:  Well, you can’t have children while you’re in our facility. But one of the many great things and why I work here is because we have so many extensive partnerships. So, we know we can’t do everything. Not partnerships like, oh, call this person. These are people we personally have a relationship with and we have a list of folks who we know. A lot of times, we’ll even do an MOU with them to have that partnership solidified even if it’s, hey, we’re going to partner with you. And anytime your case manager or peer or whoever calls, we’re going to make sure that it’s given the attention it needs in the appropriate timeframe. Like our walk-in services, we have people walk in all day long, we’re referring and helping them to other treatment centers, not just ours. We want them to get where they need.

    But the family. Women and family – I have three kids. I’m very passionate about women, especially women incarcerated, the unique complexities of that, and the trauma I’ve experienced myself. It’s something that I’m very passionate about is women and children. My kids are adults now, we’re still walking through that restoration journey even after 20 years.

    Mansa Musa:  I noticed you’re a chaplain in the Department of Correction. In terms of your involvement in institutions, I’m quite sure you see a lot of things that go on in this environment. When you’ve been in this space, trust is hard to come by. But when people see you have a commonality, they tend to trust you more than they would not, if they know it’s a commonality and it’s a no-judgment zone. What impact are you having in terms of in prison? Is your organization involved in trying to do some things within the prisons to create support groups, networking, and peer-type of activities within the Alaskan prison system?

    Kara Nelson:  Our organization doesn’t necessarily do that, except for going in to share what our resources are and to give them that avenue to connect with someone. But they support me in all my craziness, so it’s very important for me to go in. Especially now, I moved up here a couple of years ago, and so I’m very close to our women’s prison now. It’s 30 minutes away from here and I’ve been in all the prisons. As someone who’s formally incarcerated, in the beginning, it was unheard of for someone like me to be able to go back in, still on felony probation, and do prison ministry.

    I was able to do that, and now it’s opened up doors for others because it used to be you had to be off paper for five years. And so I had the state chaplain come to me like, how are you getting into my institutions? It was building relationships. And they saw, again, I would have correctional officers calling me like, hey, we’re having a ruckus in J dorm, and can you come down and talk to these ladies? It’s the power of having people’s lived experiences. As you said, even if I didn’t have the same experience as you, there’s an instant trust even coming on this show and talking to you because I know where you come from, to some degree, and it’s very impactful. 

    My dad is the chaplain at a prison here in Alaska. He didn’t want anything to do with me during my addiction or anything to do with me while I was in prison. I never had one visitor, they had my children. And his heart was changed to the point where now he would be in the prison all day long because there’s such an impact that can be made there to lift people into who they were created to be. And I utilize that time as well to speak into some of the justice parts, or people sharing their story, their testimony, how powerful that is. And bringing all that ugliness to light to make a change in a powerful way.

    Mansa Musa:  Right. Thank you. And you have the last word. What do you want to tell our audience about Alaska, and more importantly True North Recovery and some of the works that you are doing, going forward?

    Kara Nelson:  People with lived experience can see through a lens of professional regulations. It doesn’t have to be difficult, we opened a detox center. When you want to do something and there’s something that’s a need in your community, it’s not as complicated as you’re making it out to be. And having that lens is more powerful than you can imagine. We have all the degrees and all the professionalism, all of those things. But what makes us the most powerful and impactful change-makers is that we have a lens of walking through it ourselves and allowing for it to go forward. And not being afraid, or taking risks. Your story is powerful. You are powerful beyond belief, whether that’s in a personal or professional realm. To say I’m the CO of one of the largest treatment centers in the state of Alaska, it’s all because of the experience I went through.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s right. And how does our audience get in touch with you if they want to become more involved?

    Kara Nelson:  Sure. You can email me at kara@tnrak.org. And our website as well, which needs to be updated, but the basics are there.

    Mansa Musa:  All right. Thank you, Kara. And there you have it, The Real News and Rattling the Bars. True North Recovery. In Alaska? You might say. True North Recovery. Kara is well-spoken in understanding the disease of addiction. She’s well-versed in understanding how to help people navigate their way out of this. And we ask that you continue to support Rattling the Bars and The Real News because it’s only from this mechanism that you’re going to get information like True North Recovery as it relates to helping people rebuild their lives. People with lived experience are better situated to help other people with lived experience. 

    So we ask you to continue to support Rattling the Bars and The Real News. Thank you very much, Kara Nelson. Appreciate you taking this time to enlighten us and educate us on some of the work that you are doing in Alaska, and hope that you continue to make progress. And we look forward to seeing you back on our show in the near future.

    Kara Nelson:  Absolutely. Thank you.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Common Dreams Logo

    This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on July 19, 2023. It is shared here with permission under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.

    A voting rights group on Wednesday sued Republican Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and other officials for what it called “illegal intimidation” of voters by intentionally making it difficult for former felons to determine their voting eligibility and using “election police” to “mount an aggressive campaign” against people who did not know they were ineligible to cast ballots.

    The lawsuit—filed in Miami federal court by Free and Fair Litigation Group, Arnold & Porter, and Weil Gotshal & Manges working pro bono on behalf of the Florida Rights Restoration Committee (FRRC) and individual voters—alleges that state election officials “have created such a bureaucratic system around the implementation of Amendment 4 that it prevents Florida citizens from voting.”

    “Florida’s failure to accept responsibility in determining voter eligibility hurts every Florida citizen.”

    Amendment 4 is an FFRC-led 2018 referendum approved by nearly two-thirds of Florida voters reenfranchising 1.4 million people with past felony convictions. The stakes transcended Florida and criminal justice reform, as a botched state voter purge of purported former felons played what one federal civil rights commissioner called an “outcome determinative” role in the 2000 U.S. presidential election.

    “Ever since the people of Florida passed a constitutional amendment to grant people with felony convictions a new right to vote, the governor and the state have done everything in their power to prevent those 1.4 million new voters from actually voting,” Carey Dunne of the Free and Fair Litigation Group said in a statement.

    Additionally, FFRC alleges that DeSantis’ deployment of statewide “election police” constitutes illegal voter intimidation under the federal Voting Rights Act.

    DeSantis—who is seeking the 2024 GOP presidential nomination—has faced widespread criticism for using Florida’s Office of Election Crimes and Security to arrest 20 formerly incarcerated people who believed they were eligible to vote under Amendment 4 for alleged “voter fraud.” Most of those arrested were Black and almost all were Democrats.

    The new lawsuit alleges that DeSantis and Florida election officials failed to uphold their legal responsibilities by:

    • Providing inaccurate, incomplete, or misleading information to potential voters who try to determine their voting eligibility;
    • Creating a byzantine process in which voter eligibility is determined by varying local practices depending on where the potential voter lives; and
    • Creating, publicizing, and deploying an “election police” unit designed to arrest people for having voted, including some people encouraged to register to vote and provided a voter ID by Florida election officials.

    “Florida’s failure to accept responsibility in determining voter eligibility hurts every Florida citizen,” said FFRC executive director Desmond Meade.

    “This is not a Black, white, Latino, Native American, Asian, or multiracial issue or a Republican or Democrat issue; this is an everybody issue,” Meade added. “If Floridians cannot rely on the state to determine voter eligibility, then who can we rely on?”

    The plaintiffs in the suit are seeking a declaration that “Florida’s implementation of Amendment 4 is unconstitutional and illegal under the Voting Rights Act.”

    FRRC also requests the creation of a statewide database for prospective voters in order to determine their eligibility under Amendment 4, as well as the appointment of a federal compliance monitor.

    “From the governor on down, state of Florida and local officials at every level have failed to reintegrate returning citizens who have served their time back into our democracy,” Arnold & Porter pro bono counsel John A. Freedman said in a statement. “We are proud to stand with our clients and our co-counsel in this important fight.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Jessup, Maryland is home to the state’s only women’s prison, the Maryland Correctional Institute for Women, commonly known as “The Cut”. For years, advocates fought for a women’s pre-release center, which would house prisoners eligible to go out on work release, receive an income, and take family leave. Despite passing a bill into law mandating the construction of a women’s pre-release center, the state has only pledged $2 million towards its construction. Monica Cooper, founder and Executive Director of the Maryland Justice Project, joins Rattling the Bars to break down the significance of the pre-release center, why the state government is dragging its feet, and the real impact official inaction is having on women in The Cut.

    Studio Production: David Hebden, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Mansa Musa:  Thank you for joining me on this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m your host, Mansa Musa. The state of Maryland has never really known what to do with its population of incarcerated women. Women have always been an afterthought, as far as the prison system is concerned. And it has led to a perpetual state of neglect and disinvestment in the facilities and programs that incarcerated men get, but women don’t.

    The Maryland Correctional Institute for Women, commonly called “The Cut,” is one of the oldest prisons in Maryland. In the 19th century, women were first housed in the quarters reserved for them at the Maryland Penitentiary. They were later lodged in a section of the Maryland House of Corrections, The Cut, which opened in 1879. Not until 1941 did the state construct a separate prison for women.

    The Women’s Cut in Jessup was established in 1941 as the Women’s Prison of the State of Maryland. It was renamed in 1945 as the Maryland State Reformatory for Women. In 1962, it became the Maryland Institute for Women. Its present name was adopted in 1964. It housed prisoners from various custody levels: from minimum, medium security, to death row. After a two-year struggle to secure funding, 82 years later, the legislature passed a capital budget measurement to funnel $2 million toward the planning and construction of a woman’s pre-release center.

    Joining me today to talk about the impact of this is Monica Cooper. Welcome, Monica. Tell our audience a little bit about yourself.

    Monica Cooper:  Yes, yes sir. First, I want to thank you for allowing me to be here and to speak on this topic here at Rattling the Bars. My name’s Monica Cooper. I’m the executive director of the Maryland Justice Project. We’ve been around since 2013 and our main goal was to try to push legislation that would help women and girls that are formerly incarcerated to have a better life and be able to have access to jobs, education, homes, and things like that. We’ve since pushed the boundaries some. 

    Realizing that one of the main things that a person needs; particularly women because they tend to be the breadwinners in the household and they tend to be the ones responsible for the children – One of the things that we’re pushing the boundaries of is in terms of moving women and girls into solar energy, moving women and girls into the tech fields, into robotics. Into those jobs that (1) are going to be around for years to come, and (2) that are going to pay a good salary. It’s hard for a woman that’s got three children to work at McDonald’s and is still expected to be able to provide a decent life for her children. So we’re pushing the bars a little bit and trying to be a part of the climate change initiative, the greening of our spaces.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay. So basically y’all are involved in all aspects of –

    Monica Cooper:  We are.

    Mansa Musa:  – Ensuring that women develop the necessary skills so they can have a quality life. Speaking of quality life, we have a situation in the state of Maryland, where we know for a fact that there’s only one prison that houses women. It’s called the Maryland Correctional Institute, commonly called The Cut. We recognize that when it comes to women in any prison system anywhere in the US, there’s a disconnect between them and the treatment that they’re getting or the lack of treatment that they’re getting, and that of men.

    I’m going to outline, then you can walk us back through the progression. Y’all had got the Maryland General Assembly Legislature to pass a bill that highlighted the necessity for women to have a pre-release center. ‘Cause Maryland doesn’t have a pre-release center for women. And in getting that done, y’all was able to get the state legislature to mandate that the governor allocate money towards this project. Initially, y’all asked for $125,000. Y’all have since then gone back and got $2 million towards the building of this project.

    Walk our audience through what exactly is going on. Because $2 million is not going to build anything in terms of providing a lesser security environment for women and allowing women to have the opportunity to be able to (1) go out on work release, (2) get an income, and (3) be able to have family leave. So unless they have these things, unless they have this institution, the chances of them being able to have that in any shape or form will never exist. Walk us through what exactly is going on with this pre-release system and the history of it.

    Monica Cooper:  Okay, a brief history: in 2016, the Maryland Justice Project went to Annapolis, not knowing who would sponsor such a bill. We sought out several candidates, we went to then-Sen. Barbara Robinson. We were having meetings with her, asking her if she would sponsor this bill to help us to get a pre-release center back open. Well, Sen. Robinson didn’t come back during the next legislative cycle when we finally got the support that we needed so we asked then-Del. Mary Washington if she would sponsor the bill. It failed. We brought it back again. This time she was now Sen. Mary Washington. 

    And we thought that the fiery candidate from Montgomery County, Charlotte Crutchfield, would be a great person to push this bill. When it comes to legislation, you really have to choose those people who are going to work hard for the bill; that’s going to rally people around this bill, their constituents, while the advocates do the on-the-ground work. That’s what the partnership is about because you have some legislators that don’t work at all unless it’s something that really, really suits them. They’ll have a hundred bills, but none of them pass, none of them are successful because they don’t really do the work that’s required.

    But in the interest of time, the bill was passed in 2020. Then-Gov. Larry Hogan vetoed the bill. We were able to come back the following legislative session in 2021 and get the override that we needed to make that thing law. So it became law in 2021. But what happened was, as I had mentioned earlier, one of my colleagues called it an economic veto. An economic veto is when the person in power doesn’t have the will to make this law become the law of the land. So what they’ll do is they will fail to put that money in the budget and that means you can’t do anything. It’s almost as if the veto was effective, so there’s an economic veto that stymies your efforts.

    But what that previous governor didn’t know, is we are tenacious. We have had to set up meetings in the subcommittees, capital budget, public safety subcommittees, appropriations, wherever the money is. That’s where we had to go, which really caused me to learn something: when you really want to get something done, start where the money at.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s right. Show me the money.

    Monica Cooper:  Because all of it is going to end up in spaces where those people who are in control of the budget will have to vote on what we are actually going to spend this money on. So we all learned a great deal, and we were all excited to be in those spaces because those spaces are generally reserved for big-time lobbyists, those spaces are generally reserved for companies with a whole bunch of money, that get to have those back-door meetings and get to have the time of those people who sit on the finance committee. They are willing to give those people that time. But lowly advocates, very rarely do they see us and they are not even willing to give us their time in many cases.

    We played good in the sandbox, we let them know that we want to be partners with them. So we had made some inroads where they don’t even hear from us. We would call and say, hey, can I meet with Senator So-and-So? Or, can we set up a meeting with Delegate So-and-So? Well, they’re busy. But if I called to say, I’m from the Xerox Company, if I called to say, I’m from Whiting-Turner, if I called to say, I’m from Potts & Callahan, Saputo – The big-time developers – They would set up meetings quick, fast, and in a hurry. So I was thrilled that they actually worked with us with some nudging.

    We were able to get them. Because the legislation says that $2 million would’ve been allocated to do research or a study, what’s needed to go in this space. And it was another $150,000. Well, of course, we know and they know, that’s nowhere near the amount of money that we need to have this facility built. But in our mind, as long as it’s in the line item and it’s in the budget, the next logical step is to add more money to that budget line item. Because all the hard work had been done. But much to our surprise, we still were being stymied.

    Mansa Musa:  How so?

    Monica Cooper:  By folks who didn’t have the will to do so.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay. Okay.

    Monica Cooper:  The administrations have changed. So at this point, there’s really no reason why this project in this past session wasn’t fully funded. It should have been, we still have work to do. And we’re hoping that – Fully fund the project. It’s needed. It’s a Title IX issue. No lawyers are involved at this point. But you should not have to –

    Mansa Musa:  – and Title IX, for our audience, is?

    Monica Cooper:  – Title IX is an issue that says if you do it for the boys, you have to do it for the girls.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay. That’s what we need to have happen. That’s right.

    Monica Cooper:  If I can break that down for you. It’s against the law.

    Mansa Musa:  Right. To discriminate against women.

    Monica Cooper:  To discriminate against women. That’s in sports, that’s in every facet of our society. It all hinges on that Title IX issue.

    Mansa Musa:  And we know that the reason why it’s a Title IX and why we can invoke Title IX is because the men have pre-release. The men have family leave. The men have the ability to go out in the street and work, whereas the women, under the same Department of Corrections, under the same Public Safety and Correctional Service, under the same regulations and rules, don’t have these things. Okay, but tell me this, then: Why do you think it wasn’t fully funded in this past legislative session?

    Monica Cooper:  Well, the new historical-appointed Carolyn Scruggs, who made history being the first African American Secretary of Corrections – Hats off to the Moore administration, and hats off to our new secretary – Ms. Carolyn Scruggs has been in the business for about 27 or 28 years. In fact, I believe that her previous role was that of the re-entry person handling those things. She was a leftover. Well, I’ll say she was previously in the Hogan administration.

    Mansa Musa:  Under Green.

    Monica Cooper:  Under Rob Green. I don’t know what her personal decision might be, or her personal feeling about it. But I know that she didn’t budge, Green didn’t budge, and former Gov. Hogan didn’t budge when it came to this effort. And unfortunately, it feels that way still. It was said, well, that was an oversight. That they didn’t put it in there because if the annual budget comes out every year, then, the Department of Social Services, Department of Transportation, Department of Corrections, if they don’t make the request, then it’s not going to be put in there.

    So it is my belief that the Department of Corrections didn’t even make the request. The Department of General Services as well played a role because they are the ones who are going to see this project through. And we believe that neither of them has been in a hurry to make this happen, even though it’s the law. They are breaking the law by not making that happen.

    Mansa Musa:  I did 48 years in the Maryland prison system and I was under the Department of Public Safety and Correctional Service. The Division of Corrections is the same system that the women are housed under. The same regulations exist: in order for men to get a reduction in security, they have what they call a point system. You accrue so many points and automatically, your security is reduced. When your security is reduced, you either move to another institution or are released. So when your security is reduced from medium security to minimum security, from minimum security to pre-release, all this is predicated on a number of factors.

    But more importantly, the number one factor is the amount of time served. It automatically opens up the door for, whatever my sentence is, how much time I served on it. When I become parole-eligible, that means I serve at least one-fourth, and under new law, maybe one-half. But that automatically says that I’m entitled to a security reduction. How is this being done or exercised now, with The Women’s Cut being the only women’s prison and these different levels of security in these institutions? How are these women able to progress, or even have access to progress?

    Monica Cooper:  Well, unfortunately, what the Maryland Correctional Institution for Women has done under the Department of Corrections is, they had called themselves shutting down the one pre-release center that they had in the whole state for women. They shut it down and sent them all back to Jessup in 2009. When we were calling them on it, they decided that they would set up the pre-release inside the prison. That’s impossible.

    Mansa Musa:  Yes sir.

    Monica Cooper:  It’s impossible because it violates COMAR. There are regs, as they call them, there are regulations that say once a person reaches minimum pre-release and work release status, they are supposed to be housed in a specific manner. You’re not supposed to be housed behind wires, then a door, then another door, and another door. So the way that they are housed is against the law. But they call themselves having the pre-release center inside a facility that houses maximum, medium, and minimum. And they dug a hole for themselves because now that you have stymied the efforts to have a standalone facility, now you are forced to lie. Now you are forced to intentionally stagnate the progression of the women.

     It’s women that are medium security that probably should be minimum or pre-release. But because they don’t have a facility to send them to, and they don’t want their numbers to rise, they stagnate them. So if you ask them, well, how many eligible folks do you have? They might say, we got 60. When in actuality, if you had classified them according to what COMAR says, you will probably have about 200. So what the Department of Corrections is, they continue to dig a hole for themselves. You know how when you tell one lie, then you got to tell another one? Then you got to remember that lie. Then you’re in this pickle, you’re in that pickle. That’s almost the situation that they are currently in now, honestly.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay. And as we close out, I want you to highlight where are y’all going next. Because as you outlined, women are being stagnated by virtue of this intransigent attitude toward putting money in there. And shovel, dirt, dig, build. Where do y’all go now? Y’all got $2 million, and y’all strategies seem to be working in holding their feet to the fire. Where do y’all go now? And when do you envision this entity or your work coming into fruition, in the form of a pre-release being, and coming into existence?

    Monica Cooper:  Well, our legislative sessions here in Maryland are usually from January 9 or 11, up until April 15. We have a 90-day session here. In those entire 90 days, we are constantly setting up meetings, trying to come into spaces to talk about our work, and trying to gain some support from the community at large. So one of our next steps is going to be to go back yet again, even more firmly, and ask that we be fully funded. But this time we are going back with even more supporters. And we’re going back with a little more statistics and a little more facts. 

    Because when you’re in these spaces, it’s not only for work release. It’s not only to be able to go home. This facility is the more concentrated effort on preparing you to go home. That’s why it’s called the pre-release. This is pre-exiting. So during your pre-exiting, you have to be strong enough to fight your urges to use drugs. You have to have a foundation of training so that you can get a job and maintain a job. We should never send anybody home from incarceration unemployed. Everybody that exits a facility should have a job before they come home so they’re already coming into the community being functional. They’re already coming into a community helping to build that tax base that we need for our schools, for our roads, those things that we need. So they’re doing a disservice by having a record number of overdoses at MCIW.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah, I already know. That’s right.

    Monica Cooper:  They’re doing themselves a disservice by sending a woman home that hasn’t had a chance for training. She hasn’t had a chance to get a job. You’re sending her home in the same situation that she came in the prison with and it’s a disservice because if you had that facility, you would be able to concentrate on those things and produce and send home people who are less likely to re-offend. So we’re coming back with more facts and more statistics and stronger advocacy. 

    We have been staying away from using the court system in trying to work with the administration and everything. But it’s a sin and a shame that you would have to take somebody to court for something like this. This is obvious. There’s no way in the world that a logical-thinking person wouldn’t say, well we have all of these facilities for men, but we don’t have any for women. That’s small. There’s no way. You don’t have to have somebody prove to you why you need it. In fact, the Women’s Pre-Release Center came online in the ’70s. They were called Community Rehabilitative Centers.

    Mansa Musa:  Rehabilitation Centers. Right.

    Monica Cooper:  So because you took it away, put it back.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s all. That’s simple as that.

    Monica Cooper:  So we’re coming out strong, and we need a lot of support.

    Mansa Musa:  All right. Talk about that. Talk about how our audience can get in touch with you. What do you want our audience to do?

    Monica Cooper:  Info@marylandjusticeproject.org. And Maryland is written completely out. We’re going to need everybody. And I promise you that we can do this but we got to do it collectively, and we got to push back. And it doesn’t matter what party you belong to. This is not about a particular party.

    Mansa Musa:  It’s not about politics, it’s about humanity.

    Monica Cooper:  It’s not about a particular individual. It’s about people seeing that this is what we need, and getting it done.  If you can spend $50 billion to study oysters, bluefish, and things like that; these things that I love. I love the Maryland blue crab. But if you take a look at the budget and see how some of that money is being spent on some of those studies, even on a federal level, you look at the budget, you say, doggone, man. They’re studying how plants open and close. They gave the National Institute of Health $40 million to study if the sun is going to wink at you. If you look at it, some of the stuff that they actually put monies towards, it’s like, come on. This is a simple kind of fix.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s right. Okay. So there you have it. The Real News, Rattling the Bars, Monica Cooper. As she outlined, this is a matter of humanity, this is not a matter of earmarking money for something that is not going to have a return. It’s a matter of giving women the same equal rights that you give everybody else. Monica, thank you for joining us today.

    Monica Cooper:  My pleasure. I look forward to coming back.

    Mansa Musa:  We appreciate you and we look forward to you coming back. We know that you have a hard schedule today, but we look forward to you coming back. And more importantly, coming back and telling us that the money has been allocated, and women will be given equal opportunity to return to society as they should be. Thank you very much.

    Monica Cooper:  Thank you.

    Mansa Musa:  And we ask you to continue to support Rattling the Bars and The Real News. It’s only on Rattling the Bars and The Real News that you get this information about what’s going on with women in the Maryland prison system. More importantly, how we can change this narrative. How we can get our families, our friends, and our loved ones to support the efforts that are being done to get a woman’s pre-release center built that will provide the opportunity for women to come out with jobs, come out with education, come out with the skills that they’ll be able to use to stay in society. And more importantly, to repair their lives and bring up their children. Thank you.

    We are sending out condolences to the family members of Mutulu Shakur, an activist and member of the Black Liberation Army. He transitioned July 7. He was 72 years old, a political prisoner of war. Mutulu was incarcerated for 36 years before being granted parole in December of 2022, due to his declining health. He was denied parole nine times and diagnosed with terminal bone marrow cancer, with doctors giving him six months to live. Rest in Power, Dr. Mutulu Shakur.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Inequality lies at the heart of contemporary American politics—from the dizzying power of corporations and the billionaire class to the racialized and gendered dimensions of wealth and income disparities. Yet the question of economic justice, as well as the struggle to attain it, also has long historical roots. Mark Paul joins The Marc Steiner Show to discuss his new book, The Ends of Freedom: Reclaiming America’s Lost Promise of Economic Rightsan historical treatment of historical pursuits of economic equality in America spanning centuries.

    Mark Paul is an Assistant Professor of Economics at the Edward J. Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy Rutgers University. He is a political economist working in the areas of inequality and environmental policy.

    Studio / Post-Production: David Hebden


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Marc Steiner:

    Welcome to the Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner. It’s great to have you all with us again. We’re going to talk about a book today. It’s called The Ends of Freedom. It’s a really fascinating book by Rutgers professor Mark Paul. Its subtitle is reclaiming America’s Lost Promise of Economic Rights. It takes us on a journey from the legacy of Thomas Paine and Alexander Hamilton to Lincoln and the Radical Republicans, FDR, A. Philip Randolph, Henry Wallace, Martin Luther King, and some of the folks we might not remember, like Harry Hopkins, all of them fighting and organizing for everything from the Freedom Budgets to the Bill of Economic Rights.

    This is not just a journey through our past struggles. It looks at the struggles between negative and positive freedoms, the battles for the soul and future of our nation, and what all that says about where we are today. I said our guest is Mark Paul. He’s assistant professor at the Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy at Rutgers. His work has appeared in numerous publications, New York Times, Economist, Washington Post, The Nation, Financial Times, covering the spectrum, and joins us now to talk about this book, the Ends of Freedom, Reclaiming America’s Lost Promise of Economic Rights. And Mark, welcome, good to have you with us.

    Mark Paul:

    It’s wonderful to be here with you.

    Marc Steiner:

    So this is a pretty expansive book. I mean…

    Mark Paul:

    I just did off a few things.

    Marc Steiner:

    Yeah, just a couple of things. Just a couple of things. So let’s take it from the beginning and talk a bit about your approach to this subject, what we face in the world today, but why you took us on this journey and what that journey was.

    Mark Paul:

    Look, I didn’t grow up wanting to be an economist. I don’t know about you.

    Marc Steiner:

    Who does?

    Mark Paul:

    Some people grow up wanting be a journalist, but I don’t know any six year old that wants to be an economist when they grow up. But from when I was 14, I really wanted to be a chef. And thanks to public broadcasting, Julia Child on PBS helped me learn how to cook. And I worked in restaurants since I was 14 and I loved it and I still love it here today. And the reason I start here is because this is what got me interested in economics. It was the real world. It was working on the line at high-end restaurants next to immigrants who had been showing up for work 60 hours a week every week. And they were making marginally above minimum wage, maybe $10 an hour, $12 an hour, but they were nowhere close to being able to make ends meet.

    And none of us, with the exception of the head chef and sous chef, could actually afford to eat in the restaurant we’re cooking in. And this got me interested in inequality, and this notion of the American dream and work hard, you’ll get ahead. And I just kept realizing so many people around me are working so incredibly hard, yet the barriers of inequality are just blocking their road to success time and time again. And it’s at that point that I really started studying the economic system and started realizing that here in the United States we have 40 million people in poverty. We have another a hundred million people living just a paycheck away, a lost paycheck away from economic imprecarity. And there’s nothing natural about that. It really is a policy choice. And so I went to school for economics, but let me tell you, economists don’t really study history these days.

    And it was later in my time as a graduate student studying economics that I decided to look back in American history and understand a little bit more about this promise of the American dream and this promise of freedom here in the United States. Jefferson’s proposed life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness. Because I realize that in order for those words to ring meaningful, to be held true, we not only need political rights, we not only need social rights, we not only need reproductive rights, all rights which are increasingly coming under attack, but we also need economic rights. We need food on the table, a roof over our head, healthcare when we’re sick and the like. So that set me on a course to study American history and better understand how we’ve been thinking about this notion of economic provisioning throughout American history because the story we tell today, which is a story of unfettered free markets coupled with limited government, delivers us to heaven essentially just isn’t working for the vast majority of people.

    And I wanted to try to figure out a different story. And the main reason I focus on US history is precisely because today the right completely owns the US story. They completely own the American story. Freedom for instance, the most powerful word in our political discourse is completely associated with the Republican Party today. And I think that’s something that we need to understand and reconsider at a much deeper level because the Republican Party is not exactly delivering freedom for the American people through their policies. And so I wanted to take a look and think about what is a more meaningful robust notion of freedom that lets people actually live dignified lives and be and do what they themselves have reason to value.

    Marc Steiner:

    So as I was reading the book, one of the things that struck me was your discourses on freedom and how that has been a debate about what America is from the very beginning, and that there have been periods as you write about when your notions of freedom you can, let’s talk a bit about these kinds of ideas about freedom and how they interact and how they confront one another. But this has been the struggle in America from the beginning. That to me rang really true in this book.

    Mark Paul:

    So when we talk about freedom today, people often think of the Don’t Tread on Me flag. They think of Grover Norquist famous quip, you want to shrink government down to size where you can strangle it in the bathtub coupled with access to markets, which is really a notion of freedom. That is a radical notion of freedom itself. And I think part of what I wanted to do is challenge that. The common understanding we have of freedom today is not the common understanding throughout American history. It’s not the understanding of freedom for those who partook in the Freedom March or wrote the Freedom Budget during the civil rights era. They had a much more robust understanding of freedom, as did our founders. And what they realized was that yes, we need negative freedoms, which are so famously articulated in the Bill of Rights, freedom from government.

    But let’s also remember when the founders wrote the Bill of Rights, we were not rebelling against a government of the people for the people by the people. The people were rebelling against a monarchy. So it’s a very different situation than we find ourselves in here today. But those negative freedoms, freedom from government, which are important, we need access to free speech, we need personal protections, but those aren’t sufficient. And that’s where positive freedom comes into play as well. And this idea was articulated clearly by Isaiah Berlin, an Oxford philosopher, but also by another wonderful Oxford philosopher that I wish were better known, T.H. Green, who really talked about to live a dignified and meaningful life, we need our basic economic rights met.

    And what’s fascinating is when you look back at the American story, you realize that these were always central to it. Thomas Paine, who wrote the most incendiary pamphlet of the Revolutionary Era, Common Sense, talked at length about the notion how everybody, every single citizen deserved a piece of the collective economic pie, not as charity, not as welfare, but as their birthright. Because to be a citizen, it meant that everybody got not just those political rights, but also economic stability. And we actually see this play out through American history. The Homestead Act might be the most famous example of this, where Lincoln and the radical Republicans intentionally redistributed land larger than Texas today to try to provide economic security to new settlers.

    Marc Steiner:

    So a couple of things here, one is that when you look at the struggles in this country historically, before we get into your ideas about what these struggles tell us about where we could go and we can talk a bit about how we can get there, is that there’s always been this battle in America over the notion of freedom and what that means. And a lot of it was based that you touch on in portions of your book around race, around enslavement, around racism, segregation that also has hurt the struggle for freedom as well as advancing the struggle for freedom.

    So I’m curious, having gone through all of this, when you look at Thomas Paine and even Hamilton, when you look at the struggles in the Civil War and the three acts that you focus on of the radical Republicans that they created, we can talk about, and then you look at how that was defeated and thrown back, and you look at then the New Deal that you spent a lot of time talking about and how that kind of changed America in profound ways. And again, the pushback that puts us in the place where we are today in struggling for what freedom and equality actually means and economic freedom. So talk about how you see that historic dynamic, why it has been played out the way it’s played out, and where you think that takes us.

    Mark Paul:

    Yeah, I think it’s a crucial point. Look, I just mentioned the Homestead Act a moment ago. And the Homestead Act, it’s important to note largely was available to white male settler. And in general, the vast majority of blacks were excluded from the Homestead Act. Now we did for a brief moment, have 40 acres and a mule, which unfortunately was essentially repealed following the assassination of Lincoln. But this country is founded on settler colonialism and we do need to reckon with that fact. And Aziz Rana’s work, The Two Faces of Freedom is just absolutely brilliant for folks who want to dig into that notion more. But when we come into the New Deal, for example, we see there too, the New Deal was essentially a Faustian bargain between Roosevelt and Southern segregationists where in many instances, women and black workers, particularly in the South, were excluded from sufficiently benefiting from New Deal programs. So there is a long racist history in this country.

    Now the question arises then, does that mean that we should forget that history or does that mean that we need to reckon with that history and when developing legislation to correct it to actually consider how is it that we build the strongest policies moving forward so that we don’t have a real fracturing of the working class, which is what has been happened so many times throughout American history? And this is where the work of King, A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin during the 1960s, I find so instructive. When King for instance, turned his attention to the Poor People’s campaign, he made it very clear that this was not a campaign for poor black Americans. This was a campaign for all of America because he understood that the only way to build meaningful and enduring freedom in this country is for all to be free.

    And that meant, and we can get into the policy discussion a little later, but that meant that we have to develop universal policies that benefit everybody. Now the best example of this in our modern political era is when we look at Medicare versus Medicaid. Now Medicare is a high quality program because everybody over the age of 65 is benefiting from it. Medicaid on the other hand, is a substantially lower quality program and comes with much more stigma, particularly because it is a program designed for the poor. So as Wilbur Ross quipped, he’s said one of the chief architects of the New Deal and Great Society programs for the Poor Make Poor Programs. And I think that rings true.

    And I think the same thing can be said for race specific programs. If we were to develop a lot of programs just targeted, for instance, towards Black Americans or towards Brown Americans, I think that we would not only create substantial political divides, but I also would not have faith in our ability to build strong and politically enduring programs through that approach. So what we call this, and we can chat about it more, is targeted universalism, programs that apply to all but disproportionately benefit the least well off in society.

    Marc Steiner:

    So it really screamed out at me from your pages, the different parts of history you talked about, whether it was period of Lincoln and the radical Republicans and the two acts, the Pacific Railroad Act and the Homestead Act, and also the Moral Act. But those first two, especially to me, of course they were, were built on the backs of colonialism and genocide against indigenous people even to be able to make those things happen in the first place.

    Mark Paul:

    Absolutely.

    Marc Steiner:

    But that what the radical Republicans tried to do with the freedmen in the South through the 1860s and 70s to what Roosevelt attempted to do and the contradictions of race that you just mentioned that happened there, and then with King and the movement around the Poor Peoples campaign, which I was lucky enough to be really part of. So my question is, what do you think from all the work you’ve been writing about with all of this, what is the dynamic that allows the New Deal to take that as an example, those policies that completely transform America kind of put restraints on capitalism in many ways to fail and give rise to neoliberalism? Do you know what I’m saying? There’s always these push forwards and it seems like there’s this huge pushback because we can’t have that. We can’t have black folks having freedom. You can’t attack the fundamentals of capitalism in America. So why do you think as an economist and a historian as well, why that constantly happens and where that places us now?

    Mark Paul:

    Yeah, it’s a great question. Often the way I talk about this is as if there’s a pendulum swinging. So prior to the New Deal, the pendulum had swung to the right. We had Hoover, which largely embraced this notion of laissez-faire kind of free markets. And in reaction to Hoover is what precisely gave rise to Roosevelt in the New Deal. And then fast-forward and in the 1960s and early 70s, the reaction to war Keynesianism is precisely what gave rise to modern neoliberalism, which many people start with Reagan. But I would contend actually that Jimmy Carter was our first neoliberal president, Democrat mind you who just hugely embraced the deregulatory state. I mean in his first State of the Union address, he talked about deregulation at great length and really fought to limit government’s capacity. And here today we’re still struggling with the repercussions of what he started.

    Now the question arises why. I think that there’s lots of reasons. And the second chapter in my book, I really try to outline how did we get here, meaning the neoliberal state that we are struggling with today. And I think it’s a really challenging question. On one hand, I think that we did have a rise of a coherent theory through the works of folks like Milton Friedman and Frederick Hayek who really outlined what we today call neoliberalism very methodically and very much took this to the people. They did not sit there and exclusively write academic papers. Instead, they worked at length to bring this to the business community and the political community. Friedman famously created a multi-part PBS series to explain his ideas to general audiences. And so they really took these ideas to the street in ways that just had a profound impact.

    I think it’s a complicated story though. A number of the other things that occurred was very much the war, Vietnam and kind of the downfall of LBJ. I mean Johnson’s Great Society in general passed multiple pieces of incredible legislation, but was also largely a domestic failure due to his international policies that in part fueled inflation, which kind of opened the door to cracking down on domestic spending programs. So I think in part it was a failure to integrate a domestic progressive agenda with a broader progressive international worldview and agenda.

    The final thing I’ll say here is that I also think a substantial part of this was Democrats themselves moving away from the New Deal. I mean Gary Hart for instance, ran on a stump speech, actually entitled The Death of the New Deal. I mean Hart lambasted the New Deal as a Democrat. And so we had the Democrats themselves running away from this as party lines started shifting and the white working class of the South started moving away from the Democratic Party following the civil rights movement.

    Marc Steiner:

    Again in the book towards the end of the book, you really outlined it in a very profound ways, policies that could actually alter America and move it in the direction that both New Deal and radical reconstruction actually attempted to do and did to an extent. So I’m curious kind of reflecting on your book, let’s talk a bit about those proposals, but also how you think you get there. I mean, clearly the resistance to change has caused the control among Republicans earlier and Democrats now to move to the right and they really have. And now the rise to the right is a profound moment. We’re in that moment at this moment. We see a rise of the right across this country and it’s a pushback even when the idea that we talk about are not in sway and in control. So talk about politically how you see looking at history again, how that begins to change and how you take the ideas that you talk about the end of your book and actually make them both palatable and understood and part of a movement to change.

    Mark Paul:

    If I had a full answer to that question, I think we’d be in a much better situation than we found ourselves in today. But look, let me do my best here. I mean, one of the reasons I wrote this book, which is it’s meant for a broad audience. I didn’t write this for other economists, I wrote this for your average person who is interested in politics. So for all of those of you who watch the news regularly, I think you’ll found this quite digestible.

    Marc Steiner:

    And accessible. Very accessible.

    Mark Paul:

    Yeah. And I think that that’s part of it. Neoliberals did a very nice job making simple supply and demand curves very understandable and accessible to the people. One of the most common classes in college is Economics 101, which teach you basic things like rent control is terrible, minimum wages will implode the labor market, so on and so forth. And guess what? Modern economics, and this is not progressive economics, just modern empirical economics, debunks most of the central tenets of neoliberalism. And so what I try to do is try to arm people with economic literacy so they can understand and think about how many of these progressive ideals programs like college for all, Medicare for all and the like make economic sense. And I try to arm folks with those arguments. And I think that’s very important because we have seen the Democratic Party for decades either embrace neoliberalism or be on defense against neoliberalism.

    But what’s really been missing is an affirmative vision about how we can and should structure the economy and why. And that’s precisely what I try to outline with my economic bill of rights. I try to provide us with a North star so people understand what’s the connective tissue between so many of these policy programs that leftists have been talking about certainly for about a century in many instances, but at least in our recent political discourse really since Sanders’s 2016 run. But I think even Sanders himself really struggled to tie this together for voters so that they could understand why is college for all connected to the Green New Deal connected to Medicare for all? What are you really trying to work for versus just having a laundry list? So I think having a coherent vision is really important. And I also think grounding this in the American tradition is crucial to build a broader net than the kind of current left has today.

    Marc Steiner:

    What does that mean? What do you mean by that, grounding it in the American tradition?

    Mark Paul:

    Yeah, so a lot of what I’m trying to do here is almost a Howard Zinn economics version where I’m trying to lift up all these stories here in the United States where we’ve struggled for so many of these ideas that get labeled as radical or lefty here today. When you go out and you talk to voters, and we actually did this, and you outline the ideas in an economic bill of rights, not only do we see a vast majority of Democrats supporting it, in fact 92% of Democrats under 45 embrace the notion, but the majority of independents and Republicans do as well. Why? Because freedom is an American idea. And everyday people understand in order to live a free life, you need food and housing and healthcare and the like. And so these ideas are wildly popular and in part they’re popular because they come out of our own American tradition here in the United States that we don’t need to say, hey, look what Finland does. Let’s import those policies. We should do that to a degree. We can learn a lot from our neighbors, don’t get me wrong.

    But I also think providing an alternative history to just, we have capitalism, every man works for themselves type of narrative, which is what’s common in the Republican Party is really detrimental. And so people need to be proud while recognizing the struggles we’ve had in the US of this kind of decades and in many cases centuries long struggle for economic justice. In many cases this is what some of our founders really put front end center, not only Paine, but also Hamilton and Jefferson talked about these ideas at length.

    Marc Steiner:

    So that’s interesting what you just said here, and I was thinking about that I was also was reading in the book that the stories you tell around Thomas Paine, the stories that most people have not heard about ever. I mean like Mr. Hopkins, to most people he’s lost to history are happy because people don’t know who he is or who he was. The question becomes for me how you tell these stories and how you would tell these stories because you do it here. You tell the stories of these men, predominantly men in the book, but men who have pushed these ideas and really fostered change that people could really kind of support. If you look at the polls you talk about, they talk about people actually support these ideas that we call left, but they really become universalist ideas for people for Americans to have a better life. I just wanted to take your book and figure out how to translate that into stories in a broader sense to bring people in to say there can be a different way.

    Mark Paul:

    Yeah, yeah, that’s absolutely right. Well, let me focus on one of the women that I put front and center in the book-

    Marc Steiner:

    Go ahead. Yes, please.

    Mark Paul:

    … Who I absolutely adore is Frances Perkins. I mean she’s somebody that I wish every high school graduating senior had to read about her. She is first of all the longest serving Secretary of Labor in US history. And she was also the first female cabinet member in the United States government. She was Roosevelt’s Secretary of Labor. And when Roosevelt was building his cabinet, he called her in and wanted to ask her if she would serve. And she had long been a labor activist. And when asked this question, she, unlike most people, did not just say yes. Instead, she marched into his office and said, I have a list of demands. If you are willing to back my demands, which included disability insurance, unemployment insurance, modern day social security for retirees, universal health insurance, which is one of the main things she did not win.

    In short, she put it to Roosevelt, and this was actually her phrase, “cradle to grave economic security,” which Roosevelt then embraced that idea moving forward. She was really one of the chief architects behind what we call the New Deal today. Yet she doesn’t get near enough love and attention. And I think lifting up these types of historic stories is really important to simply raising awareness of how we got to where we are here today.

    Now how do we tell those stories? I think what I try to do, at least in the book, is kind of integrate three pieces to every story. One piece is the historic struggle. So let me give you an example of this. Here in the United States in 1910, we had roughly 12% of the US population graduating from high school and people didn’t want to make high school universal because disproportionately white wealthy people were going to high school. And why would broad-based taxation be applicable to serving the elites, was kind of the argument. The exact same argument mind you that we hear about college for all today. The high school movement, a grassroots movement was able to push forward broad based taxation across the country to publicly finance higher education. Within decades, just a couple of decades, we shot from just over 10% high school graduates to more than half of America graduating high school. It was a tremendous achievement in public education.

    And the reason I bring this up is because the arguments levied against it were literally the exact same arguments levied against universal college, college for all here today. And so those stories are so powerful because when we have these debates, often it’s like it’s the first time we’ve had this debate, but in fact, two factoids are important to lift up. One is we’ve had this debate before as it applied to high school, and second, hey, guess what? That thing called the Moral Act that created land grant universities across the country, it was created with the intention of having free college in the first place. And so in fact, the foundation, the bedrock of our modern day higher education system had enshrined into it these notions that were fighting here still hundreds of years later, that education should be free and universal. And lifting those up I think helps people kind of connect the dots that where we are here today didn’t just happen, we legislated it, and that in fact we can choose a different path forward.

    Marc Steiner:

    I think that that’s a really good example to use. And the Moral Act I think we will look at it and think about, we’re talking about something that happened in 1862, is that right?

    Mark Paul:

    That’s right.

    Marc Steiner:

    1862, we’re talking about free education and people understand that as a legacy. And as you go through the book, you also really weigh in on what should be the rallying cries today and how that really does resonate with the American people. But with a neoliberal control of the Democratic Party, it’s almost impossible to get that out. Not impossible, but it makes it tougher. I’m curious if all the things you’ve written about what responses got from certain political leaders?

    Mark Paul:

    It’s a really great question and some of these ideas that I’ve laid out in the book already have quite a bit of traction. So the one that has the most traction of course is probably Medicare for All. It was a centerpiece of both the 2016 and 2020 Democratic primaries. And we see just tremendous support, including majority support across the nation. So that’s the idea that’s been fleshed out the most. But many of these ideas have been adopted by political leaders. Another one I talk about at length in the book is the idea of a job guarantee, ensuring everybody has access to a well-paying job. This is how overnight we eradicate unemployment and we also eradicate poverty level wages. And actually Senator Booker introduced a pilot program to Congress on this idea. Representative Ayanna Pressley also introduced a very extensive job guarantee resolution. And so many of these ideas have gotten substantial buy-in. I’m lucky enough to have worked with Representative Lee and Jayapal’s offices who just last week introduced a resolution calling for an economic bill of rights into Congress.

    So these ideas are starting to gain steam. And my hope is that they continue to do so as we move forward. And I think progressives are excited about it, but I also think it’s time to hold center’s feet to the fire. I mean, Roosevelt’s portrait right now is in the Oval Office. Biden is the first president to hang up a portrait of Roosevelt rather than a portrait of Washington. And in fact, if Biden wants to actually carry the mantle of the New Deal as he says he does, he needs to realize and hopefully embrace what that actually means. And for Roosevelt, the cherry on top of the New Deal, the culmination of the New Deal was economic rights. And so I think that the struggle here needs to not just be for the left wing of the party to embrace these ideas, which they increasingly are, but to connect this to the long struggle for what the Democratic Party actually stands for or at least should stand for.

    Marc Steiner:

    And given that we are in a place in America now where people are so economically insecure, where people can lose their homes over nothing. And almost half of US families can’t even afford the basics of food and rent. I mean this is, we’re at that moment where it could go one way or the other. And what your book is doing here to me is outlining the real potential to look at the New Deal, to look at the radical Republican era, to look at some of the founding folks, fathers of this country to say, the kernel of that is there. And we have to expand that and understand it and explain it, put it out there, and the people will come.

    Mark Paul:

    That’s right. I think that by providing this message to people and by helping them understand what is a coherent alternative to neoliberalism, I think that it’s a really important unifying message and rallying cry. I mean, we all have a dozen books on our bookshelves that talk about how neoliberalism dead or almost dead, or it might be done soon. And what they all do is in the last chapter, they squish in, and this is what we should do now. And I flip that formula on its head, and the bulk of this book is really talking about what is the economy we want? How do we build it? And answering the important question, is it feasible? And not to give it all away, but the answer is yes, it is feasible.

    We can do these things. We can afford to ensure that we eradicate unemployment and that we actually house each and every person here in this country, and that we actually educate those who want a college education. We can do these things. It’s not an economic problem, it’s a political will problem. And I think really pulling back those curtains is crucial to help the electorate wake up and demand more.

    Marc Steiner:

    And it is one of the ways to clearly fight the rise of the right and in the process, fight the racism that plagues this nation and build something different. And let me just say one of the things, Mark Paul, that really struck me about this book. I’ve been doing this for years and sometimes I’m loathed to pick up a book by an academic, even though many of my friends are academics because they can be so bloody ponderous. But your book is not ponderous at all. It’s really accessible and really well done and I appreciate it. The book is The Ends of Freedom, Reclaiming America’s Lost Promise of Economic Rights. And Mark Paul it’s been a great discussion. I look forward to actually having you rejoin us for different discussions as we look at this and parse it out and bring you into discussions with other kind of activists and political leaders to say, this is where we are and this is where we can go. So I deeply appreciate the work you did and for joining us here today on the Mark Steiner Show at The Real News.

    Mark Paul:

    It’s been a great pleasure.

    Marc Steiner:

    Thank you so much. I hope you enjoyed our conversation today with Mark Paul about his book, The Ends of Freedom, Reclaiming America’s Lost Promise of Economic Rights. It’s a really good read, it’s highly accessible. Check it out. And thank you all for joining us today. Please let me know what you thought about the conversation today, what you’d like us to cover. Just write to me at mss@therealnews.com and I’ll get right back to you. And by the way, while you’re there, stay there for a minute. Go to www.therealnews.com/support. Become a monthly donor, become part of the future with us. For David Hebden and Kayla Rivara and the crew here at The Real News, I’m Marc Steiner. Stay involved, keep listening, and take care.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Former President Donald Trump is facing 34 felony counts in New York State and an additional 37 felony federal charges. None of this prevents him from freely campaigning for President and appearing before the media. Yet the reality for most people targeted by the criminal justice system is far different. Take Rikers Island Jail—where more than 80 percent of inmates have not been convicted of a crime. Legal reform advocate Dyjuan Tatro joins Rattling the Bars to discuss Trump’s indictment and how it illustrates the two legal systems that exist side-by-side in the land of the free: one for the rich and white, and another for the poor that disproportionately targets Black and Brown people. 

    Dyjuan Tatro is a publicly recognized legal reform advocate and strategist who has worked to bridge the gap between policy and practice. As an alumnus of Bard Prison Initiative, he has leveraged his education and experience to shift public policy in favor of expanding and incentivizing college in prison.

    Pre-Production: Maximillian Alvarez
    Studio Production: David Hebden
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Mansa Musa:  Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m your host, Mansa Musa. 

    One of the foundations of democracy is equal representation under the law. In the modern world, supposedly no one is above the rule of law, not CEOs of wealthy corporations, not even current and former presidents. But of course, here in America, US, the realities of our so-called “criminal injustice system” are constantly reminding us that equality before the law is a dream that only exists on paper, not in practice. Look at what’s happening right now with the indictment of billionaire, former president Donald Trump, and compare that to the nightmare that poor Black and Brown people are living through every day in Rikers Island in New York.

    Trump was already indicted by a Manhattan grand jury and is facing 34 felony charges in New York for alleged crimes committed during his 2016 presidential campaign. Now, Trump is also facing federal indictments for 37 felony counts related to mishandling classified documents, obstructing justice, and making false statements. All the while, Trump is campaigning for his 2024 election run. He’s fundraising, he’s enjoying his freedom, and he’s running his mouth on every media outlet that will give him a platform. At the same time, the majority of people being held captive in the notorious Rikers Island jail in New York, have had their freedom taken away, even though they haven’t been convicted of any crime.

    In February of 2022, the Vera Institute of Justice reported that of the 5,548 people detained in New York City jails, including in Rikers Island and The Boat, 82%, or 4,487 people had not been convicted of a crime. Listen, equality before the law in America does not exist. And that’s what we are going to talk about today with our guest, Dyjuan Tatro. Dyjuan is a formerly-incarcerated legal reform advocate and strategist, who is now a Senior Advisor for Strategic Outreach on the Democrat Congressional Campaign Committee. Dyjuan, thank you for joining us today on Rattling the Bars.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  Really happy to be here. Thank you for having me.

    Mansa Musa:  And Dyjuan, as you saw in our outline, what we’re going to try to do is educate our audience on understanding how the system that we now look at when we talk about the criminal system – And what more notably is, when I look at it, I call it the criminal injustice system – We want to talk about how this system is not fair. We say that justice is blind but the reality is, justice is only blind when it comes to people that have money; justice has got 20/20 vision when it comes to poor and oppressed people.

    Tell us a little bit about yourself before we get started. We gave a brief overview of who you are, but tell us a little bit more about yourself.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  Yeah, so that’s a very interesting question and I’m eager to dive in. But my name is Dyjuan Tatro, I’m an alumni of the Bard Prison Initiative in New York. Some people may not know what that is but it’s one of the foremost college and prison programs in the country. And our alum works all over the criminal justice space, not only in New York but nationally, doing amazing things: mostly working back in their communities to alleviate the conditions and circumstances that led to their incarceration in the first place. And so I spent 12 years in prison and spent the last six years working in politics at the nexus of criminal justice and narrative change.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay, now let’s talk about the elephant in the room: Donald Trump. Now, Donald Trump, former president of the US, has been indicted on a 37-count felony indictment. Now most felonies are punishable when you are convicted of them, 10 or more years or better. Or in some cases, the death penalty or life. Why do you think Donald Trump has been given the red-carpet treatment when it comes to this whole process? And for full disclosure, you, yourself have been incarcerated, so you can attest to some of the things that go on, in terms of when people are charged with felonies and how they’re treated, compared to how Donald Trump is treated.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  To refer back to your opening, there’s this idea that we have a fair justice system in this country. And anyone who pays attention to what happens in our courtrooms, who police arrest and don’t arrest, knows that we do not. Some people find it helpful to say that we have two systems of justice in America: one for white people and one for everyone else, or one for rich people and one for everyone else. I don’t take that view. We have one system of justice. The primary function of which is to incarcerate and oppress primarily Black and Brown people to the benefit of wealthy elites as well as privileged white individuals. And so we have one system that’s doing exactly what it is meant to be doing.

    The same system that will coddle Donald Trump after he sought to overturn a legal and fair election on January 6, also put Crystal Mason in prison for five years for mistakenly casting a provisional ballot as someone who had a felony conviction. And so it is one system operating exactly as we should expect it to be, which is deeply rooted in slavery. Policing in this country is deeply rooted in slave-catching. And so we shouldn’t be surprised about this differential justice, per se, or the type of treatment that someone like Donald Trump receives from the system.

    Mansa Musa:  And you know that hypocrisy. Speak on the felony aspect and in terms of educating our audience on, when we say felonies, what exactly does that mean in criminal justice?

    Dyjuan Tatro:  Yeah, so generally when we’re talking about a felony, we’re talking about what we could call a serious crime. That doesn’t mean a crime of a person, that doesn’t mean that somebody has necessarily been harmed. And that’s one of the common manipulations of the term. But we are talking about a serious crime that will lead to someone being sentenced to time in either state or federal prison.

    Mansa Musa:  And former president Donald Trump has a 37-count indictment and he’s charged with violation of the Espionage Act. The Espionage Act came into existence in the early 1900s, under Woodrow Wilson’s administration. And since the implementation of this act, they have executed people under the act. But Donald Trump is being charged with taking classified documents to his house, showing these classified documents to different people that he wanted to, and telling his aide to hide the documents from the federal government. Which is obstruction of justice.

    And under these circumstances, do you think that he should have been given the red-carpet treatment? It’s evident because they got all the documents out of his house and everything that’s been outlined by the media is not falsification, it is a reality that exists. Do you think he should get the red-carpet treatment?

    Dyjuan Tatro:  Absolutely not. Donald Trump’s flagrant disregard for the law and national security has been egregious. Not only did he break the law, but he has also, at several points in the investigation, attempted to subvert that investigation and evade the FBI and the Department of Justice and their ability to recover those documents. And so his treatment goes to this fundamental piece of the conversation that we’re having is that you have this system that is set up to allow certain individuals like Donald Trump, the presumption of innocence, that allows them to walk out of a courtroom and remain at home with their family while they fight their case. They can meet with their lawyers every day, whereas the average Black or Brown person in this country, who is going through the criminal justice system, has a radically different experience.

    They are put in handcuffs, they are put on buses, are trafficked around from jail to courthouse. They are trapped inside cages for 24, 72, 168 hours without running water, sleeping on the floor, and stacked on top of each other. The inability to make a phone call to anyone, let alone your family or your lawyer. Donald Trump is able to walk in one door in the courthouse and out of the other. And that’s not because his crimes lack seriousness.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s right. Correct.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  That is because he is being treated in a differential way for, one: political reasons, two: because of privilege, and three: most importantly because we have a system that is geared toward facilitating the easy overcoming of justice by people like him.

    Mansa Musa:  And I’d like for you to flush that out about the severity of his charges because this is where the disconnect comes with society when it comes to rich people. Both of us, we can be charged with the same crime. But based on the economics, their crime is not looked at as being as severe, albeit the same crime, because of them being rich. Why did you say that it’s not because it’s the severity of the crime? Flush that out a little bit.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  So I was saying if we look at someone like Donald Trump’s case, and not only with the DOJ, but his cases back in New York; he was someone who was found liable of sexual assault. Any person of color that had sexually assaulted a woman in a dressing room would be sitting in jail, but he walked free in New York at the same time when police and politicians across New York state are attacking bail reforms. I didn’t hear any of those organizations or people attack Donald Trump’s unconditional release from federal custody over very, very serious crimes that can compromise the integrity of our national security.

    There are even reports that state the increase in the loss of covert agents throughout his presidency can be linked to his handling and mishandling of classified information and documents. So we are potentially talking about people having lost their lives in service to this country because of someone’s egotistic, irrational, and what may be self-serving, remains to be seen as the case develops, conduct. But he is out, he’s free. He’s in Florida comfortable with his family, while there are thousands of people charged with lesser crimes, let alone sexual assault, who are sitting on Rikers Island or in jails across this country. And so what we really, really see is that whether or not someone is remanded to jail is disconnected from what they have done.

    Mansa Musa:  I like that articulation because when we talk about the severity of the crime, we had Julius and Ethel Rosenberg in the ’50s. They were executed for the same crime that Donald Trump is charged with. Then we had Daniel Ellsberg, of the Pentagon Papers, who was vilified. Nixon had his office broken into to stop him from publishing documents relative to the US imperialist aggression in Vietnam. But Donald Trump gets the full pardoning of the law and benefits from his privilege.

    People in Rikers Island, you briefly talked about this process where a person charged with a less severe crime or inability to pay the bail, what they have to go through being under the so-called same system, what they go through in terms of their process. Talk about that.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  I want to be clear. We’re not only talking about Donald Trump but people like him. Individuals like Congressman Matt Gaetz, who’s been accused of widespread inappropriate behavior with minors and prostitutes. We are talking about the CEOs of Fortune 500 companies, as well as the companies themselves, that regularly pollute our rivers, that burn trains, and burn toxic material that is carcinogenic. We are talking about the pollution of our air. Air pollution in this country harms and kills far more people than homicides every year. But we’re not having a conversation about that in relation to criminal justice. We are not prosecuting those companies. And so when we start having a conversation that focuses on harm rather than crime and criminality, it changes our lens and perspective, so I want to be clear.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah, that’s a good observation.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  Donald Trump is a really, really egregious example of the differential treatment that the justice system in this country has for people of power and privilege, versus those who are trapped on Rikers Island. If you’re looking at someone who’s arrested in New York City, I was reading an article the other day about a young man, Emmanuel Morales, in Brownsville, who went to throw some trash in a trash can and missed the bin. Several police officers jumped out of an undercover car, confronted him, tackled him, bloodied him, and arrested him. He was put in jail for having made a mistake. 

    And so this is the type of casual brutality that happens at the level of policing in places like New York City and all over the country, in the senseless ways in which people of color land on Rikers Island and are incarcerated. But when we look at the severity of harm caused by major corporations, by people like Donald Trump; they often walk away with a fine. And again, we have one system of justice in this country that is really functioning to the benefit of those it has been meant to protect. We have a system of justice that is protecting a criminal like Donald Trump.

    Mansa Musa:  And I’d like to highlight this point about the observation you made about when we focus on the crime and not focus on –

    Dyjuan Tatro:  The harm.

    Mansa Musa:  – The person. The EPA came into existence as a result of what they called Love Canal, where there was toxic waste and they were polluting a particular part of this country. And it was killing the people that were drinking the water. Or we look at Flint, Michigan, where we have the pollution of the water and poor people are being highly affected by it. But yet the corporation that’s responsible and the corporate figures that’s responsible for it, they’re not indicted. Such as in the case of Donald Trump. You made the observation, which was very astute, that because of his behavior, citizens of the US have been killed.

    You can trace a lot of the collateral damage to Donald Trump’s sheer disregard for national security. But yet at the same token, he had someone locked up for having a felony and voting. What was the severity of that crime? Exercising your right as a citizen? And they say, well, one vote might not make a difference, but in the landscape of things, the probability of that one vote changing the political landscape at that point in time was slim to none.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  Think about the optics of that. You can incite a riot on Capitol Hill and try to overturn an election; a free and fair election. I really want to emphasize that point. But you can’t mistakenly cast a ballot as a Black person in this country who has a felony. That is a systemic problem. The fact that there are over a million people in this country that have been felony disenfranchised is not a mistake. It is a mechanism of voter suppression. The prosecution of Crystal Mason was an instrument of voter suppression. But people like Donald Trump and those who collaborated with him could, on live TV, on CNN, and on MSNBC, incite a riot, and cause great harm. Several people were killed on Capitol Hill that day.

    Mansa Musa:  Exactly.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  Walked away with their hands clean. And so justice is not blind in this country. It is not fair. I don’t know if it ever will be. And I have no hope that if Donald Trump is convicted, that that somehow vindicates the system because it doesn’t. The evidence against the system is damning. The system should be on trial alongside Donald Trump.

    Mansa Musa:  When they had this thing happen at the Capitol, I was thinking about the Puerto Rican nationalists, Lolita LeBron and them, back in the ‘60s. They went into the Capitol and shot a gun up in the air. And their whole thing was they wanted independence for Puerto Rico, they wanted Puerto Rico to stop being a colony of the US. That’s the only crime they committed, and they were given life. Donald Trump incited a riot and they changed the narrative. And this is another part of this draconian system that we call justice. He incited a riot, they go down there, it’s an insurrection. They’re trying to overthrow the government. They changed the whole language: it’s not a riot, it’s not an insurrection, it’s a protest. They’re exercising their rights to protest.

    To go back to your point, we find that it is the number one system and it’s the system that’s there primarily for the benefit of corporate America, capitalism, imperialism, and fascism. When it comes to poor and oppressed people, we’re always going to find ourselves in Rikers Island. I can’t pay 10% of $1,000. I’m in Rikers Island because I threw trash out and missed the trash can. And because you beat me half to death, now you have to arrest me and justify this brutality you’ve given me. So now, you give me a bunch of fabricated charges and at the end of the process, when I come to court, I’m already in a whirlpool of other people that’s coming to court. One public defender got 200 to 300 people on their case, so they are speed-balling it when it comes down to the process.

    But talk about what we have to do to get people to understand this narrative that we outlined: that it’s only one justice system. And that’s a system that represents the have and it’s a system against the have-nots.

    Dyjuan Tatro:  We have to become more sophisticated in our analysis, at the base. We have to understand that we have a legal system in this country that is not concerned with public safety, that is not concerned with crime prevention, that is not concerned with reducing harm, but it is geared toward reinforcing the status quo. And the status quo is Black and Brown bodies brutalized by police, imprisoned, and warehoused by the system. Sometimes, and in some states, to create jobs in failing farm communities for white people. I think a lot of us hear or have heard about coal towns or factory towns. In the US, we have prison towns. That is absurd.

    All prisons are for profit. And, with respect to our analysis becoming more sophisticated, we need to make an important distinction between crime and illegality. So there are a lot of things that are illegal that all types of people do in this society. Only certain segments of the population are criminalized for those things, and these individuals are overwhelmingly Black and white. And when we step back and start looking at the data and start understanding how the system is functioning, it behooves us to start taking on and confronting those popular narratives.

    What happened on January 6, is the system communicating to all Americans, that it is okay for some people to be violent, that is okay for some people to try to overthrow and subvert an election, but it’s not okay for others. The elephant in the room is race, because we know in the summer of 2020 when we had Black Lives Matter marches through DC, they wheeled out the Army and the National Guard. And the Capitol steps looked like the US was invading a foreign country. Those troops were nowhere to be found on January 6 and that was not by happenstance.

    We not only have to become more sophisticated in our analysis, we have to become more sophisticated in countering disinformation and calling out the bigotry and hypocrisy, but also mobilizing our communities around this type of rabid injustice. We really, really got to get people voting along the lines of their sense of morality and justice and not only whether or not they’re going to have a job tomorrow, whether or not they’re going to have healthcare. Because all of these things, especially in Black and Brown communities, are inextricably bound to social and racial justice.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s right. And I like that observation because when we look at the political landscape as it exists now, and we know now that Donald Trump is running again, and he has this mannerism of political discourse that borderlines on insanity, but yet everybody that’s in that arena is scared or reluctant to challenge him or call him out on it. And then when they do call him out, they become more insane in their counter. And the public and people of color are in the middle. Because at the end of the process, it doesn’t make a difference – Malcolm X said this clearly – If it’s a Democrat or a Republican in there; they’re both the same. We’re talking about Hunter Biden in one regard and we’re talking about Donald Trump in another regard. And it shows that the scales of justice, as they weigh out, Hunter Biden right here, Donald Trump right here, the scale is balanced. You take Hunter Biden off and you put a poor, Black, and oppressed person on the scale, and the scale is becoming imbalanced.

    Tell us, how can our listeners and viewers get in touch with you or stay in touch with what you’re doing?

    Dyjuan Tatro: The best way to find me and follow what I’m up to and the things that I care about is on Twitter. And so that’s my first name, last name on Twitter. I’m pretty easy to find. So D-Y-J-U-A-N T-A-T-R-O on Twitter.

    Mansa Musa:  All right, thank you, Dyjuan. There you have it, The Real News, Rattling the Bars. Dyjuan, you rattled the bars today. We definitely created the climate for people to start looking at the political landscape and the criminal injustice system. Here at The Real News and Rattling the Bars, you only get this kind of information. You’re not going to get this kind of discourse on main media. Hunter Biden is pleading guilty to a serious offense, Donald Trump has been charged with a serious offense, and no one is talking about why they’re still walking around. But yet you go on Rikers Island and you have people over there dying day in and day out, and no one is talking about that either. You only hear about these things on Rattling the Bars. 

    We ask you to continue to support Rattling the Bars and The Real News. Because at the end of the day, we are actually the real news. Thank you very much. Continue to support us.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • At two Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention centers in California’s Central Valley, a cycle of resistance and retaliation has been intensifying over the past three years. Detainees at the facilities, which are operated by for-profit prison company GEO Group, have organized against abysmal conditions, prompting detention center authorities to respond with increasing levels of punitive action.

    A motion was filed with the Eastern District Court of California on May 18 as part of an ongoing class-action lawsuit against GEO pertaining to the facilities. The filing marked a major escalation in a multipronged campaign being waged by current and former detainees, and outside advocates, to hold ICE and GEO accountable for their mistreatment. It reaffirmed a key demand that detainees in the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield and the Golden State Annex in McFarland put forward when they launched a labor strike last year: pay for detained workers commensurate with the prevailing minimum wage in California.

     The consequences detainees appear to face for failure to participate in the purportedly voluntary work regime can render it akin to forced labor.

    The motion entreated a federal judge to issue a ruling that affirmed the plaintiffs’ contention that the $1-per-day pay detainees receive for labor within GEO’s “Voluntary Work Program” inside Mesa Verde and the GSA violates California’s minimum wage law. The state’s minimum wage stands at $15.50 an hour as of January 2023. 

    According to the new report “One Dollar A Day: Labor Conditions Within California Immigrant Detention Centers” from the UCLA Luskin Institute on Inequality and Democracy, detained individuals scrub toilets, mop bathrooms, and sweep and perform other maintenance tasks as part of the VWP. The report includes testimony from current and former detainees as well as data and research on commissary expenses, grievances, and information about the working conditions from within the detention centers. “They didn’t have supplies to actually clean,” said one person interviewed for the report. “Whether it was to mop or disinfect the phones or the tables… they just weren’t there… People had to clean the showers a lot of times in their shoes… [Y]our shoes get wet, and we only get one pair of shoes, so that’s unsanitary.” 

    The same interviewee mentioned the shortage of gloves needed for the work. “Who wants to be scrubbing a toilet with no gloves on? Or clean the showers when you’re dealing with these chemicals,” the individual told the authors of the report. Detainees inside the GSA and Mesa Verde facilities labor under difficult conditions for only a dollar per day, which saves GEO the extra expenses of hiring outside professionals—and increases the corporation’s already bloated bottom line. “GEO is benefiting, because if we don’t do it, they have to pay somebody to do it,” a UCLA report interviewee explained. “And they had to pay somebody good money to come in here and do those jobs.” 

    While the class-action lawsuit plays out in the Fresno Division of California’s Eastern District Court, individuals confined inside the Bakersfield and McFarland facilities continue to withhold their labor and coordinate with attorneys and immigrant rights’ advocates. They do so despite the retaliation GEO and ICE have repeatedly meted out in response to their refusal to accept the treatment and conditions inside the Central Valley detention centers. 

    “GEO is benefiting, because if we don’t do it, they have to pay somebody to do it,” a UCLA report interviewee explained. “And they had to pay somebody good money to come in here and do those jobs.”

    One person interviewed by the UCLA researchers mentioned that staff get angry when detainees raise issues with detention center staff. “And then they want us to get mad and interact with them, just so they have a reason to get us in trouble, because whenever we get a petty ass write-up, it sticks, and we get denied commissary, and you get all these other violations that are put against us. When we write to them we will see no benefits at all,” the detainee said. 

    The cycle of resistance and retaliation escalated in early 2020, just as the COVID-19 pandemic was beginning to rage across the United States. Dozens of men in Mesa Verde went on multiple hunger strikes in response to the dangerous conditions inside the facility. According to a class-action lawsuit filed in February 2023 by the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California, hunger strikers called on authorities to release medically vulnerable persons, to stop bringing new people into an already-crowded detention center, and to provide adequate cleaning supplies. In response, the legal complaint alleges, the GEO Group “retaliated against hunger strikers” by withholding sanitation services, commissary access, medically necessary items (including prescription medication and walking canes), contact with attorneys and loved ones, and recreation time.

    Two years later, dozens of individuals went on strike against the prison’s $1-a-day labor compensation scheme. ICE’s Performance-Based National Detention Standards set the minimum pay within the Voluntary Work Program at $1 per day. As explained in the “One Dollar a Day” report, in the “70 years since its inception, a provision under an appropriations bill that the 95th United States Congress passed has allowed immigrant workers in detention centers to earn just $1 a day.” According to a 2017 report by Seth H. Garfinkel, the 1978 Appropriations Act passed by Congress codified the remuneration rate, which enables companies like GEO to “compensate workers at $0.13 an hour for as many as eight working hours a day,” while the VWP helps detention centers save about $40 million in labor costs each year. The UCLA report notes that $1 in 1978 is now worth $4.61, and the reimbursement rate has not been adjusted for inflation. 

    “Detained people are forced to submit to GEO’s $1 per day scheme, the so-called ‘Voluntary’ Activities Program (‘Work Program’), to buy the basic necessities—including food, water and hygiene products—that GEO systematically deprives them of,” states a July 13, 2022, lawsuit filed by two advocacy groups and a Bay Area law firm in the California Eastern District Court. 

    Mohamed Mousa, an immigrant from Egypt, said that detention center meals typically consist of unappetizing, unsalted beans or unpalatable soy-based meat substitutes. At the time of the interview, he was still detained in the Mesa Verde facility. “It tastes just like newspapers,” Mousa said. “It’s just terrible.” 

    Detainees in both the GSA and Mesa Verde told the authors of the UCLA report that they found cockroaches in their food. Even when not on hunger strike, people inside won’t touch what the detention centers serve. “Inadequate or inedible food provided by GEO led many detainees to rely on the commissary to supplement some or all of their meals,” the authors of the UCLA report wrote. “Interviewees we spoke to expressed that the commissary was also vital to supplement basic care products that the facility failed to provide, creating additional economic hardship for them.” To afford necessities, detainees thus feel compelled to participate in the VWP, making it less than voluntary. 

    Likewise, the consequences detainees appear to face for failure to participate in the purportedly voluntary work regime can render it akin to forced labor. For example, participating in the work stoppage almost got one person confined in the Bakersfield immigrant jail transferred, if not for the swift actions of those advocating on behalf of detainee rights.

    In August 2022, ICE officials in the San Francisco field office prepared to transfer a striker from solitary to a facility outside of California. “The Facility Administrator stated in a written message to this individual that his efforts to ‘stand up for [his] rights’ would “not be tolerated,’” according to the lawsuit filed in February. ACLU attorneys responded by sending a letter to the field office stating a retaliatory transfer would constitute a violation of the detained person’s First Amendment Rights. ICE returned the man to Mesa Verde shortly thereafter. 

    The [UCLA report] authors noted their team “felt it necessary to physically go onsite to Mesa Verde in order to collect the grievances and write-up forms” referenced in the report because of the real fear of repercussion for interviewees.

    The lawsuit from last July alleges other forms of retaliation perpetrated by GEO against detainees on labor strike. Per the suit, GEO stopped allowing entire dormitories outdoor exercise time when individuals inside refused to work, and staff placed strikers in “administrative segregation”—a form of solitary confinement.

    According to a September 2022 complaint the ACLU and other organizations sent to the Department of Homeland Security Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, Mousa spent two months in solitary confinement for allegedly posing a risk to the Mesa Verde facility. Rigoberto Hernandez Martinez—a Mesa Verde detainee who joined the strike—was also confined in solitary for over a month due to an alleged security risk after being initially moved there for medical reasons; he was later told he remained in solitary because he participated in the collective action, according to the February lawsuit. “The GEO Group [is] using security as an alibi,” Mousa said. 

    “Regarding the strike, many described the retaliation by GEO employees, resulting in additional write-ups and denying access to the commissary,” the “One Dollar a Day” report states. Indeed, the authors noted their team “felt it necessary to physically go onsite to Mesa Verde in order to collect the grievances and write-up forms” referenced in the report because of the real fear of repercussion for interviewees. 

    Retaliation for failure to participate in the VWP also illustrates the not-so-voluntary nature of the labor regime inside the detention centers. The UCLA report states that the filing of grievances significantly increased after the labor strike started, “which detainees described as a response to increased retaliation from GEO officers.” Interviewed individuals said GEO staff used disciplinary write-ups to punish people for participating in the labor strike. 

    “Write-ups have two impacts on you,” one person explained. “The first is the psychological taste of injustice. So, when you get a write-up for something that is definitely clearly you committed no error, nothing wrong, you didn’t violate anything, you didn’t commit a crime… The mental agony of this is bullshit…. The other aspect is… You can’t even order commissary. You’re gonna have to be starving because they know that you don’t eat their food that they offer.” 

    The labor strike that began in April 2022 continues, with at least 59 people participating, per sources. Previously, it drew the attention of members of Congress. In September 2022, 16 members of the House and Senate called on ICE to investigate reports of unacceptable conditions and retaliatory behavior directed at detainees in the two California facilities. They also called on DHS to terminate the federal contracts with GEO if the allegations against the facilities could be confirmed.

    According to a press release from the ACLU, on March 7, ICE and GEO employees in full riot gear and wielding batons and pepper spray entered Mesa Verde’s Dorm C to confront weak and depleted hunger strikers.

    In December 2022, advocacy groups filed a complaint over unsafe working conditions inside the GSA and Mesa Verde. Following a California Division of Occupational Safety and Health investigation that uncovered multiple state code violations, regulators levied a $104,510 fine against GEO Group

    In an effort to increase the pressure on ICE and GEO, more than 70 detainees at the GSA and Mesa Verde facilities participated in a hunger strike between February 17 and March 24, 2023, demanding their immediate release and the closure of both immigrant jails. A hunger strike support committee made up of advocacy groups including the ACLU, the Asian Law Caucus with Asian Americans Advancing Justice, and the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, published a press release in which the men inside described the living conditions as “soul-crushing.” 

    Milton Mendez, who spent 11 months inside Mesa Verde, said GEO not only failed to provide basic necessities and urgently needed medical care, but the company also maintained intolerable living conditions within the jail. “The bathroom, in the shower, there is mold all over,” Mendez said in a March 17 interview.

    In the class-action lawsuit filed this February, attorneys for the plaintiffs rebuked ICE and GEO for violating the First Amendment rights of detained individuals on hunger strike. As a result of the pressure, the detention center relented. “ICE officials and GEO officials [came] to the dorms and referenced the pending litigation,” said Minju Cho, a lawyer with the ACLU, adding that afterwards detention facility staff “ameliorated some of the conditions, including offering the strikers Ensure nutritional shakes to allow them to maintain their strike but not experience death—and allowing them to receive medical care inside the dorm, which would have been a big point of contention. They also restored arts and crafts, law library, barber shop and yard time, all of which had been taken away.”

    In response to the hunger strike, GEO deployed retaliatory measures more violent than previously used. According to a press release from the ACLU, on March 7, ICE and GEO employees in full riot gear and wielding batons and pepper spray entered Mesa Verde’s Dorm C to confront weak and depleted hunger strikers. They forcefully removed four strikers from the dorm, handcuffing some and shoving others to the ground. At one point, as Mousa described, “ICE people in camouflage … grabbed [a detainee as if he were] a fucking animal … and they threw him on his face on the ground.” 

    Aseem Mehta, a legal fellow with AAAJ, said that after several hours, the attorneys for the four individuals who’d been removed from Dorm C received word that their clients were transferred to El Paso, Texas, supposedly for medical care. “Those individuals [had] never before requested medical care [and] showed no signs of acute medical distress,” Mehta said, adding that no explanation was provided as to “why whatever medical care that they purportedly needed could only be accessed in El Paso, Texas,” and not in California. He suspects GEO and ICE might have initiated the transfer to intimidate and punish hunger strikers.  

    “We hope that, in exposing the futility of the grievance system, this project will show that immigration detention is not a system that can be reformed; it must be dismantled.”

    Sana Singh, Immigrants’ Rights Fellow at ACLU of Northern California

    A week after the Mesa Verde raid, ICE and GEO also raided GSA dorms. During that raid, an officer also kneeled on one detainee’s head, injuring his face, according to a March 29 ACLU press release. One hunger striker had to be hospitalized several times as a result of the raid, and GEO transferred three individuals to a Texas facility under medical pretexts, per the press release. 

    Detainees have learned criticizing the agency and its detention practices can also result in retributive relocation. In February, advocacy groups filed a complaint with the DHS Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties that documented ICE’s transfer of an individual in November 2022 after that person and a fellow detainee from another facility authored an op-ed for the San Diego Union-Tribune criticizing conditions of confinement and the agency’s “brutal and excessive use of retaliation.” 

    In response to the March raids, lawyers from ACLU and other groups filed another emergency motion in federal district court seeking a temporary restraining order to prevent ICE and the GEO Group from retaliating against those on hunger strike. Days after the motion was filed, the seven people transferred to Texas were returned to California.

    The anti-carceral group Freedom for Immigrants released a report early this year titled “Trafficked & Toured: Mapping ICE Transfers,” which shows how the transport of human beings functions within “a larger system of punishment of detained individuals for organizing for their rights.” 

    When reached for comment via email, an ICE spokesperson said that the agency “does not comment on ongoing or pending litigation,” while a GEO spokesperson said via email that the company “has a zero-tolerance policy with respect to staff misconduct.”

    “We take our role as a service provider to the federal government with the utmost seriousness and strive to treat all those entrusted to our care with dignity and respect,” the GEO spokesperson said. 

    The campaign for freedom and abolition continues

    Most detainees who participated in the recent hunger strike—including Mousa—resumed eating food by mid-March, but with help from outside advocates, they are continuing a campaign to break the cycle of violence. Lawsuits by allies at the ACLU, CCIJ, AAAJ, Immigrant Defense Advocates, and others have helped defend the rights of those in custody, stem retaliation, and put pressure on ICE and GEO. 

    On June 23, the ACLU of Northern California filed another suit, this one against ICE for failing to respond to Freedom of Information Act requests for grievance logs kept at the six agency-affiliated immigrant detention centers in the state. 

    The ACLU also just launched the “California Immigration Detention Database” to track grievances submitted in the state’s immigrant jails. One individual who contributed to the database, Jose Ruben Hernandez Gomez, a former Mesa Verde detainee who was transferred to El Paso after participating in the hunger strike, filed grievances without success while incarcerated in the Central Valley facility, as detailed in an ACLU NorCal report published on June 26. “I’m participating in this project because I want people to know that detention centers are not safe to house human beings,” he told the ACLU. 

     In 2021, a district court in Washington ordered GEO to give more than 10,000 current and former detainees $17.3 million in backpay for labor they earned $1 to perform each day inside the Northwest ICE Processing Center in Tacoma.

    Of the nearly 250 complaints already in the database, many come from Mesa Verde and date back to the 2023 hunger strike, an ACLU press release explains. “We are committed to working alongside people in detention to expose the cruelty of the immigration detention system—even as ICE fails to come clean about its oversight of facilities marred by systemic neglect and abuse,” said Sana Singh, an ACLU NorCal immigrants’ rights fellow, per the press release. “We hope that, in exposing the futility of the grievance system, this project will show that immigration detention is not a system that can be reformed; it must be dismantled.”

    Further augmenting the campaign against ICE, GEO, and their detention regime, recent precedent suggests the lawsuit alleging GEO’s dollar-a-day VWP compensation rate violates the minimum wage requirement in California could prove successful. In 2021, a district court in Washington ordered GEO to give more than 10,000 current and former detainees $17.3 million in backpay for labor they earned $1 to perform each day inside the Northwest ICE Processing Center in Tacoma. Judge Robert Bryan also issued an injunction requiring the company, which pulled in $2.2 billion in revenue that year and receives a quarter million dollars from ICE annually for every detention facility it operates for the agency, to pay detainees participating in the VWP at the Tacoma facility Washington’s minimum wage, now $15.74 an hour.

    In addition to using their support networks to exert legal pressure from the outside, those in the GSA and Mesa Verde have inspired and drawn inspiration from detainees elsewhere. Mousa said that hunger strikers in California heard about similar actions in the Tacoma detention center, and in the ICE-affiliated Aurora, Colorado, facility. “We live in [the] same conditions they’re facing all over the place,” he said. “So we’re all supporting each other.” Actions and support for those inside the GSA and MV seemed to have inspired some 300 detainees inside the also GEO-run South Louisiana ICE Processing Center in Basile, Louisiana, to launch their own hunger strike in March. 

    Organizers and advocates have reason for cautious optimism regarding the possibility of ending for-profit detention for good. In 2019, California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill to phase out private prisons, immigrant detention centers included, but last year an appellate court ruled that the law might be unconstitutional. President Joe Biden voiced support for ending for-profit immigrant detention, but under his administration the Justice Department joined GEO in the suit challenging the law the California legislature passed and Newsom endorsed. A final judgment on the unconstitutionality of the ban was handed down in May 2023, effectively repealing the ban.

    Despite these setbacks, current and former detainees and their advocates remain undaunted in their efforts. From inside the GSA in mid-March, Gustavo Flores, a man in his early thirties, said immigration detention “is like waking up in a nightmare.” He hopes to see both ICE and GEO abolished and he and his fellow detainees released. “We’re gonna keep pushing,” Flores said. “If I were to get out [and] win my case… I’m gonna continue advocating.… This is gonna be an ongoing effort that’s going to continue on until our goals are met.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Too often, the rule of law just means the rule of police—but knowing your rights can still be an important way to protect yourself from police injustice. Here on Police Accountability Report, we often document how frequently the police conduct unjust and illegal stops, searches, seizures, and even arrests. But the significance of being educated on your rights isn’t just important because of rampant police abuse; there’s also a lot of misinformation out there. And when it comes to keeping yourself safe from capricious cops, disinformation is just as bad, if not worse, than no information. Legendary cop watchers James Madison and James Freeman join PAR for a special  “Know Your Rights’ Livestream about how you can protect yourself and exercise your rights to fight back against police injustice.

    James Freeman is a copwatcher who runs his own YouTube channel.

    James Madison Audits is a former police officer whose own personal experiences at the hands of cops turned him into a copwatcher and activist. He runs his own YouTube channel.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Studio Production: David Hebden


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, this is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. Know Your Rights, protect Your Rights Livestream, a show where we will talk to people who know how to do both, to give you the tools and the perspective.

    Taya Graham:

    Sorry. I’m having a little issue,

    Dave. I’m having a little technical issue. Yeah, sorry. Sorry, you guys. This is a show where we’ll talk to people who know how to do both, to give you the tools and the perspective to ensure that when and if police challenge you are prepared. But we’re also going to delve deeper into why American law enforcement can seem so interested in entangling people in the legal system rather than improving public safety. And what we can do, not to just fight back, but think back, meaning how we can collectively think of ways to create a community where police aren’t in charge, but we are, and that law enforcement serves us and not the other way around. And to make this happen, I am so excited to share this with you. We have two guests who have a tremendous amount of experience and expertise, both dealing with cops and in one case actually being a cop.

    The latter is a former cop turn cop watcher, James Madison, who’s known for his unique insider’s perspective on how police use their law often to their advantage, or they sometimes choose to ignore the law entirely and what you can do to counter it when they do. Also, he has an exceptional investigation he is working on, and you all will be some of the first people to see parts of it here on our channel. Then we’ll be talking to the legendary James Freeman, who’s actually fighting the entire justice system to protect his right, to hold them accountable. It is an absolutely epic battle between transparency and power to keep the inner workings of government secret, which we will be unpacking for you in all its ugly details. And at the end of the show, there will be a special shout out to all my Patreon patrons for their kind support.

    It’s just one small way I try to show the people that help this show and make it possible show. Just show them how much I appreciate them. And during the show, I will try to get your comments on the screen and answer some of your questions for our guests. But please remember, this is live. As you may have noticed, this is very, very live. So please try to be patient with any technical glitches we might have. But before we get to that, I want to turn to my reporting partner, Steven Janis. Steven. Hey, Dave. Could do you think you could find Steven on the live stream?

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah. Stephen,

    Taya Graham:

    Stephen. Stephen. We have a live stream tonight. Have so many could

    Stephen Janis:

    Nuts tonight.

    Taya Graham:

    Seriously.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, what do you We have a lot. What do you We have a lie. What do you want,

    Taya Graham:

    Stephen? We have a live stream.

    Stephen Janis:

    We have a live stream tonight. Are you kidding me? Look, I’m doing, I’m fine, Tay. Thanks at me, but no thanks tonight and

    Taya Graham:

    Stephen. Good, didn’t

    Stephen Janis:

    You right now? All right. Okay. Okay. I’m raised my hands. Seriously. Drop the, you see my hands. Jesus. I’m coming in. Would you

    Taya Graham:

    Drop the nuts? Dropping the nuts. Thank you.

    Stephen Janis:

    I’m coming inside.

    Taya Graham:

    Thank you. Don’t

    Stephen Janis:

    Worry.

    Speaker 4:

    Here it comes.

    Taya Graham:

    I seriously can’t believe this. You know what? It’s technical difficulty after technical difficulty tonight. Honestly, I think Steven’s getting a little too uncomfortable outside. But while we’re waiting for him to get inside the studio, let me share with you our audience, how we intend to break down these stories for you and why they’re essential and why, as we always say, you have the right to be informed. I think the idea for this show started with our investigative report on Texas firefighter Thomas C As you remember, Thomas was pulled over by the Denton County Sheriff’s Department in April of 2021 for what they say was speeding. Although Thomas denies this after he was pulled over. However, police had a different agenda. That’s because they immediately started to accuse Thomas of being drunk. Now, first, it’s worth noting that Thomas has not had a drink for 30 years, and he does not use illegal drugs of any kind, but that didn’t stop police from charging him with a D U I. Let’s just watch a little bit of what transpired.

    Speaker 4:

    Hello? Hello. I’m Deputy Brant with the Danton County Sheriff’s Office. I didn’t catch you earlier. Where were you coming from today?

    Speaker 5:

    From,

    Speaker 6:

    Yeah, my left. Yeah, you’re right.

    Speaker 4:

    What happened to your eye again? I only call part of

    Speaker 5:

    That. I had a detached retina, and then the subsequent surgeries have led to it. It’s kind of got a blue haze right now. Okay. Yeah. And so it’s just hard to see through this eye, but okay. Sometimes it gets kind of irritated. It turns red and yeah, I don’t know if it is now, but looks

    Speaker 4:

    Liquidated right now. Yeah.

    Speaker 5:

    Is it really? Looks, is this one is? That’s clear. Clear? Okay. Yeah. So, okay.

    Speaker 4:

    Once the last time you said you took any medications today,

    Speaker 5:

    Like three,

    Speaker 4:

    Two, about three o’clock today. Two o’clock

    Speaker 5:

    Or something. Okay.

    Speaker 4:

    One o’clock. At this point, I just want to Sure, you’re safe to operate a vehicle. Just giving kind of everything I’ve seen so far. I just want to make sure you’re safe to operate your truck. Oh. So we’re going to bring you through just a few standardized field tests and we’ll kind of go from there. Okay? All right. Have you ever had traumatic brain injury? Never. Okay. Nothing like that. Other than detached retina, any other medical issues?

    Speaker 5:

    No.

    Speaker 4:

    Okay. Nothing like that? No. Diabetes, hypertension?

    Speaker 5:

    Well, I’ve had hypertension. Okay. I’ve taken medicine. Was taking medicine.

    Speaker 4:

    Okay. Other than Adderall, are we taking anything else right now? Just Adderall. And what’s the Adderall for?

    Speaker 5:

    Attention deficit.

    Speaker 4:

    A adhd? Yeah. Okay. Or a D. D. Okay. You can set ’em up.

    Speaker 6:

    Okay. Just stand right here on the flat ground together like this, your arms down this.

    Speaker 4:

    And so I asked him like, well, what else besides your eye hurt? Anything else? No, just my, I mean, I gave him every opportunity to explain to me like, legs aren’t working right, arms aren’t working Right. It came out the truck looking good, like walking pretty decent. Little heavy footed, but he wasn’t stumbling out. Do you believe he’s intoxicated?

    Speaker 7:

    I believe he’s unable to drive from whatever he has. I

    Speaker 4:

    Dunno about alcohol. Is that a medical emergency or we talking about intoxicated on something, but I don’t think alcohol. Do you think they have a medical emergency here? No. Okay. So if it’s not a medical emergency, is he normal or would you believe possibly he’s intoxicated under something? Yeah, I think he’s intoxicated on something. We’re probably going to go that route. We’re probably going to try to do a Dre we.

    Taya Graham:

    Well, thank you for gracing the studio with your presence.

    Stephen Janis:

    Steven, you could’ve told me we had a live stream.

    Taya Graham:

    I

    Stephen Janis:

    Think I did. I was outside. I was outside. I was comfortable. I was there for the night. Yes, I know. I had my freaking coordinates. I know,

    Taya Graham:

    I know. But you have other obligations. I think you’re getting a little too comfortable.

    Stephen Janis:

    Do I use this mic or this one?

    Taya Graham:

    I think you use the This one,

    Stephen Janis:

    The bigger one. Sorry. All right. Yeah. Well, I mean, it’s nice out there. I’m learning a lot. There’s a lot of things that happen. Bringing me inside, just kind of messes up my vibe as a reporter. I am breaking stories constantly out there reporting and you’re like, oh, come on in for a live stream. But what do I get out of it?

    Taya Graham:

    Well, you know what Stephen, the problem is, is that everyone

    Stephen Janis:

    Know poor nuts are not enough for a man

    Taya Graham:

    To survive.

    Stephen Janis:

    I need more than that.

    Taya Graham:

    Listen, everyone expects you to be a hard-nosed investigative reporter. Yes. You got to give the people what they want. That means you got to be out there beating the streets. Okay. Putting in that work. Okay,

    Stephen Janis:

    Let me just put it this way. I’m willing to do a documentary about what it’s like to be outside. I’m willing to the documentary tell the secrets. A lot of people ask me about our esteemed editor, max, the famous Maximilian Alvarez. I’m willing to give you guys the inside scoop, but I need one thing. We need to raise a little money. So we have

    Taya Graham:

    Super chats tonight, I think.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah, we have Super Chats chat. That’s right. We

    Taya Graham:

    Actually chat, have Super chats for their first time tonight. So I’m really excited.

    Stephen Janis:

    So I’m just saying to people out here, if you want to know what I was actually doing before Taya interrupted me, I guess wasn’t, and what really goes on outside. Yeah, we need to raise some money, but not a lot. A couple hundred dollars would be nice. So I can hire a director, cinematographer, some of the things I need to execute my vision.

    Taya Graham:

    You’re just trying to get more coffee and corns,

    Stephen Janis:

    Hey, these things are really expensive and they’re hard to find. But nevertheless, I am inside now. So I’m here. I’m ready to participate. And I’m looking forward to hearing more about Thomas’s case. Well,

    Taya Graham:

    Actually, as I was saying, Steven, go ahead. You will see the cops basically charged Thomas due to a highly subjective and easy to fail field sobriety test, which Steven, you’ve learned has literally almost no scientific basis. What’s

    Stephen Janis:

    Really interesting about this hay is I did some research because I thought there was so much subjectivity when we looked at the documents. Yes, having your clothes being ruffled or

    Taya Graham:

    Disheveled or the way that was his attitude. Was it apologetic? Was it irritable? Just so many subtleties that are so subjective when it comes to a cop’s determination. And

    Stephen Janis:

    We talk about the law enforcement industrial complex. This is the forensic industrial complex where they create things. This was created out of a wholecloth by a couple of psychology professors. Nothing scientific about it. And also really, so the entirety of this idea of a field sobriety tests, and it varies from state to state. There’s nothing scientific. It fails every time to really learn if a person is drunk or not. And it’s highly, highly, highly just made up out of whole cloth. And so I’m not going to go through all the actual research, but I can say this very specifically, there is no scientific basis for a field sobriety test. And yet in this particular case, in Thomas’s case, it was the sole justification for arresting. And that’s the problem. I don’t think any of us have a problem with a police officer using some subjective diagnostic tools or even subjective judgment when they’re looking in, when they’re investigating some of, but to ruin a man’s life over your impression that he was talking slowly or he was a little heavy footed or some of the other subjective ways, they now analyze it.

    I think especially in light that we have breathalyzers and that we have blood tests, I just think is highly problematic. And I think what this particular type of law enforcement diagnostic tool shows is that there’s this sheen of absolute certainty that rubs off on these things over time. Cause over time, they just become recirculated and recirculated. We had an example out in Colorado where people are inex using ketamine during arrest to subdue people and people died and they’re like, how did this happen? And no one really knew. When I dug into it, it was almost impossible to figure out. So in this case, I think we need to call into question this way. None of us support drunk driving and almost think it’s serious, but we should not have a system that is completely dependent upon the subjective. And I think the bias, I mean, I think that the most interesting thing about Thomas’s case is I think they’d already made up their minds. They just needed to stat. I mean, we’re still looking into it and we’ll get to that. But yes, these tests are completely subject to the officer’s whim, and that’s very scary and very dangerous considering the consequences for either getting it wrong or getting it right.

    Taya Graham:

    Steven, you actually have an update. You did not let go of this story. I know that you were very moved by what happened to Thomas, the ending of his career and the loss of his firefighting family. But you kept on pressing and asking questions. Tell maybe you can share some

    Stephen Janis:

    Of the cover. Well, so here’s the biggest thing. Now everyone knows in a misdemeanor case or any sort of criminal case there, there’s supposed to be a judge and a prosecutor’s a check on the police. Police can charge anything they want, and it goes into a court and a judge, a prosecutor looks at and says, well, this evidence is weak. Or judge. Well, it turns out Thomas’s case never made it to the prosecutor’s. I asked the Denton County Prosecutor’s office, do you have this case in your system? Why are you prosecuting? I didn’t even really ask them that. I said, why are you prosecuting this case given the evidence is so flimsy? And she wrote me back and said, there is no record of this case. This case never existed. So think about that. The profound consequences for Thomas Thomas is fired from his job. They do an internal investigation, and yet there’s no case in the system.

    He has to hire a lawyer, pay thousands of dollars. There’s no case in the system. So I went back to the Denton County Sheriff’s Office and I said, well, this case isn’t in the system. Where is it? And well, you actually sent the email to their spokesperson. And a couple days later they got back and said, oh yeah, we tried to submit the evidence after the statute of limitations had expired. So it’s literally insane how they tortured this poor man, how they extended this case for two years. He didn’t even know it was in the system, and technically it was not an active case. They said, we tried to put it in the system after the statute of limitations, limitations expired, and the system rejected it. Well, you’re law enforcement, you don’t pay attention to the statute of limitations. It’s a misdemeanor in Texas, so it’s only two years.

    You got to get your case. And they blamed the crime lab, but they’d already had a negative test on the alcohol. So they had zero on that. So they didn’t have a narcotics test. They weren’t going to get anything anyway. They just made this man miserable. And then when I said, could you release the blood test on the narcotics because we’d like to know what you found. And they said, no, we can’t release it because of the public shield laws that don’t allow you to release information on cases that had been dropped. So they basically were able to cover up their own tracks on this case after they had literally destroyed this man’s life. So it’s really, I think, a very, very troubling use of the power of law enforcement. And unfortunate for Thomas too.

    Taya Graham:

    You know what? What’s interesting, some of the comments here, and I’ve been doing my best to throw some of them up on the screen, someone said, I think it’s Alan Killian. Field sobriety tests are all about collecting evidence against you. And I think earlier it might have been catman, and I apologize if this is incorrect, but they said the field sobriety test is about as accurate as the canine test. So we’ve seen, right, right. We’ve seen some terrible ways. Can nine have been used as an excuse to be able to access someone’s

    Stephen Janis:

    Field? The thing ISS alarming is there’s an entire industry of dui, aggressive d UI traffic enforcement that is built upon the field sobriety test. So it’s quite alarming how subjective and unscientific this is. And it’s used to such an extent that really it can put someone in jail, you can lose your license, you all sorts of horrible repercussions. And also I think maybe there’s a lot of drunk people that could pass it to be even worse. So I don’t know what the answer is to this question, but I do think we need to stop walking around and thinking, or at least as mainstream media rep, not main as reporters. We need to stop this idea that somehow there’s some scientific certainty in this process of field sobriety tests.

    Taya Graham:

    And we, we’ve got some great comments in here, and some of them I wish I could put on the screen, but I can’t put all of them on the screen. But some of them are very funny, John Eagle. So as we move on, given the consequences for Thomas and the very flimsy evidence, we decided to spend some time not just on how to protect your rights, but also trying to understand why cops do what they do. Meaning why do we keep seeing this type of abuse of power over and over and over and over and again with very little actual reform? Why do cops continue to make bad arrests and why when they’re clearly presented with evidence, do they continue to try to entrap people when it would just be so much easier to just let them go and allow them to move on? I think this aspect of law enforcement has become more fascinating.

    And at the same time, more inexplicable for me mean. And bear in mind, I watch a lot of videos of police encounters. In fact, I’ve spent the past five years just knee deep in body camera and cell phone videos of police behaving badly. And many times when I do, so, I find myself asking the same question, why can’t the cop just walk away? Why do they so often escalate? And what can I do to help people overcome bad policing? And I’m hoping that I have at least part of the answer, because often we don’t know our rights, and even more importantly, how to apply them given the circumstances. And I have watched many routine encounter with a cop go wrong. And I’m struck by just how subjective it can be and how much dissembling police often do, how often they simply ignore the law or in the worst cases, just make up their own rule book entirely. And that’s why we’re going to address this. So let’s call it the law enforcement knowledge gap. And we’re going to do so by having a series of discussions to share that information, to help you and help close that knowledge gap. Because I literally watched three Deputy Sheriffs destroy Thomas’s life. And I honestly thought I need to do something, not just as a reporter, but as a human being. I mean, not that those two things are mutually exclusive, but meaning

    Stephen Janis:

    Sometimes they’re

    Taya Graham:

    Meaning we need to do something. We need to talk about, not just why, but how these types of cases continue to happen. And we need to discuss what we can do to fight back. And this is conversation that involves more than just talking about the law and your rights and other important aspects of our legal system. It’s also discussion about the underlying imperative that drives all the ills mentioned earlier, a system that trains them to embrace a psychology. The idea of that their job is not to police for us, but against us to use the law as a barrier, not a common set of rules for everyone. I think we have to try to understand what and who these cops are really working for and why often they seem to have other priorities besides keeping us safe. I mean, Steven, I think we’ve probably had this conversation a million times before about the underlying imperative that drives policing. But why is this important? Why even talk about it? Why aren’t we just showing videos of bad

    Stephen Janis:

    Cops? Well, I think it’s very important when we look at a case like Thomas’s and other cases we’ve covered that there’s this sense when you report on that this is an example of law enforcement gone wrong. But I think what we need to do in our conversation is flip that around. This is actually, in some sense, if you examine the system, what we call the system that allows bad police, makes bad police impossible. This is an example of actually, I think from the perspective of the way law enforcement has been construed in this country of law enforcement succeeding. And when I say that, you’re like, what are you talking about? Why is that success It? It’s because law enforcement is not construed in many ways for public safety. As many of our cop watchers point out. It has a million other agendas. I think there’s this famous saying, the arc of justice, the arc of the universe bend towards justice.

    Well, the arc of the law enforcement universe bends towards inequality and bends towards enforcing laws that are about monetizing processes, monetizing poverty, many monetizing many social ills so that when you see a case like Thomas, you’re not saying law enforcement has gone bad, which is the way we report it. And of course, that’s kind of the way it’s perceived. It’s also, we have to think about it. Maybe this is the way law enforcement is intended to work. In many of these cases. It wouldn’t exist if didn’t, the powers that be didn’t want law enforcement to make these kind of so-called mistakes. They wouldn’t happen. And that’s why we have to acknowledge it and think about it in kind of a different way. We have to sort of say, wait, this is law enforcement working as it’s intended to work. And when we look at it that way, I think we have a better chance way of saying, pointing out what’s wrong with it on a systemic level, not just on the individual cases.

    I mean, you and I have watched enough body camera, oh gosh, to know things go bad quite often, but we have to be able to look at it in a larger picture and say, well, what’s working here? Why isn’t it working? And it’s not working because it’s not intended to work for the people, for the working class of this country. That’s not how law enforcement is constructed. And that’s not how we see it work. And so when we report on it, we kind of have to flip the, it’s like narrative inversion, right? We’re trying to come up with a way to tell this story in a different way so we understand, okay. It’s sort of the idea I’ve had about, I’ve talked about police corruption. There’s no such thing as a corrupt police department. There’s a corrupt society that creates and begets a corrupt police department.

    That’s a good, the corruption and police department simply reflects the power structure, the elites and the society. It really serves not the people. So we have to kind of dismiss this notion that there is corrupt. And then over here, there’s this great utopian police department that comes out and serves the people. And that can sound a little harsh, but I think sometimes when you see the things that happen and we see people’s lives, it’s destroyed and everyone, no, I mean, everyone I called, no one wanted to talk about Thomas. No, wanted to talk on behalf, right? This guy served his community for 30 years as a first responder and they throw him out. So you think that you’re, say the system’s not that indifferent. Oh, yes. We know how indifferent. It’s because every time we call on people’s behalf, whose lives have been literally torn as thunder, no one responds.

    People will be like, I’m not going to talk about it. We’re not going to talk the department of public safety number. We’re not going to talk about it. We can’t talk about this, blah, blah, blah. But you sure can charge him. You can fire him. Absolutely. You can put him in jail. You can make him hire a lawyer. You can do all that. But what you can’t do is talk about it. You can’t explain why you ruined this man’s life. And that’s what I’m trying to say. Like law enforcement is not constructed around serving the working class and the people. It’s constructed around. Well, an elite sort of way of parsing us and saying, you’re here. You’re bad. You’re good. We’re the heroes. So anyway, sorry. Didn’t very true.

    Taya Graham:

    No, I’m sorry. Look, you get fired up sometimes. Well, yeah. And just got to let you,

    Stephen Janis:

    I think I got a little upset when you called me inside.

    Taya Graham:

    Maybe

    Stephen Janis:

    That’s, I’m telling. I’m so happy out there. And Max gives me one bag of CORs every night, max, I know you’re watching. He says, Stephen, you can

    Taya Graham:

    Have this

    Stephen Janis:

    Whole

    Taya Graham:

    Bag. You know what? You will get a suit eventually with these coronets. Oh God, you’re right. You know,

    Stephen Janis:

    He gives me a bag every night. It’s pretty cool. Not many employees have those kind of benefits union power. Anyway,

    Taya Graham:

    So I just want to let you know for some of the people who have put in questions, I’m going to, I’m putting them aside for later, so if there are any questions or comments, I’m going to make sure to put them aside, and I’m going to throw ’em up on the screen later for when James Freeman and James Madison join us. And back to moving forward, I think when we talk about our rights, we have to remember, based upon our experience reporting across the country, we have learned that quite often our rights are conditional. Meaning they’ve either been watered down by the courts or in the name of the drug war, or simply ignored in the service of racking up stats for fines, as we’ve seen in a variety of cities and small towns as well. But that idea also applies to something that is important to acknowledge about the law itself, which it is often subject to interpretation.

    And unfortunately at the moment, the interpretation of the cop is what we would call in legal terms, controlling. In other words, an argument over the law that involves an encounter with a cop is usually hashed out after you’ve been subjected to it. So it’s something to keep in mind when you cite the law, because an officer can simply ignore it while you suffer the consequences. And only after you’ve been jailed, ticketed, arrested, can you go to court and try to right the wrong. And that is why part of the Know Your Rights Show tonight will be focused on getting a better understanding of police, why they do what they do, and of course, how they think. And I can think of no guest better than a man who used to be a cop and is now a cop watcher. His name is James Madison, and he’s a former law enforcement officer who has used his talents as a content creator to share valuable insights into policing your rights and how to defend yourself.

    But he has also applied his investigative skills to the benefit of the public, as evidenced in his most recent work about the breaking the story about a police lieutenant in Daytona Beach who brought his three and a half year old son to the station and put him in jail. And excuse me for saying this, but for going to the bathroom in his pants, that same cop also admitted that he put previously put another one of his children in jail for a similarly unusual crime. So thanks to James, this story has just started to receive national attention. Let’s run a clip of his work.

    Speaker 8:

    He’s not here right now. And that’s, what’s his name? He’s new, right? Yeah, Bob Michael Fowler. Fallon. That’s it. And let me ask you, I guess there’s an IA going on. That’s why you said this is a big deal. I would hope. I dunno. I dunno about that. Okay. Oh, excuse me. Hey. Hey, what’s going on, mark? Oh man, not much. I heard you in a meeting, but hey, I just got a tip or something like that. I dunno if you want to make a comment on it, but two police officers that were put their kid in a jail cell. Yep. I got no comment now. But is an ia, you go upstairs and get that is an IA active there? I Well, I couldn’t comment if there was, you can. The state statute allows you the details of the I. There’s not one. No. Oh my gosh. All right. You do a request for you to see her calendar.

    Speaker 9:

    I don’t have her calendar.

    Speaker 8:

    Who does? Do you know

    Speaker 9:

    Sherry Schwab? Schwab would have all public

    Speaker 8:

    Documents. Do you know what time she left or when she left?

    Speaker 10:

    She

    Speaker 9:

    Left at 10 o’clock.

    Speaker 8:

    10 o’clock. All right. Sounds good. I appreciate it.

    Speaker 11:

    Okay. And I think you’re probably saying the same thing. This is a big runaround, right? And heard that background noise, right? She did not want me going into these elevators. This is a community center and upstairs is the public information office. Now, this request to her was done in March, five months after the initial request

    Speaker 12:

    Here to stand by for them to do a thing. And then, we’ll, right here, Mike, bro, thanks Smith, man. Devin ld, Mike Scho. Hello. Hi, Kathy with DCF Pleasure. Mike. Sean, bro, nice to meet you. Nice to meet you. Let me gate back. I hear the hear puppies. I hear doggies too. There are, hang on a second. I walk your time. No.

    Taya Graham:

    So I just wanted to let you know that for the follow up report that James has on his channel, Nolie D in the live chat is going to be dropping a link so that later you can follow up and take a look at these incredibly disturbing allegations. He actually has the officer on record saying exactly what he did to his young child. And now I’m going to introduce James Madison. James, thank you so much for joining us tonight. I know, oh, you are actually on mute right now, unfortunately. So if you can just,

    Speaker 11:

    No mute,

    Taya Graham:

    Now you’re back.

    Speaker 12:

    We’re good. We’re good. You’re

    Taya Graham:

    Good. All

    Speaker 11:

    Right. I hope I didn’t miss it. Yeah, good evening too. Thank you. It’s been a while. So last time was about two years ago, so yeah.

    Taya Graham:

    Thanks. Well, we’re fi glad to finally have you back. It is absolutely our pleasure. But before we talk about your investigation, I just want to get your feedback just to get your opinion on the D U I video that we watched together. What is your assessment of the police tactics? I mean, what could a driver and who ended up being the victim of this false d u ire arrest, what could he done to protect himself? What could he have done differently from your perspective?

    Speaker 11:

    Well, the least that you talk to law enforcement is always the better it is. Everything you say yes can and will be used against you, whether it’s Mirandized or not. And in this situation here, I was watching that video and unfortunately, the cops were asking things that my doctor would ask me. And I’m not going to be answering questions like that to law enforcement, depending on the state by state. You’re not required to do field sobriety exercises in Florida. That’s specific here. Some of the other states you might be able to or be required to. But at that point, when I know that I haven’t been doing anything and I haven’t been drinking, I’m going to say, Hey, listen, you need to do what you need to do. I don’t want to answer those questions. They kind of violate my HIPAA rights. I don’t want to have my public information out there or private information out there. And that’s where I would’ve stopped at that one and just said, Hey, listen, if you have something, let me know. But when you get stopped by the police, I’ve stopped people several times. It is nerve wracking you. You’re nervous as it is. I mean, that’s it. It’s nerve wracking. So you might talk a little bit more. And that’s what people do sometimes when they get nervous.

    Taya Graham:

    Well, I think that is absolutely excellent, and that fifth Amendment in our wonderful constitution, it’s the right not to incriminate yourself. Please make sure to avail yourself of that. But Steven, I know I’ve been doing a lot of talking. Let me give you an opportunity.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, first of all, James, congratulations on your investigation. But first, just tell us, so how did you get ahold of this story? I mean, I’m fascinated, just so everyone knows. As Teo was saying, a police lieutenant put his son in jail because he pooped in his pants. Excuse me. But how did you get wind of this? I mean, this is a fascinating process. This is some really outstanding investigative reporting, I guess. So tell me how first you came across this story, who tipped you off? Well, you don’t have to give me your sources, but how did you learn about it?

    Speaker 11:

    Yeah, so just like law enforcement, you, they’re going to be reliant on sources. And so am I, because I can’t dig in every little spot and find out. And that’s it. If someone wouldn’t have came to me and told me about this, this would’ve been buried and dead and nothing would’ve happened of it. But instead, we learned that they were on their ia. They were charged with allegations of committing a felony. So that’s pretty serious when you have law enforcement doing that. When general citizens run around, if we commit a felony clink time, you’re going to be arrested. And so you have to rely on sources there. And thankfully, there are a few good cops that are still out there. However, those few good cops, they don’t go and punish though.

    Stephen Janis:

    So explain to me how a police lieutenant believes he has the use of the facilities, a jail facility, to bring his child in there, how that even becomes a reality in any way, shape, or form. I mean, I can’t even really kind of wrap my mind around who would ever do that to their own child. But how does he get the idea that he can go ahead and do this?

    Speaker 11:

    Well, I don’t know, and I can’t speak for him, but if I were in his position and it was 20 years down the road, or 15 how many ever years he’s been there, there’s probably come some complacency. And there’s probably some idea that, Hey, I’ve worked here so long, I can do what I want. And I’m not speaking that that’s what he did. But if I was in a job for that period of long time, that’s my maybe how I feel. I don’t know. Yeah. I’m not in his shoes. So

    Stephen Janis:

    Now, one of the things you were talking about before the show is the coverup is worse of the crime. So when you got this tip, you’ve, you’ve this crazy tip, which I’m sure when you first heard it, you’re probably like, what? But you get this tip, you’re going to be, how are people pushing back and what are they saying when you first kind of say, Hey, I know this information. I know it’s true. What kind of pushback and what were people saying to you when you were trying to uncover this?

    Speaker 11:

    Well, it was that very, you felt the resistance almost immediately. You asked for something. Oh yeah, you either get a delay or you get excessive charge. So when I first asked about it, the first time that I was able to speak to someone, was there the elevator, I have had some really good luck. One of the participants or one of the subjects in the investigation, I was able to somehow get in the same presence of her at a restaurant and obviously no comment, but was able to ask her a question, Hey, let me tell you about the child. Same thing with the chief. I went to the PD there, and somehow or another, that chief is coming down that elevator or that coming out that elevator as soon as I’m coming in there. And it’s just been a luck, luck of the draw there

    Stephen Janis:

    With that. Wait, wait, wait. Hold on. That’s really interesting. So when you first confronted them, were you saying the way they responded, you said, because this is pretty smart, you’re like, oh, I know this is true. Just by the way they responded to you. I’m kind of fascinated by that because that that’s really some gumshoe kind of reporting.

    Speaker 11:

    I mean, we all know body language. If you’re married, if you’re not your kids, when someone’s lying to you, you feel it. Right? It’s just one of those things. And when I asked him that question there, and he was reaching to knock on the door to get away from me as soon as possible, I was like, yeah, there’s something going on. And at the time that I asked him that there was no ia, which it was true, there wasn’t one. But the situation did occur, and it was something like 22 days after the incident. So there should have been an IA already started. If we learn later that you’re being alleged that you’re charged with violating policy that says you committed a felony.

    Stephen Janis:

    So do you think your question started the IA investigation, or did they then they knew you were snooping around. They knew someone knew about this, so they kind of tried to cover their backsides, in other words, and just try to quickly assemble an investigation.

    Speaker 11:

    Yeah, it’s possible. That’s what happened. I don’t know. I don’t have those details in there. But many times that is what happens in law enforcement. It’s all swept under the rug until someone finds about, oh, we got to do something about it. I got to either, I got to smack you with a day off or two, but you’re going to have to deal with this now because now the public knows. So, I mean, there is a lot of cover up in different departments. They don’t want you get it out.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, congratulations you for bringing this to public, but explain that to people who don’t understand it. So you’re a cop. You see someone lieutenant, bring his kid and lock him in jail, and you’re like, wow, that’s really messed up, but I’m just going to keep this under the rug. We’re just all going to look the other way. And even though a great injustice occurred, or you see it in arrests and beatings and all, explain that psychology to people who aren’t cops who don’t understand it. Cause it’s kind of fascinating.

    Speaker 11:

    Yeah. Someone told me one time that the thin blue line is not a brotherhood of law enforcement. It’s actually whoever you’re loyal to that’s in the head of the department. Because if you cross that line, you’re out of there. And that lieutenant said that there was people that seen this happening and what was going on, and a few of ’em came out and said something. They were interviewed by F D L E, but from what I was told by the source is that they were ultimately punished somehow or some way. So that’s it. If you’re in that psychology there, you see something like this, even though police tell us citizens see something, say something, right? And they make our information public. But when a police officer can see something, right, they generally don’t say something because they’re afraid that if they cross that thin blue line of whoever’s their chief or their supervisor, they’re not going to have a job. And if you dig into shores and look at it, there’s been several resignations, a nine year veteran, I think it was put on probation mysteriously. And there’s no record of why.

    Stephen Janis:

    So you’re saying that if you see something really messed up, you’re more at risk of getting in trouble for saying something about, than not saying something about it in the sense that if this person is connected or higher up, he’s a lieutenant, he’ll quickly file a complaint against you and put you in this system. Is that, that’s kind of what you’re saying,

    Speaker 11:

    Right? Yeah. You’re a rat.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah.

    Speaker 11:

    I mean, that’s the term. Don’t be a rat,

    Stephen Janis:

    But that’s, that’s a criminal term. Okay. Yeah. That’s what mafiosos call people rats, right? Criminals, not cops, but you, there are things such as things as, I’m not naive, but there are rats in cop land. Is that what you’re saying?

    Speaker 11:

    I mean, that’s what it is. You’ll hear that term when you’re working there is like, oh man. For instance, when I was working, something occurred with a juvenile and he had a little small amount of cannabis on him, and none of us wanted to do a report. We didn’t want to do a report because it took so much paperwork to get this. We took the stuff, threw it down a storm drain. I didn’t, someone else did, but took it down the storm drain, which is fine. I would’ve done it too. Took it. And then the one person that saw it was like, Hey, I saw that we can’t be doing that. And the other guy said, what are you going to be a rat?

    Stephen Janis:

    Wow.

    Speaker 11:

    And it favored the juvenile. It was in the cusp of when cannabis was coming to legalization, but it was, you know, hear that. And that’s what the scary part is. You’ll be called that, and then you are pretty much blackballed as a police officer, and no one will trust you.

    Stephen Janis:

    I mean, that just seems so inimical to the idea of having a just system where if you say one wrong thing, your career is, if you say one, if you expose anything that’s wrong, it just seems to me that the system will ultimately be corrupted. By that, I mean, there’s no way around it that it won’t be corrupted. People can’t say, Hey, you made a mistake or you did something wrong. But if I say anything, it’s the end of my career. I just don’t see how that system functions.

    Speaker 11:

    Well, let me break it down in syllables, it’s justice system, right? Okay. Just us. That’s generally what it is. I mean, you think about it, right? Yeah. And that happens in every agency. I did another story where a captain of a police department was taking money from a disabled adult. Everybody knew about it, but they turned a blind eye to it and, and that’s just the way it is in this law

    Stephen Janis:

    Enforcement. Yeah. So what was the turning point for you where you said, I can’t take this anymore. And I know you told this story to before, it’s still fascinating, but where you said, I’ve just got to not be a part of this system. What was for you? Was there a moment or was it just a long progression where you said, okay, I’m done. Yeah, I’m going to be a civilian.

    Speaker 11:

    Well, leaving the law enforcement, I was making 35 to 45,000 a year, and I was getting a girlfriend, my wife and I just couldn’t afford to live like that. I mean, it was a low paying job. I was making 11 eight. And then when I was on motors riding the motorcycle, it turned into $16 an hour, and that’s after eight years of work. And then at Wow, I said, you know what? I’m done. I’m going to go pursue a career with a father, with a construction company. And that was it that,

    Stephen Janis:

    Do you have any regrets or are you happy with the choice you

    Speaker 11:

    Made? Oh my gosh, it’s so freedom. There’s so much freedom when you work for yourself. And ultimately, I started a little small businesses that kept us afloat during the 2008, 2009 crash. But those blossomed into shipping businesses, and I love it. It’s working from home. It’s freedom. And after I left law enforcement, I actually watched the guy that is in here in the standby room, James Freeman. I was watching him afterwards. And what happened is I was building a house and the neighbors were upset. He called code enforcement a bunch of times. Turns out he was married to one of the people at the city, and they just ultimately were after us for building this house calling code enforcement violations. And that was the turning point. I said, what is going on here? They came and searched my backyard, tried to write me up on code violations, and then the police came, wouldn’t let me sign stalking charges against the neighbor. And I said, if they’re doing this to me, are they doing it to someone else? I turned on YouTube, and I found, I’m telling you, I found James Freeman

    Stephen Janis:

    And the couple other people I think of, think James Freeman said a lot of people on the cop watching path. Oh, yes. But yeah, just let me ask you a question, and this is for me personally, so think’s better being a journalist or being a cop, what do you enjoy more?

    Speaker 11:

    Oh, being doing what I do now. I love this. I mean, it’s intriguing. There’s some elements of the surprise when you find something, when you open up an email and you look through the email string and you find some detrimental stuff in there, it is perfect. You get excited for that. You find it. And also you help people all the time helping people get some satisfaction with law enforcement and some resolution with them too.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, I think the public owes you a huge debt for breaking that story.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh, absolutely.

    Stephen Janis:

    That poor child. I mean, I can’t even imagine. I know. Talk

    Taya Graham:

    About, I know. And the thing was is that I had been listening to some of the video evidence that James had gotten, and I was listening to the police officer describe what he did with the child saying, oh, I only put the child in handcuffs and in the jail cell for 13 minutes, and I knew the jail cell’s really dirty, so I made sure to put them in the part of the jail cell that was the least problematic. And he did what I expected him to. He started to cry. That was the response I expected. And he had mentioned that previously his wife had done the same thing, and he brought the child back because it hadn’t worked. Now, interestingly enough, someone in the comments said, it’s his child. He can do what he wants. Well, that’s an interesting response. First amendment. First amendment.

    Stephen Janis:

    I mean, look, we want to have a robust discussion, right? Absolutely. I don’t necessarily agree with that idea, but I think the more important point in James’s story is that people should know about it. If you’re going to use a public facility to discipline your child in a very sadistic way, I think the public has a right to know, because James, I mean, in a lot of ways, some of these cops become chronic in some sense, where they do one crazy thing and they get away with it, and they do another crazy thing. I mean, it’s not just always an isolated incident.

    Speaker 11:

    And listen, there in our area, there was two teachers that were teaching the E ESC students exceptionally education. I don’t know the acronym, but they were teaching those students and they were having some issue. They stuck ’em in a bathroom and locked the door. They were arrested for false imprisonment. And yes, that’s different from what the viewer was saying about we should be able to parent parental discipline, our child, but the trauma that a child receives when they are utilized as they are in something like this, if I don’t have dogs, but if I have a dog crate in my house, and I stuck my child in there, because guess what? My dog doesn’t poop in the crate. It always waits to go outside. I would be arrested for false imprisonment. I mean,

    Stephen Janis:

    Good point.

    Speaker 11:

    Exactly. It there would be in there. But then you add the element of handcuffs. That’s just not that My child is five years old. He has some potty training issues. Sometimes he has that every once in a while he has an accident. We don’t go off into some tangent and do that to our child. And I agree that I have a cat in the background.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, James, can’t you just write him a citation?

    Speaker 11:

    Well, I mean, you should be able to do something like maybe conducting a thorough investigation instead of just throwing it under a bus. Right. But yeah, I would never absolutely put my child in No. Any cell. I never threatened my children with, oh, there’s a cop over there. If you do something bad, they’re going to get you. Because I want my children to be able to go to a police officer if they need help. Very rare that they would, because they’ll be with us and that. But along the lines of you don’t want them afraid of people because No,

    Stephen Janis:

    Just

    Speaker 11:

    That’s what you condition your children for.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah. Now, you said before we went on air that you were going to work on a skit. What if a police officer is in retail? Is that actually something that your viewers can look forward to seeing?

    Speaker 11:

    Yes. So we’ve got three people that are involved in it, and it’s going to be banter back and forth. If you walk up to a a counter and you say, Hey, real quick, I just need to ask you something out there. It will be the responses of the law enforcement, how they would treat you on the street, but it will be in a retail setting. Yeah, right.

    Stephen Janis:

    Oh, we can’t wait to see

    Taya Graham:

    That. I cannot wait to see that. Now, look, I just wanted to make sure there are one or two questions we have here. I’m hoping you’ll stick around. There’s one question I had to make sure to ask you because of your level of expertise, James? Yes. And what would be, now this is of course, you’re non legally binding. You are not a lawyer advice, but what would your advice be when someone is stopped by police while they are in the process of recording, what would your advice

    Speaker 11:

    Be? So if I’m out there holding the camera where you, you’re filming and you’re approached and confronted by the cops, the first thing you want to say, sir, am I being detained? And if he Yes. Then you say, well, I don’t have anything to say to you. I’m just going to stand here quietly if you have any questions. I want to direct him towards my attorney. I don’t want to have him here during questioning at all times. And that’s it. And then it should be over. They shouldn’t ask any questions. They may ask you for that driver’s license id. And if you can always ask them. I mean, if you ask more questions than they do, it puts ’em on the offensive, am I being detained? Well, yeah, you are. Well, can you just tell me what I’m being detained for? So I know what I’m expecting here?

    What did I do? How do you recognize me as the person that you need to detain? I’m standing here filming, doing a legal and lawful activity, and if they continue on, you may have to provide id. A lot of people say, take the arrest. And that’s just one of the things that you never want to do. You can be violated without being arrested, because that starts the criminal justice program. And as you said earlier, two years on this case, right? They will stretch out these criminal cases so that you have nothing for a civil case later on.

    Taya Graham:

    Wow. That’s good point. That’s an excellent

    Stephen Janis:

    Point. Run out the statute of limitations on the federal.

    Taya Graham:

    That really is an excellent point. And James brought up something really important, which is initially there can be a stop that’s consensual, and then there’s a stop. That’s a detention, right? Yeah. So you need to find out, am I being detained? If you’re not, my advice is get out of there unless you absolutely feel obligated. Point to continue to recording’s A, because I personally don’t want to see anyone have to interact more with the criminal justice system than necessary. I have seen it destroy too many lives, and I don’t want to see anyone else go through

    Stephen Janis:

    That. And if you say, even

    Taya Graham:

    For the best of reasons, James,

    Stephen Janis:

    Can you say, if they say yes, you’re being detained, could you say, what’s your probable cause? Or what’s your reasonable articulate suspicion? Can you go that far? Or is it better just not to say anything more?

    Speaker 11:

    Well, the reasonable, articulate suspicion is for the charging affidavit. They don’t have any obligation to tell you that. But if you can peacefully and get that out of them, well, I think you’re suspicious. You set yourself up for an easy dismissal for a case if they do arrest you, not legal advice, but Right. What could happen if they’re saying, well, you’re just out here and you’re walking around with a camera, that’s kind of weird. I need your id. That’s not reasonable. Articulate su suspicion of a crime. You putting some opinion on something that you’re trying to make it illegal for me to be here filming. Oh, and now you’re going to set me up for resisting or failure to id.

    Stephen Janis:

    And that’s really smart, because you’re kind of turning, when you say anything can be used against you, you’re making the cop explicitly state why they’re detaining you, and thus you can use that against them. Yes. I guess if you have it, especially if you’re recording. Yes. Which is why you want to record,

    Speaker 11:

    Right? Yeah. Cause if you’re not recording, then it’s hearsay. You could submit the video as evidence, and if they don’t have body cameras, that’s a cue to get out of there quicker than anything else. Right.

    Stephen Janis:

    All right. Well, Jim,

    Taya Graham:

    This has been great. That’s great. You know what the thing is, there are so many questions I would love to ask you just to get more details, because I think even I learn something about the law every day. I mean, the crim, the criminal code, that Section eight team, or all the criminal codes, you could literally spend lifetimes going through it and still not across every criminal code. And unfortunately, yeah, unlike police officers, ignorance of the law is not an excuse for us. No. So there’s no qualified immunity for the law, no qualified immunity for us citizenry. Right. So I just think, I guess, which should we bring in James? Yeah. Should we bring in the other James? It’s so funny. There are people in the comments who are saying, it’s ginger night. Definitely.

    Speaker 13:

    Ginger night.

    Taya Graham:

    Whoa. Okay. Oh my gosh. So let’s bring in James night. Well, let me, oh, you know what? Let me give Ja the other. James got an intro, so this James deserves his intro too. Okay. Okay. So let me give it to him. Now, our next guest is one of the most popular, and I would say humorous cop watchers out there. His approach to watching cops has always been creative and innovative, and I think it goes a long way towards revealing the psychology of law enforcement that we have talked about today. Because James Freeman has a way of teasing out the truth from cops who really aren’t prepared for his approach to covering them. In other words, his tactics often create a power reversal that surprises them to the extent that they tell on themselves. For those out there who don’t know James Freeman, let’s run James Freeman confronting a cup

    Speaker 14:

    Says, sheriff, I don’t know what county though. Criminal interdiction unit. State of Texas Sheriff’s Office. Sorry. License plate. Hey, what’s up? Yeah, how about you? What department are you with? I work for Collin County Sheriff’s Office. Collin County? Yes, sir. You got ID on you? Yes, sir. I do. Can I see it please? You want to see my, yeah, please. I need to see your id. Yeah, yeah, no problem. You licensed to carry that firearm for real. Okay. Can you do me a favor and, sorry, hold on. That’s kind of loud. That’s you. Do me a favor. While I’m dealing with you, can we go ahead and put your firearm up for my safety? Absolutely.

    Taya Graham:

    So you might notice here that James is putting a little spin on the way cops ask us questions. Instead, he’s asking cops the questions they have a tendency to ask us. But the reason we’re talking to him tonight is because now he’s fighting for something that I think is incredibly important to almost anyone who believes that power needs to be held to account. And namely, that’s transparency. The ability of citizen journalists to cover and report on elected officials, cops, and what they do in their official capacity. It turns out that the Torrance, New Mexico Circuit Court administrators don’t want him covering them. It seems that some of James’s reporting exposed how the internal workings of the court were often incompetent and even downright absurd. But James’s effort to shed light on this has prompted this very public institution to fight back by banning him and just to show James’ work to hold him accountable. We have one more clip for you. Let’s take a look.

    Speaker 15:

    A New Mexico YouTuber and journalist with nearly half a million subscribers is now suing the Seventh Judicial District Court.

    Speaker 16:

    He says they’re not letting him do his job. News thirteens, Alexis Kki has that story.

    Speaker 17:

    Will you be able to give me all of the details?

    Speaker 18:

    His followers know him as James Freeman, a YouTuber who calls himself a government watchdog documenting the actions of local leaders in law enforcement. But behind the scenes,

    Speaker 17:

    I started trying to point out government corruption because in my daily life running a business, I was constantly dealing with issues with this little stuff with the state where they were constantly breathing down my neck. For

    Speaker 18:

    The past six years, he’s been in and out of the courtroom covering cases, but lately he’s not allowed because

    Speaker 17:

    There are some very specific ones that people have asked me to at least view and show the public what’s going on. And they denied me at every corner. Not only that, but they started calling the police on me and tried to have me arrested.

    Speaker 18:

    He says, it all started back in January when he sat in at a court hearing in as Stasia Springer says, he was just observing when a hearing officer yelled at him to leave the courtroom, he later requested the court audio and published a story about what he heard.

    Speaker 17:

    He had allegedly told both of the individuals on both sides that it was illegal to cuffs, cuffs at each other in a text message, and that they could be thrown in jail for a year for doing it.

    Speaker 18:

    As part of that story, he confronted the hearing officer,

    Speaker 19:

    I just asked you to leave my courtroom, and if not,

    Speaker 17:

    Well, I was told by quite a few people back there that you had demanded that they arrest me and bring me back into the courtroom for a contempt hearing

    Speaker 16:

    That you were told very

    Speaker 18:

    Wrong. And that’s when Springer says the order came down.

    Speaker 17:

    After I ran that story, they made an administrative order saying that I can’t come to the courthouse anymore.

    Speaker 18:

    Court documents say Springer was harassing staff, but he denies that he’s now filed a lawsuit going after the Seventh Judicial District Court, two judges, a court clerk and a court administrator who he says are violating his civil rights. The goal he says, is to bring transparency back to the court system.

    Speaker 17:

    They’re not always doing it right, but they’re, they’re not always doing it wrong, but transparency is needed.

    Speaker 18:

    Alexis Eski Care, QE News 13.

    Speaker 16:

    We reached out to the Seventh Judicial District Court. They said in a statement they do not comment on pending litigation.

    Taya Graham:

    So as you can see, James has applied his uniquely deliberate reporting style to the wheels of justice in New Mexico. And the people and institutions he has put under his own unique microscope just don’t like the attention. So to talk about his fight and the lawsuit, why his coverage is critical in the state of government and cop watching in general, I am joined by Mr. Freeman himself. James, thank you for joining us.

    Speaker 17:

    Hey, thank you so much for having me on again. It’s always a pleasure to be with you guys. Oh,

    Taya Graham:

    It’s so great to see you. First off, I have to ask you, are you still asking cops the same stupid questions they ask us?

    Speaker 17:

    It doesn’t work as well as it used to because I’ve gained such a reputation for it that they already know that it’s coming. I approached a Farmington, New Mexico police officer just yesterday and was going to try and get that going, and right off the bat he goes, oh, Mr. Freeman, your reputation proceeds you.

    Stephen Janis:

    So

    Speaker 17:

    It doesn’t work as well when they know it’s coming.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh, that’s great. I mean, I’m disappointed, but I’m glad that your reputation proceeds you. No, I think that’s just terrific. And I’m also just, I was so glad to see that the mainstream media actually acknowledged A, that cop watcher existed, and B, that they can actually do something useful for the community. How is that process interacting with the msm, with your local news?

    Speaker 17:

    I wasn’t entirely shocked myself because what I’m dealing with this court, the mainstream media is also dealing with, we are all constantly trying to get the truth of all kinds of stories out there and government. It’s not just us cop watchers and independent journalists. They try to stop everyone from doing it. And so I think that the mainstream media realized if they’re going to do this to me, they’re going to do it to as well. And so a precedent needs to be set here that this is unacceptable and that it’s not going to be allowed. So

    Stephen Janis:

    Is this a federal lawsuit you filed and is this a municipal, is it a circuit court, or what kind of court is this a state court that this is occurring in? Just to understand some of the details.

    Speaker 17:

    This is a district court and New Mexico. It’s kind of a rural area. So it actually covers, I think four or five different counties. And we did file the lawsuit in federal court simply because we don’t believe we were going to be able to get justice anywhere in any of the New Mexico courts because we believe that they’re getting their orders from the Supreme Court of New Mexico.

    Stephen Janis:

    So is this a First Amendment case or what’s your basic argument? And I’m fascinated by this because we have the same problem here in Maryland. So is this a First Amendment case or what are you arguing in your suit?

    Speaker 17:

    Yeah, so what they did is after I ran that story, they made it an administrative order saying that I can’t come to the courthouse at all unless I have official business. But they don’t recognize reporting on their corruption as official business. They don’t, of course not

    Stephen Janis:

    Recognize that.

    Speaker 17:

    And so essentially what it did is there was no due process either. There was no hearing, there was no trial. It was just boom, your first amendment rights are gone and there’s no due process. I continued to go to the court and I continued to report anyways for about three months, and then finally the judge said, all right, you violated the order. We were already getting ready to file a lawsuit simply because of the order itself. And then one day the judge said, you know what? You violated the order by continuing to report on us. We are going to have you come in for a hearing and we’re going to try to throw you in jail for contempt of court. Oh God, for disobeying the order, violating your first amendment.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, now James, this is very disturbing because there’s nothing more public than court, nothing where there’s more laws about what should be public. A court hearing evidence, what basis did they use to order you out of a courtroom? What was their I don’t even see where they’d have a legal basis.

    Speaker 17:

    So no, they definitely don’t have a legal basis, but the state of New Mexico, the court system, there’s a reason they don’t want me in there. And it’s because they don’t use the law in their courts. They use whatever they feel like at the moment. What they put on the actual administrative order was that after I ran the story, there were people who viewed the story and called the courthouse to redress grievances and to let them know, Hey, we’re upset with what you guys are doing here, and we want you to get your act together. And so they specifically are articulated in the order, you cannot come to the courthouse due to the fact that other people have contacted us and they claim that it was on my behalf. I mean, obviously you can’t conceal all that. I didn’t.

    Stephen Janis:

    Right?

    Speaker 17:

    Yeah. And so they didn’t even ban me for anything that I did. They banned me for things that other people did when they saw the corruption that I published.

    Stephen Janis:

    I mean, this is so ridiculously first amendment fraught wrong that it’s hard for me to understand. It just sounds like they’re just, like you said, making up the laws as they go along. So then they have a hearing. You said, what happened in the hearing? Was there actually really a hearing? I mean, was there evidence presented and arguments made or what actually happened?

    Speaker 17:

    So once they decided to schedule that hearing, my lawyers fast tracked it and said, that’s it. We’re filing the lawsuit today. There were a few other things we were waiting on some open records request to, because once you file the lawsuit, they’re going to clam up on everything and not give us anything. And so we were trying to wait until we had some more evidence of the things that they were doing. Once they said, Hey, let’s bring him into court and throw ’em in jail. We immediately filed the lawsuit that day and the judge had to recuse herself. We asked for injunctive relief from the federal court, which they haven’t even given us yet. And so this, they’ve continued to retaliate against me since we filed the suit.

    Stephen Janis:

    How are they

    Speaker 17:

    Retaliating? So yeah, there was no hearing.

    Stephen Janis:

    How are they retaliating? What are they doing?

    Speaker 17:

    So there’s this, one of the stories that I was covering in that courthouse, there was another hearing just today for him, and he had asked me to be there to record documents so that I could report on the final leg of his story with that court system. The chief judge, Mercedes Murphy, refused to allow me into the courtroom, and it was just a remote hearing through Google, whatever the

    Stephen Janis:

    Right

    Speaker 17:

    Zoom or whatever. But she refused to let me into the hearing. And

    Stephen Janis:

    Wow. It’s interesting because you have sat in a courtroom, I’ve sat a lot in a courtroom, and we know both Eric Brat had had, who’s another cop watcher called a lot of attention to the court process. Just talk about why you see a lot of things go on in a courtroom that just don’t really make any sense and don’t seem to be following the law. Can you talk about why it’s so important to have eyes in the courtroom like yourself, why it would be important for people to see stuff or know what’s going on?

    Speaker 17:

    As a matter of fact, in the very first story that I broke on the Seventh Judicial District Court in Torrance County, they had said, well, you know what? This is a court of record. We record everything ourselves. Now, previously, a lot of courts weren’t even recording audio or video. They just had somebody typing what they could catch. And there were a lot of problems with that. If you go in and actually record, you’ll find that the record does not match what you record.

    Stephen Janis:

    Absolutely.

    Speaker 17:

    And I showed that in the very first story that I ran on them, that even though they were recording, they went off the record and then the hearing officer did and said some things that he later denied He did and said, and the only reason we had evidence that the hearing officer Gordon Bennett lied was because there happened to be a deputy in the courtroom with his body camera on him during that time that he was off. Supposedly off the record, that it,

    Stephen Janis:

    It’s, wow,

    Speaker 17:

    These hearings are public.

    Stephen Janis:

    Go ahead. No, but I was going to say, I mean, one of the things I’ve learned as a reporter being in the courtroom is like, wow, you think there’s this idea of the law and everyone’s following the law, but you realize it’s really, really up to whatever the whims of a judge and can be very capricious. Can you talk a little bit about that? Because sometimes when I go leave a courtroom, I’m like, I’m pretty scared because if I ever ended up there, I don’t think I’d get a fair shake.

    Speaker 17:

    Y Yeah. I’m no lawyer, I’m no attorney. I work with attorneys, and so they kind of show me the process and have specifically shown me while I’m watching court hearings and on hearings that I’ve reviewed or recorded, been able to go back and watch ’em with lawyers and they say meant that this judge isn’t even following the legal process. Right. And even I’ve got one of my lawyers that’s representing me that has a recording of him telling a judge, Hey, you’re not following the legal process, and he wants to read it into the record, and the judge is yelling at him. No, no. You can’t read the legal process into the record because she just blatantly doesn’t want to obey the law. And so she doesn’t want it on the record that she’s aware of what the law is.

    Stephen Janis:

    Do you think, I mean, I know we both know Eric Brant, he’s now in prison for threatening judges, and it’s a very interesting case allegedly, but allegedly exactly correct. Thank you for that. But he would always say judiciary does not get enough attention. Yeah. Is that something you agree with?

    Speaker 17:

    Absolutely. Absolutely. Yeah. And I mean, you talk about qualified immunity for police officers, judges, prosecutors have, it seems to be absolute immunity. Please correct me if I’m wrong. No, but it seems to be absolute immunity untouchable. Yeah,

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah. No, and it’s a little scary because really when you think about it, classic, traditionally prosecutors, or at least judges are supposed to be a check on police and other types of law enforcement. But often, I mean, what I’ve seen is that judges pretty much are in cahoots with police in so many cases. And I, we’ve had many corrupt cops who have run through courts forever lying, just blatantly lying and cops and judges doing nothing about it. And I guess that’s what you’re trying to watch out for in this court system. Right.

    Speaker 17:

    And I’ve been trying to show people too, look, this whole system of three branches of government and checks and balances, that exists for a purpose. These branches aren’t supposed to be working together. They are supposed to be butting heads. They are supposed to be challenging each other. I totally agree. They are supposed to be refusing to cooperate with each other. And I’ll tell you what, with this case, over the last three months, I have seen something that I never thought that I would see in my lifetime. The local law enforcement in this area have refused to enforce the judge’s orders. I have been ordered to be arrested multiple times by hearing officers and judges and the Torrance County deputies and the local police department next door. They have tried to call in every police department possible because none of them will touch me. Wow. And it’s because they know that what the judges are doing is wrong.

    Stephen Janis:

    So wait, a judge literally issued what? A bench warrant for you, or just an order to arrest you for no reason?

    Speaker 17:

    Yeah, just an order to arrest. Said, Hey, you know what? He came to the courthouse. He wasn’t supposed to come to the courthouse to report on us. It was a hearing officer just a couple weeks ago, ordered me to be arrested. And I haven’t even uploaded the footage yet. And the two deputies are saying, well, he’s not doing anything illegal. We can’t arrest

    Stephen Janis:

    Him. I mean, this is an administrative order. You didn’t break a law. Okay, right. So how on earth can this judge justify an arrest? I mean, what? I think the deputies are behaving correctly because they’re following the law, right? It you’re exercising your First Amendment rights and you violate administrative order. It should be an administrative sanction, not an arrest. What’s wrong with this judge?

    Speaker 17:

    Well, besides that, the administrative order shouldn’t exist in the first place either. True. It violated due process. Right.

    Stephen Janis:

    But I don’t understand how you jump you to arrest from an administrative order. I don’t get it.

    Speaker 17:

    I really don’t know. You’d have to ask the judges and the hearing officers why they think that. Actually, one of the hearing officers, when he ran out of excuses and realized, we really can’t get him on violating this order because even the order says he’s got to have a police escort. And I had two deputies with me the whole time. He said, well, I’ll have you arrested for disorderly conduct. Then I said, where did you get your law degree? Do you even know what disorderly conduct is?

    Stephen Janis:

    It’s like this just is the go-to pickup line for cops. I mean, that this is just really, really, really concerning. And so have the deputies at all or anyone said, Hey, James, we know this is illegal and we’re not going to enforce it. Or is it just kind of implicit? Do they actually tell you, or do they say what they’re thinking is here?

    Speaker 17:

    I don’t necessarily want to say like we were talking about with James Madison earlier, and that’s been really, really, really tough about this case. For me, people have asked me before, Hey, why don’t you talk about good cops on your channel? Said, because I don’t want put a target on their back. Get control. That’s why, right? And it’s been tough. No. Cause some of these deputies have outwardly, you can request the body cam footage. They have outwardly made it perfectly clear, no, they are not going to follow an unlawful order. And a lot of them, it’s been really tough because the sheriff at the top, David Frazey, is a nut job who would love to see me arrested, but he won’t do it himself, and his own deputies won’t do it for him. So I mean, some of these deputies have really, really stuck their necks out. And I’ve been so conflicted with this incident going, all right, do,

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah, that really,

    Speaker 17:

    Do I published this and praise them or,

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, I think you’re wise to let them be in the sense that I think as we’ve seen, like you said, we just talked to James Madison, there’s a retaliatory structure there, and if this comes out, they’ll probably be in trouble. And I think probably just be grateful. But that is a really interesting dilemma for you because you’re technically a person who holds cops accountable. And in this particular case, the police are actually, the cops are actually, deputy sheriffs are doing the right thing. But that this is just an amazing case. Mean really to me, this is a premier First Amendment case that the media should be covering all over the country, that you’re doing this, you’re having this battle. Because they could do this to any reporter. And one of, there’s another thing I have to talk about court covering as a reporter, the arrogance of the people in a courtroom, you know, have your phone open because you need to get a story out.

    And they’re like, they’ll confiscate your phone. They’ll kick you out of the courtroom if they think you’re, I don’t know what, I’ve encountered so many jerk judges as a reporter who have harassed me. And just for sit in the back of the courtroom, move over here, don’t do that. Or I go to and try to talk to maybe a suspect’s family and say, can I talk to anybody? Why are you talking in my courtroom? And it’s not that I don’t understand, you have to have an order, the courtroom, but the arrogance of the people in the court system is insane. They think that we are, we’re there because they’re letting us be there. Not because the Constitution has the first amendment, and not because we’re doing a job that is protected, but they make it seem like, oh, we’ll let you come in here, you know, can come, but you don’t really have any right to be here. And your perfect example of that case where they’re saying, just because of our whims, we can get rid of you. We don’t like what you say, we can get rid of you. That, I mean, there’s a lot of arrogance, these courthouses, right?

    Speaker 17:

    Yeah. And I think that’s why they are going to fight this really hard. We believe that the Attorney General of the state of New Mexico is about to weigh in on a very heavy way because they, they’ve been completely out of control for a very long time and gotten away with everything. And it’s wrong it, and they know it, and they know that if we set precedent in this case, it’s going to change a lot of things across this country.

    Stephen Janis:

    I hope so.

    Speaker 17:

    It’s just going to be the beginning. And I think they know that.

    Taya Graham:

    So you know what, we have a bunch of questions both for you and James Madison, but I have one or two questions for you first that I want to hit you with, if that’s okay. James Freeman. Is that all right? Yes. Yes. Okay. All right. Just want to make sure. Okay. So the first question is, has flipping the script on a cop ever gone wrong?

    Speaker 17:

    Gone wrong? I don’t think I’ve ever gotten arrested doing it. I’ve done it a lot of times and I don’t always get the results that I want. The result that I want is for the roles to literally be flipped to where I’m the dominant one who’s a total jerk. And the cop becomes the submissive one who’s like, oh my gosh, do I do you start stumbling over his words? We do often when we’re confronted by police and we get nervous. I wouldn’t say it necessarily went wrong though.

    Taya Graham:

    You know what? Now this question is kind of tough, but I did promise that if someone asks, I would throw the questions up there. How do I find an attorney to file a federal lawsuit in Texas? That can be kind of tough. Texas.

    Stephen Janis:

    You’re the fifth circuit. You’re screwed in Texas. Well,

    Speaker 17:

    Sorry. No, no, I got you there. That’s, that’s going to be Brandon Grable, Grable and Grimshaw.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh,

    Speaker 17:

    Great. He represented us on the Leon Valley case. He’s representing quite a few other people. Actually, one of the cases that you guys covered a family who was recording police, I can’t

    Stephen Janis:

    Remember where it was. Oh yes. Oh,

    Taya Graham:

    That’s

    Stephen Janis:

    Hoagland. Yes.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh, yes. And really appreciate, and she really appreciate your help in helping connect her know

    Stephen Janis:

    We have to

    Taya Graham:

    Useful

    Stephen Janis:

    Lawyer. We have to connect Thomas with this lawyer because the firefighter who was forced out out of his job.

    Taya Graham:

    That’s a

    Stephen Janis:

    Great idea. Not that it’s our job to, but we should at least connect them, right. And do them that. Yes. At

    Taya Graham:

    Least.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, thank you, James. That’s a great recommendation. Absolutely. But I mean, just can’t say enough about this case that James, this case is for all the journalists all over the country. We have to go into courtrooms and beg forgiveness for reporting on what people are doing, how people are exercising, government or power against them. I really, James, I am so impressed and supportive in whatever we can do to help you. And if you could send us a lawsuit, I would like to write a story about it for the real news, because this could be critical. I mean, I don’t know how it works, how the interchange interplay between federal and circuit courts, but it’d be great to set some precedent that they can’t just make things up as they go along. I mean, ultimately hope that’s what’s going to happen. I hope. I mean, hope you’ll win that. Right.

    Taya Graham:

    By the way, we have someone rather insistent in the chat, wants to know their question is, can I be Freeman’s intern from Matt R in the chat? So do you have interns? Do you have interns? Do you have an internship program? I wasn’t aware you did, but I don’t want to assume

    Speaker 17:

    I’m a one man show.

    Taya Graham:

    Okay. A one man band. Okay, got

    Speaker 17:

    It. Sorry.

    Taya Graham:

    Sorry about that. Met

    Speaker 17:

    R I’m paranoid. I’m paranoid. So every, everybody’s a the Fed. Understandable.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh my gosh, I didn’t even think of that. Yeah. Oh, that’s a good point. You’ve got to be really careful. Yeah. I’m sorry to deliver disappointing news met R, but I did ask for you. So you know what? This is so great. You know what I was just thinking You saw, I have to ask you just to get your perspective. You saw Thomas’s interaction earlier, the firefighter who was put through that field sobriety test. One of the things that really stood out to me is the officers, they take him to all these tests and they’re judging him so harshly. One of the things they did was they did a Romberg test where he has to stand there with his arms at his side and his head back and count to 30. And when he believes he counts to 30, he says, done. And so the officer stands there and does a timer.

    And if you have between 25 seconds and 35 seconds, when you say stop, then it’s considered a pass. But the firefighter said, stop at 36 seconds. So they considered that a fail of the test. So that field sobriety test was, it was just cruelty. I thought of so many reasons why it would be difficult for someone to pass a field sobriety test effectively if you’d had a long day at work and you were just a little bit shaky. Yeah, this gentleman literally had a tumor pass it in his ear. I couldn’t, as a matter of fact, I made Steven try to do the field sobriety test and I walked him through it. And I think honestly, a lot of guys who’ve been athletic have tight hamstrings or don’t do yoga, won’t do well at it. I’m being honest. I’m being honest, believe it

    Speaker 17:

    Or not.

    Taya Graham:

    No, you don’t do yoga as far as I know. But I just wanted to know what, what’s your advice would be if someone is stopped for, allegedly for an investigation to see whether or not they have been drinking or driving. What sort of advice you would give or what would you say to Thomas, Hey, this is what I would’ve done in your situation.

    Speaker 17:

    Are you asking Freeman or you Oh, you Madison. Okay.

    Taya Graham:

    You, sorry.

    Speaker 17:

    Okay, you

    Taya Graham:

    Freeman,

    Speaker 17:

    I, that is a really tough question because it seems to me as a non-attorney that you’re damned if you do and you’re damned if you don’t. You don’t take the test, they’re taking you to jail. I really don’t know. I would almost rather the blood draw though. And yeah. And besides that though, there’s so many other elements to this particular case that are just bizarre.

    Taya Graham:

    I agree wholeheartedly. Yeah. I mean, in all honesty, the reason why, even though the alcohol test came back completely negative, allegedly there was a backlog. So the drug blood test didn’t come back in a timely fashion. He was dismissed simply for having the arrest charges. Not because he was convicted, but because he simply had been arrested. And so he lost his job as a driver engineer, a career he’d loved for 30 years. He said the fire department was his family. It was absolutely heartbreaking. Absolutely heartbreaking.

    Speaker 17:

    And that doesn’t happen to police when they get pulled over for dwi. Oh, absolutely. As they’re put on paid administrative leave quite often and innocent until proven guilty. And really, that is the way it should be, even though I’m not a fan of police. That should be the same across the board, that we’re all innocent until proven guilty.

    Taya Graham:

    Very well said.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, as we report on that show, there’s a thing that New York police officers get called courtesy cards that they give out to their relatives and friends. Yes. And speaking to what we’re talking about, James, we were talking about good cops getting in trouble. We reported on this police officer who got sick of these courtesy cards because he’s pulling people over for reckless driving and all sorts of stuff. And they’d give him this card and he was supposed to let them go and he wouldn’t do it. And so guess what happens? He suffers retaliation, his career is destroyed. He sent to Staten Island, has to work the 12 to midnight shift or whatever. So there are two sets, sets of laws in this sense. And I think James, you see that probably every day, or I’m not asking you to agree, but that is something that is Oh,

    Taya Graham:

    That’s right. Which James,

    Stephen Janis:

    Oh my God. Whoa.

    Taya Graham:

    Yes. I know Mr.

    Speaker 17:

    Freeman. We we’re bringing James Madison back in.

    Stephen Janis:

    No, Mr. Freeman. Mr. Freeman.

    Speaker 17:

    Yeah, absolutely. There are definitely two sets of laws. And really more than anything else, that is what I’m trying to show on my channel through every single video that I do, every single, it’s, Hey, we’ve created these rules and laws so that we can have a civilized society. And we all kind of agree, look, these are the rules we’re going to obey. These are the rules we’re going to follow so that we can all get along and be civilized. And you and I do it. And then there’s this class of people that we call government that don’t and that are not accountable to it.

    Stephen Janis:

    And I mean, the only way that we’re ever going to be able to win that battle and have accountability is if people like you can go into a courtroom and make people uncomfortable. They’re not supposed to be comfortable around reporters. I mean, we’re not trying to make people uncomfortable. We’re not like cops are not harassing people, but they’re not supposed to be comfortable with everything we report. That’s not how the First Amendment works. It doesn’t mean that we’re rude, but it means that we tell the truth and the truth makes them uncomfortable. And I’m just really, we want to follow your lawsuit all the way because I, I’m just hoping that a federal court, which circuit is that the sixth or what

    Speaker 17:

    Circuit? 10th.

    Stephen Janis:

    10th. Oh, 10th, okay. Yep.

    Speaker 17:

    Same one where we just got the case law out of of Colorado from Azaria and

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah, the one where the Eric was filming the traffic. Stop that one,

    Speaker 17:

    Right? Yep.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yes. Yep. So the 10th circuit that you have some hope there. I mean, when we were talking to Thomas, his lawyer was saying The fifth Circuit is really difficult when you’re suing cost. So we need to get into the details of that. But James, we support you. I as a fellow reporter, and we will cover this story. And we wish you the best of luck with this. Cause if you win, maybe I can go in the courtroom and actually do my job without getting harassed by a deputy sheriff who doesn’t like the fact that I have a cell phone. Right. Exactly. As if that’s really important. But anyway, so I think,

    Taya Graham:

    Oh my gosh, at first, I just have to thank every single James that Yes.

    Stephen Janis:

    Joined us. Oh, all

    Taya Graham:

    James, I realized we are going a little over

    Stephen Janis:

    On our

    Taya Graham:

    Time and we have one or two more things to do, and I really wanted to make sure to highlight people’s comments. So I’m down here in the chat trying to throw comments on the screen, but we might need to move forward a little bit. Okay. Because

    Stephen Janis:

    Yeah, it’s past everyone’s bedtime. It it’ll

    Taya Graham:

    Be past everyone’s bedtime. Yeah.

    Stephen Janis:

    Soon you, so let’s get to the let’s

    Taya Graham:

    We should move forward. Yeah. And I’ll just say talking to James about what he’s dealing with brings to mind how important essentially citizen journalism is to the health our of our democracy. I mean, the hardest hit facet of the news business is local journalism. There’s just not a business model that can sustain it. And Steven, actually, we were talking about this the other day, how YouTubers and some cases have stepped into fill the void. Yeah. Can you talk, I don’t know, maybe a little bit

    Stephen Janis:

    About local journalism you did that? Well, you see with James there, the mainstream media, which I came from, you’re taught to sort of operate a certain way. But the chaos that’s created by lack of accountability and power has to be met with a very creative type of journalism. And that’s the type of journalism that James can do that we do at the Real News. We’re much more creative. We follow the case of Thomas to the Bitter End. Yes, most mainstream media would’ve moved on, but we don’t move on. That’s fair. And I think that’s what James, James is going to all sorts of court hearings and would get no coverage whatsoever. The only way to respond to the chaos that lack of accountability creates is with creative journalism. And that’s why cop watchers and independent journalists are great.

    Taya Graham:

    Steven, that’s such an excellent point. And I think there’s an underlying question that informs a lot of this discussion, and that’s why is any of this important? Why is local journalism important? Why is knowing your rights important? Why is it important for Steven and I to sit here and talk to you all about this? And even more critically, why are you the people who watch us and talk to us and comment on our work so important to this, our entire question of preserving our right, I guess these are what we would call existential questions, which means in part, they’re about constructing or perhaps in what Steven was talking about, defining the type of world we want to live in. For me, I see in the work of James Madison and James Freeman, a struggle to reconcile worldviews that although not explicitly explained, are at the core of who we are, how we think about ourselves, and how a subtle change in the balance of power can forever alter our lives in ways that I think can be hard to live with.

    I have a sort of simple way to boil this down into two words that are critical to understanding what I’m talking about. One is consent, and the other is dissent. One cannot exist without the other. And both are critical to maintaining and expanding our rights to live our lives as we choose with a government that serves us not the other way around. Okay. What do I mean? Let me try and explain. I think the whole notion of holding power, cops, politicians, the government in general accountable, starts with the idea of consent, the foundation, the assumption underlying the whole concept of governance by and for the people, there lies a simple notion that wielding power cannot occur without the consent of the people. And I think the idea is self-evident in what it means, but still important to reexamine consent means that there is an implicit agreement in every government action that we have consented to the use of power for some sort of common good.

    That means, essentially, if police are empowered to write traffic tickets for speeding or reckless driving, we the people have consented to this because we believe this use of power is for the good of all of us. And that so-called common good outweighs the intrusion on our personal liberty in order to benefit everyone. So when you see police writing tickets for quotas or to fund their own salaries or to accrue accolades, or simply make an arrest just because they feel like it, that implicit consent is being erased. When you examine tools like the field sobriety test or these fake forensic techniques that are used to incriminate innocent people, they are offensive to us, to all of us, because that’s not what we consented to. We didn’t consent to erode the Fourth Amendment. So law enforcement, industrial complex could continue to fight the ill conceived war on drugs.

    And we didn’t also consent to have our property confiscated without due process so the police could profit from the spoils of the aforementioned war on drugs. Nor do we consent that America’s well-oiled punishments machine could wear us down with fines and fees to fund the same apparatus that continues to grind us into the ground. These things seem intrinsically wrong because none of us consented to them. And that’s where the other word dissent comes in. Because the way we fight back when the political system ignores our consent is by dissenting. And the best way to do that is by using the process of accountability. For example, affirming our First Amendment rights, filing freedom of information Act requests to let those people in power know we don’t agree to your terms of service. This is why people like James Freeman and James Madison and other cop watchers. And you know what?

    I’m going to list a few. Okay. Yeah. I’m going to list a few. Go ahead. Cop watchers like David Barn and Monkey 83, and out of the Watchdog and Liberty freak in the Batusi and Lackluster and San Joaquin Par Transparency and Chuck Bronson in Blind Justice. And I think I saw Mrs. Justice earlier, Laura Shark, Tom Zebra, Joe Cool. Writes Krispy Irate Productions, H B O, Matt Corners News, Amanda Acura, long Island Audits News Now, Johnny Five Oh, so many others are so important. It’s also why independent journalists like the Real News or Truth Out or our partners in these times are important as well. And even our mainstream media counterparts who we do give a hard time on occasion are vitally important to the process of descent because it takes all of us to take on the messiness of descent. Wouldn’t you agree, Steven?

    Stephen Janis:

    I totally agree.

    Taya Graham:

    Well, yeah, me, you described descent as messy, and I think I’d like to give, do you want to talk about

    Stephen Janis:

    That or should I Well, yeah, I mean, think that’s the thing. The whole thing with the Thomas story we unpacked tonight was messy. It was messy, yes. It wasn’t something you could organize in a big investigative piece. You had to go piece by piece and confront different aspects of governance that were really not answering. And the only way you can really do it is by being messy yourself in some ways. So yeah, it can, dissent is not always a clean, and that’s why cop watchers and other types of creative forms of dissenting need to exist because it can’t always be copacetic and clean. Sometimes it just has to seem as messy as a system it’s trying to address. And

    Taya Graham:

    You know what, Steven, I’m glad you talked about the messiness of dissent. And I’m also glad you talked about how important transparency is and how important it’s to have journalists and citizen journalists and cop watchers participate in this. And let me give you an example. It starts with a story of a group of state police officers in Connecticut facing a dilemma. They wanted to write lots of tickets to garner the approval of their superiors and special rewards and promotions, but there was just one little problem getting in the way. People aren’t violating the law enough to meet their goals. So you know what, Dave, if you could just put a few clips on the screen so people can see this amazing reporting that was done, but these ingenious heroic, oh, you don’t have, that’s okay. But these ingenious heroic cops decided they wouldn’t be deterred by the people complying with the law.

    No. They devised a plan to bend the system and the law to their benefit. What did the cops I mentioned do? Okay, this is what they did. They entered hundreds if not thousands of bogus tickets into the system. They simply made up violations out of whole cloth. Now, an investigators say it doesn’t seem like these tickets were issued against anyone specifically, which of course raises a whole bunch of other questions about what happened. A preliminary investigation found that over 25,000 fake or inaccurate tickets were submitted, and now almost a quarter of the entire police force participated in some form or fashion. There were a few officers who wrote over 600 bogus tickets each, and they also found that part of the motive was to juice the stats to show troopers have written tickets to more white motorists in an attempt to dodge an accusation of racial bias.

    I’m not even going to touch that, but here’s the part where both the consent and dissent work together and why both concepts are equally important. That’s because none of this, and I mean none of it would’ve come to light if a local newspaper had not unearthed the investigation into the fake tickets and reported it to the public. This whole manipulation of the criminal justice system to the advantage of a bunch of rogue officers was kept secret, so secret that until it was reported by journalists protected by the First Amendment, these officers literally had no consequences. That’s right. After falsely swearing out thousands of bogus tickets, the officers received only mild internal discipline, a veritable slap on the riffs for committing professional perjury on a massive scale. And these same professional liars were allowed to go out into the community and continue to write tickets, make arrests, testify in court, and earn their lucrative pensions all at our expense.

    And let me repeat, it was only after a report by a Hurst owned newspaper, only after the dissenters made us all aware of the issue that the state government promised to undertake a criminal investigation into those troopers. And now even the governor himself has been forced to call for a criminal probe of the professional fraudsters who are still armed with guns and wearing badges. Now, who in their right mind would consent to that? Rogue ticket writers and congenital liars emerging unscathed. But my point here goes beyond the bad apples apparently living happily in the rotten barrel known as the Connecticut State Police, what’s more important here is how easily, and apparently without conscience, the whole system of law enforcement can be used to facilitate widespread abuse of the power for some at the expense of the many. And how little the officers who are supposed to represent us care about that overreach.

    That is why we have to dissent consistency and continually, that’s why we need local reporters, cop watchers, activists, auditors, citizen journalists, TV journalists, and of course even us independent journalists here at the Real News, even us to provide this continuum of dissent that ensures that the government by consent remains intact. That’s why we need people to use their cell phones to film police, and we need YouTube and citizen journalists like James Friedman and Madison to have access to courtrooms regardless if it makes someone uncomfortable. What I’m saying is that we need all of us, every single one of us to contribute, participate, and otherwise join the fight to preserve and expand our rights. No single person can do it alone, but together. I know we can. Right Steven?

    Stephen Janis:

    I’m willing to stay outside as long as it takes.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh, that’s beautiful.

    Stephen Janis:

    Yep. I’ll go right back out there after the show and I’ll be standing out there where you saw me at the beginning of the show doing journalism.

    Taya Graham:

    That is actually kind of beautiful. Yeah.

    Stephen Janis:

    Well

    Taya Graham:

    Commit commitment. That is beautiful. Commit commitment. You know what? I think that’s actually a great way to end this show. Absolutely. With your renewed commitment to journalism, the great outdoors and corn nuts.

    Stephen Janis:

    Right. Corn nuts.

    Taya Graham:

    So you know what, before we go, I just have to make sure to thank James Madison and James Freeman for taking the time to be here with us to share their insights, to share the incredible work they’re doing. If you haven’t already gone to their channels, you should definitely check them out. And I know you folks in the live chat had noticed there’s some amazing cop watchers in there too. Maybe you want to go check out their channels. And I want to thank the mods of the show. Noli d and Lacey are thank you both for your support. Thank you for sticking by me for showing up every Thursday and just being an incredible help to me. Yes. And also a very special thanks to our Patreons. We appreciate you so much. And in one second, I’m going to thank each and every one of you personally, especially my associate producers, John R. David k, Louis P, and my p a r Super Friends like Pineapple Girl.

    I saw you in the chat. Hi, pineapple girl, Shane Busta, Chris R Matter of Rights. But I want everyone watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, you can reach out to us. You can email us directly@therealnews.com. If you follow me on social media at Taya Baltimore on Facebook or Twitter, you can also reach out to me there. We have a police accountability report, Facebook page. We have a police accountability report, Instagram, we have a police accountability report, Facebook. So if you want to contact us that way, please do so. We’re actually going to be taking about a week or so off just to go through the tips we’ve gotten. We have some shows in the works that we’re working on. We’re doing an extra big show coming up. I think we’re going to be dipping back down into Texas.

    And it’s going to be an in-depth show. We’re working on it now. It’s going to take us, at least, we’ve been working on it for the past two weeks. So that means it’s going to take us three weeks to complete this show. So I really hope you’ll stick with us to see it. And of course, we want to be able to reach out and help the people. We can. Like I’ve mentioned before, there are a lot of conversations I have with people interactions via email or messages where there’s never a show produced. I, I just try to connect someone to Legal Aid, legal help. I try to help someone fill out a Freedom of Information Act request, or just try to give them some general advice and guidance just to help them. And there’s never a show that comes from it, but it takes a lot of time to go through all those tips and emails and comments.

    And I want to do what I can to help support people. So just so you know, I’m going to shout out all my Patreons and I want to thank each and every one of you that showed up here tonight to participate in this conversation. I love the live chat. I wish I could have put even more of your comments up and now for the great reading of thanks to the rest of my Patreons. And I apologize if I don’t get a name. First thank you to Matter of Rights. Shannon p Cameron. J. Farmer, Jane, U s A, Joseph P Marvin, g Kimmy, cat, p Dur Devil, Nope. Curt A Patty. Angela Tru T, social Nationalist, David, B Marcia, E, Daniel, W zero M, Louis William, D B M. Shant. Chemi. John, K X, X, X, X, potshot. Kenneth Lawrence, K Stephen, B Blitz. Cindy, K Dante.

    John Keith. B M Joe, six, six, estate A, Z, John Miller, Gary, T, Janet, K, Ryan, mark, William, L, Noli, D, Kyle, R, guy B, Calvin, M, Stephen, D Ron, F, Allen, J, Trey, P, Julius, geezer, Omar, John, Ryan, Lacey, rod, B Douglas, Andre, H, Siggy, young. Stephen. J Michael, S L default Urine. Celeste, D, S, P, T, just my 2 cents. Talia, B, Peter, J, Sean, B, k, a, Joel, a Tim, R Larry, l Ronald h Tamara, a Artemis, LA John, K Jimmy, touchdown, true tube Live. Kenny, g A is Circle of the quantum Note. Brian, m Byron, m, felonious, punk, Loretta S, Mike K, Mike K. And to the new patrons, Michael Willis, Joice, Frank K, Mary M, we appreciate you, your support and to help make our work possible. And remember, if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please email us the tips privately at pa the real news.com. Thank you so much for everyone who was here tonight. I hope you enjoyed the conversation. I know it was live. I know it was glitchy, but we did it with love and we appreciate you so much. Please be safe out there.

    Speaker 20:

    Thank you so much for watching The Real News Network, where we lift up the voices, stories and struggles that you care about most, and we need your help to keep doing this work. So please tap your screen now, subscribe and donate to The Real News Network. Solidarity Forever.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The system of mass incarceration extends into the public education system. Known as the school-to-prison pipeline, policies that criminalize youth and their families, from the presence of police in schools to discriminatory and punitive practices that push youth to drop out, disproportionately affect communities of color. Kentucky State Rep. Keturah Herron joins Rattling the Bars to discuss the school-to-prison pipeline and how it can be tackled through state legislatures.

    Keturah Herron (D) represents District 42 in the Kentucky House of Representatives.

    Production: Maximillian Alvarez, Cameron Granadino
    Studio Production: David Hebden
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Mansa Musa:  Welcome to this edition of Rattling The Bars, I’m Mansa Musa. When we hear “June 19th” or “Juneteenth”, we are given the impression that we should be celebrating the end of slavery in one town, one part of Texas. What is being celebrated is, in essence, people remained in slavery well after they were freed. This is the case when it comes to mass incarceration and the prison-industrial complex. The 13th Amendment legalized slavery and with slavery comes abolition. The tagline being offered by Californians United for a Responsible Budget or CURB is, we’re calling on California to close 10 prisons in five years. Here to talk about this is Amber-Rose Howard, Executive Director of CURB. Welcome, Amber.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Thank you so much for having me on. It’s such an honor to speak with you today.

    Mansa Musa:  I opened up with, this is going to be out June 19, all things considered. As I said earlier, I outlined that we are celebrating something that, most people and most activists, realize that it’s a misrepresentation of reality. That the people that were told on June 19 that you’re free, were being held up for more labor until they didn’t have a choice but to tell them. Because eventually, somebody will come down there and say, oh, y’all got to go. First of all, tell us a little bit about yourself and about CURB.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Okay. Sure, sure. Thanks again for having me on. Folks, my name is Amber-Rose Howard, you can call me Amber-Rose. Executive Director here at CURB, Californians United for a Responsible Budget. We are a coalition of over 80 member organizations across the state of California. We have a three-point mission, which is to reduce the number of people incarcerated in California; that includes prisons, jails, and immigrant prisons, to reduce the number of institutions like that, that exist, then to get the state to redirect all the money they’ve been spending on prisons and jails and put it into the community because that’s where we know safety really is. If we have what we need, then the people will be safe. That’s our mission.

    I got into this work because I am formally incarcerated. I was convicted of a serious violent felony when I was 18 years old. It propelled me into life to think about how we tear down the prison-industrial complex. Realizing that it is an extension of slavery, realizing that it is racially charged, realizing that it does target Black people. I said this is the new fight. This is where the fight has been handed off from our elders and ancestors. So, this is where I am.

    Mansa Musa:  Okay. Amber-Rose, CURB has what they call The People’s Plan. First, let’s talk about The People’s Plan, and then roll that over into some of the recent developments, and implementation of The People’s Plan.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Absolutely. Okay. CURB got together– We were filed in 2003. The opportunity for CURB, for folks that got together to found the organization, there was an opportunity to close a prison down here in Southern California, but it fell through. Folks said, well, how do we build from there? Well, this is 20 years ago in 2003, when folks were building up to closing prisons. Not until 2019 did the governor say, finally, we’re going to start to close some prisons in California.

    That is strictly because of the advocacy of people. Let’s never think that any state governor is going to say, let’s do the right thing, and free people and close prisons, on their own. That’s full people power. The thing is, they kept looking to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, with a small rehabilitation. They kept looking to the CDCR department for a plan on how to select prisons, which ones to close, how is that going to happen, and what it was going to look like. And, meeting after meeting at the budget committee hearings and all that, at the Capitol, they never came up with a plan. 

    So, we got together in our coalition and said, let’s give them the people’s plan. Because we know that they’re not going to include our voices. They’re not going to people who are directly impacted by this prison system. So, it’s up to us to hand them the plan, because they don’t know what they’re doing. So, we got together and created The People’s Plan for Prison Closure, which really outlines, in order for us to keep closing prisons, we have to reduce the number of people inside. So, we’re giving suggestions on, pass these laws, pass those laws, in order to reduce that population. This is how you do it safely to make sure that people have resources when they come out. Once we do that, we can start to shut down prisons.

    That leads back up to 2019 when the governor finally announced some prison closures. Now, again, they didn’t have a plan for it. So, even after our People’s Plan for Prison Closure, we had to produce another document to say, this is the roadmap. If you all are a little bit confused by this lengthy report produced, here is something that can be straightforward for you. We can really lay it down for you, to say there are a few phases to this. One phase is selecting prisons for closure. Now, we have centered the voices of not only folks who are formerly incarcerated and on the outside, like myself, but we sent you the voices of people who are currently incarcerated in California state prisons.

    We sent in to all 35 prisons and we got almost 3,000 responses back. So, the folks were saying, these are the criteria that you should consider when you’re closing prisons, outside of how much it’s going to cost to rebuild the prison or the operations of the prison. The state thinks about the money part. The people said, no, we need to consider, how far is it from your loved ones? How far do they have us sitting away from people who are going to support us in the community? Those should be closed. Thinking about how many homicides and suicides happen in these prisons. What is the violence looking like in these prisons? We should consider those. And then, what is the climate and environmental justice looking like around these prisons? Because in California, we have brush fires happening every single summer when it gets too hot. We have two prisons right now, up in the Central Valley, that are about to be flooded. 

    So, the people inside said, these are the extra things that you all should be thinking of in the state in order to close a prison. So, we offered that. The second phase is prison population reduction. Passing policies that would attack all of those harmful policies that came out between the ‘70s and the ‘90s in retaliation to the Black Liberation Movement: laws that will criminalize more people, because they realized Black folks are standing up, we don’t like this. How do we get rid of them? So, we said, well, let’s reverse those policies. That’s how we’re looking at it. We have reversed many of them, which continues to bring down the population. 

    The third part we say is, we need a just transition to support impacted communities. Now, the state is really focused on, these neighborhoods, these towns where prisons exist, how do we keep their economy going after a prison is closed? Many of these towns are fighting back to say, no, we need this economy. Don’t close our prison. And, for me, you all sound like slave owners.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s what they are. Come on, talk, tell the truth. That’s what they are. Slave owners, plantations.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  You all been [inaudible] from the slave economy. So, we’re like, no, you don’t need a slave economy. There are plenty of other ways to produce for this town and the people in it, rather than this form of slavery. So, we talk about what are the economic opportunities that the state can provide, that can be pulled from federal funds, in order to keep a town going without a prison.

    Mansa Musa:  Let me hold you up right there.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:  The reason why I want to hold you up right there is because, in the conversation of abolition, that’s the one thing that you hear. We know that in these towns if you take these prisons out, that tumbleweed will follow. As soon as the last prisoner’s there, a tumbleweed’s going to replace. And that’s why I wanted to stop you right there because I want people to understand that CURB is not inhumane in terms of what they want to get done. This is a humane call. This is not a vengeance call. This is not a, we’re going to pull out and leave your ass in there, and let you feel what we felt. No, we’re then reimagining the abolition, reimagining prisons going, we’re reimagining a holistic society, and this is a part of it. Go ahead, continue.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  That’s right. Exactly. You’re totally right in saying that. I appreciate you bringing that in, because people think, oh, we want to get our people out, move on, whatever. No, we’re talking about changing the entire structure of society here. We’re saying, listen, we need our people free, we need our people living outside of prisons, we need resources in the community. And, we know that people who work for the Department of Corrections, and corrections officers, they have one of the highest suicide rates in the state of California.

    Mansa Musa:  Come on. That’s right. That’s right. Yeah. They’re doing a bit. They’re doing a bit.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  It’s unhealthy for everybody. It’s a disruptive system for everybody. Folks who work for that system are, what am I going to do for a job? Wouldn’t you like a job that doesn’t cause you the type of stress that you get from being a slave owner? Really? The overseer? Wouldn’t you want something different for yourself, for your family, to prolong your life? So, this is a revisioning that can benefit everybody.

    Mansa Musa:  Didn’t you all come up with a victory in terms of the budget or the divestment? I want to echo that point because this is our conversation about Juneteenth. We’re saying that we’re coming. We’re not looking for somebody to come and tell us that we’re free; we’re saying that we are free. And now we’re saying that not only are we free, but that we’re going to dismantle the 13th Amendment by taking away the profit margin that keeps the 13th Amendment alive. Once that profit margin is gone, the 13th Amendment will be gone in and of itself. Go ahead and talk about the recent initiative that you all took.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Absolutely. We took the people to the Capitol. We got together folks from across the state and said, let’s go up here and have conversations with these people in person. We do online advocacy a lot where folks can send in letters and make phone calls, but we went to the Capitol to advocate. California had this idea that they would spend $360 million to rebuild San Quentin State Prison. Which is ridiculous.

    Mansa Musa:  What?

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Yes. Which is the oldest prison in the state. We said, no, this is ridiculous. You can’t rebuild a structure and say, we’re going to rehabilitate you all if we do more construction on this prison. That has nothing to do with it. When the people are inside, the people get their minds free, together with themselves in a community. It has nothing to do with this system of imprisonment. It has nothing to do with the physical prison.

    So, we went to advocate to say, no. We have to fight back. We can say that the people’s power helped push them in the right direction. The State, the Assembly, and the Senate told the governor, we reject this proposal. We don’t need $360 million more on San Quentin. That is a victory. Of course, there’s a long way to go there. Another victory, I’d say, is that the people pushed the governor to announce more prison closures. So, as of now, there were already two closures. One happened and one is in the process. The governor announced an additional two closures and a bunch of yard closures at different prisons.

    Mansa Musa:  Hey, come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  What we’re looking forward to is another five closures happening by 2027. We know that it’s possible because even the state’s own Legislative Analyst’s Office, which is nonpartisan, said, we have 20,000 empty prison beds in the state of California. You all have to close more prisons. So, we’re getting the state’s analysis to say this is the right direction to move in. So, we do really feel like the people’s power is pushing toward that. I tweeted something a couple of years back about Juneteenth, and I was thinking about James Baldwin when he [quoted Frederick Douglass] “What is the 4th of July to the slave?” So, I said, well, what is Juneteenth to the incarcerated Black person?

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah. What is it? Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  What is Juneteenth to me if I’m sitting in a prison cell? If I’m in chains, if I’m behind bars, it doesn’t have any significance. So, I say to everyone who wants to celebrate Juneteenth, to everyone who wants to go out and party, and eat your food and celebrate, that’s cute. We like that, but –

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah, we don’t have a problem with people celebrating.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  I don’t have a problem with a little plate.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  – But I do implore people to think about the fact that we have thousands –

    Mansa Musa:  2.5 million people in prison. 2.5 million people locked up because of the 13th Amendment. It’s reimagination, that’s what we’re doing. The whole thing about this conversation we’re having today is saying, this is the implementation of our reimagination. It’s not a stretch of the imagination.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  It’s happening.

    Mansa Musa:  My director sent me this quote saying that we live in capitalism. Its power seems inescapable. But then, so did the divine right of the king. See, at one time it was a saying, the sun never set on the British Empire because of how massive it was. That’s how much territory they had colonialized. The power they got right now is probably one outhouse. That’s how much power they got because of people coming together and getting their liberation and people coming together and imagining another life.

     So, I want to push on this issue about reimagination going forward. Because you outlined some critical things that you all implemented. But okay, we get to 2027, and we got what we want. What are we going to do with our people when they come out? We don’t want them to take one incident and then make that one incident become the reason why they should revisit the plantations. So, what do we have in place for our people when they come out? Because we know we’re going to need help.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Absolutely. That’s the importance of the work we’re doing around the budget. Because in California, for example, we spent $18.5 billion a year on incarceral structure. So we’re saying, with prisons closing and populations reducing, people going back to the community, let’s get these millions of dollars that we paid and put them into the community. We’re talking about permanent, safe, and secure housing. We’re talking about resources in the community where people can have mental healthcare, physical healthcare, and emotional wellness. Where the youth can have places to go to express their creativity, and further their education.

    That’s what we need that money to be spent on. The state is taking steps to do that, but we know that it’s going to take a lot more work from the people to get here. We know that infrastructure in the community is what’s going to keep us safe. If people weren’t in crisis, then they wouldn’t be harming each other. If we all have what we need, there’s no space for harm. So, that’s what we’re pushing the state to do: reinvest those funds into the community so that returning citizens and returning people can experience life, and thrive in it. Because we do have those resources. We’ve been spending them the wrong way.

    Mansa Musa:  I’m thinking, as you’re talking because I remember somewhere along the line in history – And you can correct me if my rendition of history is incorrect – But I remember somewhere along the line in history when they freed us, they said they’re going to give us 40 acres and a mule. $18.5 billion is a whole lot of acres and a whole lot of mules to be given to the population of California. More importantly, to your point, you create jobs. A friend of mine would tell me, when a person has a job and has an income, they feel good about themselves. They got a life. When you’re taking the money that you are putting into maintaining the prison-industrial complex, the military-industrial complex of the California system, the prison system as we know it, then all you’re doing is taking it and furthering the narrative about the 13th Amendment and legalized slavery.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Yep.

    Mansa Musa:  But now, because of CURB, we can see the reimagination taking shape in the form that you outlined. Talk a little bit more about going forward what you all are going to be doing.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Absolutely. Going forward, we plan to continue to engage the state, the governor’s administration, and the budget committees where they make the decisions about public safety. We have pretty good relationships there now but we have to continue to push them to spread that money out. There are a few roadblocks: the people have to apply for the funds that have been released and have been redirected. We’re trying to fight those barriers, to say it should be a lot easier for people to apply for this. For organizations, all these strict guidelines aren’t going to help us. We’d like to be able to funnel the money to the communities a lot faster. So, that’s what we’re going to be working toward. Also, if they do agree to close five more prisons by ’27, that means that the state will have closed eight prisons in less than a 10-year span.

    Mansa Musa:  That’s phenomenal. That’s phenomenal. That’s right. Right here. Hey, that’s a June 16th. That’s a June 16th when 2027 get here. Every time they close a prison, we’re like, yeah! Fireworks. Marching around with whatever flag we want. Hail to the King and a whole bunch of other stuff.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Exactly. It’s a reason to celebrate, but it’s also something that pushes us to say, wow, if we can go from 35 prisons and cut that down by eight, then what’s that? 27 left? Then we can do 10 more in the next eight years. Then, we can do 10 more after that.

    Mansa Musa:  You know what this does, in terms of effect? Because I did 48 years before I got out, and when changes were coming in, in terms of us knowing we were getting ready to get out, this is what it does. It changes the mentality of the people that are locked up. It changes the mentality of the people that are on the plantation. Because now it’s a difference between me never getting out, or me being in an environment where it’s fight or flight, where you put me in the system and say, oh you a gang member. Versus saying, oh, there’s this group, CURB. This infrastructure in California closed five, they’re coming down the road and they’re getting ready to close these.

     It’s different when you hear that resonating through the population, saying, if I’m alive I can get out, so I’m going to stay alive to get out. But more importantly, I’m going to create an environment where everybody thinks like that. Oh, we getting ready to get out of prison. Why are we at each other’s throats? Why are we battling over turf war in a prison when we got a reality before us to say, I’m going to be able to get out there and raise my kids. I’ll be out there to hug my mother. I’m going to be out there to hug my wife. I’m going to be out there networking with my sister.

    The impact of this, what you all are doing, is resonating in prison. Because you even outlined it when you said in your strategy you all went inside. Tell us how this looks inside and worked your way outside to develop a policy and a perspective. More importantly, you ain’t said this word out of your mouth, which I was proud of. You never said “reform” because we’re not trying to reform a plantation.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  We don’t need no reform. We’re not reforming a dang thing. We want to tear it down and show the world what we really can build up. Absolutely.

    Mansa Musa:  Yeah. We thank you for coming on. Tell us how can we get in touch with you, and tell our audience what they can do to get in touch with you all and support your effort.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Absolutely. You all can look us up at curbprisonspending.org. If you want to reach me directly, you can reach me at amberrose@curbprisonspending.org.

    Mansa Musa:  There you have it, Amber-Rose.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Thank you so much for having me.

    Mansa Musa:  Yes. We’re saying this here, you rattled the bars today. George Jackson said that they will hear the rumbling of our feet. We know for right now, that George Jackson is proud of the members of CURB. Because we know that when you all had taken the initiative to say you’re not putting one more penny into that decadent-ass San Quentin, when you all made that statement and stepped forward, that went a long way in terms of the future of the men, and more importantly the women, in the prison system. So we ask you, our audience, to review this information, to review CURB, to look at what they’re doing, and reimagine a society without a prison. 

    Reimagine a society where $18.5 billion is being invested in schools, hospitals, grocery stores, and infrastructures or playgrounds where your children can play. Reimagine that the monies that are being put into the prison-industrial complex, the military-industrial complex, are being put back inside society and being reinvested. And, the reinvestment would yield this, the reinvestment will yield a quality life for people; not only the people that are getting out, but the people that are left behind. In the communities where the prisons were, you can have a quality life. You can reimagine having an industry and living in a town where you don’t have to wake up and think about whether or not your loved one would come out of prison alive because of the brutal conditions that they work under. We thank you, and we continue to ask you to continue to support Rattling The Bars.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Absolutely.

    Mansa Musa:  Because it’s the only way that you’re going to get Amber-Rose and a CURB report, on Rattling the Bars. You’re not going to get it from no other major network. Nobody is going to talk about $18.5 billion being taken away from a prison-industrial complex. Nobody is going to sit up here and talk about the devastation of prison. They’re not going to give you this information on a major news network. You’re only going to get this information on The Real News, and you’re only going to get this information when you rattle the bars. Thank you very much, and thank you, Amber, for enlightening us, and giving us this opportunity.

    Amber-Rose Howard:  Thank you so much for having me on.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Arkansas resident Shawn Chaperone was cut off by a reckless driver and was shocked that police chose to pull him over. However, it was the local police department’s turn to be surprised when they discovered how well Shawn knew his rights and local ordinances! Join us for this episode of the Police Accountability Report, which illustrates the importance of knowing your rights and the dangers of arbitrary police power.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis, Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today, we will achieve that goal by showing you this video of a cop who tries to entrap a motorist with false accusations about a costly traffic violation. However, it’s how this driver fought back, and how police responded when he did, that shows how cops can bend the law when they’re caught misusing it.

    But before we get started, I want you to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com, or reach out to me at Facebook or Twitter @TayasBaltimore, and we might be able to investigate for you. And also please like share and comment on our videos. It helps us get the word out and can even help our guests. And of course, I read your comments and appreciate them. You see those hearts down there. And we do have a Patreon, Accountability Reports. So if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated.

    All right, we’ve gotten that out of the way. Now, as we’ve reported on this show, there was no process more fraught with potential for both abuse and overreach than the American traffic stop. It is in some ways unique to our American version of law enforcement, simply because cops here think there is no better way to catch criminals than by randomly pulling over hundreds of people. How else can you explain the myriad of stops we have reported on for this show that have led to, let’s just say, bad outcomes, unnecessary and often futile efforts to entangle innocent Americans in our sprawling criminal justice system that often seems more motivated by greed, stupidity, or even just a hunger for power? And to prove my point, I’m going to show you this video of a traffic stop that explains all the preceding overreach and backwards rationalizations that American police use to justify their addiction to lighting up the roof and ensnaring often innocent motorists in the labyrinth system of tickets, fines, court fees, and more.

    But this take on over policing also has a twist, which you’ll see leads to an even more revealing truism about law enforcement’s addiction to traffic stops than all the aforementioned incidents combined. Now, this story starts in Stuttgart, Arkansas. There, Sean Chaperone was driving home after a long day at work. He was traveling at the reasonable speed of 35 miles per hour, when suddenly a motorist jumped in front of his car, slowed to 20 miles per hour, slammed on their brakes, and cut him off. Now, Sean did what any driver would do when confronted with a reckless motorist, he switched into the next lane to avoid a collision and maintained his speed. But this seemingly reasonable reaction to a reckless motorist apparently caught the eye of the ever vigilant Stuttgart Police. This laser-like attention was not drawn to the driver who cut Sean off. No, these able practitioners of law enforcement where apparently focused on the fact he changed lanes to avoid an accident. Just watch.

    Sean Chaperone:

    So he’s behind me, but you couldn’t catch him, but you could catch me?

    Speaker 3:

    This is what I seen. I seen you slam on your brakes and come to a sliding stop in the middle of-

    Sean Chaperone:

    That is correct because he cut me off, sir.

    Speaker 3:

    Listen to me. Listen to me. Listen to me. First of all, I’m not going to roadside court. Second of all, your attitude, you should probably lose it right now. Do you understand?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Or what?

    Speaker 3:

    Do you understand?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Or what do you going to do, man?

    Speaker 3:

    It is a simple yes or no.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I don’t answer questions, man. You go do what you got to do.

    Speaker 3:

    All right.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, it’s interesting to note that this alleged traffic infraction caught the attention of not one, not two, but three Stuttgart cops, a veritable posse of law enforcement that descended on his car with a variety of allegations. Take a look.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Got a officer right here over here. Can I get your name and badge number? Are you going to be officer right here too?

    Speaker 4:

    Oh, the reason why I pulled you over, because I’m the one that actually pulled you over, is a high rate of speed.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Okay, well, I was cut off. Did you get my speed?

    Speaker 4:

    What I saw was a high rate of speed.

    Sean Chaperone:

    So this is-

    Speaker 4:

    I’m worried about people walking down the street.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Right. And I’m worried about someone cutting me off.

    Speaker 4:

    Okay. My issue is people walking down the street. I get it. At that point you should have called 911. “Hey, this is my issue.” We could have solved it then. But you speeding down the street, that’s-

    Sean Chaperone:

    Doing 35 in a 35?

    Speaker 4:

    Nu-uh.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Yes, ma’am. Absolutely.

    Speaker 4:

    Okay, so the reason why I pulled you over was a high rate of speed. We’re not going to play this game, okay?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Yeah. No, we’re not. We’re just going to go to court.

    Taya Graham:

    But even though Sean was now confronted by a full interrogation by these traffic enforcement vigilantes, he had an ace in the hole, so to speak. Because unbeknownst to the cadre of cops, Sean had a dash cam, which was running at the time of the near collision. And when he lets the cops know this, I think it’s curious how they respond to the fact that there is evidence that might challenge their capricious interpretation of the law. Take a look.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I ain’t got a problem with it. I got a dash cam. Y’all want to say that I’m speeding? Go for it. But the dash cam’s going to make y’all look really funny.

    I mean, if she’s going to shine her light in my eyes, I can do the same back.

    Speaker 4:

    [inaudible 00:05:47], you mind coming up here please?

    Sean Chaperone:

    I’m going to need a supervisor. Can y’all give me a supervisor?

    Speaker 4:

    No problem. He just rolled up on here.

    Sean Chaperone:

    All right, perfect. Hey-

    Corporal Williams:

    How you doing, sir? Corporal Williams, Stuttgart Police Department.

    Sean Chaperone:

    All right.

    Corporal Williams:

    What’s going on, man?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Not much, [inaudible 00:06:01]. You don’t have to roll it all the way down. How’s it going?

    Corporal Williams:

    Pretty good. What’s going on?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Oh, not much. I had someone cut me off back there. They were on a traffic stop. They decided to pull me over. The guy that was behind me was the one that initially cut me off. They told me that they couldn’t catch him, that they decided to pull me over even though he was behind me.

    Corporal Williams:

    Okay. If he cut you off, how was he behind you?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Because I jumped around in front of him.

    Corporal Williams:

    All right.

    Sean Chaperone:

    He was doing about 25, getting ready to turn. I pulled back over in front of, got in the left-hand lane, passed him, got back over in the right-hand lane, took the right right back here at the stoplight.

    Corporal Williams:

    Okay. Well, according to the other officer, he said all he saw was you slam on your brakes, stop in the middle of Michigan-

    Sean Chaperone:

    I did. I slammed on my brakes because I had just gotten cut off and I slammed on the horn. That’s absolutely what I did.

    Corporal Williams:

    Okay.

    Sean Chaperone:

    He’s got that part right.

    Corporal Williams:

    All right. And the car cut you off?

    Sean Chaperone:

    That is correct. 110%.

    Speaker 4:

    Well the horn part-

    Sean Chaperone:

    Can you ask her to get her light out of my eyes, please?

    Speaker 4:

    [inaudible 00:07:02]-

    Corporal Williams:

    What’s that?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Can you ask her to get her light out of my eyes?

    Corporal Williams:

    Well, if he didn’t see what took place is what I’m saying. You understand that? If he didn’t see the car cut you off because he was on a traffic stop, obviously he’s paying attention to this traffic stop.

    Taya Graham:

    As I watch this video, I’m reminded of an idea that I think we sometimes forget: the notion that enforcing the law is often subjective and therefore arbitrary. But despite that truism, what happened to Sean here is a stark reminder that once the law is aimed at you, the subjective aspect of law enforcement is simply forgotten. Instead, we, and Sean, are subject to its exacting consequences, often solely because an officer, in their opinion, deem you guilty. And this exacting judgment persists even if the evidence presented challenges their assumptions. Just watch this idea play out as officers give Sean a ticket while simply ignoring his version of events.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Hey, it’s been well more than 15 minutes. Are we going to go or what? Are we being detained? We free to go? It’s been more than 15 minutes. Turned into an unlawful detainment three and a half minutes ago. We’ve been here 20 minutes, man.

    Speaker 3:

    Okay.

    Sean Chaperone:

    All right.

    Speaker 3:

    Go ahead and roll your window down for me.

    Sean Chaperone:

    It’s cracked. I can hear you just fine.

    Speaker 3:

    Okay. That’s cool. I need you to roll the window down.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I mean-

    Speaker 3:

    Roll the window open.

    Sean Chaperone:

    No, sir. I’m not going to. That is against my constitutional rights. I do not have to.

    Speaker 3:

    Okay. First of all, you need to learn your constitutional rights.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I do know my constitutional rights. Do…

    Speaker 3:

    So roll the window down.

    Sean Chaperone:

    … you know that your vehicle’s an extension of your house?

    Speaker 3:

    Yeah. Okay.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Okay.

    Speaker 3:

    So roll the window down so you can sign this citation.

    Sean Chaperone:

    I’ll sign the citation. All you got to do is just hand it to me right here.

    Speaker 3:

    No, I don’t hand my clipboard through the window. Roll your window down.

    Sean Chaperone:

    If you won’t hand it through your window, then how is rolling my window down going to help?

    Speaker 3:

    You’re going to lean toward me, you’re going to sign this citation, and we’re going to go about [inaudible 00:08:57], or-

    Sean Chaperone:

    I can step out and we can sign it. I can step out and we can sign it.

    Speaker 3:

    Or I’m going to take you to jail for obstruction. You understand?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Obstruction is a physical crime. You do realize that?

    Speaker 3:

    You are obstructing my justice.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Obstructing is a physical crime.

    Corporal Williams:

    You can go ahead. [inaudible 00:09:15] refused to sign, hand him his copy, and go [inaudible 00:09:17]. It doesn’t change it either way.

    Speaker 3:

    Are you going to sign my ticket?

    Sean Chaperone:

    I mean, did he just said… What did he just say?

    Speaker 3:

    [inaudible 00:09:27].

    Sean Chaperone:

    That’s why we have to have y’all’s supervisors here to keep y’all honest.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, the ticket was just the beginning of Sean’s ordeal, a series of events that have forced him to fight back in a way we will be discussing with him soon. But first, I’m joined by my reporting partner, Steven Janis, who’s been looking into the case. Steven, thank you so much for joining us.

    Steven Janis:

    Taya, thanks having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    So Steven, you’ve been reaching out to the Stuttgart Police. What are they saying?

    Steven Janis:

    Well, Taya, not a lot right now. I reached out to the Chief of Police of Stuttgart through his departmental email, asked him a couple questions, most notably, why the obstruction of justice charges? I thought that was kind of weird. I asked him if he actually thought that was a legitimate use of that charge in that situation. I also asked him why they didn’t take into account Mr. Chaperone’s version of events, why they didn’t look for the other driver. I’m waiting to hear back. If I hear something, I’ll mention it in the chat. I haven’t heard it back yet, but I will keep reporting on it.

    Taya Graham:

    Often when reporting on these types of questionable tickets, there are some underlying reasons rather than just public safety. You’ve been looking into the town itself. What have you learned?

    Steven Janis:

    Well, it’s really weird. I went to the Stuttgart town website to look through their financial information, budgets, et cetera. Nothing was posted. It was completely blank. I’m showing you on the screen right now. They do not share budget information with the public, which I think raises a lot of questions. They’ve also given police officers a raise, although they weren’t making a lot of money, like $11 an hour for a rookie, so maybe they need to raise money and write a lot of tickets. I get that feeling because they really don’t share information. Lack of transparency always leaves questions unanswered.

    Taya Graham:

    So I talked about the idea of an arbitrary nature of police power and how it can infect the process of law enforcement. I know you have some ideas on the topic. Can you talk about them?

    Steven Janis:

    Yeah, Taya. There’s nothing more anti-democratic than arbitrary power, especially police power, because the consequences of when it is imposed upon us are life altering. So, really, giving someone the ability to, say, write you a ticket when it’s not justified, or put you in a cage when there’s no real basis for criminal charges, all results in the same thing, a sort of roving sort of mobile fascism that really can entrap you in a system that’s unjust. And I think that’s why we have to keep our eye on, and always hold in check, indiscriminate and, what we say, arbitrary police power.

    Taya Graham:

    And now to discuss this confrontation with Stuttgart Police, why he challenged the officers, and how he’s fighting back against the ticket, I’m joined by Sean Chaperone. Sean, thank you for joining me.

    Sean Chaperone:

    Thank you for having me.

    Taya Graham:

    So first, tell me why you were pulled over. What are we seeing at the beginning of this video?

    Sean Chaperone:

    So initially, I had turned left onto the street that I was on. There was a vehicle that had cut me off and had their right turn signal on. After they cut me off, they turned their turn signal on signaling that they were going to turn into the motel. Well, when they had cut me off, I was doing approximately 35. They were doing about 20. They cut me off, I slammed on my brakes, slammed on the horn, and then got in the left-hand lane, went around them, and then got back in the right-hand lane. They never ended up turning into the motel and ended up coming up behind me. Well, I took a right at the stoplight, and that’s when the police got behind me and pulled me over and said that I was going at a high rate of speed.

    Taya Graham:

    I think it’s interesting that the officer said that he chose to stop you as opposed to the more reckless driver. How did they explain that?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Yeah, well, initially in that video, he says that he saw both vehicles. He saw me and the vehicle that had cut me off. And then in the video three times, he denies ever seeing the vehicle cut me off. So my question is, what did the officer really see? I think he just heard some things. He just heard me slamming on my brakes and blowing on my horn, and then decided that I was the aggressor even though I was driving defensively.

    Taya Graham:

    Sean, some people might say you were confrontational, and others might say you were standing on your rights. How did the cop respond to your pushback?

    Sean Chaperone:

    He initially walked up to the vehicle with an attitude, yelling at me. Personally, I mean, I was just acting defensively. Yet again, I was driving defensively, and then when he comes up acting aggressively, now I’m acting defensively. And I’ve seen people say that, “Well, this is a bad time for an audit.” Well, first of all, this wasn’t an audit. I’m just on my way home. So this is… Exactly, this is just me standing up for my rights. And unfortunately, he got a little upset about it.

    Taya Graham:

    You seem very knowledgeable about your rights and the rules surrounding traffic enforcement. How do you think that helped you in the situation? How do you think things would’ve turned out if you hadn’t?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Oh, it definitely helped me in the situation. I mean, towards the end of it, they’re threatening to arrest me. So, I mean, definitely know your rights and record the police. Even if you don’t know your rights, just record the police to hold them accountable because there’s so many times that their body cams come up missing when it comes to court, and the only thing that you have to stand on is your evidence.

    Taya Graham:

    How did you become so knowledgeable about your rights? What inspired you to learn so much?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Well, my father’s a retired police officer. He is a retired K9 officer, so that definitely helped. As well as him being a police officer, he has also gone over the last probably four or five years and really hammered to me, educating me on my rights, because he sees it as well. He sees the officers that are stripping people of their rights and he never was that way, but he sees it happening now and he sees that if we don’t stand up for it, we’re going to lose it.

    Taya Graham:

    Did you have any concern that the officer might violate your rights because of your pushback, because of the way you asserted yourself?

    Sean Chaperone:

    Absolutely not. If they’re going to violate my rights, if they want to arrest me, I guess that they have every right to do so. I’m not going to let them intimidate me or try and bully me in any way, shape, fashion, or form. Let’s say they would’ve arrested me. I mean, we’d be going to court right now on a counter suit for unlawful arrest. So, no. I mean, for me, personally, it doesn’t intimidate me.

    Taya Graham:

    So I noticed that you were counting down the time, that the officer only had 15 minutes to write you a ticket. What was your next move if he took over 15 minutes?

    Sean Chaperone:

    I mean, I wasn’t going to run. That’s for sure. It’s a state specific law. It’s Arkansas Criminal 3.1 that states that an officer only has 15 minutes to write you a citation. So it’s a very state specific thing. I wasn’t going to leave, but I was definitely going to get out of my vehicle, start asking questions, because now it’s starting to turn into an unlawful detainment. So that’s pretty much what I would’ve done.

    Taya Graham:

    So what exactly was the ticket for?

    Sean Chaperone:

    So the ticket ended up being for… I think it was reckless and prohibited driving. It’s $150 ticket and currently we are going to court. The court date is, I believe, August 3rd. So it’s going to trial and I will be representing myself and I look forward to seeing the officers on the stand.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, I think it’s important to expound a little bit on the idea Steven and I discussed, namely the arbitrary nature of police power. It’s important because I think it acknowledges that policing is just as much an idea as it is an institution, and for that reason, something worth examining beyond the usual critiques that views cops and badges as the inevitable result of our ongoing experiment with self-governance.

    Let’s remember, as we’ve said before, modern policing was one of the last iterations of democratic governance to emerge, an institution that didn’t evolve until the form resembles today until the mid 19th century. Which is why we need to sometimes examine it in a way that doesn’t simply assume it should, or even inevitably, exist. Not so much to say we don’t need police, but rather a way to truly understand what the prevalence of policing in our country truly engenders. In other words, how does the existence and growth and proliferation of law enforcement actually affect the way we live? To answer that question, as I already mentioned, we need to explore the notion of the arbitrary nature of police power, meaning how the latitude to enforce the law, take our freedom, and sometimes even our lives, affects how we both move through the world and even view ourselves.

    First, we need to focus on the idea of what it means to be subject to arbitrary power and how it affects us. I want to examine this idea through the prism of another refrain we hear over and over again from politicians and other elites. Namely, “No one is above the law.” Now, this idea has become an oft used talking point of the mainstream media and their elite group of proselytizing pundits. The concept that the law is an unbiased arbiter that applies to everyone is pretty much a mantra for elites to pat themselves on the back as objective arbiters of justice.

    Well, fair enough. But it’s an intriguing invocation when you consider just how the law works, especially if you view it through the lens of the stories we have reported on for this show. Because as we’ve seen, in case after case, how the law is applied can be quite arbitrary. In other words, whether we’re talking about a Texas firefighter falsely accused of a DUI, a man whose car was searched while he was walking his dog, or this story about a quite subjective rendering of traffic laws, all of this means, in reality, is that the law is arbitrary for those of us who actually have to live with it. Which, of course, sits in stark contrast to those who don’t, namely the cops who enforce it. How do I know?

    Well, consider the predicament of a dedicated New York City traffic cop, Matthew Bianchi. Bianchi was a veteran officer who actually liked enforcing traffic laws. That’s because, at a young age, Bianchi lost a friend in an accident to a reckless driver. Therefore, when he felt someone was being particularly over the top and driving poorly, he would write a ticket as the law requires. That is with one fairly broad exception. Turns out New York cops are given what are known as courtesy cards. What are courtesy cards? Well, basically a get out of jail free pass handed out by police unions, so officers can give them to friends, family, and anyone else they want to. So when an officer pulls someone over, regardless of the infraction, the informal rule is to let them go, provided they have a courtesy card.

    Unfortunately, for Bianchi, this was a problem. He found himself often having to let people go who were endangering others. To prove his point, he cited an encounter when he pulled over a driver who was not just recklessly speeding but didn’t even have a license or insurance. That same motorist had a courtesy card, which he refused to honor and subsequently ticketed the driver. But this exercise of officer discretion did not go unnoticed. Soon he found himself the recipient of retaliation across the department. He was demoted and the union told him it would not protect him. He was sent to work in the borough of Staten Island, where he estimated half, that’s 50% of the people he pulled over, had courtesy cards.

    To make matters worse, officers can buy them for a dollar a piece from the union, no word on who keeps the dollar by the way, and hand them out to anyone they want. Things came to a head when Bianchi refused to honor a card from a relative of the department’s highest ranking officer, a move that led to further demotion. Now, Bianchi is suing over what he says is unfair retaliation and abuse of his discretion. But I think this whole ordeal makes a more interesting and important point. And that is, of course some people are above the law. In fact, the people who are empowered to enforce it are not just above it, but can grant impunity to friends, family, and anyone else they please. And this so-called unqualified immunity is applied indiscriminately to anyone and everyone who happens to know a cop who happens to have a dollar.

    But it also points out the impact arbitrary enforcement has on a democratic, supposedly free society. Because if the people who enforce the law are not subject to it, then the law itself truly has no meaning. If the cops who profess to be the bastion between uncivilized and civilized society can dole out pardons like confectionary treats, then what we have is not a nation of laws, but a Congress of tyranny. That’s right. I said it. I know it sounds a little discomfiting, but it’s true. And please let me explain why I used it.

    Let me start with a question. Have you ever worked for a bad boss who made your life miserable? Who constantly changed your assignments, ignored your input, belittled you in front of others, called you at all hours and otherwise just treated you like a toy? Because if you have, then you know what it’s like to work for a tyrant. Someone who’s bounded by no rules, a person who implicitly works under the assumption that what applies to you does not apply to them. And by embracing that notion, they are then free to wreak havoc on your life any way they see fit. Well, that’s called tyranny, and I think you can see how this concept is applicable to the police. Because if cops in New York can enforce laws on others that don’t apply to themselves and their friends, then they’re basically above the law. And if they can retaliate against people who follow the law honorably, they can assure they are immune from it. That means they, in a sense, become the law itself, which literally allows them to engage in a form of individual tyranny towards the people they subject to it.

    Think about it. How can the institution that professes to fairly enforce the law simply exclude themselves from it? How can a group of people called law enforcers use that same power to evade it? The point is that this idea of occupational immunization simply makes the law wholly subjective. That is, when the law enforcers can also be the lawbreakers, the whole process becomes subject to the whims of an individual, namely a tyrant. That is why we have to continue to hold cops accountable, because clearly it’s up to us, the people, to guard our freedoms and preserve our rights from the people who would otherwise abuse them.

    I want to thank Sean for coming forward and helping educate us about our rights and sharing his experience. Thank you, Sean. And of course, I have to thank intrepid reporter, Steven Janis, for his writing, research and editing on this piece. Thank you, Steven.

    Steven Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    And I want to thank friends of the show, Nolie D and Lacey R, for their support. We appreciate you. And a very special thanks to our Patreons. We appreciate you, and I look forward to thanking each and every one of you personally in our next live stream, especially Patreon associate producers, John E.R., David K., and Louis P., and Super Friends, Shane Busta, Pineapple Girl, Chris R., Matter of Rights, and Angela True.

    And I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @EyesonPolice on Twitter. And of course, you can always message me directly @TayasBaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. And please like and comment. You know I read your comments and appreciate them. And we do have a Patreon link pinned in the comments below for Accountability Reports. So if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated. My name is Taya Graham and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Juneteenth has become a federal holiday—yet prison slavery under the 13th Amendment continues. Uprooting the prison industrial complex is vital to completing the abolition of slavery. In California, the Californians United for a Responsible Budget (CURB) coalition aims to close 10 state prisons in the next 5 years as part of the People’s Plan for Prison Closure. CURB Executive Director Amber-Rose Howard joins Rattling the Bars to discuss this bold plan.

    Amber-Rose Howard is a poet, public speaker and organizer from Pomona, California. She currently serves as Executive Director of CURB.

    Production: Cameron Granadino
    Studio Production: David Hebden
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Mansa Musa:

    Welcome to this edition of Rattling The Bars, I’m Mansa Musa. When we hear “June 19th” or “Juneteenth”, we are given the impression that we should be celebrating the end of slavery in one town, one part of Texas. What is being celebrated is, in essence, people remained in slavery well after they were freed. This is the case when it comes to mass incarceration and the prison-industrial complex. The 13th Amendment legalized slavery, and with slavery comes abolition. The tagline being offered by Californians United for a Responsible Budget or CURB is, we’re calling on California to close 10 prisons in five years. Here to talk about this is is Amber-Rose Howard, Executive Director of CURB. Welcome, Amber.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Thank you so much for having me on. It’s such an honor to speak with you today.

    Mansa Musa:

    As you seen, I opened up with, this going to be our June 19th, all things considered. As I said earlier, I outlined that we are celebrating something that, for most people and most activists, realize that it’s a misrepresentation of a reality. That the people that was told June 19th that “you are free” was really just being held up for more labor until they didn’t had no choice but to tell them. Because eventually, somebody will come down there and say, “Oh, y’all got to go.” Here, I want you to talk about, first of all, tell us a little bit about yourself, and about CURB.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Okay. Sure, sure. Thanks again for having me on. Folks, my name is Amber-Rose Howard, you can call me Amber-Rose. Executive Director here at CURB, Californians United for a Responsible Budget. We are a coalition of over 80 member organizations across the state of California. We have a three-point mission. Which is, to reduce the number of people incarcerated in California. That includes prisons, jails, and immigrant prisons. To reduce the number of institutions like that, that exist. Then, to get the state to redirect that spending, all the money they’ve been spending on prisons and jails, and put it into the community, because that’s where we know safety really is.

    If we have what we need, then the people will be safe. That’s our mission. I got into this work because I am formally incarcerated. I was convicted of a serious violent felony when I was 18 years old. It just really propelled me into a life to think about how do we tear down the prison-industrial complex? Realizing that it is an extension of slavery, realizing that it is racially charged, realizing that it does target Black people. I said, “You know what? This is the new fight. This is where the fight has been handed off from our elders and ancestors.” So, this is where I am.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay. Amber-Rose, talk about CURB got what they call The People’s Plan.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Mm-hmm.

    Mansa Musa:

    All right. First, let’s talk about The People’s plan, and then roll that over into some of the recent developments, and implementation of The People’s Plan.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Absolutely. Okay. CURB got together, we were filed in 2003. Really, the opportunity for CURB, for folks that got together to found the organization, there was an opportunity to close a prison down here in Southern California, but it fell through. Folks said, “Well, how do we build from there?” Well, this is 20 years ago in 2003, when folks were building up to closing prisons. Not until 2019 did the Governor say, finally, “We’re going to start to close some prisons in California.” That is strictly because of the advocacy of people. Let’s never think that any state governor is going to say, “Let’s do the right thing, and free people and close prisons,” on their own. That’s full people power. The thing is, they kept looking to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, with a small “rehabilitation”, right?

    Mansa Musa:

    Mm-hmm.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    They kept looking to the CDCR department for a plan on how to select prisons, which ones to close, how is that going to happen, what it’s going to look like? And, meeting after meeting at the budget committee hearings and all that, at the Capitol, they never came up with a plan. So, we got together in our coalition and said, “You know what? Let’s give them The People’s Plan.”

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Because, we know that they’re not going to include our voices.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    They’re not [inaudible] people who are directly impacted by this prison system.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    So, it’s up to us to hand them the plan, because they don’t know what they’re doing. So, we got together and created The People’s Plan for Prison Closure, which really just outlines, look, in order for us to keep closing prisons, we have to reduce the number of people inside.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    So, we’re giving suggestions on, “Pass these laws, pass those laws, in order to reduce that population. This is how you do it safely to make sure that people have resources when they come out.” Once we do that, we can start to shut down prisons. That leads back up to 2019 when the Governor finally announced some prison closures. Now, again, they didn’t have a plan for it. So, even after our People’s Plan for Prison Closure, we had to produce another document to say, “Look, this is the roadmap. If you all are a little bit confused by this lengthy report-“

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    “… [inaudible] produced, here goes something that can be real straightforward for you, right? We can really lay it down for you, to say there’s a few phases to this.” One phase is selecting prisons for closure. Now, we have centered the voices of not only folks who are formerly incarcerated and on the outside, like myself, but we sent you the voices of people who are currently incarcerated [inaudible] state prisons.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    We sent [inaudible] to all 35 prisons and said, “We got almost 3,000 responses back.” So, the folks were saying, “These are the criteria that you should consider when you’re closing prisons,” which look like… Outside of how much it’s going to cost to rebuild the prison or the operations of the prison. The state thinks about the money part. Right?

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible] said, “No, we need to consider, how far is it from your loved ones?”

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    “How far do they have us sitting away from people who are going to support us in the community?”

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Those should be closed. Thinking about how many homicides and suicides happen in these prisons.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    What is the violence looking like in these prisons?

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    We should consider those. And then, what is the climate and environmental justice looking like around these prisons?

    Mansa Musa:

    Mm-hmm.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Because in California, we have the brush fires happening every single summer-

    Mansa Musa:

    Yep.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    When it gets too hot. We have two prisons right now, up in the Central Valley, that are about to be flooded. So, the people inside said, “These are the extra things that you all should be thinking [inaudible].”

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah, that’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    In order to close a prison. So, we offered that. The second phase is to say, “Prison population reduction.” Again, passing policies that would attack all of those harmful policies that came out really, in the 90s, between the 70s and the 90s, in retaliation to the Black Liberation Movement. That’s what it [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right. That’s right. Come on, come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    For real.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s what it was.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    So, [inaudible] laws that will criminalize more people, because they realized, “Black folks are standing up, we don’t like this.”.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    “How do we [inaudible] get rid of them?” So, we said, “Well, let’s reverse those policies.” That’s how we’re looking at it. We have reversed many of them, which continues to bring down the population. The third part we say is, “We need a just transition to support, impact the communities.” Now, the state is real focused on, what do these neighborhoods, these towns where prisons exist, how do we keep their economy going-“

    Mansa Musa:

    Right, right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    “… after a prison is closed?” Many of these towns are fighting back to say, “No, we need this economy. Don’t close our prison.”

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible] for me, you all sound like slave owners.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s what they are. Come on, talk, tell the truth. That’s what they are.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

     Yeah, yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    Slave owners. Plantation.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    You all been [inaudible] from the slave economy. You know what I’m saying?

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. That’s right. That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    So, we’re like, “No, you don’t need a slave economy. There are plenty of other ways to produce-“

    Mansa Musa:

    Come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    “… for this town.”

    Mansa Musa:

    Right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible] in it, rather than this form of slavery. So, we talk about what are the economic opportunities that the state can provide, that can be pulled from federal funds, in order to keep a town going without a prison.

    Mansa Musa:

    You know what? Let me hold you up right there.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    The reason why I want to hold you up right there, because in the conversation of abolition, that’s the one thing that you hear. We know that these towns, if you take these prisons out, that tumbleweed will follow. As soon as the last prisoner’s there, a tumbleweed’s going to replace. But the humanity, and that’s why I wanted to stop you right there, because-

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yep.

    Mansa Musa:

    … I want people to understand that CURB is not inhumane in terms of what they want to get done. This is a humane call. This is not a vengeance call. This is not a, “We’re going to pull out and leave your ass in there, the way you-“

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Right.

    Mansa Musa:

    “And let you feel what we felt.” No, we’re saying that the responsibility… and then reimagining the abolition, reimagining prisons going, we’re reimagining a holistic society, and this is a part of it. Go ahead, continue, [inaudible].

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    That’s right. Exactly. You’re totally right in saying that. I appreciate you bringing that in, because people think, oh, we just want to get our people out, move on, whatever. No, we’re talking about changing the entire structure of society here. We’re saying that, listen, we need our people free. We need our people living outside of prisons. We need resources in the community. And, we know that people who work for the Department of Corrections, and corrections officers, they have one of the highest suicide rates in the state of California.

    Mansa Musa:

    Come on. That’s right. That’s right. Yeah. They’re doing a bit. They’re doing a bit.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible]. It’s unhealthy for everybody.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. Yeah. Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    You know what I’m saying? It’s just a disruptive system for everybody.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Folks who work for that system are, “What am I going to do for a job?” Wouldn’t you like a job that doesn’t cause you the type of stress that you get from being a slave owner? Really?

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. Yeah, come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    The overseer?

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    You know what I’m saying? Wouldn’t you want something different for yourself, for your family, prolong your life? So, this is actually revisioning that can really benefit everybody.

    Mansa Musa:

    Going forward, didn’t you all just come up with a victory in terms of the budget-

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yes.

    Mansa Musa:

    Or the divestment? I want to echo that point, because this is our conversation of Juneteenth. We’re saying that we’re coming. We’re not looking for somebody to come and tell us that we’re free.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Right.

    Mansa Musa:

    We’re saying that we are free, and then now we’re saying that not only are we free, but that we’re going to dismantle the 13th Amendment by taking away the profit margin that keeps the 13th Amendment alive.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Right.

    Mansa Musa:

    Once that profit margin is gone, the 13th amendment will be gone in and of itself. Go ahead and talk about your recent initiative that you all took.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Absolutely. We took the people to the Capitol. We got together folks from across the state and said, “Let’s go up here and have conversations with people in person.” We do online advocacy a lot where folks can send in letters, make phone calls, but we went to the Capitol to advocate. California had this idea that they would spend $360 million to rebuild San Quentin State Prison. Which is [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    What?

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yes. Which is the oldest prison in the state.

    Mansa Musa:

    What?

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    We said, “No.”

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    “This is ridiculous.”.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    You can’t rebuild a structure and say, “Oh, we’re going to rehabilitate you all if we do more construction on this prison.” That has nothing to do with it. When the people are inside, the people get their minds free together with themselves in community. It has nothing to do with this system of imprisonment. It has nothing to do with the physical prison.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    So, we went to advocate to say, “No. We have to fight back.” We can say that the people power helped push them in the right direction. The State, the Assembly, and the Senate told the Governor, “We reject this proposal. We don’t need-“

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    “… 360 million more dollars on San Quentin.” That is a victory. Of course, there’s a long way to go there. Also, I guess, another victory, I’d say, is that the people pushed the Governor to announce more prison closures.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    So, as of now, there were already two closures. One happened, one is in the process. The Governor announced an additional two closures, and a bunch of yard closures at different prisons.

    Mansa Musa:

    Hey, come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    What we’re looking forward to is another five closures happening by 2027.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    We know that it’s possible, because even the state’s own Legislative Analyst’s Office, which is nonpartisan, they said, “Listen, we have 20,000 empty prison beds in the state of California. You all have to close more prisons.” So, we’re getting even the state’s analysis to say this is the right direction to move. So, we do really feel like the people’s power is pushing toward that. You know what? I tweeted something a couple of years back about Juneteenth, and I was thinking about James Baldwin when he said, “What is the 4th of July to the slave?” Right?

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right. Come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Along that line. So, I said, “Well, what is Juneteenth to the incarcerated Black person?”

    Mansa Musa:

    Come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    It’s just [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. What is it? Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    What is Juneteenth to me if I’m sitting in a prison cell?

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah, yeah, that’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    If I’m in chains, if I’m behind bars, it doesn’t have any significance. So, I say to everyone who wants to celebrate Juneteenth, to everyone who wants to go out and party, and eat your food and celebrate, that’s cute. We like that, but-

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah, we don’t have no problem with people celebrating.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    I have a problem with a little plate.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    But I do implore people to think about the fact that we have thousands [inaudible]-

    Mansa Musa:

    2.5 million people in prison.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Exactly.

    Mansa Musa:

    2.5 million people in prison.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    2.5 million people locked up because of the 13th Amendment. It’s reimagination, that’s what we’re doing. The whole thing about this conversation we’re having today is saying, our reimagination, this is the implementation of our reimagination.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Right.

    Mansa Musa:

    It’s not a stretch of the imagination.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    It’s happening.

    Mansa Musa:

    My director sent me this quote saying that we live in capitalism. Its power seems inescapable.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    But then, so did the divine right of the king. See, at one time it was a saying that on the British Empire, the sun never set on the British Empire, because of how massive it was. That’s how much they had colonialized territory. Now, the sun, like right now, probably set right on… the power they got right now… probably is one outhouse. That’s how much power they got, because of people coming together and getting their liberation.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    That’s right.

    Mansa Musa:

    And people coming together and imagining another life. So, I want to push forward on this issue about reimagination going forward. Going forward. Because, you outlined some critical things that you all implemented, but going forward, okay, we get to 2027, and we got what we want. Okay. What we going to do with our people when they come out? What you all plan to get out, because we don’t want them to, say, take one incident, and then make that one incident become the reason why they should revisit the plantations. So, what do we have in place for our people when they come out? Because, we know we’re going to need help.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Absolutely. I think that that’s the importance of the work that we’re doing around the budget. Is because in California, for example, we spent $18.5 billion a year-

    Mansa Musa:

    Come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    … on incarceral structure.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    So we’re saying, well, with prisons closing and populations reducing, people going back to the community, let’s get these millions of dollars that [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    Come on. Come on.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    And put them into the community. We’re talking about permanent, and safe, and secure housing.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    We’re talking about resources in the community where people can have mental healthcare, physical healthcare, emotional wellness.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Where the youth can have places to go to express their creativity, and further their education.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible] we need that money to be spent on. The state is taking steps to do that, but we know that it’s going to take a lot more work from the people’s to get [inaudible]-

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    … here. We know that infrastructure in the community is what’s going to keep us safe.

    Mansa Musa:

    Come on. That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    If people wasn’t in crisis, then they wouldn’t be harming each other.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    If we all [inaudible] we need, there’s no space for harm. So, that’s what we’re pushing the state to do. Let’s reinvest those funds into the community, so that returning citizens and returning people can experience life, and thrive in it. Because, we do have those resources. We’ve just been spending them the wrong way.

    Mansa Musa:

    You know what? I’m thinking, as you’re talking, because I remember somewhere along the line in history… and you can correct me if my rendition of history is incorrect… but I remember somewhere along the line in history, when they freed us, they said they’re going to give us 40 acres and a mule. 1.5 billion is a whole lot of acres and a whole lot of mules to be given the population of California. More importantly, to your point, you create jobs. A friend of mine would tell me, say, “When a person have a job and have an income, they feel good about themselves. They got a life.” When you’re taking the monies that you are putting into maintaining the prison-industrial complex, the military-industrial complex of the California system, prison system as we know it, then all you doing is taking it and furthering the narrative about the 13th Amendment and legalized slavery.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yep.

    Mansa Musa:

    But now, because of CURB, we can see the reimagination taking shape in the form that you outlined. Talk a little bit more about going forward, what you all going to be doing.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Absolutely. Going forward, we plan to continue to engage the state, the Governor’s administration, and the budget committee’s really where they make the decisions about public safety. We have pretty good relationships there now, but we have to continue to push them to spread that money out. There’s a few roadblocks, the people have to apply for the funds that have been released and have been redirected. We’re trying to fight those barriers, to say it should be a lot easier for people to apply for this [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. That’s right, that’s right. That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible] for organizations, all these strict guidelines aren’t going to help us.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    We’d just be able to funnel the money to the communities a lot faster. So, that’s what we’re going to be working toward. Also, you know what? If they do agree to close five more prisons by ’27, that means that the state will have closed eight prisons within less than a 10-year span.

    Mansa Musa:

    Come on. That’s-

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s phenomenal.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s phenomenal.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s phenomenal. That’s phenomenal. That’s right. Right here. Hey, that’s a June 16th.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s a June 16th when 2027 get here. Every time they close a prison, we’re like, “Yeah!” We… Fireworks.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    That’s right.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. Look, marching around with whatever flag we want.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    Hail to the King, a whole bunch of other stuff.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Exactly. It’s a reason to celebrate, but it’s also something that pushes us to say, “Wow, if we can go from 35 prisons and cut that down by eight, then what’s that? 27 left? Then, I think we can do 10 more-“

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

     “In the next eight years.” You know what I’m saying? Then, we can do 10 more after that.

    Mansa Musa:

    You know what this does, in terms of the effect? Because I did 48 years before I got out, and when changes was coming in, in terms of us knowing we was getting ready to get out, this is what it does. See, it changes the mentality of the people that’s locked up.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    It changes the mentality of the people that’s on the plantation.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    Because now, see, it’s a difference. Between me never getting out, or me being in an environment where it’s fight or flight, where you put me in the system and say, “Oh you a gang member. So, therefore, [inaudible].” Versus saying, “Oh, there’s this group, CURB. This infrastructure in California, they just closed five. They’re coming down the road, they’re getting ready to close these.” It’s different when you hear that resonating through the population, saying, “Man look, if I’m alive, I can get out.”

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    So, “Oh, I’m going to stay alive to get out.”

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    But more importantly, I’m going to create an environment where everybody think like that, “Oh, we getting ready to get out of prison. Why are we at each other’s throats?”

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    “Why are we battling over turf war in a prison when we got a reality before us to say, ‘I’m going to be able to get out there and raise my kids.’”

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Absolutely.

    Mansa Musa:

    “I’ll be out there to hug my mother.”

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah, yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    “I’m going to be out there to hug my wife. I’m going to be out there networking with my sister.” You all really, when this whole [inaudible] impact, the impact of this, what you all doing, is really resonating in prison. Because, you even outlined it, when you said that your strategy, you all went inside.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    “Tell us what need to be. Tell us how this looked inside.”

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    And worked your way outside-

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    To develop a policy and a perspective. More importantly, I never heard… you ain’t said this word out your mouth, which I was proud of. You never said “reform”. Because we’re not trying to reform a plantation.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Mm-mm. We don’t need no reform.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    We’re not reforming a dang thing. We out here, we want to tear it down.

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s right.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    And show the world what we really can build up. Absolutely.

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah. We thank you for coming on. Tell how can we get in touch with you, and tell our audience what they can do to get in touch with you all.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Absolutely.

    Mansa Musa:

    And support your effort.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Absolutely. You all can look us up at curbprisonspending.org. If you want to reach me directly, you can reach me at amberrose@curbprisonspending.org.

    Mansa Musa:

    There you have it, Amber-Rose.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Thank you so much for having me [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    Yes. Uh-huh. You know what? We saying this here, you rattled the bars today.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    George Jackson said that they will hear the rumbling of our feet. We know for right now that George Jackson is proud of the members of CURB.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    Because, we know that when you all had took the initiative to say, “You’re not putting one more penny into that [inaudible], decadent-ass San Quentin,” when you all made that statement and stepped forward, that went a long ways in terms of the future of the men, and more importantly the women, that’s in prison system. So we ask you, our audience, to review this information, to review CURB, to look at what they’re doing, and reimagine a society without a prison.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yep.

    Mansa Musa:

    Reimagine a society where $1.9 billion is being invested in schools, hospitals, grocery stores-

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    And infrastructure, or playground where your children can play. Reimagine that the monies that’s being put into the prison-industrial complex-

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    The military-industrial complex, is being put back inside society and being reinvested. And, the reinvestment would yield this, the reinvestment will yield a quality life for people. Not only the people that’s getting out, but the people that’s left behind. Them communities where the prisons were, you can have a quality life. You can reimagine having an industry, and living in a town where you don’t have to wake up and think about whether or not your loved one would come out of prison-

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Yeah.

    Mansa Musa:

    … alive, because of the brutal conditions that they work under. We thank you, and we continue to ask you to continue to support rattling the bars.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Absolutely.

    Mansa Musa:

    Because it’s the only way that you’re going to get Amber-Rose and a CURB report, on Rattling the Bars. You’re not going to get it from no other major network.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    [inaudible].

    Mansa Musa:

    Nobody going to talk about $1.9 billion being taken away from a prison-industrial complex. Nobody going to sit up here and talk about how the devastation from prison… They’re not going to give you this information on a major news network. You’re only going to get this information on the real news, and you’re only going to get this information when you rattle the bars.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    That’s right.

    Mansa Musa:

    Thank you very much, and thank you, Amber for-

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    That’s right.

    Mansa Musa:

    … enlightening us, and giving us this opportunity.

    Amber-Rose Howard:

    Thank you so much for having me on.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Bradley was finishing a walk with his dog along a nature trail near the rural town of Plattsmouth, Nebraska when local police suddenly pulled him over. When the officers immediately went for Bradley’s center console and produced a CBD pipe, he knew something was off. When he confronted the police, they admitted they’d searched his parked car while he was away—and then waited for him so they could pull him over while driving. Police Accountability Report examines this disturbing case, and what it says about the activities police departments devote their bloated budgets toward.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis, Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose: holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. And to do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. And today we will achieve that goal by showing you this video of a cop who tried to search a man’s car while it was parked and he was walking his dog. But it’s what happened when the officer confronted the motorist on the road that reveals just how destructive and unfettered police power really can be.

    But before we get started, I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com, or reach out to me on Facebook or Twitter @tayasbaltimore and we might be able to investigate for you. And please like, share, and comment on our videos. It does help us get the word out and can even help our guests. And of course, you know I read your comments and appreciate them. You see those hearts down there. And we do have an Accountability Reports Patreon page, so if you feel inspired to donate, please do. Anything you can spare is truly appreciated. Okay, we’ve gotten that out of the way.

    Now, if there is one refrain we hear from police unions and cop partisans and tough on crime politicians, it’s that there just aren’t enough cops. The complaint, no matter how much we fund them, is that law enforcement is simply stretched too thin to do their jobs. Of course, if that is true, I think the video I’m about to show you now will require some explaining from the elites who demand more dollars for cops and less power for us because the encounter with the cop on the screen now calls into question the entire, “We need more cops,” mantra, a sequence of events that paints an entirely different picture than the conjured crisis of a country chronically short on law enforcement.

    Because if it’s true, why would the officer who I’m showing now on the video do what he did here? That is, searching for a parked car in rural Nebraska next to a nature trail with no evidence of a crime. If there are too few cops, then I am all ears as to why this particular act of law enforcement is worth the precious time of the dwindling number of officers on the job.

    Now the story starts in Plattsmouth, Nebraska. There, Bradley Connolly was walking his dog on a nature trail after a hard day at work. At the time, Connolly was building a dollar store for the town, which is why he was taking a breather and enjoying nature with his beloved dog, Rosebud. Afterwards, Bradley and Rosebud hopped into his car and headed on their way. However, he was almost immediately pulled over for a traffic stop and was surprised that the officer reached straight into his car and headed for the center console and retrieved his CBD pipe. When Bradley confronted the officer and asked the officer how he knew where the pipe was, he made a shocking discovery. Just listen.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I said I smelled marijuana coming from your vehicle, and that’s not marijuana, sir?

    Bradley Connolly:

    You went in my car… No, that’s CBD, but you went in my car when I was over there.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    So now you know you’re playing games with me.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m not playing games.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, because you knew.

    Bradley Connolly:

    That you went in my car. You went right to it. Yeah. You shouldn’t have went in my car. Nobody gave you permission to go in my car.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yes. So let me explain how this works, okay? Your vehicle is a rental car. It’s parked in a place that it’s not supposed to be.

    Bradley Connolly:

    We’re on a trail.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Let me me explain to you the situation. If you want to listen, I’m more than glad to explain to you, okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m listening. I’m listening.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Like I said, you’re parked in an area where you’re not supposed to be parked. We just had a bunch of break-ins and cars stolen out here last week.

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s not me, man. I just explained to you, I’m here-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    It doesn’t matters if it’s you. I’m explaining to you, your car is not registered to you. It’s a rental car and it’s parked in a place-

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m here-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’m not going to continue to talk over you.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You’re being idolatry.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You can stop and listen-

    Bradley Connolly:

    This should be a consensual conversation.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    It should be a, you listen to me because I’m explaining to you the reason why we are where we are right now. Okay?

    Taya Graham:

    This officer revealed that he had opened his parked rental car, carried out a search without his permission or presence, and then waited for him to drive away to pull him over.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Okay? You’re parked in a place where you’re not supposed to be parked.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Not a crime.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’m sorry?

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s not a crime.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Blocking the road is. I could have towed your vehicle.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I was off to the side.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Your tire’s in the roadway, okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m glad you didn’t. I’m glad you didn’t tow.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, I’m glad I didn’t either. I was waiting because you know what? I’ll be honest with you. I’ve already run you. I know you have warrants in Illinois for burglary-

    Bradley Connolly:

    They’re unextraditable.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    … For burglary and drugs-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Out of Illinois.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    See? Exactly. You know, all this, and yet you want to play games with me.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I do. I’m not playing games.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    When I asked you for your ID, you could have simply given me your ID and we would’ve been done.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I didn’t want to.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    But you want to argue and you want to play games.

    Bradley Connolly:

    So you broke into my car…I’m not.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I did break into your car. I have a right to determine if this car is stolen and who owns the vehicle.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You could have run the plates. All that other stuff is irrelevant.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I did. You know what? Rental cars aren’t reported stolen until 30 days after.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, Bradley was of course disturbed by the officer’s actions. So he did whatever US citizen has the right to do and he asked the officer to legally justify the search. But how the officer responded is a troubling commentary on the state of our constitutional rights at this particular moment. Just watch.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You can sit here and argue the law with me all day, but guess what? I’ve been a cop for over 20 years.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Okay.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I know what the law is, okay? So all you have to do-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Then you know that warrants are unextraditable.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, exactly.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah, and so-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    All you had to do was provide me a driver’s license.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I shouldn’t have to, man.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, you should.

    Bradley Connolly:

    This this isn’t Nazi Germany.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    If you’re in an area doing something illegal-

    Bradley Connolly:

    This isn’t Nazi Germany. I wasn’t doing anything illegal. I was walking my dog.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I have reasonable suspicion that you have a vehicle that’s not registered to you.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Not so.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    It’s a rental car parked illegally in an area that had break-ins last week.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Not so.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I have every right to do an investigation. That’s what I’m going to do.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Listen, I’ve been up here seven weeks building that store, man.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Right.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No trouble. As a matter of fact, the police in Plattsmouth were very, very good.

    Deputy Murphy:

    [inaudible 00:05:39].

    Bradley Connolly:

    I can’t believe you went in my car.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    This is very simple.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No, it’s not simple. When you break into my car-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    It’s not breaking in, sir.

    Bradley Connolly:

    It is. You can’t-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    No, it’s not.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You can’t just go in the car.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You left the vehicle unlocked.

    Bradley Connolly:

    It doesn’t matter.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I have a right to go-

    Bradley Connolly:

    No, you don’t.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    … In your car and determine who owns it.

    Bradley Connolly:

    So anybody has the right to go-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I have a right to-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Come on, man.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’m a law enforcement officer. It’s a difference.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah, and I’m a citizen of the United States. Free.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    There’s a big difference.

    Taya Graham:

    Just a note. Searching a car that is on a public road requires two prongs, so to speak, for it to meet the threshold of conducting it lawfully. One, the officer must have probable cause to search, and that means reasonable, articulable suspicion that a crime has occurred. And two, there has to be exigent circumstances. That means the car has to have been on a public road where someone can move it.

    So in this case, that means probable cause is critical to making this search lawful because the car is parked on the side street where, conceivably, it could drive off. Which is why I want you to listen again to the officer legally justifying the search. But also, take note of how once he realizes how his case is weak, he throws every theory against the wall, so to speak, to see if it sticks. Take a look.

    Bradley Connolly:

    And I’m a citizen of the United States. Free.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    There’s a big difference.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Free.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah, exactly.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah, exactly what? You can’t just go-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    And you want to stop arguing. Yes, I can. By law, I can determine who owns this vehicle and where it’s supposed to be be, okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    You don’t have a supervisor?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I am the supervisor.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Man. You can’t go into go into somebody-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You lied to me, first off. Okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I did not lie to you.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’ve explained this and I’m not going to continue to explain it.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I understand what you’re saying.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You did lie to you. I did say I smelled marijuana in your car. You said, “There’s no marijuana.”

    Bradley Connolly:

    You went in my car and you found it, man. Without my permission.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I smelled it before.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No you didn’t.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Yeah.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Because I haven’t smoked it in two days.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Guess what? It doesn’t matter. Marijuana has a distinct smell and I smelled it earlier. It’s on my body camera. When I was looking in your vehicle for a rental agreement to determine who owned the vehicle to make sure it wasn’t stolen.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Okay.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    All completely legal-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Was it stolen?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Under the state law and under the constitution, okay?

    Bradley Connolly:

    Well, I’m not trying-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Simple. Plain and simple. And so this is CBD, it’s not marijuana?

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s correct.

    Deputy Murphy:

    [inaudible 00:07:47].

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s correct.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Okay. So when it gets tested, it’s not going to come back as marijuana.

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s absolutely 100% true.

    Taya Graham:

    Oh really? You smelled marijuana, Officer? But wasn’t the car door closed? Isn’t that what you admitted on camera? So how did you smell this marijuana? I mean, had Bradley literally been smoking a bong two hours prior to your arrival so that the car reeked? Because your probable cause only works if you opened the door, and that is before you have met the legal threshold. So we’re going to have to give you a fail on our impromptu field constitutional policing test.

    But don’t worry, I’m not going to ask you to touch your finger to your nose or stand on one foot. I would just suggest you take some time to review a few law books. You may find it enlightening. But I digress.

    Now, Bradley’s obvious discomfort turns into a heated discussion about the law, which the officer declares he doesn’t have to explain. A curious assertion given his clear lack of understanding revealed by his haphazard and possibly illegal search. Just take a look.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    So then why were you so worried about it?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m not worried, man. This is my right.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You’re making a complete issue out of it.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m trying not to.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    No, you absolutely are.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You should watch some of my videos, man. I highlight great officers all over the country.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Right.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I do.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Okay. And I appreciate that you-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah, but you’re not. You’re acting like a tyrant right now.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You know what? Here’s the situation. If your job is to drive around and try to all lure officers into doing something-

    Bradley Connolly:

    I don’t do that, bro.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Because-

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s not me.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    … Obviously you parked in a place that you shouldn’t have been.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No, it’s a golf course with a walk. I came back with my dog. The first thing you should have said is, “Oh, he just took his dog for a long walk.”

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Right.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yeah.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Right.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Do you think I’m going to take my dog to break into fricking houses? Come on.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You know what, sir? All kinds of things happen, unfortunately.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Well-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    My job is to investigate those things. Again, like I said, last week, multiple cars were stolen… I’m sorry. Multiple vehicles were broken into-

    Bradley Connolly:

    That happens all over the country, man.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    … And a car was stolen.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m all over the country. I’ve seen it.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    And that’s fine. I’m glad that you’re all over the country and I’m glad that you’re doing your part to be a great citizen.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Can I have your name and badge number?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Sergeant Summer. 92021.

    Bradley Connolly:

    S-O-M-M-E-R?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    That’s correct.

    Bradley Connolly:

    And you, sir?

    Deputy Murphy:

    Deputy Murphy.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Murphy? And your badge number?

    Deputy Murphy:

    [inaudible 00:09:58].

    Bradley Connolly:

    One more time?

    Deputy Murphy:

    92032.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Thank you.

    Taya Graham:

    You know, just watching the video and the officer’s justification that there have been car break-ins is intriguing. Is that why he had to then break into Bradley’s car? I mean, if, as officer says, he is investigating the crimes, how is going through someone’s car going to solve it? How is searching out parked cars for a supposed criminal who’s breaking into cars productive?

    Finally, the officer decides that contrary to the evidence, he has to entangle Bradley in the legal system by issuing him a citation. But he also, without justification, confiscated Bradley’s wallet, which Bradley alleges had $2,000 in it. Money he has yet to get back. Just watch.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    All right. We’re going to get you a citation for the paraphernalia and the marijuana. If it comes back that it’s not marijuana, then most likely they’ll drop the charge. But I can’t field test it at this point right here. It smells like marijuana. It appears to be marijuana.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Same thing as CBD, you know?

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Okay. I don’t use marijuana, I don’t use CBD, so I can’t think of the difference.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Well maybe you should, because you’re a little high-strung.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    No.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Yes.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Well unfortunately, that happens when people are uncooperative.

    Bradley Connolly:

    No.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    That’s what happens.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m not uncooperative.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You were absolutely uncooperative.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You have no right to go through my vehicle. You have no-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I’m not going to continue.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I don’t care if you want to continue or not.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Why don’t you Google the constitution?

    Bradley Connolly:

    Why don’t you Google… Man-

    Sargeant Sommer:

    You’re good.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Tell me what the first amendment is in.

    Deputy Murphy:

    Right.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    I choose to-

    Bradley Connolly:

    Because you love to put people in cages.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Sir, if you choose to be a criminal and be belligerent to officers-

    Bradley Connolly:

    I’m not a criminal.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    That’s your-

    Bradley Connolly:

    You’re a criminal.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    That’s your decision.

    Bradley Connolly:

    You went through my car while I was walking my dog.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Legally check… If I leave-

    Bradley Connolly:

    He’s got my wallet. That’s the only money I have.

    Sargeant Sommer:

    Think that matters that he has your wallet?

    Bradley Connolly:

    Shut up.

    Taya Graham:

    But this encounter was just the beginning of the legal repercussions for Bradley, because the officer and department contacted his employer after he posted a video exposing the illegal search. And the consequences for Bradley were devastating.

    And for more on that, we will be speaking to Bradley shortly. But before we do, I’m joined by my reporting partner Stephen Janis. Steven, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    So Steven, first I know you have some breaking news about the case we reported on last week involving a former Texas firefighter. Denton County sheriffs used a bogus DUI to destroy his career and run him out of the department. What’s your update?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, what’s amazing to me is when I sent the case to prosecutors for comment, because I’m like, “Why did you prosecute this case?” They said they have no evidence of this case even existing. And I said, “Blood tests, whatever?” They’re like, “No, we have nothing. We never received this case.”

    I think it’s really questionable. I mean this case was devastating for Thomas. He was basically run out of the fire department. It turned his life upside down, and yet this case ever made to prosecutors. Let’s remember, prosecutors are a check on police. They’re very, very, very important to make sure the police don’t file bogus charges. In this case prosecutors haven’t seen it, and I think it raises a lot of more questions about the Denton sheriff’s office.

    Taya Graham:

    Wow. Steven, that is really disturbing. Please continue to follow up on that and keep us updated.

    Okay. So back to Bradley. You have been reaching out to the Nebraska Police Department. How are they explaining this case?

    Stephen Janis:

    Well, I reached out to the Plattsmouth prosecutor because I really wanted to see how this case was processed, and he sent me a very detailed email about what happened with the charges. First of all, the charges were dropped. He would not comment on the legality of the search, but he did say nothing was used against Mr. Connolly from that search, and he also said that he disputes, or at least was not able to reach a conclusion about the $2,000 that Bradley said was missing.

    He says that he did an investigation, it’s still ongoing, but at this point he has no evidence either way. So that’s where this case stands. Certainly the prosecutor seemed to take it seriously and the prosecutor also said there were no charges brought against him. The case was dropped. So that’s pretty much where we are right now with this case.

    Taya Graham:

    So the officer seems to suggest that the smell of marijuana is probable cause, but using that as a pretext is facing some pushback. Can you talk about that?

    Stephen Janis:

    If there is one statement into probable cause that is really eroded our constitutional rights, it’s the smell of marijuana. It’s basically been used as a bogus pretext for decades and it’s wreaked a lot of havoc. In our own city, we had police officers chase two young men for the smell of marijuana at 100 miles per hour and cause a fatal accident that killed three innocent people.

    So really, a lot of states and a lot of legal authorities are saying it is time to end this. This is not a statement of probable cause. It’s absolutely irrelevant in the particular case we’re talking about. Supposedly searching for cars that have been rifled through or stolen. What the hell does marijuana have to do with that? So it’s evidence not even pertaining. It is bogus and it really erodes our rights and a lot of states are saying, “Stop.”

    Taya Graham:

    And now to talk to the man who endured this invasive search and some of the lingering consequences for him. I’m joined by Bradley Connolly. Bradley, thank you so much for joining me.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Absolutely. Thank you. I’ve been watching you since the beginning. You and Steve, I love you guys.

    Taya Graham:

    So first, what are we seeing at the beginning of the video? I mean, at first I didn’t even realize it was a traffic stop.

    Bradley Connolly:

    If I may back up just a little bit. So for the past five years I’ve built Dollar Trees and Family Dollars around the country, and I built one in Plattsmouth, Nebraska, which is a small town. Her and I actually went through a tornado there during the build, but I had to come back to hang up a couple signs and do a couple things, and I’d rented a car. I drove 12 hours approximately with her. Of course we stopped along the way and stuff, but while I was up there building the store, we always went to this rural golf course and there was long paths and walks and it was not in golf season, so nobody golfed.

    And we had got there maybe 20 minutes before dusk or so on this long drive and I said, like I always do for her, “Hey, do you want to go to the park or golf course? Do you want to go to the park?” And she gets really excited. So we pulled off there and I actually had pulled behind somebody, and like I say, there’s a few neighborhoods around, but cornfield surround the thing. I mean it’s out in the middle of nowhere. And we went on a walk and I came back and I got in my car and it was completely dark when we got back. And when I started the rental car, I noticed that some lights came on in the back of me. And me being an advocate, I was just like, “I hope that this isn’t a cop.” Of course I’m following all the speed limits and the laws and as I turn at the stop sign, I see the insignia. And he started the lights and I pulled over and he asked me for my license, and me being an advocate, I wanted to know what I did wrong.

    Taya Graham:

    So why were you initially pulled over by the officer?

    Bradley Connolly:

    When I asked him why he pulled me over, he said I was suspicious. And I asked him, of course, “A suspicion of misdemeanor or felony, and how am I being suspicious?” And then he went from that to, “It smells like marijuana in the car,” which it definitely didn’t. It was a rental car. And that’s when they pulled me out and went into the center console.

    When he pulled me over, I rolled down the window. He wanted my ID and I said, “If I haven’t committed a crime, I’m not going to give you my ID.” And he called his back-up, and that was Deputy Murphy, came up and pulled the taser at my passenger side window and told me to get out. So I got out and I had no idea that they had went through my car. And I’m not the smartest person in the world, but I got out and the only thing I had in the car… It was a rental car. I don’t smoke marijuana in the car, CBD or anything, so I know that the car didn’t smell. It was in the center console, it was a pipe, and he went right to it and pulled it out. And like I say, I’m not the smartest person in the world, but I thought, “He’s been in my car.”

    Taya Graham:

    Were you surprised to discover through your conversation that the officer had admitted to searching your car before he pulled you over?

    Bradley Connolly:

    Honestly, I was mind baffled. I couldn’t believe that he had went into my car. I mean, if I would’ve broke into his car in his reasoning, which, again, mind baffled. It gives me chills. It makes me so upset. He said it was because I left the car door unlocked, and now that should tell everybody how rural the place is. My wallet was on the front seat with $2,000 on it. That’s how rural the place was.

    I questioned him that way and sure enough, he said he had every right to go through my car and he’d been through my car. If you find a pipe in a car as an officer, you probably are going to want to search the trunk. He never looked in the trunk. You’re probably going to want to search under the seats. In my presence, he never looked under the seats. So anyway, from my point of view video, you can kind of see… And I stopped at one point and went live, and I think I’ve tried to air that, but it’s all bits and pieces. That’s kind of why I wanted the dash cam footage. And I’ve been trying head over heels. I’ve spoke with the prosecutor.

    Taya Graham:

    Do you think your knowledge of the law helped protect you from the situation becoming worse?

    Bradley Connolly:

    To answer your question, I think it could have went both ways and I’ll tell you why. Because if I wouldn’t have known my rights, I probably would’ve handed over my ID and I knew I had warrants for theft of my dog right here. Long story, but ex, easy. It’s nothing. But I knew they were non-extraditable. I could have just handed him my ID and been on the way, maybe. He probably would’ve escalated it, the way he is.

    Now, the other aspect of that is I was really angry that he went into my car. All I wanted to do a after a 12-hour drive was get to the store, finish up what I had to do, get some rest, and go back. He stole my wallet that night. I ended up having to sleep in my car because I didn’t have any way to pay for anything. That being said, I don’t like bullies and the way I reacted isn’t typically how I talk to people. I try to treat everybody with kindness and respect, and I have so much mad love for people and things. I really do. And I try to portray that, but with auditing cops who seem to be untouchable and above the law, something in me just gets so mad because I see them treat people… And I’ve been in areas where I’ve seen what they do because they can. And just because you can doesn’t mean it’s right.

    Taya Graham:

    Why do you think the officer was so fixated on it being a rental car?

    Bradley Connolly:

    I have no idea. That’s a good question. I’ve never really thought of it before, so I don’t have an answer that I know to be the truth. All I can say is that all the police in Plattsmouth, they would stop by and see me building the store. I built it with one other guy, and I got to know them. They were okay. They watched my tools and my equipment. So it was really, really odd to me. I don’t know why.

    Had he just been doing his job… And I have no problem with him running. He sees a car, they’re running the plates, see if it’s stolen or whatnot. But when he broke into it and then ran my license and all that good stuff, that really irritated me. There’s no burglary tools. There’s a dog and a leash and a guy coming back on a trail. I mean, use your common sense. If somebody didn’t call in that there was a burglary, why are you bothering me?

    Taya Graham:

    I have to admit, this does seem a bit like what some people call a fishing expedition.

    Bradley Connolly:

    I know exactly what you mean. Even in the video, if you watch the entire video, I told them that’s all the money I had on me. I had $2,000 in it. Well, when they released me, I took off, obviously, and then I realized that they never gave me my wallet or my money back. So it was two miles up the road and I called dispatch, the sheriff’s office, and I told them, “Hey, they never gave me my wallet back.”

    And they told me… Mind you, two miles, two minutes. It’s 15 minutes to the police station. They told me it was in the property, I could get it tomorrow. And that’s when I went in live and they told me that the property officer wasn’t there. So a month later they sent me back my wallet without my money in it. So they stole my $2,000. And that’s all on video, too.

    Taya Graham:

    How has posting this encounter impacted you? I mean, it did cost you your job.

    Bradley Connolly:

    Well, it’s affected many nights of sleep. I have made countless calls to the prosecutor’s office, countless calls to the police department and he called my work, Southwestern Services, who gets the contracts from Dollar Tree. I don’t know what he said. It was never told to me what he said. I tried to FOIA request that phone call and apparently there wasn’t one, but they told me that I could no longer work for them because of the video.

    And my response was, “I did nothing wrong.” I didn’t commit any kind of crime. I actually highlighted Dollar Tree and Family Dollar, and I put my blood, sweat, and tears into it for five years. I’ve built maybe 60 by myself, ground up. I hired a few people to help me along the way, but I know them backwards and forwards. I practically don’t even need the plans. So anyways, to answer your question, they told me that I could no longer work for him.

    Taya Graham:

    Okay, so the officer referred to a warrant. What was the warrant for?

    Bradley Connolly:

    So the warrants are… There’s two. I was building a store in Iowa and I had a passenger and he had four grams of marijuana on my center console. We actually worked so long that we slept all day. And I’m not saying that I’m a perfect person and I’m not saying that I smoke or don’t smoke marijuana, but I’ve never done another drug in my entire life. So it’s not like I’m out there committing crimes for drugs. Actually, I was in the parking lot that I was building, resting, taking a nap with one of my workers that I hired. And he came up on us and I’m not one to tell on anybody, and they were asking us, so they did a walkthrough, four grams, a walkthrough in jail, and I told them I’d never be back in Iowa. Forget it, right? What’s in Iowa? Beans?

    So anyways, the other one is my dog that I’ve had since a baby, supposedly, allegedly was taken. And it’s a long story, but to make a long story short, my ex of three and a half years tried to take my dog from me and it’s the love of my life. So that didn’t happen. So I have two warrants, felony warrants with a $75,000 bond, but they’re unextraditable as of present, and as they were, out of Illinois, I’m not saying I was a perfect child, but I haven’t had a conviction on my record for… Oh, no, this is going to date me. Since 2000.

    Taya Graham:

    What would you like to see change about policing or how do you hope posting on your auditing channel will help?

    Bradley Connolly:

    That’s an amazing question. I just want police… Because we’re all human. We are all going to make mistakes. We do some pretty idiotic and dumb things at some certain times. A couple months training is not enough for an officer. I want them to treat everybody, whether they’re drug-induced, mental health. You see these videos where the police kill these mentally ill people. I mean, I could have got them out of the car with maybe a butter knife and they shoot them in the head. It just doesn’t make any sense.

    And don’t get me wrong. I want to make it very clear, I do not hate police. I actually have a lot of police friends on my Facebook and officers. And not all officers are bad, but I think that being in a negative environment along with the… And I would almost… Man, I’ve just seen it too much to not say that to become an officer, you have a certain personality. And that personality needs to, or persona, it needs kindness, love, respect. There is going to be times when evil is there and you got to do what you got to do. I get that. But if you see somebody’s hurting, if you see somebody that is maybe able to talk down, negotiation skills, deescalation skills and realizing that that’s another human on this planet.

    Taya Graham:

    Now I want to address something that I’m sure police partisans are soon going to squawk about in the comment section after they watch the show. It’s the off-sighted, but nevertheless unchallenged assertion that the right to search a car is simply a legal question. And so long as police can conjure, and notice I’m using a very specific word here, a reasonable, articulable suspicion, they should be able to search when and wherever they please.

    What usually companies that argument is this addendum.”Why should you have a problem with a search if you have nothing to hide? What’s the big issue with cops doing their job? I mean, aren’t you always calling them out for not solving cases? I mean, why are you making such a big deal about constitutional rights when you should be more concerned about crime?” Well, besides the fact that we’ve had several cops here in my hometown, Baltimore, caught on their own body camera planting drugs, I think we need to consider for a moment just how the system, so to speak, only amplifies bad policing. Not just by abusing search powers, but turning those illegal searches into the life-altering stigma of criminality that happens all too often. How the system created to ensure cops don’t overstep and the innocent aren’t unjustly charged has been warped by our culture of indiscriminate guilt. So what do I mean?

    Well consider this recent ruling by the Massachusetts Supreme Court regarding the misuse and withholding of evidence by the state police over a faulty breathalyzer test, a case that could lead to the possible dismissal of over 27,000 convictions. That’s right. Convictions. The case focuses on the fact that a common breathalyzer machine, the Dräger Alcotest 9510 breathalyzer, which the state police crime lab determined could produce false positives when not calibrated correctly, was still used despite the evidence. In fact, in 2017, a representative of the company that made the machines said that of the 400 they tested in the state, none were correctly calibrated and thus capable of flagging false positives.

    Fair enough, no machine is perfect and certainly if the lab quickly and appropriately revealed the problem, the state could have fixed the problem and perhaps procured a different device. But that’s not what happened. Not hardly. The state continued to use the machines despite the fact that the concerns had been raised publicly and were found to be factual. Instead, thousands of people had to live with convictions for a serious crime despite the real potential of tainted evidence. That is until the recent state Supreme Court decision giving everyone, every single person convicted, the right to ask for a new trial.

    This is an unusually sweeping case, but it didn’t happen because the state who had imposed harsh sentences on innocent drivers asked for it. No, this all occurred because one of the victims of a false conviction sued, and that case was finally decided last month. In that decision, the court called the state’s actions egregious government misconduct, which is why the court made the sweeping decision to allow anyone, meaning 27,000 people, to ask for the new chance to prove their innocence.

    Now I want you to think about that number in relation to Bradley’s case or to the case we just updated of Thomas the Texas firefighter falsely charged with a DUI. How sweeping and consequential the impact of a decision to ignore the flaws in the machines was for the people who were victimized by it. How many lives were turned upside down or thrown into chaos and otherwise destroyed by this inexplicable decision to ignore the facts? How many licenses were revoked, jobs lost, and opportunities cast aside because the state, the state, simply chose to ignore evidence?

    It’s kind of an interestingly cavalier attitude towards the consequences of our massive law enforcement industrial complex, a defiance to the truth, which I think can only be countenanced by people who are simply immune to it, meaning only the elites cosseted from the law could simply stand by while thousands of people suffered. And that’s kind of what you have to conclude when you attempt to understand the cruel indifference of the people who made the decision to allow innocent people to go to jail.

    That’s right, and it was not elected officials or anyone in power who felt compelled to act in defense of the innocent. It was not a governor or a state legislator, or anyone with the ability to intervene who defended people unjustly accused. It was solely up to a victim of their malfeasance to take up the defense of the people wrongly accused, someone who had to hire lawyers and battle the case all the way up to the state’s highest court.

    That’s why I think it’s important to remember that when we see videos like Bradley’s to put them into the proper context, that we remember the larger and broader injustices when we analyze how these same forces bear down on smaller but no less insignificant cases like the one we reported on today. Because I think the same sense of entitlement and immunity that prompted that Nebraska cop to illegally search Bradley’s car and confiscate his wallet is similar to the callous indifference of the Massachusetts State Police. I think the sense of careless impunity exhibited by that individual cop is really part of a larger process that allows an entire state to put innocent people in handcuffs.

    It’s all about that intangible but potent power of unconstitutional entitlement. The idea that I, meaning the cop, I am the law, not representing it. That I, the cop with the gun in a badge, I am the sole arbiter of your rights, and that the power conferred upon me is not a privilege to be exercised with prudence, but a legally prescribed intoxicants that allows me to confiscate your rights, put them in handcuffs, and then discard them on the roadside like an abandoned vehicle.

    This impudence, both in one case and in thousands, is the result of the culture of our version of an untouchable elite. Those elites who don’t pay taxes, have amassed ill-gotten fortunes, and who simply aren’t worried about the law. It’s their power, conferred upon cops, that we witnessed on that video. And also what spurred Massachusetts police to act without conscience. It’s also why the institution of policing must be watched as ardently as they like to watch us. Their utter disregard for our rights must be matched with the vigilance of our cameras. Their casual and consequential indifference must be overwhelmed by our passion for the rights that we must refuse to relinquish. What they treat as unimportant, we must make paramount. What they think is just the cost of doing business, illegal searches, unjust DUI convictions, we must define as unambiguously wrong.

    The plethora of fake charges and false criminal records that they cast upon us like a blanket unconstitutional conviction, we must throw back at them with the indignity of a people who know our lives and our rights should not, cannot, and will not be torn asunder. That’s what we do on this show and that’s why we will continue to grow our community of constitutional activists, of defenders of rights and believers in the proposition that all of us, and I do mean all of us, are entitled to the rights to often ignored, but I believe will endure if we are willing to fight for them.

    I’d like to thank Bradley Connolly for joining us and for sharing his experience. Thank you, Bradley. And of course I have to thank intrepid reporter Stephen Janis for his writing, research and editing on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, Thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    And I have to thank friends of the show, Nolie D. and Lacey R. or their support. You know I appreciate you. And I want to thank every single Patreon that supports us. In our next live stream, make sure to listen for your name. I want to thank you too.

    And of course, I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @eyesonpolice on Twitter. And of course, you can always message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook.

    And please like and comment. You know I read your comments and appreciate them, and even if I don’t get to answer every single one, you know I read them. And we do have a Patreon link pinned in the comments below for Accountability Report, so if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We do not run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is greatly appreciated.

    My name is Taya Graham and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The consequences of a questionable DUI charge against Thomas, a former firefighter,  have been devastating. 

    “The fire department was my family. I didn’t want to lose them, and I definitely didn’t want it to end this way,” Thomas (who does not want to use his last name out of fear of retaliation) told TRNN, explaining how the since-dropped allegations that he was driving under the influence cost him his nearly 30-year career 

    Along with losing his job, Thomas spent thousands of dollars on attorney fees, and was spurned by friends. All over charges that, as a Police Accountability Report investigation revealed, were levied against Thomas even though police were caught on body camera admitting he was not drunk.

    But now new developments in Thomas’ case are raising questions about the Denton County sheriff who charged him.

    PAR has learned that the Denton County District Attorney which would be responsible for trying the case, has no record of it—no blood tests, statement of probable cause, or documents pertaining to the charges. In fact, a spokesperson for the agency that prosecutes cases in Denton County said that, for them, the case simply does not exist. 

    “We did not receive any documentation from the DCSO (Denton County Sheriff’s Office) regarding this case,” Kim Geuter, an administrator with the Denton prosecutor’s office, told PAR in an email. 

    “We would have no way of keeping track. The only reason I knew this was not submitted to us is because I looked it up specifically.  Police agencies do not notify us when they have not submitted a report to us,” she added. 

    Along with losing his job, Thomas spent thousands of dollars on attorney fees, and was spurned by friends. All over charges that, as a Police Accountability Report investigation revealed, were levied against Thomas even though police were caught on body camera admitting he was not drunk.

    The fact that the DCSO, which initiated these devastating charges against Thomas, did not turn said charges over to prosecutors raises troubling questions about how cases are adjudicated in Denton County.  

    Normally, charges filed by a sheriff or police officer are submitted to a prosecutor for review in the jurisdiction where the arrest was made—in this case, Denton County. Eventually, the charges go before a judge to determine whether or not the prosecutors have sufficient legal grounding to proceed. But Thomas says that, other than a preliminary bail hearing, he never had a day in court to contest the allegations against him.  

    “The only appearance I made was at the jail before they let me go. They brought a bunch of us into a courtroom and read the charges,” Thomas said. 

    The Denton County Sheriff’s Office did not respond to multiple emails and phone calls for comment.

    PAR has since filed a public records request with the DCSO for the number of DUI cases initiated by the department; in order to determine the number of cases initiated by Denton sheriffs which have not been turned over to prosecutors.

    Even though this two-year-old case never found its way to a courthouse, the impact it has had on Thomas’ life in that timespan has been devastating. The charges spurred an internal affairs case against Thomas inside the fire department where he had served for nearly three decades.

    That probe led to Thomas’ departure from his job. But that was only one part of the ordeal he faced after he was charged. 

    He was hauled off to jail and forced to fork over $1,000 for bail. His dog was handed over to animal control. His movements were restricted by bail bondsmen while his father lay on his deathbed. He had to hire a lawyer—another $3,400. And then, the aforementioned internal investigation led to his separation from a fire department to which he had devoted a lifetime of service. 

    “It’s hard because they look at you differently. People think you must have done something wrong to get arrested,” Thomas said. ”But I haven’t had a drink in 30 years!” 

    Thomas’ arrest was caught on a body camera. Three Denton deputy sheriffs audibly admitted on the recorded video that he was not drunk or otherwise impaired by alcohol.  Instead, they based their charges on his “slow talking,” his “heavy-footed” gait, and his lack of balance during a field sobriety test.   

    “I was stone sober and they turned my life upside down… It’s a good thing to catch drunk drivers, but it’s just not right to turn innocent people into criminals.”

    Thomas, former texas firefighter arrested by Denton County sheriffs on false dui charges

    However, Thomas had a tumor, a neuroma, only recently removed from his left ear, which affected his balance. Moreover, Thomas freely admitted to the sheriffs he had taken his legally prescribed medication, Adderall, to treat adult attention deficit disorder—a medication that was prescribed to almost 41 million people in 2021, according to NBC News.

    He was shocked that being forthcoming with officers about his medical conditions, and in particular about his ADHD medication, was the beginning of the downward turn in the interaction. 

     “I explained my right eye was bloodshot from my detached retina, it was why I was on light duty at the [fire] department. They asked me if I took any prescription medications so I told them about my ADHD meds… the Adderall. I think from that point the questions became more intense.”

    The charges against Thomas weren’t resolved, his lawyer simply told him they were dropped.

    But even though the DUI was effectively dismissed, his life has been fundamentally changed. 

    “I think I should practice the field sobriety test every time I leave the house now,” Thomas said halfheartedly. “I was stone sober and they turned my life upside down… It’s a good thing to catch drunk drivers, but it’s just not right to turn innocent people into criminals.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • At a January “Take Back Our Streets Town Hall,” Baltimore City officials gathered to discuss the ongoing spike in violent crime and to tell the public what they were going to do about it in 2023.

    2022 was the eighth year in a row the city endured more than 300 homicides.

    Organized by newly-elected Baltimore City State’s Attorney Ivan Bates and moderated by a former Baltimore cop and city Judge Wanda Heard, the conversation gestured towards diversionary programs, but mostly proposed the kinds of tough-on-crime policies the city has attempted plenty of times before: demands for additional “accountability” in the form of increased arrests and enhanced sentences; calls for more cooperation from the overpoliced yet underserved community to help solve crimes; and the targeted policing of certain offenses, such as illegal gun possession. 

    “Every time I turn around, the police are talking about getting more and more guns off the streets,” Bates said. “Guns are what’s being used to kill and terrorize our community.” 

    The Baltimore City police commissioner, Michael Harrison, boasted to those in attendance that the police had seized thousands of guns last year. “In 2022, the Baltimore Police Department took over 2,400 guns off the streets of Baltimore, making over 1,600 arrests for people with those guns—in one year,” Harrison said. “That’s more guns taken off the street and more arrests than when the department had 3,000 police officers ten years ago. So, we’re doing more work, better work, with far fewer people.”

    The exact number of gun seizures in 2022, according to Harrison, was 2,416. But seizing over 2,000 guns is not a useful benchmark to measure improvement, given how consistently Baltimore police clear that number. The department confiscated 2,296 weapons in 2012, and has topped 2,000 gun seizures eight of the last 10 years.

    Regardless, while Baltimore police are surely doing more work—indeed, fewer officers are seizing more guns—how this police work is “better” is not clear. In 2012, there were 218 homicides and 370 nonfatal shootings. In 2022, the year Harrison claims Baltimore police were doing more and better work, there were 333 homicides and 688 nonfatal shootings.

    About two hours into the town hall, many in attendance lost patience with officials citing data that does not address the deadly reality. Mourning friends and family of murder victims yelled out from the crowd.

    Heard lectured them. “You’re being rude,” she said. “So your issues are more important than everyone else’s? Because you won’t let me talk.”

    “You don’t know how the mother of a murder victim feels every night,” a woman in the audience shouted.

    For decades, Baltimore City’s threshold for an unacceptable amount of violence has been 300 murders. The city has exceeded 300 murders per year in 17—more than half—of the last 32 years. Additionally, there have only been seven instances when Baltimore City’s murder rate has dipped below 40 murders per 100,000 residents—even in years when the total number of murders was below 300. Only once since 1990 have there been fewer than 200 murders per year in Baltimore.

    The past 30 years are also marred by chaotic crime interventions—strategies introduced only to be directly contradicted or undone by new commissioners or administrations. None of these strategies have resulted in sustained reductions in violence.

    In lieu of significant, long-term successes when it comes to reducing murders and nonfatal shootings—or “failed murders,” as cops often call them—the Baltimore Police Department frequently leans on short-term and often minuscule increases or decreases in police metrics to assuage community concerns. Talk of gun seizures is a way to demonstrate that the police are “doing something” and shift attention away from the headline-making 300-plus homicide number.

    Those who spoke out at the town hall were talking about Baltimore’s violence from experience, but what they said is backed up by the data. The Baltimore police are not preventing murders and nonfatal shootings and they are solving fewer and fewer of the murders and nonfatal shootings they do not prevent.

    This is the first in a series of stories from The Real News examining the past 32 years of police and crime data to determine the efficacy of varied police strategies. The years 1990-2022 were chosen because 1990 marked the first year in nearly two decades in which the city reached 300 homicides, beginning an extended period of murders and shootings that the city has never fully escaped.

    We began by analyzing the solutions police have cited over the years as central to reducing violence: solving homicides, making arrests, seizing guns, and increasing police spending. We found that in years when Baltimore police solved a large number of homicides, murder numbers were high; murders are high again, this time amid plummeting clearance rates. Similarly, Baltimore has experienced high numbers of murders and shootings both when it was making around 100,000 arrests per year and now when its arrest numbers are less than 20,000 a year. Strategic focus on gun seizures is not associated with reductions in the number of murders or nonfatal shootings. 

    Meanwhile, Baltimore spends the most per capita of any city in the United States on policing. 

    Common, carceral wisdom on violence reduction has not worked in Baltimore. The city has effectively been in a “crime spike” the past three decades, and in periods where violent crime numbers have dropped, police cannot always convincingly demonstrate that it was their own policies that caused the decline.

    Dirty Cops, Dirty Data

    There is no way to discuss crime from a statistical perspective without first discussing the statistics themselves. Police practices are opaque at best—fraudulent at worst—and each stop, arrest, and seizure by police represents a judgment made by the officers involved. This means the validity of any number—whether it accurately represents the thing it is intended to measure—that relies on the discretion of police is questionable. An increase in gun seizures at a specific point in time may not reflect more guns out on the street, just a greater strategic focus on guns. Even drawing certain conclusions from the homicide rate is difficult when we can’t easily audit why some deaths are ruled accidental and others are ruled intentional.

    The Baltimore Police Department provided The Real News with data that is frequently inconsistent and sometimes incomplete. The data we did receive is often contradicted by other statements by police, and even their own reports. For example, in April of this year, the Baltimore Police Department published its year four review of its “Crime Reduction and Departmental Transformation Plan”, implemented from July 2019 through March 2023. There, gun seizures for 2022 are listed as 2,688—272 more than Harrison himself cited at January’s town hall. 

    Most of the data cited and analyzed for this series was obtained via Maryland Public Information Act Requests, which the Baltimore Police Department frequently failed to respond to in a timely manner. Sometimes, the police did not respond at all. When police did not provide data, we consulted Federal Bureau of Investigation data, reached out to community organizations, and consulted city documents to obtain basic information about the city and how it operates. 

    All of this information should be much more easily accessible. 

    Moreover, the way the Baltimore Police Department previously categorized some crime statistics means that even full transparency from the department about their records wouldn’t necessarily answer questions about missing or inconsistent data. For example, they explained that because nonfatal shootings were counted within the broader category of “aggravated assault” before the year 2000, they could not tell us how many nonfatal shootings there were during the ’90s. A current key metric cited by Baltimore police to determine their success at crime reduction can’t be easily compared to any year earlier than 2000.

    Common, carceral wisdom on violence reduction has not worked in Baltimore.

    Additionally, decades of perverse incentives to push the narrative of a safer city have inspired corner-cutting, corruption, and criminality within the notorious Baltimore Police Department, both in its vaunted homicide unit of the ’80s and ’90s and its “elite” plainclothes squads such as the Gun Trace Task Force. And since 2017, following the police killing of Freddie Gray, the Baltimore Police Department has been under a federal consent decree.

    There is no way to properly quantify the effect that decades of police mistrust has on Baltimore City, let alone the harm of real, literal crimes committed by police: beatings, shootings, evidence planting, drug dealing, lying in paperwork and on the stand, sabotaging violence interrupters, exploiting informants and sex workers, and more.

    In 2021, American Civil Liberties Union Maryland attempted to calculate the scale of police corruption between just the years 2015-2019 and discovered misconduct complaints filed against 1,826 cops—10% of those for “false arrest or imprisonment,” and 40 of those complaints for “criminal association.”

    That 300 Number

    “300-plus homicides” has often been a death knell for police commissioners and elected officials’ careers in Baltimore City, former Baltimore Police Commissioner Frederick Bealefeld told The Real News. “If there were 300 homicides in Baltimore, the commissioner was out. I mean, it was the trip wire. You cross that line, ‘See ya, look for another job,’” he said.

    When Kurt Schmoke, Baltimore’s mayor from 1987-1999, entered office, the city’s homicide number was nearing 300, but murders didn’t yet dominate the conversation about crime. The focus was drugs, he explained, with murder primarily viewed as a problem experienced by the city’s majority Black population in historically redlined and divested neighborhoods: “It appeared to the community that the high level of violent crime was concentrated in two sections of town: one on the far west and one in the far east. So it was not perceived as a citywide threat the way it became later and is now,” Schmoke told The Real News.

    But then Baltimore ended 1990 with 305 homicides—a jump from 259 in the previous year—and the murders became a larger part of the discourse. This rise in murders coincided with New York City’s ongoing drastic reduction in homicides, putting pressure on a much smaller city such as Baltimore to get that homicide number under 300. “If New York had not seen as dramatic a decline as they did, the 300 number probably would not have been as magnified by the press, community, and policymakers,” Schmoke said. “The significant reduction in New York started in the late ’80s, so the comparison kept getting greater and greater.”

    In 1993, Baltimore saw 353 homicides, the most of any year on record. 

    That same year, Schmoke noted, Homicide: Life On The Street, an hour-long network drama based on reporter/showrunner David Simon’s 1991 book of the same name, premiered on NBC. The book and show focused on Baltimore’s homicide detectives—“murder police”—who were single-minded in their quest to solve each murder and remove it from the hundreds on their “open cases” dry erase board. 

    Along with the daily news, Schmoke said, “David Simon’s book, the TV show, and all that stuff had the community fixated on the homicide number, and particularly on 300.”
    Cases are “cleared” when a suspect has been identified and arrested (a conviction isn’t required) or by “exceptional” means (such as the accused dying). In recent years, it has been argued by many law and order pundits that clearing cases reduces homicides. This is one of the central arguments of Jill Leovy’s 2015 book, Ghettoside—solving murders facilitates community trust and reduces people’s perceived need to take justice into their own hands.

    The effects of zero tolerance were truly devastating for Baltimoreans, and it taught an entire generation of cops that policing was solely a numbers game.

    In the ’90s, more alleged murderers were being arrested, but the city’s homicide rate was not that much lower than it is now, when the murders are high and the clearance rate is low. Baltimore has seen over 300 homicides both in years when police cleared over 70% of cases and in years when the clearance rate sank below 40%. Since 1990, Baltimore police have actually become much worse at solving murders. In 1990, the Baltimore Police Department clearance rate on homicides was 75%. By 2022, that number was down to 36%.

    The homicide clearance rate is a measure of how often police are able to close a murder case, but it is also a measure of the strength of the political and professional pressure put on cops to clear more cases.

    While Baltimore’s homicide detectives retain the shabby nobility assigned to them by Simon more than 30 years ago, some of the detectives who worked homicides in the late ’80s and into the ’90s (including the real-life versions of “Munch” from Homicide and Law & Order and “Bunk” of The Wire) have since been revealed to have engaged in police misconduct. To clear murders, these cops forced confessions, threatened witnesses until they changed their accounts of events, and withheld exonerating evidence. As a result of such practices, men such as Jerome Johnson and Gary Washington spent decades in prison for murders they did not commit.

    These wrongful convictions should call into question the validity of the celebrated 70%-plus clearance rate throughout the ’90s. As New York Magazine reported last year, “since 1989, 25 men convicted of murder in Baltimore have been exonerated, according to the National Registry of Exonerations. Official misconduct was present in 22 of the cases.”

    “Zero Tolerance”

    By the end of the ’90s, Mayor Schmoke hadn’t located the carceral solution that he believed would get the city’s homicides back below that 300 number. A critic of the drug war, Schmoke opposed calls to ramp up small-time arrests New York City-style, and ultimately decided not to run for reelection. “Honestly, I just ran out of ideas on homicide. That is the reason that I didn’t run for a fourth term,” Schmoke said. “I just said, ‘I cannot figure out any other strategy that’s going to get us under this magic number.’ We tried a lot of different things.”

    In 1999, Baltimore City Councilperson Martin O’Malley was elected mayor, largely based on his promises to reduce violence—especially homicides. 1993’s shocking 353 murders was often invoked by his campaign.

    O’Malley proposed reducing violence by adopting New York City’s aggressive (and unconstitutional) “broken windows” style of policing which focused on so-called quality of life, low-stakes arrests. The New York strategy, popularized by then-Mayor Rudy Giuliani and then-Police Commissioner William Bratton, relies on the assumption that serious crime is reduced by arresting people for low-level charges (loitering, fare evasion, open containers).

    In this metaphor, the low-level charges are the “broken window” that, if not dealt with, leads to more “windows” being broken (more low-level crimes committed), which police argue creates an environment for more serious crimes.

    It’s actually simpler than that: Locking up significantly more people means there are significantly fewer people around to potentially commit crimes—and locking up more people is done through constitutionally fraught tactics such as mass arrest and stop-and-frisk.

    O’Malley adopted New York’s strategy. He called it “zero tolerance” and, upon his election, enacted an expansive, unprecedented experiment in mass incarceration in Baltimore City. At the peak of zero tolerance in 2003, Baltimore City police made over 110,000 arrests in a city of 610,000 people. That’s nearly 18% of the population.

    At the peak of zero tolerance in 2003, Baltimore City police made over 110,000 arrests in a city of 610,000 people. That’s nearly 18% of the population.

    Frederick Bealefeld, who joined the Baltimore Police Department in 1981 and was a major by 2003, saw cops and command instructed to petty-arrest their way out of high crime. “The city made about a hundred thousand arrests. Now, some of them were the same people over and over again, but think about that: 100,000 adult arrests in a city of [600,000] people. It’s incredible. And it didn’t move the needle,” Bealefeld said.

    In 2003, a year with 110,164 arrests, there were 270 murders and 545 nonfatal shootings. This period of years where murders were below 300 perpetuated the idea for those invested in zero tolerance that increasing arrests had “worked.” It also was enough of a reduction to get O’Malley reelected as mayor in 2004.

    Bealefeld frequently adopts a fishing metaphor to explain what was going on. Before zero tolerance, he explained, police were looking for a “big fish” (a high-profile dealer or shooter). But under O’Malley, the size of the fish no longer mattered. Arresting a corner boy, a person who uses drugs, or an inebriated person passed out on a stoop—all were deemed worthy endeavors. In fact, not arresting the drunk guy on the stoop is why more serious crimes happen, cops were taught.

    “Eventually, Baltimore, in terms of arrests and fighting this drug war—and in hopes of scaling down the violence—built this massive trawler with a giant net behind it and it would go through Baltimore scooping up all the fish we could get,” Bealefeld said. “But you know what happens when you fish with a net? You catch a lot of really little fish, and almost none of the fish you want to catch.” 

    Jails overflowed with people arrested for nonviolent crimes. The effects of zero tolerance were truly devastating for Baltimoreans, and it taught an entire generation of cops that policing was solely a numbers game. Community outrage over these arrests—and a 2006 American Civil Liberties Union Maryland lawsuit against the city and police department for a pattern of improper arrests—made zero tolerance unpopular enough that the city was forced to listen to its residents, tired of seeing their friends and family locked up.

    While Baltimore looked for another way to reduce its arrests and its murders, O’Malley took the results of zero tolerance—the city had, indeed, seen homicides per year drop below that 300 number—all the way to the governorship. The Washington Post endorsed O’Malley’s 2006 run for governor of Maryland, citing the “dent” he’d made in Baltimore crime.

    Bad Guys With Guns

    Soon after O’Malley became governor, new Mayor Sheila Dixon appointed Bealefeld as police commissioner. In 2007, the new mayor and new commissioner focused on further reducing murders while also reducing arrests. Bealefeld’s approach shifted to targeted arrests—as he put it, “fishing with a spear,” or going after “the sharks,” the most dangerous and notorious shooters in the city. He took to calling them “bad guys with guns.”

    Arrests began to decrease, with no increase in murders, and then murders decreased more—but internally, many cops raised on zero tolerance resisted. Former cops explained that Deputy Commissioner Anthony Barksdale was especially unforgiving when it came to dressing down higher-ups and the cops they oversee for focusing too much on context-free stats and not reducing violence. Many cops complained about Barksdale’s approach, saying he was too mean and needed to ease up.

    This period was also one of aggressive plainclothes policing; both Bealefeld and Barksdale had come up as plainclothes cops—or “knockers,” as they were called on the streets. 2007 also saw the creation of the Gun Trace Task Force, whose approach to catching “bad guys with guns” would soon go terribly wrong.

    Then, in 2010, Dixon resigned after she was found guilty of theft, misconduct, and perjury. The city’s leadership changed—then-City Council President Stephanie Rawlings-Blake became mayor—and another new administration meant, again, new priorities.

    In 2011, Baltimore police made 60,008 arrests and recorded 196 murders and 379 nonfatal shootings—the lowest murder count in the 1990-2022 time frame we analyzed. The homicide clearance rate in 2011 was 46.2%.

    “What we accomplished with that homicide mark in 2011, people thought it was a fait accompli,” Bealefeld said. “The fact of the matter was, it was all just a good start.”

    Bealefeld and Barksdale left the Baltimore Police Department in 2012. That year, there were 218 murders and 370 nonfatal shootings. The homicide clearance rate was 48.1%.

    By 2015, homicides began to skyrocket beyond ’90s levels. In 2014, there were 46,231 total arrests, 211 murders, and 370 nonfatal shootings. The homicide clearance rate was 45.5%. In 2015, there were 32,932 total arrests, 344 murders, and 635 nonfatal shootings. The homicide clearance rate was 30.7%. 

    Baltimore’s reduction in arrests is partially explained by the 2014 decriminalization of cannabis possession. In 2014, there were 13,356 arrests for drug offenses. In 2015, the first full year of cannabis decriminalization, that number dropped to 6,604 drug offense arrests.

    The national murder rate also increased by 11% between 2014 and 2015. Law and order pundits invoked the so-called “Ferguson Effect” to explain Baltimore’s 2015 violence. They claimed that, following the April 2015 death of Freddie Gray and the massive uprising against police violence, embattled cops stopped doing their jobs, both out of revenge and for fear that they would become the next “viral video.” 

    If police refusing to police is to blame for 2015’s murder spike, it would mean that the department is engaging in an eight-plus year work slowdown during which there have been 2,667 murders and 5,588 nonfatal shootings.

    No Legitimate Authority

    2015 began a period in which the police and elected officials, as far as many residents were concerned, had almost no legitimate authority. The thousands who took to the streets in protest of Freddie Gray’s death were not only angry about what happened to Gray but at the entire city’s policing apparatus reverting to the zero tolerance policies of the recent past.

    The United States Department of Justice’s 2016 report on the Baltimore Police Department blamed O’Malley’s policies for the public’s distrust of the police, and for poor policing: “Zero tolerance enforcement made police interaction a daily fact of life for some Baltimore residents and provoked widespread community disillusionment with [Baltimore police],” the report says.

    Promises of radical change and serious reflection “post-Freddie Gray” morphed into technocratic reforms and short-lived do-gooder organizations that didn’t do too much good.

    Then, in 2017, the Gun Trace Task Force scandal shocked many and confirmed so much of what Black Baltimoreans had been saying for years: the Baltimore Police are ostensibly a criminal gang, creating crime rather than stopping it and lying, stealing, dealing drugs, and planting evidence.

    Promises of radical change and serious reflection “post-Freddie Gray” morphed into technocratic reforms and short-lived do-gooder organizations that didn’t do too much good.

    While the plainclothes squad was essentially a robbery crew, its public-facing mission was to “get guns off the street,” which they did by driving around, stop-and-frisking dozens of Black Baltimoreans each night. If they found someone with a gun, they made an arrest. If they found someone without a gun, they might plant one. It was a disastrous, stats-driven hybrid of “zero tolerance” and the “bad guys with guns” strategy.

    The revolving door of police commissioners has also undermined the department’s credibility. Counting interim appointments, there have been 15 Baltimore Police Department commissioners since 1990, five of those since 2015. Anthony Batts and Kevin Davis, the two commissioners after Bealefeld, were fired because of their inability to reduce homicides. Davis’ replacement, Darryl DeSousa, lasted just a few months before he was federally indicted for tax fraud in 2018. He was replaced by interim Commissioner Gary Tuggle and then, in 2019, Commissioner Michael Harrison.

    Harrison was hired due to his role as superintendent of the New Orleans Police Department during a period in which he oversaw New Orleans police’s federal consent decree and was credited for reducing murders and nonfatal shootings—reductions that have not sustained themselves.

    Population Decline

    Since 1990, Baltimore’s population has declined by 150,000 people. In 1990, Baltimore’s population was 736,000. As of 2022, there were about 570,000 residents. That loss of residents makes decade-to-decade and year-to-year comparisons regarding crime deceptive—and makes some of Baltimore’s most significant and celebrated homicide reductions far less impressive.

    Comparisons using the total number of homicides recorded per year without considering the proportion of the city population represented by that number mask how little has changed even in years when homicide numbers have dropped. The murder rate (the number of murders per 100,000 people) is a clearer illustration of the difference from year to year.

    In 1993, when Baltimore experienced 353 homicides—a record high number—the population was 724,671. The city’s murder rate that year was 48.7 murders per 100,000 people. In 2007, when O’Malley campaigned for governor on his success reducing murders via mass arrest, there were 282 murders. The population in 2007 was 606,006, making the murder rate 46.5 murders per 100,000 people. 

    Comparing only the raw number of recorded homicides shows that there were 157 fewer murders in 2007 than in 1993. But accounting for population between those years reveals that the celebrated reduction in murders is a difference of only three people per 100,000. During this period, the population of Baltimore declined by 16% and murders dropped by 20%.

    Fewer people were killed in 2007 than 1993, but how much of that can actually be credited to policing is hard to determine. The city failed to protect nearly the same percentage of people from murder in 2007 as it did in the early ’90s.  

    Since 2015, Baltimore’s population has declined by around 50,000 people. Considering the murder rate rather than total homicides also shows just how dire the situation has been in Baltimore. In 2015, the murder rate jumped to 55.2 murders per 100,000 people, from 33.8 murders per 100,000 people in 2014. It has remained in the 50s for the past eight years. During the ’90s when the 300 number first became a concern, the murder rate was in the mid-to-high 40s. 

    The national murder rate as of 2020 was 6.52 people per 100,000.

    The difference between the ’90s homicide rate and now, when accounting for changes in Baltimore’s population, is about 10 murders. The city has never really escaped its troubling ’90s numbers. Based on the data from the past 30 years, it is conceivable that the spike in arrests during the era of zero tolerance policing in Baltimore had minimal effect on homicide and nonfatal shooting reductions.

    Factoring in population change further illustrates how solving homicides does not help reduce violence. Comparing the clearance rate to the murder rate shows that since 1990, the number of cleared homicides has generally followed the same increases and decreases as the total number of homicides.

    Nonfatal shootings in Baltimore are generally around twice the number of homicides. The nonfatal shooting clearance rate over the past 30 years in Baltimore is not clear. The Real News’ request to police for nonfatal shooting clearance rates going back to 2000 was ignored. The nonfatal shooting clearance rate was 20.2% in 2020, 25.3% in 2021, and 23.3% in 2022.

    Funding the Police

    The police murder of George Floyd in 2020 mainstreamed calls to defund police departments, and with those calls came a backlash of easily disprovable claims that reducing police budgets increases crime. Baltimore City seemed to be an ideal candidate for “defunding the police”: The city spends more per person on policing than any other city in the country and it has one of the country’s highest recorded levels of violent crime.

    The current Baltimore City police budget is nearly $580 million per year, which breaks down to around $1000 per resident spent on police.

    In 2020, the abolitionist group Organizing Black mobilized Baltimoreans to show up at the city’s Taxpayers’ Night budget hearings and demand that the city reduce the police budget. Their messaging stressed that for every dollar spent on policing, 50 cents is spent on public schools, 20 cents on public housing, 12 cents on homeless services, 11 cents on recreation and parks, and 1 cent on mental health services.

    In Baltimore, there is no connection between decreasing the police budget and increases in violence, and no connection between increasing the police budget and decreasing crime.

    That year—both a mayoral election year and part of the momentary “racial reckoning” in response to George Floyd’s murder—there was a slight reduction to the Baltimore City police budget. That decrease was followed by an increase the next year. A look at the Baltimore Police Department budget over the past 30 years shows occasional reductions which are often made up the next year.

    In 1990, the police budget was $169 million. Accounting for recent inflation of 2.3%, the 1990 police budget was $395 million. In 2022, the police budget was $555 million.

    In Baltimore, there is no connection between decreasing the police budget and increases in violence, and no connection between increasing the police budget and decreasing crime. A department which has not effectively done its job reducing violence receives more and more money to do more of the same thing.

    “The community is saying this ain’t working, and we need to cut the funding to the police department,” Organizing Black’s Rob Ferrell said back in 2021 as his organization rallied around reducing the police budget again.

    Epilogue

    This year, Baltimoreans once again gathered at Taxpayers’ Night events to provide their input on the city’s proposed budget. The proposed budget for the 2024 fiscal year adds up to $4.4 billion in total, and despite cuts to other programs, includes around $15 million more for the Baltimore Police Department, increasing its budget from $579,579,068 to $594,475,789.

    Some budget cuts, people stressed, could be easily avoided if police were given just a fraction less in 2024. For example, Mayor Brandon Scott’s budget proposes reducing the city’s public library budget by $2.6 million. Housing advocates, meanwhile, called for $1.6 million so that Baltimore’s “right to counsel” law for tenants could be implemented.

    “I call on the city council to invest in critical investments that our community needs, such as affordable and safe housing, rather than the same field pattern of increased police spending and subsidizing of wealthy developers,” Loraine Arikat, senior policy analyst with 1199SEIU United Healthcare Workers East, told the council last month.

    Along with the proposed police budget, the city pays out additional money because of past police corruption. Last month, Baltimore City Comptroller Bill Henry released a Gun Trace Task Force Settlement Tracker, which provides a searchable database of settlements tied to the GTTF scandal and calculates how much money those corrupt cops have cost the city. Since the 2017 Gun Trace Task Force scandal, 41 settled cases involving the GTTF have cost the city nearly $23 million.

    At Taxpayer’s Night last month, Terrence Fitzgerald, a member of Physicians for Social Responsibility, demanded a reimagining of the Baltimore Police Department: “You can keep pouring money each year into the Baltimore Police Department system but if you do not make fundamental changes, rethink what public safety means, and rebuild the system from the ground up, then you will end up with the same police department that murdered Freddie Gray and has been riddled with corruption for years,” he told the council.

    Fitzgerald suggested that the city is stuck in a loop of funding an embattled, corrupt police department, watching it fail to meet its own goals, and then funding it even more. The past few weeks of headlines involving Baltimore police illustrate his point.

    On May 11, Baltimore Police Officer Cedric Elleby shot a 17-year-old. It was a sunny Thursday afternoon and Elleby spoke to the teen at length on a stoop, and then asked to search him because, Deputy Commissioner Richard Worley claimed at a press conference, the teen displayed “characteristics of an armed person.” 

    The teen refused to be searched and he ran. Elleby chased him through the Southwest Baltimore neighborhood of Shipley Hill. Video shows the 17-year-old removing a gun from his pants and running with it but not aiming it at the officer. As the teen turned a corner, Elleby told him to drop it and, when the teen didn’t, he was shot.

    As the teen lay on the ground, residents surrounded Elleby and other police.

    “He didn’t even pull that gun out,” someone told Elleby.

    “You shot him for nothing,” someone else screamed.

    The 17 year-old survived the shooting. He underwent surgery which involved the removal of one of his kidneys and his spleen. He is currently facing first-degree assault charges as well as a number of weapons charges.

    Elleby is a member of Baltimore City Police Department’s Southwest District Action Team, a specialized unit established after the Gun Trace Task Force was federally indicted in March 2017. DAT’s job, like the GTTF when it was established back in 2007, is to go after “violent offenders” and get guns off the street, with a focus on illegal handguns.

    Baltimore police would not provide any data about DAT’s role in reducing crime. “While it can be difficult to correlate officer proactivity and visibility to what crimes have been prevented, we have seen that when these units are deployed, they have an impact on crime suppression and calming for the community,” Baltimore police spokesperson Lindsey Eldridge told The Real News.

    These aggressive tactics by a member of DAT are one example of the department repeating past behavior. Problems with Baltimore’s homicide unit made the news again this year after another past murder conviction was overturned.

    On April 18, 2023, Anthony Hall—who was convicted of the 1991 murder of Gerard Dorsey—was released from prison. The case lacked physical evidence, and one of the supposed eyewitnesses to the murder had told Baltimore police detectives multiple times that he did not witness the shooting. Police, however, told the eyewitness he could get out from under drug charges if he identified Hall as the shooter. So he did. Another eyewitness who knew Hall did not identify him as the shooter, and others provided descriptions of a shooter who did not look like Hall.

    Back in 1992, this information was not provided to Hall’s defense. Hall was convicted of second-degree murder and sentenced to 50 years. 

    Anthony Hall is the 26th convicted murderer in Baltimore to be exonerated since 1989. 

    The homicide clearance rate in Baltimore City in 1991 was 70.7%. 

    The 2023 homicide clearance rate so far is unclear. In early May, Deputy Commissioner Worley’s presentation before the City Council Public Safety Committee said the homicide clearance rate for this year so far is 13%. After outrage from many—including Public Safety Committee Chair Mark Conway—Worley said 13% was an error and corrected the number to 40%.

    At a June 6 hearing about the police budget, Councilperson Zeke Cohen mentioned a Memorial Day shooting near downtown Baltimore just feet away from Baltimore police. “I’m incredibly concerned that people are committing heinous acts of violence with seemingly no fear of consequences,” Cohen said. “Frequently we hear that there was an officer within the vicinity of the shooting within a block or a few blocks—and yet folks are still pulling the trigger.”

    Cohen also expressed concern about the 40% clearance rate for murders this year. 

    “It’s actually about 47%,” Harrison told Cohen.

    “So it went up a little bit since the last hearing?” Cohen asked.

    Harrison nodded yes.

    On June 8, Harrison announced he would be leaving the Baltimore Police Department. 

    Mayor Scott said Worley, a 25-year veteran of Baltimore police, will be the next commissioner. Worley will be Baltimore’s sixteenth commissioner since 1990 and sixth since 2015. 

    Along with a new commissioner, Scott recently announced a return to enforcing a youth curfew while State’s Attorney Bates declared a return to policing “quality of life” offenses.

    At a press conference about his departure, Harrison took credit for changing the Baltimore police into “a world-class department”—and for slightly reducing violence. 

    “I’ve been in conversations with the mayor about my future and the future of the Baltimore Police Department and in those conversations it became convincing to me that this was the most opportune time for me to pass the torch,” Harrison said. “We truly have become the best comeback story in America.”

    This investigation was supported with funding from the Data-Driven Reporting Project. The Data-Driven Reporting Project is funded by the Google News Initiative in partnership with Northwestern University | Medill.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Mandatory minimum sentencing has come under fire in recent years as a crucial pillar of the prison industrial complex. By codifying a regimented system of punishment into law, mandatory minimums leave little room for consideration of individual circumstances or the possibility of rehabilitation. On April 27, 2023, the United States Sentencing Commission submitted to Congress amendments to the federal sentencing guidelines that would recommend lower sentences for certain defendants. If these changes are applied retroactively, some 18,775 people in federal prison could become eligible for a sentencing reduction—including 3,288 individuals who could be eligible for immediate release. Mary Price of Families Against Mandatory Minimums joins Rattling the Bars to discuss the proposed amendments and what they could mean for thousands of prisoners and their families.

    Mary Price is General Counsel of FAMM. She directs the FAMM Litigation Project and advocates for reform of federal sentencing and corrections law and policy before Congress, the U.S. Sentencing Commission, the Bureau of Prisons, and the Department of Justice.

    Public comments for reductions in mandatory minimums proposed by the United States Sentencing Commission can be made through FAMM’s website.

    The deadline for submitting public comments is June 23, 2023.

    Production: Cameron Granadino
    Studio Production: David Hebden
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Mansa Musa:

    Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars, I’m Mansa Musa. As of 2022 there was an estimate of 145,602 people sentenced under the federal jurisdiction for a number of so-called offenses. On April the 27th, 2023, the United States Sentence Commission submitted to Congress amendments to the federal sentencing guidelines that would recommend lower sentences for certain defendants, including those with so-called point status. The commission is considering applying these changes, retroactive, meaning incarcerated people whose sentence would be lower today may be eligible for a sentencing reduction. Around 18,775 people might be eligible for a sentence reduction. And of those, an estimated 3,288 people would be immediately eligible for release. Here to talk about this is Mary Price, general Counsel for Families Against Mandatory Minimum. Welcome, Mary,

    Mary Price:

    Thank you so much. I’m delighted to be with you and I’m so glad you and your audience are interested in this topic.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay, as we should be. First tell our audience a little about yourself and what the organization that you’re working for so we can get them to see just how you wind up in this space.

    Mary Price:

    Absolutely. Thanks for the introduction. So I’m the general counsel of FAMM and that role at FAMM, I work on a number of different things including the federal sentencing guidelines that you described earlier. FAMM is an organization of currently and formerly incarcerated people, and many others, who have joined together to urge sentencing and corrections reform in both the Federal Bureau of Prisons and the federal system as well as in states. So we work to lift up the voices of people who have been touched by or affected by the criminal legal system so that they can advocate for reform. Now FAMM believes really strongly in the power of storytelling. Bringing the actual impact of the laws and the policies that our lawmakers pass to their attention so that the lawmakers can reconsider their positions and perhaps change their trajectory. So that’s a very important aspect to us and so we are very proud of the work that we do with all of our members.

    Mansa Musa:

    All right. So now, let’s start going down the road of what we are looking at and what FAMM is trying to get done. Okay. So we have the sentencing commission, the Federal Sentencing Commission is responsible for developing the sentencing guidelines for anyone under the federal jurisdiction. Am I correct?

    Mary Price:

    That’s correct. So the sentencing commission writes the guidelines that govern sentences below, between and above the mandatory minimum sentences. That’s correct.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay. And they are mandated by Congress to do, and they have and it has the force of law, whatever recommendations they make has the force of law. Am I correct?

    Mary Price:

    To some extent. Originally…

    Mansa Musa:

    Explain the difference.

    Mary Price:

    Yes, of course. Originally, so mandatory minimums judges, except in a very few circumstances, cannot avoid imposing a mandatory minimum if it applies to a certain conviction. And for many years that was also the case with the sentencing guidelines. The sentencing guidelines became advisory a number of years ago following a decision in the Supreme Court called Booker. And I won’t go into all the details, but what it means is that judges have a lot more flexibility with the guidelines than they do with the mandatory minimums and they’re able to depart from those guidelines and more importantly, to vary, to sort of find a better place to rest a sentence if the imposed sentence is either, excuse me, if the calculated guideline is either too long or too short, and generally judges sentence in many cases below those guidelines because they can be very strict.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right. Okay. So now we are at the juncture now where the sentencing commission is recommending a change in the sentencing guidelines. Walk us through the changes that they’re recommending and then walk us through how everybody’s going to be affected by the variations, like the point system.

    Mary Price:

    Exactly. Okay. So it’s a little bit complicated, but you can think of the sentencing guidelines as a great big grid with 43 boxes this way and six boxes this way. Those boxes that go across the top are criminal history points. How many points, and there’s a system within the guidelines that says, “You’ve been or arrested fairly recently or you had three prior convictions,” or there’s a variety of lots of complicated rules, but it’ll put you somewhere in that box and as you go over on the box, your sentence gets higher and higher and higher. The recommended guideline sentence.

    So with this change, the US sentencing Commission took a look at some of those criminal history rules and they decided to, going forward, lower the impact of two of them. Now those two have to do with what are called status points. So that’s when an individual is convicted of a crime while serving another sentence. So for example, being incarcerated or being on probation or being on supervised release, if any of those things happened, it used to add points going across the top to make the sentence greater. And those status points were found not to have any impact on one’s, or very little impact on one’s recidivism. In other words, adding status points. Didn’t do anything to make our community safer because it somehow kept people incarcerated longer, thus not able to re-offend.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right, right, right.

    Mary Price:

    The other proposal that the commission has is to reduce the sentences for people who have zero criminal history points.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right, right.

    Mary Price:

    Now, right now that first box going across the top, that very first one is for people who have either zero or one criminal history point. And it’s going to take that zero out essentially for a number of people, not everyone, but it is going to lessen the impact of putting you in that criminal history box.

    Mansa Musa:

    And what happens is, from what you explained to our audience is because you have a arbitrary system where in terms of like you were saying, “Okay, you’re giving me points to increase my sentence based on my prior and if I didn’t have a prior, but I’m going to be putting in the category of having a prior or the effect of having a prior, that’s automatically going to increase my sentence regardless of the,” and I want to get into this part of the conversation, “Regardless of what I did, regardless of what I did coming in the door, regardless of what I did at this juncture, because of this point system, because of this sentencing mechanism, everything is on the table. I was locked up, before I had priors, I’ve been in and out of the system. Therefore, regardless of what I’m doing right here, what I’m here for right now,” this sentencing mechanism going say, “It ain’t what you here for now is what you did in the past.” Am I correct?

    Mary Price:

    Well, it’s a combination.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay, explain.

    Mary Price:

    Yeah, it is a combination. So your guideline for the offense that one is convicted of right now is handled on this axis. Remember I told you it goes across the screen like this with the 43 and then with the… So on this axis there’s a number of factors including sort of the nature of the crime of conviction, whether they were victims, was there a gun, was there a large amount of loss? If there’s a fraud. All kinds of things will set somewhere based on the nature of your conviction. But then you can go up or you can go down based on some of those characteristics. So you may have a mitigating factor that will reduce that sentence, but anyway, you get to that point. And so that’s the sort of current offense and then the history. If you have criminal history, that’s going to move you over and that’s going to increase your points as well, or your guideline sentence rather as well.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right. And I think that’s what I’m trying to get, I always understand is that on the front end, and I agree, I understand what you’re saying, that they going to take into account what the offense is. So if it’s a victimless offense, if it’s a property crime, if nobody was harmed, then I’m going to get factored in that. But then if I have a history, criminal history, regardless of what I did here, it’s going to be impacted by my criminal history.

    Mary Price:

    Exactly correct.

    Mansa Musa:

    And therein lies the problem. With these changes a person in that situation, in the situation I just described, I got a property crime, no victim, nobody was harmed. It might be a series of mitigators.

    Mary Price:

    That’s right.

    Mansa Musa:

    Under this new system, how would that play out?

    Mary Price:

    So if you were convicted of that crime when you were serving another sentence, and by that I mean not just if you were incarcerated, but let’s say you’re on probation, you’ve been released, released and you’re on probation and then you are convicted of this crime, they take the fact that you’re on probation and add points, they’re called status points, the status of being, convicted of something else or of serving or committing this offense while serving that probation is going to add points and they’re basically going to lower that. So right now you get two additional criminal history points which could move you over into new criminal history categories for having status points. But they are going to change that so that only people who receive seven or more criminal history points anyway without status points and who committed the incident offense while under any criminal justice sentence will only get one point as opposed to two added to the proceedings. So that’s one limitation that’s going to take some time off of people’s sentences.

    Mansa Musa:

    So in terms of applications, say for example, I come in and my offense, so this is for education of the public, so they understand why y’all are asking for support in this regard because some people might think, well, if you can’t do the time, don’t do the crime and therefore the time that you get for the crime, regardless of how they cut it up, is time for a crime that you committed. So in terms of what getting people to understand this, so I come in, I get locked up, I’m on five years probation, I got two years left on my probation and I get an offense. And the offense I give is, like I said, it’s a property crime, no victims, no weapon. All right, how would that play out in terms of these changes? Mary, first take it, if I don’t get a change versus if I do get a change. If you follow me on that?

    Mary Price:

    I do, but it’s impossible to do that calculation.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay.

    Mary Price:

    Number one in my head. But number two, I really need to sit down and understand where the sentence is and things like that. Right now what it means is that you can have a fair amount of criminal history up to seven points and if you don’t have those seven points, then that being on status is only getting you the one. Right. But it’s hard to do the calculation of…

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay. Okay. I understand, I understand. And I’m really, the reason why I’m trying to get the simplification of it because I’m trying to get… I understand the system because I went through it, but I’m trying to educate our audience on understanding that the changes that you’re asking are humane changes in terms of people. You serve in time, you serve your sentence and serving your sentence or being given a sentence, give you hope on having a future in terms of getting out versus not having no hope because of prior history or bad decision making or none of the above. But the fact that you find yourself back in this space and now because of your prior history, your initial sentence is going to be augmented by a number of factors that you don’t have no control over and it’s going to create you serving, him or her serving a lot more time if these things didn’t exist. So that’s really what I was trying to get to understand. But walk us through what it is y’all trying…

    Mary Price:

    I just want to add one thing, I misspoke a little bit. You don’t get any status points unless you have seven criminal history points and you’ve committed the incident offense while under supervision. I mean I think the sentencing commission found that unfair. And I think that that’s what you are driving at, that this was something that was really unfair to people and it was unfairly inflating the sentence and it wasn’t helping us do anything with respect to reducing recidivism. It didn’t have any impact.

    Mansa Musa:

    And I think that the goal of this draconian system was to, even though misinformation or misapplication was to reduce recidivism, I think that was the goal of the sentencing mechanism to try to stop people from coming back. But that’s another conversation in itself. But tell our audience about what it is FAMM trying to get done. Explain to our audience what FAMMs trying to get done.

    Mary Price:

    Well, let me just go back and explain a little something. So these two changes both to status points and also first offender, that’s going to have an impact on reducing sentences for people going forward. So if the sentencing commission sent all of the amendments, all of the amendments included these criminal history amendments to Congress at the end of April as you pointed out earlier, they’re going to sit with Congress until November 1st. So there’s a waiting period and if Congress wants to change anything, it has to pass a bill in both houses and has to be signed by the president to either disapprove any of these amendments or modify them.

    Now we don’t think anything’s going to happen with respect to criminal history changes that we’ve been talking about. But here’s the other thing, while we’re waiting, while the commission is waiting, it took a look and it has the statutory duty to explore whether a change that it makes that would lower a sentence going forward should be applied retroactively. So in other words, what that means is, if the sentencing commission were to declare these changes retroactive, it means that people who are currently incarcerated who meet the criteria that’s going forward, but they would meet the criteria if they were sentenced today, they get to go back to the sentencing court and ask the sentencing court to apply those changes retroactively.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right.

    Mary Price:

    And I think you mentioned some numbers earlier about just the numbers of people that would be affected by that. And that is a change that we think is super important and should be supported. And when the sentencing commission makes a change like this, it always has to do a thing called notice and comment. It has to publish the fact that it’s doing this and then it wants to do this, rather. And then it asks the public to comment on it. And what we always do at FAMM is to try and encourage everybody, people who are incarcerated, people on the outside, loved ones, everyone to comment, to tell the commission, “Yes, this is the right thing to do.”

    Because they haven’t decided to do it yet. There’s a lot of considerations. Is it going to be a lot of work, going to be, is the magnitude going to be very great? Is the difference in the sentence that people are serving now and the one they’ll get after this enough to justify making it retroactive. So they’re asking all those questions and so what they want to hear from the public is thumbs up or thumbs down and why. So we sent a note around which I think you saw saying we hope that you’ll comment on this. And we sent it both to our members, loved ones on the outside, but also through our core link system, to our federally incarcerated members on the inside.

    Mansa Musa:

    Okay. And why, why, why? So you say if they change it, what would be the answer? What should be out people’s answer? Why should they change it?

    Mary Price:

    Why should they change it? Why should they make it retroactive? They’ve already decided to make it… Because, well, in my view, I think that if you determine that a system is unjust and you’re going to end that system, so for example, all this criminal history points that we’re talking about turns out to be unjust or unwarranted and we’re going to end that. There’s no reason not to go back and apply that to the people who are serving sentences that are now unjust or unwarranted. So it’s a little bit of just common sense and a little bit also of common justice.

    We have looked at the experience of people who are serving these sentences or longer because of these criminal history points that we’re going to get rid of. And we’ve decided based on their experience that that’s too much and we’re going to take it out. Then it’s only the right thing to do is to go back and make sure that everybody who is sentenced under those systems gets an opportunity to make their case. It’s not a get out of jail free card, not everybody’s going to get out. The judge gets to decide on a case by case, an individualized basis, and they have to look at public safety. They have to look at all the sentencing factors before they can say, “Yes, I’m going to apply this change and lower your sentence accordingly.”

    Mansa Musa:

    At least I think in regards to the advocacy of the family’s advocacy, it gives the prison population mainly those sentenced under the federal prison guidelines, it give them some hope because a lot of them their sentences was enhanced by virtue of their criminal history. Their sentence was impacted by a lot of the draconian status points that they interjected. So in that regard, it give them hope. And when you got a system where it’s overcrowded as it is, its resources are not being afforded individuals in the system in terms of the ability to do some things to progress. It gives a person hope to say, “Well, okay, I can do, I can focus on getting out because I can see light at the end of the tunnel.” So I think that’s one of the things. Tell our audience going forward outside, is there anything else you we need to know going forward other than what you’re saying as far as your advocacy?

    Mary Price:

    Sure. The one point I want to make that the sentencing commission reveal to us is, and you will not be surprised, there is a racial disparity aspect to this history point counting as well. There’s going to be 11,500 people who would get a lower guidelines day because of status points. And of those, 43% of them are black. So it’s a big number. And then if the amendment was made retroactive, a little over 2000 people would be eligible for immediate release. And then similarly, if that zero point offender guideline was made retroactive, that would affect almost 70% of the people who were sentenced based on those zero points, who would get a lower sentence a day are Hispanic. So it never surprises me. I mean the numbers are rather large and it doesn’t entirely surprise me that this is the case, but it is also I hope some small advance for racial justice in the system as well.

    Mansa Musa:

    And I recall looking at a report where they talked about that the racial disparity in this mechanism and how it is and the fact that it automatically created a situation where black and brown skinned people and basically poor people in general would be heavily impacted upon by it, which automatically opened the door for the conversation of why are you using it, what’s the purpose behind it? But going forward you say, what is it that you want us to do going forward?

    Mary Price:

    Well, what we’d love for you to…

    Mansa Musa:

    People to do going forward.

    Mary Price:

    Right, going forward between now and June 23rd, that comment period’s going to be open. And we sent out a sample letter that people can send to the sentencing commission. You can find that at our website at www.famm.org. But I can also send you a link to publish on your show, and that just explains a little bit about this change and why it’s so important and asks people to write a letter of the commission and encourage them to make this change retroactive. So that’s the thing I hope that all of you will be able to do once you’ve finished watching the show.

    Mansa Musa:

    There you have it.

    Mary Price:

    The deadline is June 23rd.

    Mansa Musa:

    There you have it, the real news. June 23rd, we’re asking everyone to review this information and make a determination. If you have a family member that’s locked up in the federal system, it may make a big difference between the information they use to enhance their sentence versus that information no longer being used and you might look to have your loved one home by Christmas, by Thanksgiving or some of the more memorable opportunities. We ask that you continue to look at these things and evaluate them in the context that they’re being offered. Thank you, Mary for educating us and educating our audience on the importance of this.

    Mary Price:

    Thank you for having me on, and thanks for the wonderful questions and I appreciate your participation in this project.

    Mansa Musa:

    And we ask you to continue to support the real news and Rattling Bars. Mary Price and FAMM has been around for a long time, but you don’t hear about this individual or these groups on NBC or your major news networks. You only hear about them on the real news and you only get the opportunity to really hear the impact that when you start rattling the bars, when they come on and rattle the bars about the sentencing structure, the sentencing guidelines and the impact that’s having on mass incarceration. We are talking about dismantling the prison industrial complex. Well, it starts with one shovel at a time and here’s a shovel that’s being offered by FAMM. Thank you and continue to support rattling the bars.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Thomas, a Texas firefighter, was driving in Denton County when he was suddenly pulled over by local sheriffs. Despite being completely sober, he quickly found himself railroaded into a DUI charge by police, who claimed he appeared “slow” and “heavy footed.” Body camera footage has since revealed that the arresting officers even commented during the arrest that they did not believe Thomas was drunk. So why was Thomas arrested, and what does this reveal about the capricious nature of police power? Police Accountability Report examines the evidence.

    Production: Stephen Janis, Taya Graham
    Post-Production: Stephen Janis, Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Taya Graham:

    Hello, my name is Taya Graham, and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I always make clear, this show has a single purpose, holding the politically powerful institution of policing accountable. To do so, we don’t just focus on the bad behavior of individual cops. Instead, we examine the system that makes bad policing possible. Today, we will achieve that goal by showing you this video of yet another questionable DUI arrest, a video that catches officers in shocking unguarded moments, making admissions about the whole process of DUI arrests that raises troubling questions about what aspect of public safety they’re actually intended to address.

    But before we get started, I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. You can email us tips privately at PAR@TheRealNews.com and share your evidence. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @EyesonPolice on Twitter. Of course, you can always message me directly @TayasBaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. Please share, like, and comment. It really can help our guests, and it helps us get the word out. And as you know, I really do read your comments and appreciate them. We have a Patreon to donate for Accountability Reports. So, if this type of work is important to you, please help us keep doing it.

    Okay, now we’ve gotten all that out of the way. We all know that drunk driving or driving while impaired is a serious and consequential crime. In 2021, roughly 13,000 people died as a result of motorists operating under the influence. As a result of this tragic toll, authorities have passed laws that have profound consequences for people who are charged with it. They’ve also rolled out federal grants to incentivize catching DUIs that encourages officers to rack up arrests and thwart people who insist on driving under the influence. All of this is allocable, and certainly no one disagrees with the underlying goal, public safety. Just like any power conferred upon the government, it also requires vigilance to make sure it is not abused. The DUI arrest we will show you today reveals just how important that task is.

    The story starts in Lakewood Village in Denton County, Texas in April 2021. There, a lifelong firefighter, Thomas, he does not want us to use his last name, was driving home from work. That’s when police started following him and eventually pulled him over. From the outset, even though he had not exhibited any conceivable type of erratic driving. The officer began questioning him about being impaired for reasons, that at that moment remained unclear. Let’s watch.

    Male Officer:

    How much you had to drink today? What have you taken today? You taken prescription, narcotics, or anything like that? No? Okay. Are you prescribed anything?

    Thomas:

    Actually, I’m prescribed Adderall with medication.

    Male Officer:

    Okay. What time you took that?

    Thomas:

    I think it was today earlier [inaudible 00:03:18].

    Male Officer:

    [inaudible 00:03:18] at work? What time did you work today?

    Thomas:

    From 7:00 to 3:00.

    Male Officer:

    Okay. 7:00 to 3:00? Where at?

    Thomas:

    Downtown Dallas. I work for the fire department. Right now, I’m on light duty.

    Male Officer:

    Okay. Okay.

    Thomas:

    For my eye, I had a detached retina a few years ago, and then I had five surgeries since then. It’s now starting to plow down [inaudible 00:03:47].

    Male Officer:

    Okay.

    Thomas:

    Anyway, they won’t let me work in the field.

    Male Officer:

    I gotcha.

    That’s a better excuse for his eye. He’s still acting kind of odd. You think he’s normal, or do you think he’s just-

    Female Officer:

    He’s lethargic.

    Male Officer:

    Lethargic, mm-hmm.

    Female Officer:

    Slow-moving. Slow-talking.

    Male Officer:

    Very. Do you think he possibly could be intoxicated?

    Female Officer:

    Maybe.

    Male Officer:

    You want to run him through FSFTs?

    Female Officer:

    I can.

    Male Officer:

    Even if he has only good eye, we can in theory still do HGN on him.

    Female Officer:

    Tell him to cover up his bad eye?

    Male Officer:

    We’re going to let him run with it open-

    Female Officer:

    Okay.

    Male Officer:

    … because even to do HGN, you work the good eye out, you’re still going to see signs of that.

    Female Officer:

    Okay.

    Male Officer:

    He mentioned Adderall. Adderall’s a stimulant. So, we may not see HGN on a stimulant. We should see a lot of other stuff.

    Female Officer:

    He’s acting so lethargic. You think it’s…

    Male Officer:

    From the indications of a stimulant? He’s very rigid.

    Female Officer:

    Yeah.

    Male Officer:

    Like very weird. A lot of body movement, almost like he sort of moved everything out of his wallet and just kind of maneuver in general. Go ahead and pull him out. We’ll just talk to him outside of the car for a little bit. He told us he’s on light duty because of his eye. Everything else should be fine. We’ll see what comes of that.

    Female Officer:

    Okay.

    Male Officer:

    Go get him then.

    Taya Graham:

    Now, in the sworn affidavit, the officer said Thomas had been speeding, which Thomas denies. But he also made a somewhat curious claim about Thomas’s behavior, which is odd to say the least. He wrote that Thomas appeared “slow” when he handed over his ID. He also noted that he made exaggerated movements while he responded to the officer’s demand. It’s a somewhat puzzling take on Thomas’s behavior because the video tells a different story. Take a look and decide for yourself.

    Thomas:

    No, my right eye. It’s your left.

    Female Officer:

    Yeah, my left. Yeah, your right.

    Male Officer:

    What happened to your eye again? I only caught part of that.

    Thomas:

    I had a detached retina, and then the subsequent surgeries have led to… Its kind of got a blue haze around there. And so, it’s just hard to see through this eye. Sometimes it gets kind of irritated and it turns red. I don’t know if it is now, but-

    Male Officer:

    It looks a little tender right now.

    Female Officer:

    Yeah.

    Thomas:

    Is it really? This one is-

    Male Officer:

    It’s clear.

    Thomas:

    … clear, okay. Yeah, so.

    Male Officer:

    Well, when’s the last time you said you took your medication today?

    Thomas:

    Like 3:00, 2:00-

    Male Officer:

    About 3:00 today?

    Thomas:

    2:00 or something, 1:00.

    Male Officer:

    I just wanted to ensure you’re safe to operate a vehicle, just giving kind of the [inaudible 00:06:29] so far. I just want to make sure you’re safe to operate your truck. We’re run you through just a few standardized field tests, and we’ll kind of go from there.

    Taya Graham:

    This, at the very least, questionable rendering of Thomas’s actions led to what’s known as a field sobriety test. This test was to say the least a bit surreal, a series of instructions that seemed at once contradictory, and at the same time hard to understand what exactly they were intended to prove. Just a note before we watch, Texas has several tests as part of the field sobriety assessment that you will see during this video. They are as follows, a leg turn test where the person has to walk in a straight line, heel-to-toe, turn, and walk back. The one leg stand test, where you raise one foot and stand in place for 30 seconds. And, the modified Rhomberg balance test, which requires the subject to bend their neck, close their eyes, and count to 30. Finally, the finger-to-nose test, which is self-explanatory. Take a look.

    Female Officer:

    All right, look at the tip of the pen. Don’t move your head. You’re just going to look at the pen. The next test, stand over here in the grass real quick. Imagine there is an inch-long line right here in front of you. One foot on the line. You put your right foot right in front of your left foot, with her heels touching your toes. Your arms down by your side. You’re going to take nine heel-to-toe steps forward.

    Thomas:

    I did.

    Female Officer:

    All right, look down.

    Thomas:

    It’s sloppy isn’t it?

    Female Officer:

    You said your legs feel weak?

    Thomas:

    Yeah.

    Female Officer:

    Okay, we probably got one more test for you okay? Arms down by your side. You’re going to keep your arms just like that. In excess, you’re going to raise one foot, either one, approximately six inches above the ground with your foot parallel to the ground.

    Thomas:

    Okay. One thousand one. One thousand two. One thousand three. One thousand four. One thousand 15, 16.

    Female Officer:

    Okay, you’re good.

    Male Officer:

    I just have maybe one or two more I’d like you to run through real quick.

    Thomas:

    Are you going to tell me when 30 seconds are-

    Male Officer:

    No, you’re going to tell me when 30 seconds is up.

    Thomas:

    Okay.

    Male Officer:

    To the best of your knowledge. Do you understand that? Okay. How long was that?

    Thomas:

    30 seconds or so.

    Male Officer:

    36. Pretty close. When I tell you, I’m going to pick a hand. I’m going to say, “Right.” You’re going to bring your right finger up and touch the tip of your finger to the tip of your nose. Right. Left. Right. Left. Left. And right. Go on and have a seat for me right there on the bed of your truck for a second.

    Taya Graham:

    Now I want you to think about what you just witnessed. Not just how Thomas performed, but how bizarre and counterintuitive the test was. Even more important, the conclusions the officers reached based upon Thomas responded. I’ll read them as you watch what unfolds on the screen. “Thomas was heavy-footed as he walked,” the officer wrote. “During the walk-and-turn, Thomas’s actions were exaggerated and he forgot instructions. During the hand-to-nose, Thomas used the pad of his finger.” And so, as you can see, this process led to officers being able to charge Thomas with a DUI, but not before having a very revealing conversation captured on body camera that calls the entire series of events we’ve just witnessed into question, an admission that these officers probably never thought would see the light of day. But we are going to show you now. Just watch.

    Female Officer:

    Miscounting steps. Turned wrong. Stopped on walking. Used arms.

    Male Officer:

    He stepped out of position briefly during the [inaudible 00:10:07] phase. On the Rhomberg, I was to estimate 30 seconds to kind of see where the clock’s at. He came in at 36 seconds, which is right on the edge of the window of error. The error is 25 to 35. I told him to close his eyes, watching it. His eyes were flooding like crazy, and his body’s super rigid. He does have a messed up eye. He’s been on light duty. He has a detached retina. I asked him, I’m like, “What else besides your eye hurts? Anything else?” “No, just fine.” I gave him every opportunity to explain to me legs not working right, arms not working right. He came out of the truck looking good, walking pretty decent. A little heavy-footed, but he wasn’t stumbling out. Do you believe he’s intoxicated?

    Female Officer:

    I believe he’s unable to drive from whatever he has. I don’t know the alcohol-

    Male Officer:

    That a medical emergency? Or are we talking about intoxication?

    Female Officer:

    Intoxicated on something, but I don’t think alcohol.

    Male Officer:

    Do you think we have a medical emergency here?

    Female Officer:

    No.

    Male Officer:

    No, so this is not a medical emergency. Is he normal or do you believe he’s possibly intoxicated under something?

    Female Officer:

    Yeah, I think he’s intoxicated on something.

    Male Officer:

    Okay, we’ll try to get [inaudible 00:11:02]. I don’t think it’s alcohol. I don’t see any signs of alcohol. I see some signs of a narcotic that he admitted to. So, we’re going to go that route. There’s also the dog in the car. We’re going to have to [inaudible 00:11:12].

    Female Officer:

    [inaudible 00:11:12] or just go?

    Male Officer:

    We’ll cross that bridge [inaudible 00:11:17]. Let’s first get him taken care of, and then we’ll address everything else.

    Taya Graham:

    That’s right, even though the officers wrote a statement of probable cause that Thomas was guilty of driving under the influence, they admitted on camera, on camera no less, that he was not drunk. The only substance in his system they suspected was a legally prescribed non-narcotic adult deficit attention disorder medication known as Adderall. For that, without an apparently legally sufficient justification, Thomas was arrested.

    Female Officer:

    [inaudible 00:11:48].

    Male Officer:

    Our decision’s made.

    Female Officer:

    So go up and tell him, “More tests. Put your hands behind your back?”

    Male Officer:

    Go that route if you’d like to. Or you can tell him point-blank… I’ve done it both ways depending on whether they’re engaging. If they’re [inaudible 00:11:56] compliant, I’ll tell them “Hey, be advised that you’re placed under arrested [inaudible 00:11:59].” If I don’t believe that’s going to work, I’ll play the tricker. I’ll be “One more test. Turn around for me,” and that’s what I’ll do. I gave the guy that wanted to do that. I think we can go that direction with him.

    Female Officer:

    Sir, we are putting you under arrest for driving while intoxicated. We believe that you’re unsafe to drive. Stand up. Put your hands behind your back.

    Male Officer:

    Turn around.

    Female Officer:

    Turn around.

    Male Officer:

    Do you have anybody at home who could come up here and pick up your dog and possibly your truck?

    Thomas:

    No.

    Male Officer:

    No one at home?

    Thomas:

    Nope.

    Male Officer:

    Okay.

    Female Officer:

    Do you have a friend that could get your dog?

    Thomas:

    I don’t know.

    Female Officer:

    Can’t think of anybody?

    Thomas:

    No, I’d have to make some phone calls.

    Male Officer:

    All right, like I said, if you’re willing to give me somebody to call, a person I can call myself, if not, I’m going to have to call my Animal Control officer and they’re going to pick up your dog, and they’re going to put him in our shelter for the night. I’m trying to avoid that option.

    Thomas:

    I haven’t had a drink in over 30 years.

    Male Officer:

    I didn’t say you were drinking, sir.

    Thomas:

    I haven’t had a drug in over 30 years. Where’s the Animal Control?

    Male Officer:

    He works for my agency. I’ll have to call him to come over with me.

    Thomas:

    Where is he?

    Male Officer:

    It’s just in Denton. About five minutes from our jail.

    Taya Graham:

    But even this highly questionable arrest was not the end of Thomas’s ordeal. That’s because the police, after admitting he was not drunk, filed a complaint against him at his job, which I’m showing on the screen now. That complaint led to an Internal Affairs investigation which then prompted his employer, a local fire department, to let him go. That’s not all the problems with this arrest, because we have been investigating and digging deeper into both the department and the county where it occurred. What we have uncovered is that there was more behind-the-scenes driving police to make this arrest than is readily apparent. That evidence shows just how far astray American policing can be from it’s overarching goal to keep us safe.

    So soon, we will be talking to Thomas about what he has endured since his arrest and how it has changed his life. But first, I’m joined by my reporting partner, Stephen Janis, whose been reaching out to police and as already mentioned, investigating the motive that may have been driving police to charge Thomas. Stephen, thank you so much for joining me.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    Stephen, before we get into the behind-the-scenes maneuvering regarding this case, I want to do something kind of different. I want to administer a field sobriety test to you, just to make a point of how tricky these tests actually are, and show that even in less stressful circumstances they can be difficult to pass.

    Stephen Janis:

    What? No.

    Taya Graham:

    Okay, you have two choices. Do the test, or stay outside.

    Stephen Janis:

    You know what, Taya, I haven’t had anything to drink, but still, I don’t want to do a test.

    Taya Graham:

    All night.

    Stephen Janis:

    Fair enough.

    Taya Graham:

    But first, have you had anything to drink?

    Stephen Janis:

    No. No, I haven’t anything to drink. No. Taya, nope I have drank a freaking thing.

    Taya Graham:

    Now first, I want you to walk in a straight line by pacing one foot in front of the other, heel-to-toe, then turn around and walk back with your hands at your sides.

    Okay, not too good. Let’s try balancing on one foot for 30 seconds and don’t use your hands.

    Not too good, Stephen. Last chance. Touch your hand to your nose with your eyes close, left then right, then right then left.

    All right, that’s not bad. One out of three. Unfortunately, despite your claims to the contrary, I’m going to have to refer you to the nearest law enforcement agency for reporting while intoxicated.

    Stephen Janis:

    You know what, I spend so much time outside, I don’t care. Refer me to anyone who will give me a place to sleep for the night. So, fine.

    Taya Graham:

    But we’ll put that on hold for a moment. So, you’ve been looking into the Denton Sheriff’s Department and their DUI program. What have you found?

    Stephen Janis:

    As you can see what I’m showing you on the screen now, Denton incentivizes DUI. They have this whole program. One of the major parts of it that we found was that they actually incentivize officers to make arrests. They have a small section where they say they want to give them awards. So clearly, Denton has some incentivization of DUI arrests that’s in black and white, and you can see it right there.

    Taya Graham:

    Did the Denton Sheriff have any comment about this arrest, and why Thomas was charged? What was it that you dug up in Denton County that might explain why police were so aggressive?

    Stephen Janis:

    I sent an email to the prosecutor, because that was my main concern, why did they even continue with this case when there was no sign of alcohol and the officers admitted on body camera they should have dropped it right away? What I did find is very interesting. Number one, Denton takes in about $2 million in fines from traffic arrests, traffic enforcement. One thing I found in their budget that’s really interesting, they said “Fines are a very important source of revenue.” So, just do the math. You have one thing in their sort of police procedure book that says, “Hey, we need to incentivize arrests.” You have something in the budget that says, “We need fines.” Put two and two together, you add it up, you get really crazy enforcement like I think we saw in this body camera footage. That perhaps explains why they did what they did.

    Taya Graham:

    And now, I’m joined by the man who was the subject of the unrelenting scrutiny of the Denton County Sheriffs to discuss how the arrest has impacted his life, and the status of the case going forward. Thomas, thank you so much for joining me.

    Thomas:

    Thank you, Taya. I love your program.

    Taya Graham:

    Thank you, Thomas. I really appreciate that. First, you mentioned something to me that could not be seen on the dash camera footage. How did the officers initially follow and approach you?

    Thomas:

    I’m coming up over a bridge and once I kind of reached the top and come over the top, I noticed there’s a car sticking in the lane. The front of this vehicle is sitting in the lane. When I work as a fireman, once you see that you assume it’s a wreck. We look for wrecks all the time. You get called out and you see cars all turned around, facing the wrong way on the freeway. That’s what it reminded me of. And so I just kind of tapped my brakes and slowed down, but I continued on and that’s when I noticed ah, it’s a police car. They just sat there. They didn’t move.

    As soon as I passed them, I could see them real aggressively spin around, because they were facing me where I passed them. They do a U-turn and come right up on on me real close. And so I thought wow, they’re going to pull me over. Well, he didn’t pull me over. He was just following me. When he hits his lights, I pull over. I’m ready to be pulled over because they’re still behind me. Now he’s not right up on me like he was at the beginning, but it almost felt like he was trying to get me to do something, or scare me, or something.

    Taya Graham:

    When the officers pulled you over, what did they say was the reason?

    Thomas:

    All they said was, they asked me for my identification, driver’s license, and my insurance or whatever. While I’m getting that she said, “Do you know fast you were going?” Or she said, “Do you know the speed limit?” I said, “I think it’s 50. Is that right?” She goes, “Yeah, it’s 50.” I said, “Well how fast was I going?” She goes, “You were going a little faster than that.” I’m thinking okay, a little faster than that. I’m thinking, well are they going to give me a ticket for going a little faster than that? What is happening? Five miles an hour over the speed limit or something like that? Now, what I was thinking at the time was a little over the speed limit. That’s it. How this would turn into an arrest, I’m just thinking this is… Blew me away.

    Taya Graham:

    Okay, so the officers asked you to pull over to a second location, and you were polite and compliant while the officers asked you very personal questions. Did you have any idea of what was going to happen next?

    Thomas:

    When he said that I look really lethargic and sunked, and all that, just from when I handed him my driver’s license, that was only about 30 seconds, maybe a minute. That’s how it was started. Then when the second time they told me, he starts asking about medications and medical history, and all this stuff. I’m thinking, I know the HIPAA laws for privacy. At the same time, I’m thinking, well I understand they’re police officers. If someone’s a diabetic or something, they’re going into a coma, and I’ve seen this happen where they’re on the freeway and literally one time a car turned around on the freeway going the opposite way. I get it.

    This was a diabetic who was going through that, and had lost their consciousness more or less, but was able to still drive the car. Ended up crashing and we got her out of the car or whatever. But, I get it. I just went ahead and answered those personal medical questions, but before that even happened I was offering to them, because of my eye, I had this issue where it’s blue now. I don’t know if you can see it, but there’s a blue haze over it. If you ever looked at my mugshot, you can see that that is significant enough that you can’t even see my pupil very well. You would have to look real hard. You’d at least have to a pen light and shine it in there to see my pupil. If you were looking for a reaction.

    Well, they never did check my pupils. They checked my gaze. They’re looking for the horizontal gaze. That’s not checking pupils. Pupils, you’re going to check for a reaction. Kind of why I said more than I should have, because looking back now I shouldn’t even have opened my mouth. I should have just told them “I don’t talk to police.”

    Taya Graham:

    Now, I apologize for having to bring this up, but you have two health conditions that could affect your responses on the DUI test. You’re hard of hearing in one ear, and you have a detached retina in one eye. How do you think that impacted your reactions to the field sobriety tests? And how do you think this impacted the officers’ response to you?

    Thomas:

    He brings it up that I talk extremely slow. He said it quite a few times in the body cam footage. I’m thinking, I can’t even understand this guy. I checked just one small clip, he said seven words in one second. They were all like [inaudible 00:23:37]. As I was watching on the replay, I’m thinking yeah, I don’t talk that fast, but I’m not sure I talk that slowly either. But he kept bringing that up. The thing is about me hearing them, that affected it too.

    It also, because it’s a neuroma, it’s a tumor actually, so it affects your balance as well. I haven’t had really issues with it, but watching the replay on the video… That’s why I was so surprised. I can’t do this because I was flopping around trying to balance on one leg. Now, I did it, but I was having to balance like I’m on a high wire or something. Anyway, the point is, is that yes, my hearing affected me understanding him, and he’s picking up every little detail. He’s looking for anything. If I asked him or repeat something, he turned that into kind of like “There’s something wrong with him.” Be that as it may, it’s clear to me. They wanted a DWI from the word go.

    Taya Graham:

    So you complied with the field sobriety test. Were you surprised to discover how stringently they were judging you? Were you surprised by their comments?

    Thomas:

    I wasn’t surprised what she said because she’s doing this for the first time. But if she saw a drunk person doing these tests, she might have a different viewpoint of the whole thing. I am stone-cold sober, and I’m actually very agile. So, I don’t know if my hearing or my ear was better… I had that tumor treated, and I don’t think it’s gotten worse, but my balance was off. Yeah, I can pick out stuff, but he had her looking every little thing. It was just sudden. I was not prepared for it. In your mind, you think this easy, but when you’re doing it, it’s a little different. I probably should practice my DWI field sobriety tests every time I leave the house because if that’s what determines if I’m intoxicated or not, if they send my blood to Austin, Texas and it takes over 10 years to get back the results, then they’re going to charge me and convict me if they want. The fact that he keeps calling this… The medication he keeps calling it, a prescription narcotic, it is not a narcotic.

    Taya Graham:

    How long were you in jail, and what was your experience like? What were the exact charges?

    Thomas:

    I was charged with DWI. I got to the jail probably… I think the video started about 6:00 PM. I got to the jail about 7:00 PM. I was there until 3:30 in the afternoon the next day. I had to go to an arraignment and make my plea. I had no access to a lawyer. I had no access to a phone. I couldn’t call anyone. Which surprised me. Not only that, but I was on my way home to get something to eat when this started, and so I was already hungry. Then we get this little sandwich thing, two pieces of white bread and a piece of bologna at about 11:00. So, I hadn’t eaten since 7:00 in the morning or something. And then we got another one at about 4:00 in the morning, the same thing, two pieces of white bread and a piece of bologna. They’re already punishing you for nothing. They made up their mind before they pull you over, or the initial stop that they’re going to take you in. Don’t you need more evidence than just somebody looks lethargic?

    Taya Graham:

    Despite the difficulty in being arrested, separated from your pet, and having them taken to Animal Control, there were other consequences. You almost missed your father’s funeral because of this. And it cost you your job, and impacted your finances, right?

    Thomas:

    I had already been on light duty because of my eye. I would need a cornea transplant to get my eye fixed. The fire department only gives you so long to be on light duty before they turn you loose and no more pay. If they have another job, I believe they’re obligated to you offer you another job. So, they sent me to go work in Communications as a dispatcher. I was in training to become a dispatcher at the time. Because of the DWI, I was no longer allowed on the floor of the dispatch center. Because I was no longer allowed on the floor of the dispatch center, they ended up giving me a letter “You can retire now or go work in another department in the city,” or by then I already knew that once I’d been charged, I go to tell someone, “You wouldn’t believe what happened. I got charged with a DWI. I don’t even drink. I haven’t in 33 years.” I never heard of someone getting a DWI that doesn’t even drink.

    Taya Graham:

    You mentioned something to me that stood out, because it’s an impact that isn’t measured. That is, people often aren’t believed when they say that they are innocent, and that being charged and arrested can be very isolating. Can you talk about that?

    Thomas:

    People start distancing themselves from you a little bit. I’ve got friends that didn’t care, but at the same time, that was my family. The whole fire department, it’s a big department and it’s a good department. We’ve got some incredible people working there, and I had some really close friends that were like family. So, leaving was, although I had 30 years already, leaving was going to be difficult. I knew it. But leaving like that was kind of… It wasn’t really what I had hoped for.

    Taya Graham:

    Because of the legal entanglement, you almost missed saying goodbye to your father before he died.

    Thomas:

    The issue with my father was, when he passed away, just before he passed away, I had to call my bail bonds people. If you leave the county you’re supposed to call them. I called them and they seemed kind of resistant to me leaving. I had to just tell them, “I’m going anyway.” You could hear them on the phone, kind of in the background going “Whoa.” You know, they could have theoretically arrested me for doing that without their permission. This is happening before he died. My sister called me up and said, “Dad’s passing away. He might not make it until tomorrow.” So I’m trying to throw everything together and go, and I had to call the bail bonds people, and they’re going to resist? Come on. I hadn’t done anything, but I haven’t been convicted either. So it’s like you’re already convicting me. You’re treating me like I’m a criminal already.

    Taya Graham:

    You told me you were worried about your dog. In the video, you can even hear the dog whimpering as police take you away. How much did this ordeal cost you? It cost you your job, but there were out-of-pocket costs, right?

    Thomas:

    First of all, the bail. Check this out, they say “Well, we need to get to your credit card to pay the bail.” There’s a phone on the wall and there’s a list of bail bond agencies, and the phone only goes to them. You couldn’t call anyone else except collect. Sign a release, and they take my credit. Well, they took the cash out of my wallet. I had $80.00 in my wallet. They gave me a debit card. Come to find out, there’s no money on it at all. Instead of giving me the $80.00 cash back, they gave me the debit card. There’s no money on it. It has no value. I had no access to a phone.

    The next morning, I wanted to call my employer. The employer at their jail should have access to right there through a main line of some kind called a dispatch center in Dallas and tell them, “Hey Tom’s up in jail in Denton,” just to let them know. Because I’m supposed to be at work now. I pay bail for $1,000.00. They took it off my credit card. That was the first one. Then I went to get a lawyer. I asked random, “What do you do when this happens?” And the lawyer cost me $3,300.00. Then to get my truck back the next day, to get my truck it cost $470.00. For one night overnight. Then I had to get my dog, which cost me… He had to stay in the pound for two nights because I couldn’t get him out in time. I had heard horror stories in the past, so I’m thinking they’re going to see him, he looks ferocious, and they’re going to strangle him with one of those ropes or something.

    The way that deputy was acting, there’s no telling… To me, I’m thinking there’s no telling this guy has no conscious, because he’s just deliberately ruining my life. For nothing.

    Taya Graham:

    I have quite a bit to say about the arrest of Thomas, little of it having to do with the usual complaints about law enforcement that seem to, in my opinion, limit the debate over the broader structural issues that prompts the type of arrests we have witnessed in this story. As I’ve said before, our fixation on the particulars of law enforcement, i.e. bad cops and bad arrests, often limits our ability to critique the justifications that empower them. What do I mean? Well, let’s drill down into the details. Not of the arrest itself, but the actual paperwork used to facilitate it. What I mean is, let’s take a look at some of the details of how cops are enabled to make these kinds of arrests that at least on the surface seem hard to justify.

    As we do, I want you to hold a question in your head that hopefully when I’m done you’ll be able to answer. That question is simply, why are cops empowered with making arrests by just using adjectives? In other words, since when did we bestow the right to put us in a cage solely based on their subjective interpretation of our behavior? I mean, how many times have we had police apologists say, when confronted with police brutality that, “Cops aren’t social workers, and police aren’t worried about your feelings. They enforce the law.” It said simple, “You either broke it or you didn’t.” Well, apparently based on the form used to turn Thomas into a criminal, cops are actually very perceptive clinical psychologists. I wish I were kidding, but I am not. Just take a look at the form given to Denton Police to assess a DUI that I am showing you on the screen now. It lists, and I’m not kidding, a series of adjectival descriptions to justify charging a motorist with a DUI.

    I just want you to ponder this for a second. The flexibility this list provides cops who want to make an arrest and contrast it with the harsh consequences is apparently literary description can impose. Let’s start with clothing. Is it torn, stained, or disorderly? You’re drunk. Or how about your attitude? Yes, your attitude. Are you cocky, indifferent, or apologetic? You clearly shouldn’t be driving. Or is your speech thick-tongued? I’m not even going to touch that one. Or slow? Again, are charges justified? Just remember, never drive with droopy or watery eyes because that’s apparently a crime too. My point is these descriptors are not meant to evaluate a person’s condition. They are so utterly subjective. They’re more like a tool to justify an officer’s desire to make an arrest. I mean, if you look at the document it looks more like a fictive or ChatGPT writing prompt than an objective assessment of someone’s ability to drive. It’s a random list of enforcement adjectives, for lack of a better phrase, intended to give cops the illusory pretext for racking up arrests and earning those rewards Stephen was talking about earlier.

    Now, this criteria is even more suspect given the technical tools police have at their disposal to determine if someone is drunk. I mean, don’t we have blood tests and breathalyzers to figure out if someone is drunk? Can’t we find a way to utilize this same technology to more objectively assess a person’s ability to drive, especially considering the consequences if they’re charged? Well, I think what we have here is a manifestation of the cultural power conferred to policing that in some ways is much more insidious than the already-consequential ability to arrest and imprison us. An excessive amount of social capital bestowed upon cops makes a questionable form we showed you before not only possible, but in some ways inevitable.

    So, what do I mean? Well there’s actually a cultural theory that explains this phenomena. It generally applies to advantages of being rich and powerful. I think it merits application to this question as well. It’s called the “Hierarchy of Credibility”. It was a concept proffered by sociologist, Howard Becker, in an attempt to explain a thorny question, who gets to set the narrative or define the truth about the present conditions in which we live? Whose interpretation of current events is used to set the agenda for policy decisions that affect millions of lives? Becker said that the richer and more powerful person, the more likely their interpretation of current events would be believed and accepted. This process, he argued, led to the perpetuation of the injustice and inequality we see today, where a working class person can toil their entire lives, pay taxes, follow the law, and still end up broke, bankrupt, and homeless just because they got sick.

    I think it also applies to policing because how can you justify destroying a man’s life over a baseless allegation, other than by acknowledging that the Hierarchy of Credibility applies to police as well? How can you use such scant evidence to force a man into a cage, out of a job, and into a world where he cannot be hired and will forever be branded a criminal, unless you’ve been bestowed the immeasurable power of cops to brand us unworthy of fairness and justice? I can prove to you just how potent the police version of the Hierarchy of Credibility is. I have the receipts, so to speak, to show you just how this works. To do so, I want to share with you a piece about a very sketchy fundraising scheme that was the subject of a New York Times investigation. You might even be familiar with it because it’s primarily facilitated by robocalls.

    These calls are made to millions of people every day. During the call, a person whose actually a pre-recorded voice solicits funds from groups with names like The American Police Officers Alliance. The voice asks a person who answered to consider donating to support law enforcement. The pitch is, support cops because they deserve it. Now, the New York Times investigation found that these robocalls raised roughly $89 million over a seven-year period. They also found that the organizations that ran them spent almost nothing on funding the politicians who support policing over the years the fundraisers were the most active. In fact, almost all the money raised was spent on, you guessed it, more fundraising. Oh, and by the way, the Times investigation also found that the organizations that purported to support cops paid hefty fees to political consultants, totalling millions of dollars.

    So, we have a fictitious charity making questionable claims able to raise tens or millions of dollars, all while doing nothing to support it’s purported cause, a scheme that led thousands of people to donate multiple times without a single iota of proof that the organization had done anything to work on behalf of law enforcement itself. Which brings us back to the concept of this so-called Hierarchy of Credibility, because let’s remember, the ruse used to extract money from the unsuspecting donors was simply to invoke the name “police”. All they had to do was say the word “cop”, and people parted with their money apparently no questions asked, which shows how police fit into the pyramid of credibility because there are few institutions that can prompt you or I to simply turn over cash without explanation. There are even fewer professions so to speak that can literally open your wallet without having to provide anything tangible in exchange.

    I think what this example points out is the crucial role police play in reinforcing the Hierarchy of Credibility for the powers that be, and why disseminating copaganda in our media and culture is a vital part of that process, and that by making arrests like what we just witnessed, the police become enforcers who impose essentially a sociology of silence on the working class. That is, through fake arrests, false charges, extortion-level fees and fines, and other impediments police make our stories theirs. They construct a narrative so to speak where our police for justice for equity are sullied by false charges and bogus arrests. It’s really an insidious calculus, a method to the madness that enables our system of growing income and wealth inequality to flourish unchecked. It’s essentially the scaffolding of our structural divide between the ultra-rich and the rest of us buttress by bad policing.

    In a way, police in this capacity amplify the voices of the most powerful, and they do so by telling a tale of us, the people who act indifferent, whose clothes are stained, and whose eyes are watery. If that is the basis to convict us and take our freedom, and sully our future, then we must battle the system that makes it possible. Certainly, on this show, we will continue the fight to do so. I’d like to thank my guest Thomas for joining us, and for sharing his experience with us. Thank you, Thomas. Of course, I have to thank Intrepid Reporter, Stephen Janis, for his writing, research, and editing on this piece. Thank you, Stephen.

    Stephen Janis:

    Taya, thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

    Taya Graham:

    And I want to thank friend of the show, Nole Dee and Modley CR for their support. Thank you both so much. A very special thanks to our Patreons. We appreciate you. I look forward to thanking each and every one of you personally in our next livestream, especially Patreon Associate Producers John ER, David K, Louie P, and super friends, Shane Bushtup, Pineapple Girl, Chris R Matter Writes, and Angela True. I want you watching to know that if you have video evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate for you. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at PAR@TheRealNews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct.

    You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @EyesonPolice on Twitter. Of course, you can always message me directly at @TayasBaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. Please like and comment. You know I read your comments, and that I appreciate them. We do have a Patreon link pinned in the comments below for Accountability Reports, so if you feel inspired to donate, please do. We don’t run ads or take corporate dollars, so anything you can spare is truly appreciated. My name is Taya Graham, and I am your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The movement to Stop Cop City in Atlanta has brought environmental defenders and police abolitionists together to fight a mega-project that would demolish the historic Weelaunee Forest to create a massive urban warfare training facility. For standing up for people and the planet, more than 40 Cop City activists have been struck with domestic terrorism charges. Will Potter, author of Green Is the New Red, joins The Chris Hedges Report to place the repression of Cop City activists in a longer history of labeling environmental activists as ‘domestic terrorists.’

    Will Potter is an investigative journalist whose work has focused on social justice and environmental movements, and attacks on civil rights post-9/11. He is the author of Green Is the New Red, among other books.

    Studio Production: Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Adam Coley
    Audio Post-Production: Tommy Harron


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Speaker 1:

    (singing)

    Chris Hedges:

    When police in Atlanta stormed a music festival in March being held by activists protesting Cop City, the proposed $90 million police and firefighter training center that would be built on forest land, 23 of the activists were arrested and one, Tortuguita, a 26-year-old Indigenous environmental activist and community organizer was shot and killed. Those who were arrested were accused of carrying out acts of vandalism and arson at a Cop City construction site over a mile from the music festival under George’s domestic terror statute, although none of the arrest warrants tie any of the defendants directly to any illegal acts.

    Cop City is yet another complex designed by the corporate state to train police in urban warfare. The plans include military-grade training facilities, a mock city to practice urban warfare, explosives, testing areas, dozens of shooting ranges, and a Black Hawk helicopter landing pad. “It is a war base where police will learn military-like maneuvers to kill Black people and control our bodies and movements,” Kwame Olufemi of Community Movement Builders points out. “The facility includes shooting ranges, plans for bomb testing, and will practice tear gas deployment. They are practicing how to make sure poor and working class people stay in line so when the police kill us in the streets again like they did to Rashard Brooks in 2020, they can control our protests and community response to how they continually murder our people,” he said.

    But just as ominous as the militarization of domestic police forces and training complexes to turn police into internal armies of occupation is the use of terrorism laws to charge and imprison activists, protestors and dissidents. Former Chicago Tribune reporter Will Potter, in his book, Green is the New Red, documents how terrorism laws are used to crush dissent, especially dissent carried out by animal rights and environmental activists. He likens the campaign to McCarthyism in the 1950s and warns that we are on the cusp of cementing into place a police state.

    Potter, who became a vegan when he was a student at the University of Texas, participated in a canvassing campaign organized by a group called Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty while working at the Tribune. The goal was to close down the laboratory of Huntingdon Life Sciences, which still uses animals for testing. The organizers were arrested for trespassing, and then Potter got a firsthand look at what was happening to civil liberties in the United States. Two FBI agents appeared at Potter’s apartment demanding information about the group. If he refused to cooperate, he was told his name would be included on the domestic terrorist list. Potter would eventually leave the paper to report on the government’s intimidation of activists, including nonviolent activists who spoke out against the corporate state and the seizure of political and economic power by the 1%. Joining me to discuss the Orwellian world being erected around us is Will Potter.

    You open the book in the Chicago Tribune newsroom. We both come out of the newspaper industry. I think we both worked at one point in the Dallas Morning News, and there’s a story, you’re sent out to cover the killing of a child. And I think for those who don’t come out of that environment, they don’t understand the cynicism, maybe even numbness that takes place in those newsrooms and how difficult that is if you actually care. I mean, I always say there’s two types of reporters, the ones who care and the ones who don’t. That’s the real divide in a newsroom. It’s not politics. But let’s just open with that since we both come from that environment.

    Will Potter:

    Yeah, I think that’s a great observation. I mean, it’s something that journalists, we rarely ever talk about. That kind of environment is one in which in order to survive just the onslaught of daily news and blood and guts and violence and kind of despair that comes with it, you have to really get a hardened shell. And I think that’s kind of fetishized a little bit in journalism. We embrace that machismo and just kind of push full steam ahead without acknowledging trauma and acknowledging some of these things that we encounter. And that’s certainly an environment I felt I encountered at multiple newspapers. Like you said, I think like a lot of people, you go into news with ideas about making a difference in the world, educating the public, allowing and creating an environment for change and social change to happen. But it can be quite crushing and cynical, as well.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, those news organizations will beat that out of you if you let them.

    Will Potter:

    Very quickly.

    Chris Hedges:

    Very quickly. Exactly. Let’s talk about the Huntingdon Labs. You were just handing out leaflets, I think, or something. I mean, it was pretty innocuous.

    Will Potter:

    Yeah.

    Chris Hedges:

    Explain what it was, why it’s important, and then I want to go in, because this was a pivotal moment in the animal rights movement.

    Will Potter:

    It was. This was a pivotal campaign, and in that moment when the FBI agents came to my door, that time period was pivotal in the campaign, also. And so as a little bit of background, this laboratory had been exposed multiple times by undercover investigators working with groups like PETA, and they had documented egregious acts of cruelty, things like punching beagle puppies repeatedly in the face because the technicians were frustrated at their small veins to get an injection or dissecting a monkey that was still alive. And all of this was caught on video and was used in a very savvy way to mobilize and push forward this emerging movement.

    What was different about this campaign compared to other animal rights or other protest campaigns is they operated quite differently. I mean, they were not intended on having signs and banners outside of the laboratory because they knew the lab didn’t care. The people in the lab didn’t care and the people investing in this lab didn’t care. So they started targeting the finances of this company. They went after everyone from UPS to toilet paper suppliers. Anyone who had business in any way with the laboratory was the target of protests. Sometimes this was kind of spontaneous demonstrations, sometimes this was as simple as people anonymously putting stickers or wheat paste or breaking out a window. I mean, the campaign was really that diverse, from these really kind of small, seemingly insignificant acts of sabotage or even harassment to mass protests outside the laboratories.

    What happened is that it was so incredibly successful internationally that it brought the campaign near bankruptcy. And as that was happening, these corporations mobilized their allies in Congress and they worked together behind closed doors in order to label these protest groups as terrorists and ultimately to convict them and send them to prison as terrorists, as well.

    Chris Hedges:

    And we should be clear, so Huntingdon, which still exists under another name, but it’s Envigo I think is who bought up-

    Will Potter:

    That’s right.

    Chris Hedges:

    Right. So at the time, it was killing between 71,000 and 180,000 animals a year, and these animals were being killed to test for household cleaners, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals, pesticides, and food ingredients for major companies such as Procter and Gamble, Colgate, Palmolive. In the book, you write about the two kind of major organizations that confront of animal activists. One is the underground organization, that’s groups like Animal Liberation Front, and then the aboveground groups. And the underground groups I think at one point invaded the labs and caused significant damage. And the aboveground groups, the ones who ended up being prosecuted, engaged in nonviolent activity and organizing. But the relationship between those two groups, we’ll get into it later, but the ones who engaged in nonviolent traditional organizing ended up in essence being charged for the crimes of the underground organizers, even though they had nothing to do with it. But talk about those relationships.

    Will Potter:

    That’s really the heart of this entire protest campaign and the heart of why I think this case sets such a dangerous precedent for social movements. In the sixties in the anti-war movement, there was a phrase among activists that, “We didn’t do it but we dug it,” meaning I was not engaged or I don’t know who was engaged in illegal protest activity against the war, but it was loosely in the name of the same cause and it was nonviolent, and so I will support it. And that was the mentality of Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty. And specifically they ran a website, and on this website everything related to the campaign was published. Everything from those stickerings and wheat pastings that I mentioned all the way up to groups like the Animal Liberation Front doing things like stealing animals from laboratories and breaking into facilities connected to HLS, and also property destruction, vandalism, sabotage. In the scheme of this protest movement, though, there were no targeting of human beings. I mean, this is something that Animal Liberation Front has made sure of for decades and something the organizers of SHAC were very passionate about.

    Chris Hedges:

    SHAC, by the way, is Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty.

    Will Potter:

    That’s right.

    Chris Hedges:

    That’s the organization that was organized to confront Huntingdon.

    Will Potter:

    They’re the ones who were organizing this protest campaign. And really by organizing, the government said this was a couple of people in a house in Philadelphia and in New Jersey that were running a website. And as news came in on the website, there was a real intensity around this at the time. I mean, this was kind of pre-social media. In a lot of ways, I would argue this was one of the first digital campaigns of this new era that relied heavily and even almost exclusively on online organizing. And so what the government argued, as you indicated, is that by the SHAC organizers, by the aboveground lawful groups saying through their words and their website that they support the ideology of those crimes and they also support people doing them, they thought that this was all legitimate in the name of this struggle, the government argued that this created a conspiracy and that conspiracy created an environment that allowed the illegal activity to take place.

    So in other words, the people who ran the website were never accused at any point of doing any of the illegal things that were on the website or for that matter, the legal things that were on the website, but the government in this ambitious court case argued that they needed to be held responsible for creating a criminal conspiracy under the Animal Enterprise Protection Act. So these activists were convicted of animal enterprise terrorism, is the name of the charge, conspiracy to commit that and conspiracy to violate the telecommunications law, which means that they were collaborating across state lines in order to protest this multinational company.

    Chris Hedges:

    So in your book, you write that the reason terrorism laws, this of course was in the wake of 9/11, the reason terrorism laws were employed against animal rights activists was because the corporations were being hurt. And they essentially prodded the political leadership in both parties, beholden to corporate money, of course, to declare these kinds of activities, even nonviolent activities, as acts of terrorism. They also, through tremendous resources, surveillance resources at these groups, I think if I remember correctly, in your book you say it’s the longest criminal investigation by the FBI in US history or something. You write about a woman, her name, she went by the name Anna. Her real name was Zoe Elizabeth Voss, a paid FBI informant. We saw this with Muslims after 9/11, where she provided the money, the logistics, at one point a cabin that the FBI wired to essentially prod people to discuss carrying out a bombing that never took place.

    There’s this one poor 26-year-old kid who kind of falls for her and it was entrapment. I think he ended up spending a decade in prison, but the FBI withheld 2,500 pages of evidence. And so he got a what, a 20-year sentence roughly and served 10. You write that the FBI is estimated to have had 15,000 informants in these environmental and animal rights groups. Let’s talk about the tactics that were employed against these groups.

    Will Potter:

    I think the most important tactic is the recognition of the power of language. And that’s something that began really in the 1980s when industry groups made up, I mean they actually invented the term ecoterrorism and they were quite proud of it. And for the next several decades, as you know, there was an international focus on terrorism in a very different context. So in that time through the eighties and nineties, there wasn’t a lot of headway on these corporate efforts. I mean, there were gains being made, without a doubt, but what I found in my research is that after September 11th, the infrastructure and the strategies that were being developed and honed for decades leading up to 9/11 were implemented incredibly quickly and boldly after the attack, to the point where as first responders were still trying to clear survivors from the rubble after 9/11, you had multiple members of Congress speculating that the terrorist attacks were the work of environmentalists or animal rights activists. I mean, that’s the kind of climate that these groups created.

    In that climate where the unreasonable becomes reasonable, where you’re blaming nonviolent groups or saboteurs for the most costly loss of life in US history, in that environment, they were able to kind of manipulate other structures to push this agenda. And what I would kind of summarize is that they really did this in three ways. There were three parts to their playbook. There were legal efforts, there were legislative efforts such as creating new terrorism laws and new protest restrictions, and then there was what I would call extra legal or operating outside of the law. And that’s where some of these informant tactics come in.

    The FBI has been called to the carpet multiple times by their Inspector General’s office and oversight boards for the rampant misuse of informants. And that certainly has taken place in the animal rights and environmental movements, but this has also been corporate-driven, as in corporations hiring private investigators in mercenary firms that operate outside of the very little restrictions that the FBI has to pursue activists and to create dossiers on them. We’ve seen this not just in the campaigns we’ve talked about so far, but also in things like the Standing Rock protest and the Keystone Pipeline protests where these major corporations are sitting down, and I literally have some of the documents showing it, that they give PowerPoint presentations to law enforcement. They identify protestors, they recommend prison sentences in specific criminal statutes that can be used to go after their opposition. At really every step of the way, these corporate groups have sat down and worked in lockstep with the FBI and with those mercenary companies.

    Chris Hedges:

    Yeah. Well, you talk about fusion centers, so these are state programs that essentially collate or put together information coming from various law enforcement agencies, but they also work, as you point out in the book, with these corporate security firms. When I went to Standing Rock or you couldn’t, they blocked the roads, and the people blocking the roads were wearing Kevlar vests and carrying long-barrelled weapons with no identification. They were private security drawn from police, drawn from military. And so there’s this kind of centrifugal force where all of these entities are coming together to target these activists with tremendous amounts of resources. The film The Animal People is a documentary about this campaign, and in that documentary you show or there’s an attempt to show the staggering kind of sums of money and manpower that’s been put in to crush these groups.

    Will Potter:

    Oh, the amount of resources is just, it’s unbelievable. I mean, as you all with this show, you’re monitoring social movements and protest campaigns and you know how little resources these activists have. And so as one of the defendants, one of the protestors put it, when you see those court papers that say the United States versus Will or versus Chris or whatever it is, it really is that full weight of the US government combined with the full weight of the corporate state. In addition to some of the things you’ve mentioned like how this was the largest domestic terrorism investigation in US history, they’ve thrown just an ungodly amount of money into making these policies happen.

    One thing that I would throw out is when these activists were awaiting prison sentences on the Huntingdon campaign, so they were already convicted under this ambitious previous law called the Animal Enterprise Protection Act. They were already being sentenced to prison as terrorists for a protest campaign. And politicians and members of Congress and also these corporate representatives were simultaneously arguing, “Our hands are tied. We need more power, we need more money, we need more funding, police resources.” And like you said, I think you put it quite well, that there is this kind of centrifugal force that emerges of this revolving door of state agencies and private sector, and really that’s what’s happened with this issue. Those forces together have worked over the last several decades to turn nonviolent protestors into the FBI’s, “Number one domestic terrorism threat.” And it’s really because of their money and influence.

    Chris Hedges:

    They also have twisted the courts. Maybe you can talk about the terrorism enhancement laws. These can add 20 years to sentences. They can, in some cases, quadruple sentences. And let’s be clear, these are nonviolent crimes.

    Will Potter:

    And this was something, the terrorism enhancement is something that was passed by Congress after the Oklahoma City bombings by right wing groups who killed, up until that time, was the most civilians that had ever been targeted. So in this kind of specter of fear of violence, that’s when this provision was passed. And instead, it’s been deployed to elevate the sentences of nonviolent environmental protestors that were convicted, for instance, as part of the Earth Liberation front. Those sentences not only are exacerbated by the terrorism enhancement, but it also redefines who these prisoners are.

    I saw that personally visiting prisoners after they’ve been sentenced, and also in my interviews with countless former prisoners, that their experience once they’ve been classified that way is quite different. These activists in general have very little priors. They have no serious criminal history, and yet after being sentenced for their protest activity, they can end up in medium or even maximum security facilities. They are called red tagged by the BOP, by the Bureau of Prisons, and red carded. That means they have to sometimes carry and wear a large red card identifying them as a high risk terrorism inmate. They’re treated differently by guards, they’re singled out.

    The ramifications of this in terms of from a human rights perspective extend far beyond just the disproportionate and I would call malicious sentencing of these protestors. It really redefines them. And I think that’s, to me, one of the most surprising takeaways of this language of terrorism is that even though it began as a public relations maneuver, it’s completely taken on a life of its own to the point where it’s worked its way into bureaucracies within power that kind of self-replicate these systems after people have even been convicted.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, they’re put in management control units. I went out to Marion, Illinois, and I know you went out there as well in the book, which replaced Alcatraz as the kind of supermax prison. Now we have in Florence the kind of latest iteration of that. But I went out to visit Daniel Hale, who leaked the drone papers, and he, again, it’s a nonviolent crime. In fact, he shouldn’t even be in prison, but he, like these activists, was placed in a high security prison in the middle of farmland, the middle of nowhere, but in a special, highly restrictive unit. And that’s what’s happened to many of these activists.

    Will Potter:

    To be clear, I think when people, in my experience, start hearing about things like this, there’s a tendency to either think one, that can’t be true because this is the United States, or similarly, something like, “Well, this only happens in X, Y, or Z other country that has a disdain for human rights.” And the truth is that there’s actually a long history of using political prisons in the United States in these types of cases, including for social movements that we now regard by members of Congress even in these kind of heroic terms, the anti-war movement, the Black liberation Movement, the American Indian movement, all have been targeted. And many of those protestors ended up in experimental prisons.

    What’s I think significant here is these communications management units were opened as clearly, explicitly political prisons for political prisoners, targeting prisoners because of their communications and their ideology. People were sent there because of their, “Anti-corporate and anti-government beliefs,” according to government documents. And as this is happening, it further codifies and cements political repression. It is stabilizing and really introducing what are quite extreme tactics of destroying and subverting social movements, and has turned them into something that’s now part of the official government apparatus. And these CMUs, these secretive prisons are now being codified into the law, and they are receiving more and more prisoners every year. What started as an, “Extreme response by the government for dangerous and violent prisoners,” is now being used against people that are very far from that. And I think that’s the mission creep that we see and that you’re really pointing to here.

    Chris Hedges:

    Yeah. We just have a few minutes left right in there about the loyalty oaths that mainstream environmental groups, Sierra Club, Greenpeace, National Wildlife Federation, were kind of called upon to denounce these underground groups, which unfortunately most of them rapidly did or quite willingly did. But let’s talk about where we are now. This has created the foundation for a very frightening kind of police state where any kind of dissent becomes terrorism. And that’s why I opened with the incident in Cop City.

    Will Potter:

    And that’s exactly why I’ve been following Cop City so closely as well, because the dynamics that we’ve talked about are really starkly on display in that campaign. Not just the repressive tactics, but the movement tactics, as well. I mean, it’s a similar dynamic to that Huntingdon Life Sciences campaign where in the Cop City protest, you have people that are protesting, writing letters, working with church groups, running websites, doing free concerts like you mentioned, offering free childcare, food, all of these kind of multiple aspects of movement organizing. And then you also have people that have sabotaged property and broken the law.

    And what the state has done in this case is argue that all of it, the entire campaign is reflective of domestic terrorism, anarchism and threats to public safety. So that dynamic is still at play. So is that, I think it’s right to call a loyalty oath that’s being put on mainstream organizations. If you run a national group, it’s understandable why it would be tempting to come out and publicly condemn someone who vandalized a bulldozer because you run a nonprofit, you have donations and staff, and you’re not involved in protest activity like that, and you certainly don’t want to be at risk threatened by the FBI. And that’s the type of fear that they prey into.

    And what happens, though, is when more mainstream and established groups start making public comments about the radicals with Cop City or the Anarchists, which is the kind of classic boogeyman that has rolled out, it drives a wedge. And I think in terms of state repression, the intention is to drive a wedge between these social movements inside themselves, between the aboveground and the more radical groups, and then to drive a wedge between Cop City protestors and everyone else in the more liberal or mainstream left. And they do that by really tightening the screws on mainstream organizations that have something to lose.

    Chris Hedges:

    Yeah. Although as you point out in your book, these nonviolent protestors ultimately get charged for acts they did not commit. I’m not going to go into the details. People should read the book and watch The Animal People, the documentary, but they weren’t even physically there. They didn’t even know these things were happening in many cases, but they’re charged.

    Will Potter:

    In the Cop City case, it gets even more just kind of surreal. I mean, you have bond hearings where protestors are being denied and police are pointing to mud on their shoes as evidence-

    Chris Hedges:

    Right, right, right.

    Will Potter:

    [inaudible 00:30:33]

    Chris Hedges:

    That’s right, muddy clothes.

    Will Potter:

    Muddy clothes, black hoodies. The raids of some of these activists that happened recently in Georgia, the warrant, I have to tell you, I don’t think either of us would look very good if we were raided, Chris. I mean, our bookshelves can be quite incriminating. And that’s the type of stuff that they’re listing in these warrants and then dragging into court as evidence of illegal activity. And I think that’s why it’s so important for mainstream organizations to fight back militantly against what is happening right now. Staying silent has never protected social justice groups from political repression like this, period. Historically, it has never worked. It has never worked to try to cozy up to corporations or to politicians hoping that they’re not going to be targeted in the backlash, because what happens every single time is at the point you become truly effective, at the point you become a true threat to business as usual is when the full weight of that apparatus is deployed.

    So I think that what we’re seeing in Cop City, I’m not going to say I’m I optimistic or hopeful yet. I mean, I am a journalist after all, but it is quite inspiring, I’ll say, to see church groups, community groups, and the diversity of voices that have come out against Cop City. And to me, I think that’s really the best defense that we can have against these tactics is bringing everyone under the tent and saying very loudly that we’re part of this same movement, the same cause, and we’re not going to be singled out as terrorists to stop us.

    Chris Hedges:

    Great. I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team, Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, David Hebdon, and Kayla Rivara. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.

    Speaker 4:

    And the Chris Hedges report gets some extra time now with a few minutes of bonus material with Chris and his guest.

    Chris Hedges:

    So in this second part, I want to ask you about the underground/aboveground groups. I was very involved in the Occupy movement and very critical of the black bloc and critical of property destruction, because I thought it was effectively used by the police and the state to demonize the Occupy movement. And it didn’t achieve much, especially in cities like Oakland, where throwing a trash can through a window in a Oakland is… Ishmael Reed, who lives in Oakland said, “If they want to throw a trash can through a window, why don’t they go up to La Jolla where the rich people live and throw a trash can through,” Mitt Romney apparently has some kind of estate up there, his place.

    So I’ve always been very critical. The other thing, and I think this is captured in your book, and it was something that I often said to Occupy activists, is you just go back and read COINTELPRO. That’s kind of the primer on how it works. They have so many resources that the only effective strategy is transparency and the kind of the azan provokatörs, they love the black bloc because they could cover their faces so they couldn’t be identified. But you’re much more forgiving to the underground groups. But I just wanted you to address that.

    Will Potter:

    Yeah, I think those are valid critiques. I feel like the more I’ve been immersed in this for so many years now, the more I’ve kind of come to believe one, how little I know about ultimately what tactics work and what don’t, but to a greater point, seeing the response of the FBI and the state to a wide range of protest activity. So I think that the argument could be made that seeing property destruction like you see in a black bloc protest, it could give the immediate pretext in that moment for a political crackdown on those groups of spreading to other movements at that time. But what I’ve seen more broadly is that the repression that activists experience seems to have very little to do with the legality or the tenor of their actual tactics, if that makes sense.

    So for instance, the underground groups who have done things like break into laboratories, steal animals, burn down buildings, I mean, at some cases these are very serious property crimes that someone could have been hurt. But what we’ve seen in the last few years is the FBI and the industry, I guess on the animal rights side of things more broadly, has focused on national groups. They’ve been much more concerned with undercover investigators in criminalizing photography and people that document animal abuse on farms.

    And so I guess to respond to your question, I see that there is kind of a spectrum that exists in protest activity, and really the determining factor of whether any of that activity is going to be hit with intense state repression is whether it starts moving the needle. I feel a little bit naive, I’ll admit, in the last few years to see how quickly, rapidly and forcefully these tactics have been deployed against activists who had no sensible connection whatsoever to anything illegal. Right? I mean, for years, that’s what they said in going after the Animal Liberation Front and Earth Liberation Front. “We have to crack down on these radicals. We have to go after the black bloc.”

    And what we’re seeing is that the FBI seems much less concerned with that on the whole right now than it does about true movement building. So I don’t know where this goes from here. I don’t know if those tactics are going away. I feel like anytime that there is a heavy-handed or a violent response from the state, we might see protest tactics like that, but we’re also seeing in Cop City, I think a lot more sophistication and movement creation and bringing lots of different people together and not, I guess I’ll say not turning some people off with some of those tactics that you mentioned.

    Chris Hedges:

    I want to talk about what’s happened. At the end, the movement, the Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty Movement does cripple the lab, but it’s bailed out, and then eventually it merges with other laboratories, Harlan Labs, NDA Analytics, et cetera, and creates this new super company, Envigo. What’s the lesson from that?

    Will Potter:

    Well, it’s kind of a similar story from your time in Occupy, right? That they’re too big to fail. That’s what the industry said with HLS, with vivisection industry, but also just all these diverse industries that have something to do with animals rallied behind them because they said, “If HLS falls, if this lab falls, everybody’s going to be vulnerable.” And I think that kind of too big to fail mentality is what caused people to rally behind such an abusive, corrupt facility as this one. And it also really speaks to just the overwhelming power of these industries.

    My work focuses on political repression, which is pretty dark and depressing beat, but you also see the strength of social movements. And in this case, the industry was absolutely terrified about a protest campaign that was being run by a half a dozen people, allegedly in the United States with a couple of computers and who were bringing a multinational company to the point where it’s kicked off the New York Stock Exchange and kicked down to the pink sheets in the market makers. I mean, this was the power of this movement, and it just rattled them to their core. And I think that fear is still there. I mean, that’s why we still, there isn’t a campaign like this happening right now, but I think you’re still seeing this level of repression and kind of paranoia by corporations because they know it’s possible and they know this is always right around the corner.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, they also know what they’re doing, which is why they hide it.

    Will Potter:

    Oh, without a doubt. Without a doubt. Jon Stewart used to do a good bit on his show called Evil or Stupid, where he would debate something and be like, “Oh, this is happening because they’re so horribly evil.” And then the other guy would say, “Oh no, it’s because they’re so stupid.” And I kind of do that a lot with this issue, but I think I firmly come down on the side of evil. I have to say that after seeing this for so long, there is nothing unintentional about any of these maneuvers. There’s some people that are just following orders. But as you mentioned with the SHAC case, when that was happening in New Jersey, Chris Christie was one of the people that was really trying to make a name off of it, just to give you an idea. And these are political opportunists. They’ve used this war on activism to make a name for themselves as being tough on crime or tough on terrorism and to catapult their careers.

    I think we’re still going to be seeing that for quite some time. In the fallout of January 6th and the rise of fascist groups internationally, more and more people are going to be fighting back because we don’t have a choice but to fight back against it. And I think that state apparatus is going to be employed against them, as well.

    Chris Hedges:

    Great. That was Will Potter. His book is Green is the New Red, and you can see the documentary, which he is in, The Animal People, it’s on, where is it? On Amazon?

    Will Potter:

    Yeah, you can watch it on all the streaming stuff.

    Chris Hedges:

    All the streamings have it. Yeah, it’s a great documentary. Thanks, Will.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Vincent Quiles, a 28-year-old father and union organizer in Philadelphia, is part of a fledgling labor effort to support the months-long protests against construction of the notorious Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, popularly known as “Cop City.”

    For Quiles, this also means speaking out against his former employer: Home Depot.

    When he was fired from a Home Depot store in northeastern Philadelphia in February, Quiles was already struggling to support his toddler son on his salary, which he says never felt like enough, given the meager benefits. He says he was forced to lean on his “very strong support system.” This was despite his demanding job as a receiving supervisor, he notes, in charge of tasks like tracking incoming merchandise and overseeing maintenance of machinery in the store.

    Quiles had been with the company for almost six years and played a leading role in a unionization drive that sought better pay, staffing and training. The drive was inspired by the successful unionization of an Amazon fulfillment center in Staten Island. His store’s effort, he says, was met with a “vicious union-busting” campaign from Home Depot management and culminated in an unsuccessful union election in November. Quiles, who comes across as friendly and direct, is adamant that he was fired about three months later in retaliation for trying to organize what would have been the first union in a Home Depot store. He says he is currently pursuing a wrongful termination charge with the National Labor Relations Board. 

    “The company would dispute this,” he says, “but I was fired for organizing.” Home Depot did not return requests for comment about Quiles’ claims or any of the other assertions about Home Depot in this article.

    But Quiles is not only concerned with his own situation—he is deeply upset about how the company’s policies and priorities are playing out in a city 800 miles away. Tax returns show that the Home Depot Foundation is a funder of the Atlanta Police Foundation (APF), the private entity driving the fiercely opposed plan to build a $90 million police training center in the South River Forest, which protesters refer to by its Muscogee name, the Weelaunee Forest. Cop City is slated to include a shooting range, a driving course, and a mock city to train police from across the country in urban warfare, as activists put it, and would raze an important ecosystem and carbon sink in a majority-Black part of the Atlanta metro area.

    “So Home Depot has money to allocate toward things like this, things that many people in that community don’t want because of the harm to the environment,” says Quiles, “but you can’t pay people more for the measurable value they bring to your company?”

    Approved by the Atlanta City Council in 2021, the plan has been met with months-long opposition from neighbors and protesters concerned with the destruction of the forest at a time of intensifying climate change and environmental racism. Protesters are also alarmed by the expansion of policing and its associated violence, and “Stop Cop City” has become a national rallying cry for environmental and racial justice movements. Law enforcement, in turn, has responded with a ferocious crackdown that has left one forest defender killed (Georgia state troopers riddled 26-year-old Manuel “Tortuguita” Terán with 57 bullets in January) and 42 charged with domestic terrorism. Three organizers with the Atlanta Solidarity Fund, a bail fund, are now facing money laundering and charity fraud charges, following SWAT arrests at the end of May.

    Quiles is not alone in expressing concern; his voice is part of an emerging labor effort publicly speaking out against police repression of the “Stop Cop City” protests. He is flanked by two unions—United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE) and the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades (IUPAT), a list that activists hope will grow—and quickly.

    Quiles, meanwhile, is the president of Home Depot Workers United, an independent union which he says is in touch with workers at 25 stores around the country, some of which are actively planning union campaigns. He declined to disclose the exact number because he was concerned about retaliation and union busting tactics from the company. Home Depot Workers United released a statement in early April calling on Home Depot “to pull their support, both financial and otherwise, from the Atlanta Cop City project.” 

    The Home Depot Foundation gave $25,000 to the APF in 2021, $35,000 in 2020, and $50,000 in 2019. When asked about these payments, Terrance Roper, a spokesperson for Home Depot, said over email, “I can tell you we haven’t donated to The Atlanta Police Foundation’s proposed training facility. We have specifically donated to The Atlanta Police Foundation’s veteran housing program.”

    But Maurice BP-Weeks, a fellow at Interrupting Criminalization, says, “This doesn’t pass the smell test. A dollar is a dollar, and Home Depot’s dollars have helped enable APF’s programs. Cop City is the signature program of APF at the moment.”

    The corporate relationship goes beyond funding: As LittleSis pointed out, Daniel Grider, Home Depot’s vice president of technology, sits on the APF’s board of trustees. (Grider is also on the leadership team of the Home Depot Foundation.)

    “Corporations the size of Home Depot don’t have executives join boards like this by accident,” says Maurice BP-Weeks, a fellow at Interrupting Criminalization. “They are sophisticated political actors, and when you see someone on a board, it’s a sophisticated action. Home Depot clearly expects something out of the relationship.”

    Grider isn’t the only connection. Arthur Blank, the co-founder of Home Depot, has a family foundation that pledged $3 million to the “Public Safety First Campaign,” which is the term the APF uses for the project. (In a statement to In These Times reporter and editor Joseph Bullington, the foundation sought to distance itself from the project by claiming the funding went to a different project of the APF.) Furthermore, Derek Bottoms, vice president of employment practices and associate relations for Home Depot, is the husband of Keisha Lance Bottoms, the former mayor of Atlanta who supported the construction of Cop City.

    I spoke with a Home Depot worker and organizer who played a lead role in drafting the Home Depot Workers United statement—he requested anonymity to protect himself from retaliation. The worker said he was especially outraged to learn about these direct donations. “Home Depot’s profits come from my labor,” he says, “and we get a tiny fraction of that. The rest they get to decide what they do with. So often, what they do with that money is they enrich themselves or they give it to organizations or other things that don’t help the associates, and that actively harm workers.”

    Some union leaders say the fight to stop Cop City has significant stakes for the labor movement as a whole. “Working people always have to be wary of any repression against protesters, because there is a history in our country that once it’s used against anyone protesting government policies, it can be turned against workers in their union,” Carl Rosen, the general president of UE, says over the phone from Erie, Pennsylvania, where 1,400 UE members who work for Wabtec Corp. could soon go out on strike.

    This is especially concerning amid increasing enthusiasm about unions, even if density remains low. “At a time when workers across the country are increasingly willing to strike and use other militant tactics to oppose rampant corporate greed, working people must remain vigilant and united against any attacks on our right to peacefully protest against injustice,” UE officers, including Rosen, wrote in a June 2 statement. UE says it represents at least 30,000 workers.

    The leadership of IUPAT was the first major union to weigh in, a significant development from a construction trades union that says it represents “over 100,000 workers across the United States, including across the Atlanta metro region.” A late March statement from general president Jimmy Williams Jr. emphasized racial justice issues at the heart of the matter. 

    “The IUPAT was proud to stand in solidarity during the height of the pandemic with the Black Lives Matter protests in Washington D.C.,” according to the statement. “Today we stand in solidarity with the protesters in Atlanta who are facing egregious and unnecessary violence by the Atlanta Police force and others for simply disagreeing around matters of public policy.” 

    When Williams became president in September 2021, he was hailed as a progressive new leader, unafraid to talk about tough issues like racism. 

    The unions that have spoken out in defense of activists only represent a tiny fraction of the labor movement. But BP-Weeks says, “We are at the very beginning of reaching out, and the support we have is really exciting—good on them for getting out in front.” BP-Weeks is part of an effort to circulate a sign-on letter so that unions can show their solidarity.

    “Larger institutions generally don’t move as quickly, so we are continuing to reach out to the rest of labor, and we expect more sign-ons in the future,” BP-Weeks continues. “And we also realize not all of labor is in the same place on that. This moment can be a tool to organize and do some political education with unions as well.” 

    But even where union leaders—or their memberships as a whole—have not signed on, some workers and union members are involved in Stop Cop City organizing. Among them is Bill Aiman, a part-time United Parcel Service (UPS) worker who is a member of the Teamsters and is also involved in Teamsters for a Democratic Union, a rank-and-file movement for improved democracy and militancy. He is based in the Atlanta metro area and says over the phone that he has “been attending protests, and trying to organize where possible.”

    “When I talk to coworkers,” he says, “the Cop City project is extremely unpopular.”

    “Cops are the first line of defense for business owners and employers, so I think it makes sense for labor to be opposed to Cop City,” he says. “These cops are being trained at Cop City and will use the tactics they learn to crush our strike if we go out.” The UPS contract will expire on July 31, and around 350,000 Teamsters could go on strike

    Some union leaders say, in addition to the immediate interests of labor, there are bigger principles at stake. In their statement, UE officers noted that, “In a democracy, decisions about the use of publicly-owned land and public funds should be driven by robust public debate, including the right of members of the public to peacefully protest. Instead, Atlanta has chosen repression.” 

    Early Tuesday, Atlanta’s city council approved the allocation of $67 million in public funds for the project: around $31 million in public funds for the construction of Cop City, along with $1.2 million a year over 30 years for use of the facility. This was approved despite an outpouring of impassioned public opposition. The rest of the funding will be raised privately. The APF’s board is filled with a host of Georgia-headquartered corporate leaders, ranging from Delta Air Lines to Waffle House to UPS. Protesters say that the supporters of Cop City—in government, the corporate world, and police-aligned nonprofits—are ramming through the project without meaningful democratic input. Emory University conducted a survey in March which found that a plurality of Black Atlanta residents oppose Cop City. Many protesters say the funds should instead be invested in public programs that improve human and environmental wellbeing. 

    Kerry Cannon, the interim vice president of Home Depot Workers United, says, “Home Depot has a set of core values they like to say they live by, and their financial and other support of Cop City is in complete contradiction of their values, from destroying a forest to ignoring the will of the people of that area.” The company advertises a wheel of “core values” on its website—these include “respect for all people” and “taking care of our people.”

    Cop City is not the first time Home Depot has come under fire for the actual values it promotes. Another co-founder, billionaire Bernie Marcus, has donated to the campaigns of far-right politicians, including former President Donald Trump and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. In 2021, a coalition of Black faith leaders called for a boycott of the company, which is headquartered in Georgia, for its “indifference” to a sweeping law to curb voting rights, even as other corporations spoke out. Numerous Home Depot employees have also spoken out about a host of nightmarish working conditions, ranging from sexual harassment to timed bathroom breaks.

    After losing his job, Quiles is organizing for Home Depot Workers United in a strictly volunteer capacity, and says he is having to “limit expenses in the household” and is “cutting it fairly close.” The “current corporate culture in the country” is what inspires him to keep organizing, he says, and speaking out about Home Depot’s links to Cop City is a critical part of that.

    “The point of labor organizing,” he says, “is to improve society as a whole.”

    This article is being co-published with Workday Magazine and The Real News.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The topic of solitary confinement was the focus of a recent episode of John Oliver’s Last Week Tonight on HBO. Thanks to the hard work of activists organizing against solitary confinement for decades, awareness of the brutality of this practice has begun to enter the mainstream. Its history as a counterinsurgency tactic, however, has yet to be fully examined in the light of day. TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez joins Rattling the Bars to speak with Mansa Musa, who spent 48 years behind bars himself, a number of which were spent in solitary, to discuss the cruel truths about solitary confinement that people on the outside need to know but rarely hear about.

    Report: Time-In-Cell: A 2021 Snapshot of Restrictive Housing Based on a Nationwide Survey of U.S. Prison Systems

    Studio Production: David Hebden, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Mansa Musa:

    Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars, I’m Mansa Musa.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    And I’m Maximillian Alvarez, Editor-in-Chief here at the Real News. Recently on his wildly popular weekly news and entertainment show Last Week Tonight, host and comedian John Oliver spent an entire segment analyzing and exposing the practice of solitary confinement in America’s prisons. As usual, John Oliver and his staff did a pretty thorough job of exposing one of the many horrifying practices that are commonplace in the United States. Solitary confinement in the prison industrial complex is very much a horrifying practice that we should all be horrified by.

    Having said that, there of course are many other facets to the practice of and the experience of solitary confinement, particularly the experiences of those who are locked up in solitary confinement. They’re worth unpacking at greater length than Last Week Tonight was able to do in a 20-minute segment. I wanted to sit down with Mansa once again in the Real News Studio to get your thoughts on this segment, and to walk viewers and listeners through your perspective on the practice of solitary confinement, how widespread it it in the prison system in the United States, your own experience with solitary confinement, and what the hell experiencing something like that is like.

    A lot of people watching and listening to this will have no idea of what that’s like, how frequently it’s used and what damage it does to human beings in the longterm. Given that we have the incredible fortune to get to work with you, someone who was locked up for 48 years, but never stopped organizing while you were incarcerated, and now that you’ve been released continue to organize and raise awareness. So I figured what better opportunity than for us to sit down and get your thoughts on this John Oliver segment, and the practice of solitary confinement writ large. So I guess first things first, I was just curious what you thought of the segment.

    Mansa Musa:

    It’s ironic that a comedian would be doing this and bringing this to national attention. The reason that local governments, state governments, the federal government should be the one to be addressing, since they’re the ones that’s responsible for implementation of it. But overall, I thought he did a good job in terms of observation, because that’s really what it was about. He was making an observation about how ridiculous the policy makers talk when they talk about these types of things, people not staying in their cell more than 24 hours, people being let out frequently. All those things was suspect and didn’t exist at best, right?

    So overall, I think he did a good job in terms of, one, bringing to the attention of the public and opening the door to have conversations about it. I know most people that looked at it probably would respond to his comedic behavior, but at the same time he wasn’t making light of that, he was making light of how idiotic the policy makers are when they come out and they get to talking. They’ll just say anything that comes to the top of their head that they think is just going to come across and sound intelligent, but it really is ignorance.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Right. Like New York Mayor Eric Adams saying, “Oh, we don’t do solitary confinement, we do punitive segregation.” Motherfucker, that’s the same thing. Pardon my French. So one of the things that John Oliver talked about in the beginning of that segment, when he was trying to give the history of solitary confinement, is that this is a practice that was developed by Quakers hundreds of years ago as a form of punishment that was, at least in theory, supposed to isolate prisoners to give them time to sit and reflect on their misdeeds, their wrongdoings, become more penitent before the eyes of God, which is where we get the name of penitentiary, right?

    Then in the narrative that John Oliver lays out in that segment, he says that the practice was ineffective and was more or less abandoned, until around the 1970s when the period of mass incarceration, the new Jim Crow really started to explode. This is what I mean when I say we’re incredibly fortunate to get to work with you and talk to you, because that is essentially where your timeline in the prison system began. So you have firsthand knowledge of that system and you can tell us how accurate that narrative Oliver laid out was. But I guess let’s start there, so when you first entered the prison system, was the practice of solitary confinement widespread? I guess how would you explain to people how and why prisons started using this system more?

    Mansa Musa:

    That’s a good point, Max, because when I got locked up and I went into Maryland Penitentiary in ’73, they had what they called the hole, and the hole probably would have been consistent with the concept of solitary or isolation, because they basically had made about four or five cells and they would isolate people in them that they deemed to be unruly. But overall, you had punitive segregation, which was you stayed locked in your cell, but you was in an environment where you had access to people, you could talk to the person in the cell next to you.

    But when solitary confinement reemerged, it reemerged and when they started locking up radical elements, they started locking up the Black Panthers, the Weathermen, Puerto Rican nationalists, anybody who was fighting, anybody who was antiestablishment, anybody who would stand up for human rights and self-determination, that’s when it became a tool, a mechanism to be used to suppress that. I think George Jackson talks about that when he talked about in his essay Towards United Front, how this massive prison population exists and in its existence it creates a threat. The threat being the potential for organization and organizing to combat and fight fascism, racism.

    So that’s where it started taking shape. When I was locked up, you had basically tools to segregation. Maryland hadn’t got to the point where they had developed what they call security housing units, but on the West Coast, the Adjustment Center, that’s where you see the development of that concept, of what we know to be solitary confinement today and what they called SHUs, security housing units. That evolved, that came out of Quinton and probably Angola, Louisiana, places like that where in the southern part of the country, Alabama prisons, where they could get away with it with impunity. But in Maryland, Maryland developed a concept when they created Supermax in the ’80s. That’s where I ultimately winded up at.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah. Speaking of Angola, and we’ll get to this in a minute, but that’s where Albert Woodfox was incarcerated after being another lifelong activist, Black Panther, wrongfully imprisoned for over 40 years and spent over, I think it was 44 years in solitary confinement in Angola, and was released I believe in 2016 and died only a few years after that. Just the thought of 44 years in solitary confinement breaks my brain a bit. Like I said, we’ll talk in a second about how to possibly try to communicate to people what it’s like to be in that situation.

    But I guess two things I wanted to just underline for people, because already you gave us I think a really crucial detail that was not in the Last Week Tonight segment, which is, like I said, John Oliver and his team of writers, they talk about the reemergence of solitary in the 1970s, coinciding with the explosion of the prison population. So we’re entering the age of mass incarceration, more people are coming into the prisons, I think the way that they explain is that there’s overcrowding, there’s fighting, and then solitary emerges as this punitive weapon to try to get this prison population under control.

    But what you’ve already added to the conversation is that, like you, like our dearly departed brother Eddie Conway, like so many other radicals that we’ve talked to on this show and that you knew when you were on the inside, when they started coming into the prison they were targeted for solitary confinement because they are these radical elements coming in, they’re going to organize, they’re going to talk to other inmates, they’re going to build and develop that revolutionary consciousness as we talked about the last time we did one of these episodes on May Day. We talked about the organizing you and Eddie did on the inside.

    So for a prison warden, they’re like, “Well, we don’t want that, so let’s just isolate these guys.” So there’s that, I think was a really crucial additional context to the John Oliver segment. Then I just wanted to clarify for folks watching and listening, so like you said, before solitary really became the weapon of choice in the prison system, there were other proto mechanisms for isolating, proto solitary confinement mechanisms. So the punitive segregation that you’re talking about, you’re still in your regular cell, but you’re not allowed to leave. So you’re still restricted, but you’re not as isolated.

    Mansa Musa:

    Right. In those situations, you get an infraction, and you get … The thing about solitary confinement that’s separated from punitive say, you might get an infraction, you get 30 days on punitive segregation, you’re released back into the jail population. In solitary confinement you have no way of knowing when you’re going to be released, ergo we just talked about 44 years in solitary, because now you’re in there indefinitely. There was the design is to break you, because now you’re in an environment where you’re totally isolated, you have no contact with nobody. The guard is the only person you have contact with and when they come everything is like handcuff you, come to the back, put your hands behind your back, in some institutions come to the slot, kneel on the ground, put your hands behind your back.

    You’ve got to literally stick your arms all the way up so they put the handcuffs on you, then they tell you, “Stay right there.” They hit the door, when they open the door they come in there and raise you up and then move you. Now, you imagine that kind of practice for 44 years. Every day and all you find yourself in a situation where you’re supposed to get an hour out of your cell. I know when I was in Supermax, mind you we’re in a highly secured environment, they got these sensitive sensors on the roof, so whenever the wind blows it sets off the alarm. So what they will say is, you’ll be getting ready to come out for your shower, they say, “Now the jail’s locked down.”

    That’s an oxymoron, the jail is always locked down. So now you’re telling me that I can’t come out because the sensor went off on the roof, but the reality is it’s 12 people on a pod, it’s 12 of us, we have very little, no contact, and you’re going in there indefinitely. So that’s what they call security housing unit, and that’s where Hugo Pinell and Pelican Bay, right? That’s where Ruchell Magee is at right now in Pelican Bay, that’s where Jalil Muntaqim was in in Pelican Bay. Then you had Conrad George, San Quinton Six, and they was in security, they was in adjustments in San Quinton, which was 120 people in one area.

    You don’t have no … They still use it today. So this is the reality that when we talk about the John Oliver piece, he raised a conversation, a subject matter, but when you go delve down into it, when we was talking about New York, New York got what they call, passed a law called HALT, stop solitary confinement, because of the amount of people that was dying as a result of being isolated and not having no human contact, losing their mind, that they now just say that it creates posttraumatic stress disorder, but they qualify it by saying, “Prison posttraumatic stress disorder.” The disorder that comes from being housed in these type of environments are so inhumane that the person’s ability to function after they get out of them is hard.

    I know this to be a fact, because I know when I went to Supermax I went in there in 1996, ’97, and went on the pod, the average person was on the pod had been there three years prior to me getting there. I did four-and-a-half years before I was let out of it, and the people that was in there prior to me being there was still in when I left, and had been in there indeterminate amount of time, years. No programs, no real interaction with nobody, everything is restricted, they didn’t have no library, they didn’t have no books. The things that you could probably get and that your family could send you, depended on what the attitude was of the administration, depended on whether you got them or not.

    So when I left, I knew that I was damaged. There was no doubt in my mind. I knew that in my mind, because I had to really dial down on how am I going to deal with this day in and day out, not having no human contact? The conversations that you’re having is so neural at times, and you become frustrated real fast, that when I got out of prison the first thing I did was went and seen mental health to unpack the damage that not only the 48 years did, but the periods that I spent in Supermax did. This is what they’re talking about today, the impact of it. This is one of the reasons why they’re trying to abolish it and eradicate it completely because of the impact it has on a person mentally.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah. That was one thing that I thought the John Oliver segment did really well was emphasizing that you don’t just … Solitary confinement isn’t just something that is done to people in prison, it’s done to them for their whole lives. So if you go into solitary, the impact that it has on you is going to traumatize you in ways that are going to stay with you long after you’re released from prison. Which really does beg the question, if our whole justification in this society for the prison industrial complex that we have and the brutal practices that go on there, if the whole reason that we keep that system going and the whole justification for it is that it’s meant to rehabilitate people, how can we possibly say this is a rehabilitative practice when it’s clear it’s just torture that damages people and probably makes them more likely to die or hurt or harm when they get out of prison? That’s not rehabilitation, that is just pure torture and punishment, regardless of what the consequences are to the individual or to the society that they’re released to afterwards.

    Mansa Musa:

    That point you raise, that’s exactly what it is, torture. Because I remember I was in Supermax with one guy, and it was a young guy, and the whole entire time we was in there, he kept on complaining about his stomach. They told him he had gas, so when we get out and we wind up in another environment together, I don’t see him so I ask, “Where he at?” They said, “He’s over at the hospital for a bleeding ulcer.” You don’t get a bleeding ulcer overnight. So all that time he was in there, the stress from being in isolation, the stress from being in solitary confinement and not knowing when you’re going to get out had created, had caused him to get cancer.

    Because of that, and they misdiagnosed really, it’s not a misdiagnose, what they do is they ignore what the symptoms are because it’s expensive to treat. So it’s easy to ignore it to the point where it becomes irreversible, and then you give him some medication until they die off. This is what happened with this guy, he literally died. That’s what they talk about in pushing them to abolish and eradicate solitary confinement and not have another person be confined no more three days, no more two days. If their behavior’s that egregious where it calls for you to put a person in an environment for 44 years, what did he do to put him in that environment 44 years, other than have independent thought? He was a threat that educated the population that they should stand up for themselves.

    So that threat right there was so severe to the establishment that they said, “Well, we’ve got to keep him isolated.” Then as a result of that, when he got out he passed on because of what they did to him while he was incarcerated. This is where the torture, and it’s inhumane and it’s criminal.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    I want to follow up on that, because one thing that I’ve heard repeatedly from reading testimonies of people who have experienced solitary confinement, like yourself, I think one of the most common things that they say is it’s impossible to communicate what it’s actually like to people who have never gone through that. So I guess let’s take that as a given here, that me and the people watching who have never experienced this are only going to be able to understand so much of what you and others have gone through. But I guess as best as we can, can we try to communicate to people what a day, a week or more in solitary is? What does your life look like in what I can only imagine is the most hopeless place imaginable?

    Mansa Musa:

    Just imagine, lock yourself in the closet and wait for somebody to open the door, put a tray in there, shut the door, open the door, tell you you can go out in the courtyard, that you don’t have no contact with nobody. You go out there for an hour maybe, put you back in the closet. Open the closet up again, tell you to go to the shower, put you back in the closet. Everything is controlled, all your movement is controlled. We talk about passable conditioning, this is a perfect example because you anticipate everything is designed around what they’re going to do for me, what am I entitled to?

    Okay, they’re going to bring the tray at 7:00 in the morning, that’s breakfast. They’re going to bring the lunch tray at 10:00, that’s lunch. They’re going to bring the dinner tray at 4:00, that’s dinner. So now I’m anticipating that. Every other day I’m supposed to get out and get a shower, so I’m anticipating that. Everything is designed around me anticipating what you’re going to do for me next. I don’t have no individuality. So it stands to reason that I’m not going to have no social skills, I’m not going to be able to communicate unless I take the initiative to educate myself, unless I take the initiative to try to take advantage of, if I can get something to read, unless I take the initiative to exercise, unless I take the initiative to not allow these four walls to close in on me like a vice grip, then I’m going to break.

    That’s the design, and it don’t have nothing to do with how strong you are mentally, it’s the relentless pressure like waterboarding. It’s really like that. Day in and day out you don’t have no control over what’s going on with you. If they feel like they want to come to your cell, strip you like a pancake, take all of your stuff and leave you in there by yourself, with nothing, with the jumpsuit you’ve got on, no mattress, no sheets, no nothing. If they want to do that, they can do that. They have done that. To find yourself in that situation and how do you hold onto hope in that situation?

    Then the breaking point is you don’t know how long you’re going to be there. So it would be something different if you could say, “Well, okay. I’ve got a year.” Half the time I try to focus on, “Okay, I’ve got a year of this. I can hold out.” No, 44 years, Albert, and he held out. The reason why he held out was because he knew he was in there for his thinking, and so he held onto his thinking. My thinking got me here and my thinking is going to get me out. My thinking will make me survive when I get out, because if I relinquish that, I’m relinquishing my right to my own humanity. That’s the purpose, the whole purpose of it is to take and dehumanize you to the point where you don’t have no more individuality. Now you just become what they call you, a number.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Jesus, man. I genuinely can’t wrap my head around it, because we know … I remember saying this at one point during the first year of COVID-19, something like this hadn’t happened in my lifetime, at least on this scale, where we went into crisis mode, as many who could socially distanced and locked themselves away in their houses and so people were going a bit stir-crazy with their kids and their spouses. So they got a tiny, tiny taste of what it’s like to be socially isolated, and people freaked out about it, because human beings are not meant to live like that. We are social creatures who actually depend on our relationships to other people to be ourselves.

    When you take that away, I can just imagine it’s like the features of the human being start to get erased, they start to drip and melt off and disappear, like you said, until you’re basically just a number. That’s such a cruel and inhumane thing to do to people. I get, again, like John Oliver said, we all understand that there are times when if a person is a danger to themselves or others, you maybe have to get them out of that situation so that more violence doesn’t happen, but this is all taking place in the context of a prison industrial complex that is violence, that is a violent institution.

    I just wanted to ask one more personal question on that front, again, as you’re isolated, you’re socially cut off, everything, like you said, revolves around what the guards are going to give you at what time. When you’re in solitary, you do not know when that period is going to end, it could be 30 days, 60 days, a year, three years, four years, or like Albert Woodfox 44 goddamn years. I genuinely can not imagine what it takes to survive that and still have some of yourself intact afterwards. What did you do? I guess how did you think? How did you pass the time or what did you hold on to when you were locked up in that situation?

    Mansa Musa:

    See, because I had been so accustomed to being, I had been back and forth on lockup, and lockup is nowhere near what solitary confinement at Supermax is, but I had been accustomed to being locked behind the door, so I always had a routine, I always went … I would basically schedule myself out. I would work out, I would study, I would draw or whatever I could develop as far as an outlet, that would become my routine. I would do it in and out. When we was in Supermax, me and a guy, because we was in the proximity to talk, we had got our family’s to send me two Spanish books. So every day we would get up and outside the door we would talk, we would teach each other Spanish. It was bastard Spanish, but it’s a new language, and we would talk about people on the tier, in the area.

    This was our way of having an outlet. What it did, it made me have to get a routine. So in that routine I would create vocabulary mechanisms. Those are things that you find most people do, but at the end of the day it still comes down to [inaudible 00:29:48]. The breaking point is you don’t know when you’re going to get out. So in your routine mentality, you’re just holding on because that’s what your fortitude tells you to do. But you’re not being given no encouragement. I seen men, I seen them lose it. I seen guys hang themselves, I seen people commit suicide in this environment, primarily because of the inability to cope. I seen them get to the point where they medicate them and then that becomes an outlet, so now I went from being a human being to being in a cage to being a vegetable in a cage, because now I’m depending on the medication.

    These are the things, that’s why they have this thing in New York called HALT, stop security housing, this is why you got ADX in Florence, Colorado, where it’s ultra-max. This is what you have, this is the kind of environment you have there. This is what you have in most major institutions now, you have security housing that’s primarily designed to isolate you and dehumanize you to the point where you will go crazy, or you’re such a shallow individual when you get out that you’re such a shallow individual that you don’t have the ability to function no more.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Right. There was a study that came out last year spearheaded by the Yale Law School, which we’ll link to in the show notes for this episode, showing that around 50,000 people a year are subjected to extended solitary confinement. That is crazy. It’s crazy that tens of thousands of people are just locked away in solitary confinement, a box the size of a parking space basically, living like this, not knowing when they’re ever going to get out, if they ever do get out. We’ll round off in a second by talking about what could we do about this, and what a better option is. It feels like anything’s a better option than solitary confinement.

    But I just wanted to pick up on two points really quick. One thing that the John Oliver segment noted was that prison officials, politicians, people in the media, people who’ve never experienced what you’ve experienced, they will talk confidently about how and why we need solitary confinement, and how it’s only used in the most extreme cases. But that’s obviously not true. As John Oliver mentioned, people can get sent to solitary for looking at a guard the wrong way, or not tucking their shirts in, so on and so forth. So I wanted to ask if you could just comment on that, but also if you can say a little bit about what it was like the day that you got out of that. What the fuck was that like?

    Mansa Musa:

    The fact that they started out by utilizing it to stop political prisoners from having access to the population, but because it became, it started growing, so you’re right, John Oliver’s observation was correct. So now you put somebody in solitary confinement under the pretense they’re a gang member, so that’s the big one that they use, they put you in solitary confinement because you’re a gang member. Then they put you into solitary confinement because you have mental health issues, so now I’m being put in solitary confinement because I’ve got a mental health issue and they know I’ve got a mental health, but they’re going to put me in solitary confinement, it’s going to do no more than exacerbate the problem.

    Therein lies the problem. It should be outlawed and there’s a push to outlawing it. But I remember when I got out, when I was going back and forth to court, the warden of the Supermax he knew us from when he was a correctional officer in the penitentiary when we first come in there. So he knew me and he knew Eddie, he knew all of us, and he knew pretty much where we stand. So I was sitting in the hold waiting to go back to my cell and I seen him walk by, and I said, “Well, I’m not going … Hey, hey, look at me.” The door opened and he came in there and he said, “Man, you think I’m going to walk by and see you and don’t say nothing?”

    So he, because of the years we had been locked up and the fact that we stood up, he respected that. So we’re talking, so he asked about my situation, I tell him, I said, “Yeah, I don’t know when they’re going to let me out. I seen the board, I’m waiting for them to tell me.” That’s another thing they do, you go up to see the board and two years later you’re still waiting for them to come back and tell you no. They might in two years later, three years later come and tell you no. So all that time that you went from, “I don’t know when I’m going to get out.” To “I don’t know when they’re going to tell me no.”

    First I went from, “I don’t know when I’m going to get out.” To I went up in front of the board, the board said, “Okay, we approve you to come off, we’ve got to send it to somebody, they’ve got to approve it, and they’ve got to send it to somebody and they’ve got to approve.” So now you wait three years later, they say, “The third person, no.” So now you’re really jaded. But they came and got me, they just came and got me abruptly. Somebody, the warden had called there and told them let me off, that he had made, whatever he did, he helped me get off. So when the police came to my door, the guard came to my door and said, “Look, pack up, you’ve got to go. Hurry up.”

    I’m like, “Well, I don’t want to leave all this stuff that I’ve got. I don’t want to take it with me.” Somebody asked me for the mattress, “Hey, let me get your mattress. Let me get your blankets.” You want to leave that stuff to people. Anything extra that you’ve got that’s going to help them. I was taking my time, he was like … I said, “Man, look, you shut my goddamn door. I’m not rushing.” Because I already knew that if he’s rushing me, he’s rushing me because he’s thinking that the warden’s saying get me out right away. But I already knew that at some point in time, I said, “Well, okay. Somebody must have said something that got him like this, but it ain’t that serious.”

    When I finally got out and got to the general population, I had issues because I wasn’t comfortable with people being around me. So it took me a minute. I wouldn’t, in the crowd, when the crowd’s going to chow, I’d always stand on the outskirts, because I wasn’t comfortable. I hadn’t had people around me, I hadn’t had people walking behind me, I hadn’t had people walking in front of me. Every time I came, I came up by myself and I came up with handcuffs and shackles on. So I wasn’t accustomed to not having that. I wasn’t accustomed to waiting on them to hit the doors when you stand on the tier and you wait for them to hit the doors, lock you in. I wasn’t accustomed to standing in the middle of the tier just socializing. I always had my back on the wall.

    It took me a while to get not so much as not do that, but to understand why I did it. Because it didn’t really dawn on me that I did it until I started seeing other people that came out of Supermax that was in there with me doing it. When I looked and said, “Damn, as soon as you go on the tier you put your back on the wall.” Everybody else is just moving around freely, because now you’re in an everything that you’re not accustomed to. So at the end of the day, the push to abolish it is necessary. You’ve got your tax dollars paying for the prison industrial complex and the military industrial complex, your tax dollars are paying. So you should write on your tax form, “I want my money to go to torturing people.” Because that’s what your tax dollars are going to.

    Or you should take a conscious effort to find out what this is and make a concerted effort to get it eradicated, because this is inhumane. There’s nothing humane coming out of this, a person to go on solitary confinement because they can’t cope with the general population, so they lose their mind, they have a breakdown. Instead of you trying to help them and treat them for that, you put them in solitary confinement that ain’t doing no more than exacerbating their problem and driving them further into their insanity. That’s why they was talking about the amount of deaths that come out of that, the amount of deaths that come out of it is a result of the torture that comes from that environment.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    I guess even now do you feel like there are lingering effects from that time you spent in solitary?

    Mansa Musa:

    Yeah, because you ain’t going to spend no 48 years in prison and a portion of that in isolation or the uncertainty of the environment and not be damaged. That’s just not a reality. It’s really what I do and how I manage, how I deal with it. Like I told you, I got somebody to help me unpack and understand it, and understand I don’t have a big thing about being like I like to hang out. I’m sociable, but then I can also just be comfortable sitting in a chair in my house and not doing nothing, no TV on, no radio on, not reading, just sitting still, because I’ve done that repeatedly in prison. Just sat in a cell and did nothing, just sat there and just did nothing.

    When Eddie turned me onto doing, when I got with Eddie and I seen Eddie doing puzzles, when I found myself when we was locked down in a prison, I got them to get us puzzles and I would do puzzles 17 hours. I would just get the most complicated puzzle. Wouldn’t do nothing but just do a puzzle all day long, because that’s solitude. So yeah, I see lingering effects, but at the end of the day, and I want our audience to know this, that when you look at this right here you need to understand what it is and take a stand on it. This is what we’re doing here at Rattling the Bars and the Real News. We’re talking about John Oliver, but who else is going to come and editorialize John Oliver? Who else is going to come behind an event like the Palestinian and give context to the murder and the genocide that’s taking place?

    No other news media, no other outlet is doing it. This is why it’s important that you as an audience and our listeners support the Real News and Rattling the Bars. We are in fact, and I know this comes as a surprise to a lot of people, we are actually really the news.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.