More than 680 global leaders, from politicians and Nobel laureates to leading academics and peace advocates, have called on US President Joe Biden to honour his commitments towards protecting the human rights of Palestinians.
Old-growth logging protesters on day seven of a hunger strike are calling for an urgent meeting with B.C. Premier John Horgan and Forests Minister Katrine Conroy.
Brent Eichler, president of Unifor local 950, Zain Haq, a 20-year-old student at SFU, and Evie Mandel, 65, haven’t eaten food in a week but are continuing their strike at 401 Burrard Street in Vancouver.
On Saturday, Brazil’s leftist political parties and social organizations called on Brazilians to protest against far-right President Jair Bolsonaro for his mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Brazil Popular and Fearless People Fronts, the Workers’ Party (PT), trade unions and student organizations are supporting the demonstrations in over 450 cities.
This June, a dangerously low-flying helicopter operated by the Department of Homeland Security descended on the largest civil disobedience action yet against the Line 3 pipeline in Minnesota. In an attempt to disperse the crowd, hundreds of demonstrators were pummeled with debris — and misdemeanor trespassing charges. If Minnesota Republican House Members Shane Mekeland and Eric Lucero had their way, demonstrators and anyone involved in the organizing process would have been hit with serious felony charges, a $5,000 fine, and liability for any damages incurred by the multibillion-dollar company Enbridge.
Mekeland and Lucero, who introduced these measures in a bill in late February, aren’t alone in their repressive ambitions. Rather than address the onslaught of police violence against Black people or catastrophic environmental degradation, Republican state politicians continue to attack the people rising up against those systemic injustices. As many as 225 anti-protest bills have been introduced in 45 states since 2016 according to the International Center for Non-Profit Law U.S. Protest Law Tracker. More than 100 have been introduced since Black liberation demonstrators took to the streets in June 2020. Thirty-four such bills have been enacted since 2016.
Lawmakers in Tennessee, Montana and Oklahoma passed the latest anti-protest laws. Bills in Iowa, Texas, Missouri, North Carolina and Ohio progressed within the last two months.
Often backed by organizations affiliated with police unions, the enacted laws encompass a wide range of punitive tactics. Some broaden the definition of “rioting” and “aggravated riot” to allow for dragnet arrests — in which police arrest people for being in the vicinity of an alleged crime — and felony charges with lengthy prison sentences. Some increase penalties for blocking roadways; others deputize vigilante violence in ways reminiscent of the state-sanctioning of white lynch mobs during Reconstruction. Bills pending in Minnesota and Oregon would disqualify people convicted of a protest-related crime from enrolling in public assistance programs, including for food and unemployment.
In an email to Truthout, Traci Yoder, National Lawyers Guild Director of Research and Education characterized the anti-protest laws as “part of a larger trend of conservative, right-wing efforts at the state level designed to counter the goals of social movements.” Yoder said repressive voting rights bills, anti-trans bills and anti-abortion bills are being introduced in the same vein.
Teressa Raiford, founder of Don’t Shoot PDX, an organization focused on racial justice and human rights, told Truthout the laws are attempted to criminalize free speech: “They know that there’s a generation that’s been educated on social justice and human rights. And they know that the Black Lives Matter movement is at the center of uplifting our communities and the engagement and civic participation in politics, and community service. And I think they want to make it stagnant.”
Tennessee’s newest anti-protest law gives credence to disproven “outside agitator” and “paid protester” myths by expanding the definition of “aggravated riot,” which is a felony charge. Prior to this wave of anti-protest laws, Tennessee’s aggravated riot law applied to anyone who knowingly participated in a riot (which, in Tennessee, can simply mean a demonstration that obstructs law enforcement duties) in which an unaffiliated person suffered bodily injury or where there was substantial property damage. Under the new law people who are convicted of aggravated riot, and who either traveled from out of state with the intent to commit a criminal offense or who received compensation for participating in a riot, will receive a mandatory minimum sentence of 60 days of incarceration.
The “aggravated riot” expansion is one of four anti-protest laws enacted in Tennessee since April 2017. In August 2020, Tennessee’s Gov. Bill Lee signed a law that imposes a 45-day mandatory minimum incarceration sentence for anyone convicted of aggravated riot and makes illegal camping on state property a class E felony punishable up to six years in prison. The charge was previously a misdemeanor.
Montana, home to protests against construction of the now-defeated Keystone XL pipeline, added new penalties for protests near “critical infrastructure facilities,” including gas and oil pipelines, in mid-May. Considered one of the most extreme anti-pipeline protest laws in the country, the bill levels up to $150,000 in fines and 30 years in prison against people convicted of protest-related property destruction. Organizations charged as “conspirators” can be charged $1.5 million in costs. Fossil fuel and other extractive industries have contributed funds to the campaign of bill sponsor Steve Gunderson. And anti-pipeline legislation is promoted and crafted by the corporate-backed organization American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC).
“Republican lawmakers, corporations, and groups like ALEC and conservative think tanks are coordinating to inundate state legislatures with reactionary bills to promote a right-wing agenda,” according to Yoder. “Even if many of these bills do not pass, they create an atmosphere of repression and fear. The small percentage that are successful set a dangerous precedent by slowly chipping away at civil, human, and constitutional rights.”
TC Energy officially canceled the Keystone XL pipeline on June 10. But had Montana’s harsh anti-pipeline penalties been in place during the protests’ peak, that victory for social movements may not have materialized. Still, people have faced, and are facing, fierce repression for their role in protecting the land; Indigenous activist Oscar High Elk is currently facing one felony and 11 misdemeanor charges amounting to 22 years in prison for his role in resisting the Keystone XL pipeline.
The laws repackage an old tactic utilized by the state and police to crush Black liberation movements. Raiford told Truthout that these laws echo the historical collaboration between police and the Klu Klux Klan. “I don’t see any changes. It is 2Pac’s birthday, and I still don’t see no changes,” she said. “This is the same system, there’s nothing new. We’ve always had deputized people that have the ability to partner with the police to oppress people.”
Raiford also said the state is deputizing Black people within their own communities, which isn’t a new tactic. “In our community, in Portland, she said “we have deputized community policing partners.… And it’s like, well, you have a badge and you are ‘community?’”
Although most anti-protest laws have been sponsored by Republicans, there is no evidence that carceral systems in “blue” states were less repressive during the uprisings following the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Tony McDade, and others. And some Democrats are playing a supportive role in passing anti-protest bills. In Rhode Island, Democratic State Sen. Leonidas Raptakis is co-sponsoring a bill with two Republicans that would create a mandatory minimum sentence of one year for “knowingly or recklessly interfering with traffic on a highway.” A second offense would carry a three-year mandatory minimum with no option of parole until after one year. And Democratic Kansas Gov. Laura Kelly signed a law in April that created four new criminal offenses, including serious felonies, that punish people trespassing near pipelines and other “Critical Infrastructure Facilities.” (Kansas holds a Republican veto-proof majority.)
Some organizations are beginning to fight back. A coalition of civil and human rights organizations including Organization for Black Struggle, Missouri Faith Voices and the Jewish Community Relations Council protested Missouri’s anti-protest bill in March. And dozens of demonstrators occupied the Oklahoma capitol in April when the governor signed its bill.
The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund Inc., ACLU of Florida, and Community Justice Project filed a federal lawsuit challenging Florida’s new “Combating Public Disorder” bill, which Gov. Ron DeSantis called “the strongest anti-looting, anti-rioting, pro law enforcement piece of legislation in the country.” The bill expands the legal definition of a riot to allow for dragnet arrests, protects police budgets from cuts, increases penalties for blocking roadways and creates a felony punishable by up to five years in prison for any individual who “defaces” or “injures” a statue or flag if the damage is worth more than $200, among a slew of other measures. The suit, which alleges First and Fourteenth Amendment violations, may become the blueprint for legal challenges in other jurisdictions, according to Law 360.
“This unconstitutional and dangerously broad law is in direct response to the 26 million people who protested over the summer of 2020, spurred by the police murder of George Floyd,” Nailah Summers, interim co-director of the Dream Defenders, a civil rights organization based in Florida and plaintiff in the suit, said in a press release. “Our governor used this outrageous tragedy as a political opportunity to silence his critics, play politics, and legislate racism. This law puts our lives, futures, and movement in danger, so we are continuing this fight, along with our partners, in the courtroom.”
While these anti-protest laws are uniquely punitive in unprecedented ways, the U.S. government already has an abundance of repressive laws on the books designed to criminalize social movements and particularly Black organizers. One of the first riot acts in the U.S. was passed by the Massachusetts state legislature in 1786 following the Shays’ Rebellion, an armed uprising of poor farmers against the ruling class. The use of the curfew in American society has its roots in suppressing the movement of Black enslaved people in urban centers. Following widespread Black Power demonstrations and riotous rebellion during the 1960s, state riot laws were updated to become increasingly punitive. And Lyndon B. Johnson’s government passed the federal Anti-Riot Act in 1968.
At least six individuals are still in prison on charges stemming from the Ferguson rebellion in 2014 — years before police unions and Republicans started cooking up this latest round of anti-protest laws. Tomorrow’s dissidents may face even harsher fates.
Still, given the popularity of the Black Lives Matter movement among young people, demonstrations are likely to erupt again.
“When a critical mass goes out into the streets to protest in force, the point is to bring attention to serious structural problems not being addressed through established mechanisms,” according to Yoder. “Instead of expending so much effort silencing and punishing these movements, lawmakers should be listening to their message and trying to understand and address their demands.”
On 10 November 2019, the democratically elected government of Evo Morales in Bolivia was overthrown by a US-government supported military coup. The coup regime, also supported by the UK and the European Union, presided over mass human rights violations and was met with widespread resistance from social movements in Bolivia.
On June 13, a driver attacked a demonstration in Minneapolis, killing Deona Marie Erickson. This is the result of years of right-wing efforts to normalize—and even legalize—vehicular attacks. Now the corporate media has ceased to prioritize covering them, paving the way for more killings.
Since Winston Smith was killed nearly two weeks ago in a secretive federal raid, no video evidence or any names of officers involved have been released. Minneapolis has seen another wave of protests not only because Smith was denied due process and executed while he sat in his car, but also due to the complete lack of accountability surrounding his death.
Pelosi did not appear — nor did Sen. Dianne Feinstein when the activists stopped by her Pacific Heights mansion earlier in the day — but, if home, the Speaker may have spotted a glimpse of the giant street mural the activists left behind on Broadway at Normandie Terrace. The 16-foot painting advertised the group’s goal: a civilian climate corps to combat global warming.
The movement, which began in early April, is non-hierarchical and comprises a fluctuating network of working groups and other social justice organizations. While it seeks solidarity with the museum’s employees, the movement is not composed of or affiliated with members of MoMA’s staff — though at least one artist affiliated with the museum has canceled a program to support the strike.
T-shirts, drawings and other artwork have become a form of protest over the decision to hold the Games against medical advice and the public’s opposition. Officials have responded in some cases by demanding the sometimes satiric art and merchandise be removed, and the artists say their freedoms are being curtailed.
Environmentalist launched a gas bill strike Tuesday, pledging to withhold money from their monthly utilities in protest of National Grid’s controversial pipeline project beneath the streets of Brooklyn.
“We will not pay for National Grid’s racist, dirty, North Brooklyn fracked gas pipeline. We will not pay for our communities and our climate to be destroyed,” said Lee Ziesche, an organizer with the activist group Sane Energy Project at a June 1 rally outside National Grid’s MetroTech Center headquarters in Downtown Brooklyn.
The protest, organized by a coalition of environmentalist groups under the moniker No North Brooklyn Pipeline, called on New Yorkers to keep $66 from their gas bills, the average amount the company’s 1.9 million downstate customers will have to pay in rate hikes to fund almost $129 million in construction costs National Grid wants to recover through increased rates.
Native water protectors in Minnesota are waging a battle against the Line 3 pipeline construction which violates their treaties and threatens the environment.
An Israeli container ship was prevented from docking Monday at the Prince Rupert, B.C., port after a group of about 10 protesters — whose aim is to block Israel from shipping goods to North America — formed a picket line at an entrance to the Fairview container terminal.
Sunday June 13th saw us returning to Shannon Airport to recommence our monthly peace vigils. We had around 20 peace activists there, watched by around 20 Gardai.
Inside the airport, security personnel, including an Irish army patrol, protecting three US Marine Corps Hercules KC-130J warplanes that had landed the previous night. They stayed overnight at Shannon, meaning that their crews and military passengers were almost certainly in local hotels for the night.
Titled, “A Letter Against Apartheid,” the statement was written by six Palestinian artists, who have asked to remain anonymous. It was initially signed by hundreds of Palestinian artists including filmmakers Annemarie Jacir, Elia Suleiman, and Farah Nabulsi; visual artists Emily Jacir and Larissa Sansour; actress Hiam Abbass; musicians Kamilya Jubran and Sama’ Abdulhadi; and writers Elias Sanbar, Mohammed El-Kurd, Naomi Shihab Nye, Raja Shehadeh, Randa Jarrar, Suad Amiry, and Susan Abulhawa.
Hamas called for the Palestinians to head to Jerusalem to stop the settlers’ Flag March. The Flag March sees far-right Israeli ultra-nationalists flooding through Muslim areas celebrating the capture of East Jerusalem by Zionist occupation forces following a second wave of ethnic cleansing in 1967. Chanting “death to Arabs” and singing racist and highly offensive songs, thousands are seen parading through Muslim areas flying the Israeli flag.
The ship, which belongs to Zim Integrated Shipping Services Ltd. (ZIM) and is known as the Zim San Diego, was originally scheduled to unload its cargo in Seattle on June 2, but has postponed docking in response to the ongoing #BlockTheBoat picket line organized by Falastiniyat, a Seattle-based Palestinian feminist collective. Hundreds of people are expected to show up in protest of the Zim San Diego if it eventually manages to dock.
In a major push to hold Israel accountable for its crimes on Palestinians, activists and workers’ movements have put up picket lines on key ports in the United States and Canada to block entry for Israeli ships. As part of an international call for an International Week of Action between June 2 and 9, thousands have held protests in major ports in North America, disrupting operations and blocking ships operated by Israeli cargo companies from docking.
Washington, D.C., June 11, 2021 — Authorities in Minnesota’s Hubbard County should explain their reasoning for detaining and strip-searching journalist Alan Weisman and drop all charges against him, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.
At about 5 p.m. on June 7, an officer with the local sheriff’s department in Hubbard County, Minnesota, arrested Weisman, a freelance journalist on assignment for the Los Angeles Times,while he was covering a protest against the construction of an oil pipeline, according to the journalist, who spoke to CPJ in a phone interview.
The deputies brought Weisman to the local sheriff’s department, where officers strip-searched him and confiscated his phone, voice recorder, notebooks, and prescription medications, he said. He told CPJ that authorities released him at about 9:30 p.m., returned his possessions, and did not inform him of any charges filed against him.
In a phone interview today, Hubbard County Attorney Jonathan Frieden told CPJ that his office had filed gross misdemeanor trespassing charges against Weisman, but said that the charges had not been formally approved by a judge as of today. He said he was not aware that Weisman was a journalist at the time his office filed the charges, but added that Minnesota state law does not provide special dispensation for journalists in such cases.
Under Minnesota law, the maximum fine that can be imposed for a gross misdemeanor is $3,000.
Law enforcement have recently arrested about 250 people on trespassing, public nuisance, and unlawful assembly charges in relation to the protest, according to news reports.
“It is outrageous that officers from Minnesota’s Hubbard County Sheriff’s Department held journalist Alan Weisman in detention for hours, strip-searched him, and went through his equipment,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna, in New York. “Reporters should not be arrested simply for doing their jobs. The Hubbard County Sheriff’s Department should explain the reason for his arrest and apologize for their treatment of Weisman in detention, and county authorities should drop all charges against him.”
Weisman told CPJ he did not know why he was arrested. He said that he was standing in an area with other journalists and was wearing two lanyards with press credentials when a sheriff’s deputy tapped him on the shoulder and said he was under arrest.
“It was very clear that I was a journalist,” Weisman told CPJ, saying that he had a notebook in his hand and was conducting interviews at the time. He said that the officer did not give him any warning before the arrest or issue any commands to leave the area.
The officer placed Weisman in a sheriff’s department vehicle along with eight other people who were arrested at the protest, he said. He told CPJ he was able to call his friends and colleagues from inside the vehicle, but said officers repeatedly denied his right to a phone call once he arrived at the station.
He added that officers initially refused to give him his medication while in detention, but eventually did so. When Weisman asked a sheriff’s deputy why he was being released, they said that he was released so he could continue taking his medication on schedule.
In emails to CPJ yesterday, Cory Aukes, the Hubbard County sheriff, said that deputies would not arrest a credentialed journalist who was “obviously documenting the situation,” but said, “that wasn’t the case here.”
Aukes said that if Weisman “was in an area that he had permission to be in, we wouldn’t arrest him.” He added that the issue of whether Weisman will face any criminal charges “is between the Hubbard County Attorney and Mr. Weisman.”
Weisman said that, upon his release, a local religious organization that helps newly released detainees transported him back to his rental car.
Weisman has contributed on environmental issues and other topics to news outlets including the Los Angeles Times, The Atlantic, and The New York Times, among others, and wrote The World Without Us, a non-fiction book about the environment; he is also a senior producer and the board treasurer at Homeland Productions, an independent, nonprofit journalism collective, according to his biography on that group’s website.
[Editor’s note: The text in the last paragraph has been updated with details about Weisman’s work.]
In today’s episode of the Daily Round-up we look at the ongoing national strike in Colombia and the establishment of the National People’s Assembly by various social movements, the ongoing vote count in Peru as the presidential runoff elections draw to a close, a countrywide strike for better wages and safe working conditions by health workers in New Zealand, the ongoing strike to demand a renewal of wages by garment and textile workers in Lesotho, and 6 years of the #NiUnaMenos movement against femicide and other forms of gender-based violence.
Thousands swarmed northern Minnesota over the weekend for the Treaty People Gathering, an event organized to stand against the ongoing construction of the Enbridge Line 3 replacement project. Crowds of well over 2,000 people gathered on Monday morning at the headwaters of the Mississippi River for a treaty ceremony in the largest gathering yet against the pipeline since construction began in December 2020.
For the past two and a half years, Wintour, the legendary editor of Vogue and current Global Chief Content Officer of Condé Nast, has not deigned to appear at the bargaining table with unionized employees of her empire’s most prestigious magazine, The New Yorker, or with committees from two of the company’s digital media publications, Pitchfork and Ars Technica.
How did Benjamin Netanyahu manage to serve as Israel’s longest-serving Prime Minister? With a total of 15 years in office, Netanyahu surpassed the 12-year mandate of Israel’s founding father, David Ben Gurion. The answer to this question will become particularly critical for future Israeli leaders who hope to emulate Netanyahu’s legacy, now that his historic leadership is likely to end.
Netanyahu’s ‘achievements’ for Israel cannot be judged according to the same criteria as that of Ben Gurion. Both were staunch Zionist ideologues and savvy politicians. Unlike Ben Gurion, though, Netanyahu did not lead a so-called ‘war of independence’, merging militias into an army and carefully constructing a ‘national narrative’ that helped Israel justify its numerous crimes against the indigenous Palestinians, at least in the eyes of Israel and its supporters.
The cliched explanation of Netanyahu’s success in politics is that he is a ‘survivor’, a hustler, a fox or, at best, a political genius. However, there is more to Netanyahu than mere soundbites. Unlike other right-wing politicians around the world, Netanyahu did not simply exploit or ride the wave of an existing populist movement. Instead, he was the main architect of the current version of Israel’s right-wing politics. If Ben Gurion was the founding father of Israel in 1948, Netanyahu is the founding father of the new Israel in 1996. While Ben Gurion and his disciples used ethnic cleansing, colonization and illegal settlement construction for strategic and military reasons, Netanyahu, while carrying on with the same practices, changed the narrative altogether.
For Netanyahu, the biblical version of Israel was far more convincing than secular Zionist ideology of yesteryears. By changing the narrative, Netanyahu managed to redefine the support for Israel around the world, bringing together right-wing religious zealots, chauvinistic, Islamophobic, far-right and ultra-nationalist parties in the US and elsewhere.
Netanyahu’s success in rebranding the centrality of the idea of Israel in the minds of its traditional supporters was not a mere political strategy. He also shifted the balance of power in Israel by making Jewish extremists and illegal settlers in the occupied Palestinian territories his core constituency. Subsequently, he reinvented Israeli conservative politics altogether.
He also trained an entire generation of Israeli right-wing, far-right and ultra-nationalist politicians, giving rise to such unruly characters such as former Defense Minister and the leader of Yisrael Beiteinu, Avigdor Lieberman, former Justice Minister, Ayelet Shaked, and former Defense Minister, and Netanyahu’s likely replacement, Naftali Bennett.
Indeed, a whole new generation of Israelis grew up watching Netanyahu take the right-wing camp from one success to another. For them, he is the savior. His hate-filled rallies and anti-peace rhetoric in the mid-1990s galvanized Jewish extremists, one of whom killed Yitzhak Rabin, Israel’s former Prime Minister who engaged the Palestinian leadership through the ‘peace process’ and, ultimately, signed the Oslo Accords.
On Rabin’s death in November 1995, Israel’s political ‘left’ was devastated by right-wing populism championed by its new charismatic leader, Netanyahu, who, merely a few months later, became Israel’s youngest Prime Minister.
Despite the fact that, historically, Israeli politics is defined by its ever-changing dynamics, Netanyahu has helped the right prolong its dominance, completely eclipsing the once-hegemonic Labor Party. This is why the right loves Netanyahu. Under his reign, illegal Jewish colonies expanded unprecedentedly, and any possibility, however meager, of a two-state solution has been forever buried.
Additionally, Netanyahu changed the relationship between the US and Israel, where the latter was no longer a ‘client regime’ – not that it ever was in the strict definition of the term – but one that holds much sway over the US Congress and the White House.
Every attempt by Israel’s political elites to dislodge Netanyahu from power has failed. No coalition was powerful enough; no election outcome was decisive enough and no one was successful enough in convincing Israeli society that he could do more for them than Netanyahu has. Even when Gideon Sa’ar from Netanyahu’s own Likud party tried to stage his own coup against Netanyahu, he lost the vote and the support of the Likudists, later to be ostracized altogether.
Sa’ar later founded his own party, New Hope, continuing with the desperate attempt to oust the seemingly unconquerable Netanyahu. Four general elections within only two years still failed to push Netanyahu out. Every possible mathematical equation to unify various coalitions, all united by the single aim of defeating Netanyahu, has also failed. Each time, Netanyahu came back, with greater resolve to hang on to his seat, challenging contenders within his own party as well as his enemies from without. Even Israel’s court system, which is currently trying Netanyahu for corruption, was not powerful enough to compel disgraced Netanyahu to resign.
Until May of this year, Palestinians seemed to be marginal, if at all relevant to this conversation. Palestinians living under Israeli military occupation looked as if they were mollified, thanks to Israeli violence and Palestinian Authority acquiescence. Palestinians in Gaza, despite occasional displays of defiance, were battling a 15-year-long Israeli siege. Palestinian communities inside Israel seemed alien to any political conversation pertaining to the struggle and aspirations of the Palestinian people.
All of these illusions were dispelled when Gaza rose in solidarity with a small Palestinian community in Sheikh Jarrah in occupied East Jerusalem. Their resistance ignited a torrent of events that, within days, unified all Palestinians, everywhere. Consequently, the popular Palestinian revolt has shifted the discourse in favor of Palestinians and against the Israeli occupation.
Perfectly depicting the significance of that moment, the Financial Times newspaper wrote, “The ferocity of the Palestinian anger caught Israel by surprise.” Netanyahu, whose extremist goons were unleashed against Palestinians everywhere, similar to his army being unleashed against besieged Gaza, found himself at an unprecedented disadvantage. It took only 11 days of war to shatter Israel’s sense of ‘security’, expose its sham democracy and spoil its image around the world.
The once untouchable Netanyahu became the mockery of Israeli politics. His conduct in Gaza was described by leading Israeli politicians as “embarrassing”, a defeat and a “surrender”.
Netanyahu struggled to redeem his image. It was too late. As strange as this may sound, it was not Bennett or Lieberman who finally dethroned the “King of Israel’, but the Palestinians themselves.
On June 8, PBI-Mexico posted: “On Saturday, May 29, PBI accompanied a mobilisation of the indigenous communities of Mogotavo, Bacajípare and Huetosachi, of the Sierra Tarahumara for the defense of life and ancestral territory.”
As summer approaches, and the wet season moratorium is over, construction for the new Line 3 tar sands pipeline is ramping back up during early June. This increase in work was expected by water protectors, who made a call-out for activists to gather in Indigenous Anishinaabe territory to escalate protests against the pipeline project to transport diluted bitumen (tar sands + toxic diluent).
LUMA customers are already encountering new fees and significantly higher bills than formerly paid to the public Puerto Rican Electric Power Authority. Thousands of PREPA workers have lost their jobs. The privatization has fueled demonstrations including encampments and picket lines at plant gates. Further actions could lead to mass protests similar to those in summer 2019 that forced former Governor Pedro Rosselló to resign.
Earlier this year, the introduction of a new “Police, Crime, Sentencing, and Courts” bill sparked nationwide protests in the United Kingdom that were met with brutality. As activists faced down violent police forces in the streets, Novara turned to the rest of the world to learn from their shared struggle.
More than 50 Indigenous, environmental and faith groups are sponsoring Monday’s event. Resilient Indigenous Sisters Engaging Coalition, an environmental group, is the primary organizer, LaDuke said. Other main organizers are Honor the Earth; the Giniw Collective, a women-led Indigenous group; and MN350, an affiliate of 350.org.
The ILWU stood firm for Palestinian rights and prevented ZIM ships from docking in 2010 and again in 2014, the last time that ZIM-owned shipping vessels were able to use the Oakland port.
Since then, ZIM ships have not tried to dock at the Oakland port – until this past month.
“Rank-and-file members of ILWU Local 10 stand against Israeli apartheid and with our brothers and sisters in Palestine,” union member Jimmy Salameh stated.
Since late 2019, waves of protests against the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the supranational branch of the United Nation that works to help displaced populations globally, have rocked a refugee camp in Lebanon that holds over 2,000 Sudanese and Ethiopian inhabitants. For months, refugee protesters have stood behind the gates of the camp in front of flimsy, poorly insulated tents and held sit-ins in front of a UNHCR building. Their signs read “Where are my rights?” and they proclaim the UNHCR does not respect their humanity. In December 2019, these protests became so disruptive — at one point, even devolving into riots — that the UNHCR called its own staff and security forces to arrest and detain many of the protesters.
One of the organizers of the protests, a 30-year-old Sudanese refugee named Abdul Baqi, acknowledged that many of the refugee protesters were frustrated by systemic issues within the UNHCR, such as inadequate provision of basic services and a convoluted resettlement process. However, he noted that those grievances are not the primary motivation behind the protests. Instead, these refugees resent that “[t]here are abuses that have happened [on the part of the UNHCR], a general sense of neglect and disrespect for [the refugees] as human beings, with no training of their staff, on top of them saying that they have no funds.” Specifically, many protesters are claiming they had been verbally threatened or harassed by UNHCR staff.
Unrest has long been a defining feature of refugee camps. Overcrowding, tensions between displaced groups of different national origins and a lack of resources — issues that are understandably endemic to the resettlement and asylum process given the scale of the global refugee crisis — are oft-cited explanations for camp protests. However, refugees feeling as though the UNHCR has not treated them as human beings worthy of equal dignity may be an overlooked catalyst of this unrest.
It is helpful to think of this issue through historian and Director of the World Peace Foundation Alex De Waal’s framework of “inescapable” and “escapable” cruelties. On one hand, inescapable cruelty, for humanitarian organizations, comes in the contrast between the overwhelming global need and organizations’ resource constraints. The cruelty of choosing between equally vulnerable people and populations — especially for limited resettlement opportunities — is inherent to and inseparable from humanitarian work. Escapable cruelty, on the other hand, refers to failings of humanitarian organizations that are entirely avoidable.
The UNHCR’s explanation for the unrest in Lebanon uses the typical excuse of inescapable cruelties for violence in refugee camps to dodge the issue of potential dehumanization — an escapable cruelty. In response to the protesters, the UNHCR Head of Field in Beirut Laura Almirall made this statement: “We consider everyone, but it doesn’t mean that everyone can or will get the services, from cash assistance, health care, to access to education. We’re working with limited funding and resources.” While this response might explain the neglect of which these refugees have accused the UNHCR, it does not explain the allegations that the UNHCR, a humanitarian organization, has unnecessarily disrespected these refugees’ humanity.
The Lebanon protests suggest that there are two different conversations occurring around human rights in refugee camps: The UNHCR’s narrative has emerged in Almirall’s response and a statement on the institution’s official Facebook page, where it characterized the allegations of disrespect as “inaccurate” and “misleading,” stating that, “UNHCR staff have at no time used verbal or physical abuse against the protestors,” leaving the protesters largely ignored.
Is there any truth to the UNHCR’s denial? It would seem that history is not on their side. In a 2010 survey of various African-origin refugees living in Egyptian camps, nearly a quarter of respondents reported that their interactions with the staff from UNHCR Cairo were their “worst” life experiences since the war-related atrocities they fled. Furthermore, 90.9 percent of respondents felt “quite a bit” or “extremely” betrayed by the UNHCR after its officials called Egyptian security forces to disperse informal refugee settlements in Egypt with no attempts made to engage in conversation or negotiate with the refugees. The confrontation between the refugees and security forces resulted in 23 deaths, hundreds of arrests and thousands of injuries. All study participants reported feelings of frequent hate, resentment and disgust towards the UNHCR as a result of the betrayal.
The Egyptian case represented overt dismissals of refugee concerns, but the UNHCR’s dehumanization of refugees can also be more subtle and systemic. Take, for example, a group of Burundian refugees’ attempt to violently take public authority in a Tanzanian refugee camp away from the UNHCR camp officials and establish self-governance. A 2006 study found that this quasi-attempted coup was motivated by resentment towards the UNHCR’s attempt to turn them into a “tabula rasa upon which UNHCR can create pure victims in need of help” to bolster its global reputation. In other words, the camp dwellers felt as though the UNHCR had taken their dignity from them by prohibiting their community organization, forcing them to play a part in its non-political vision of refugee camps.
There is clearly a global pattern that connects UNHCR involvement to unrest in refugee camps. The question is, why has this pattern been ignored for more than a decade? With few or no media outlets available to them, refugees’ grievances have been drowned out by the UNHCR-perpetuated narrative, especially when that narrative is amplified and endorsed by the international press. Events like protracted riots in the Moira refugee camp on the island of Lesbos, Greece, have driven mainstream media reporting on this trend of refugee resentment towards the UNHCR. However, major news outlets such as CNN and Al Jazeera have chalked up the asylum seekers’ grievances to systemic problems such as overcrowding, lack of appropriate shelters and insufficient food. Some sources have even attributed the most recent unrest in Moira as misplaced anger stemming from their frustration that the pandemic has brought resettlement to a standstill. In doing so, these sources have perpetuated the UNHCR’s narrative — that any cruelties they have committed are inescapable.
Millions of asylum seekers around the world live in similarly poor conditions in camps and informal settlements. But not all camps are plagued by riots, and not all camp dwellers express virulent anger towards the camp governors in the way the refugees in Lebanon, Egypt and Tanzania have towards the UNHCR. Clearly, the refugees in the case studies mentioned were not mobilized by poor quality of life, but because people who represent the UNHCR have added unnecessary insult to their inevitable injury. Despite the UNHCR’s attempts to downplay or discredit these complaints, where there is smoke, there is fire; feeling dehumanized by the UNHCR is a complaint that spans across different nationalities, countries and continents. In fact, this feeling has even united refugees of different ethnic groups and national origins — identifiers that usually divide camp dwellers.
Few researchers have addressed the issue of escapable cruelties experienced by refugee populations. However, preliminary data collected by a team at Duke University has begun exploration around this issue. As a part of the Uprooted/Rerouted DukeImmerse program, researchers collected life story interviews from Syrian and Iraqi refugees living in Jordan’s temporary camps and settlements from 2014-2016. Jordan is a global refugee hotspot — the country is currently home to almost 750,000 refugees and hosts the second-largest population of refugees relative to its own in the world. In April 2014, months of unrest culminated in a deadly riot at the largest Syrian refugee camp in the world, Jordan’s Zaatari camp, which is entirely administered by the UNHCR. Violence erupted when the UNHCR detained refugees who had tried to leave the camp “illegally.” Other camp dwellers became angry that the UNHCR tried to restrict their freedom of movement and control their behavior.
A street in the Zaatari refugee camp, circa 2016.Duke University’s Kenan Institute for Ethics
In the two years following the Zaatari camp riot, the Duke University study team interviewed 88 Syrian and Iraqi refugees about their forced migration experience. Fifty-eight expressed an opinion on the UNHCR. Of these 58 interviewees, 49 had a negative opinion of the UNHCR, and nine had a positive opinion. All participants who had a positive opinion of the UNHCR directly attributed this opinion to either aid or resettlement they had received, not how they had been treated by the UNHCR. On the other hand, 61 percent of participants with a negative opinion of the UNHCR pointed to at least one instance where the UNHCR Jordan staff or resettlement process had made them feel dehumanized, rather than a lack of aid, timely communication or resettlement. The participants’ feelings of dehumanization do not appear to be misplaced anger over the UNHCR’s inescapable cruelties — more than two-thirds of the group that felt disrespected or dehumanized by the UNHCR received some form of aid or even resettlement offers. While socioeconomic aid and resettlement are finite resources, empathy is not. Clearly, their discontent is caused by escapable cruelties.
Excerpts from these interviews in Jordan reveal that there are multiple angles to the UNHCR’s dehumanization of refugees. Some participants recounted a specific incident where a UNHCR staff member exhibited disrespect towards them. For example, Hassan, a 25-year-old Iraqi, recounts how a “woman who works at the UNHCR, she treats all Iraqis rude[ly] … no matter who comes to ask her for help.”
His frustration with UNHCR is echoed by Akram, a 44-year-old Iraqi and AA*, a 45-year-old Iraqi. Akram describes his experience with another UNHCR Jordan employee, saying, “There is anti-Semitism here, too; I was waiting at the UNHCR, and a lady looked at me and said, ‘You come.’ I sat down, and she said, ‘Unfortunately, you have been accepted.’ I felt like I was having a heart attack. She … [was] just kidding about my life. That was not the time to joke.” AA spoke about how his wife would “wait at the UN[HCR] for a long time, but no one would talk to her. They even made her cry one day, so she left.”
In other interview excerpts, participants explained that they felt dehumanized not from individual interactions with UNHCR staff, but from certain systemic aspects of the UNHCR’s asylum or resettlement processes. Najimm, a 45-year-old Iraqi, complained that the camp’s stifling protocols took away refugees’ autonomy, saying, “They [the UNHCR] keep you in a camp far away from villages and you can’t leave it. They take your passport. I could not stand it there. They even had a list of rules there you had to follow; it makes you feel like you are in jail.”
The interviews even indicated refugee resentment surrounding the process of leaving these camps. NZ*, a 40-year-old Syrian, complained that the invasive interview process for resettlement was dehumanizing, saying, “I don’t believe in the UNHCR anymore. They made me feel like stupid donkey [during the interview process.] Is that good? Is that humanitarian?”
These testimonies make it clear that the UNHCR can no longer write off refugee resentment towards it as a byproduct of inescapable cruelties. At the very least, these claims deserve to be taken seriously. That being said, the UNHCR cannot be the only humanitarian NGO or entity that has committed such escapable cruelties towards the refugees in its care.
So why the particular vitriol towards the UNHCR? One interview excerpt from Sherine, a 35-year-old Iraqi, explains the differentiation: “The UNHCR is not humanitarian, it is unhumanitarian. Because they don’t help people or consider the situation. They are always lying…. They have a section, ‘Saving the Children’; this is a big lie. They do not treat children or ladies without income like people.”
The UNHCR is supposed to be a global paragon of respect for refugees but does not live up to its mandate. The egregious examples in Jordan show that there is clearly a fundamental challenge between the ethos the UNHCR is expected to embody around compassion and its employees’ repeated cavalier disrespect. In public discourse, the UNHCR consistently speaks within a framework of humanity, often rallying against those they believe have “forgotten” or “ignored” the humanity of refugees and asylum seekers. It does so because its public commitment to humanizing this vulnerable population is so core to what this organization thinks it is. But what does it mean to treat someone — to see someone — as fully human? Refugee protesters take issue with the UNHCR’s perceived dismissal of the “Golden Rule”; aid workers have failed to recognize the shared humanity of refugee populations and treat them accordingly. For employees of a humanitarian organization to not do that — to not fulfill its mission — would seem like a baseline incompetence.
At the very least, the UNHCR must recognize its shortcomings and strive to be better as the paragon it claims to be. Many of the problems that affect refugee camps have structural origins — like particularities of aid allocation or local governments’ restrictions on certain camps — and are beyond what the UNHCR can or cannot do, and are therefore inescapable. Furthermore, it would be impossible to hold the UNHCR responsible in its organizational capacity for its individual employees’ indiscretions. But where the UNHCR does have a degree of freedom is in choosing to enact appropriate consequences for employees who do the opposite.
The UNHCR officially has a “zero-tolerance policy” toward any disrespectful behavior on the part of its staff towards members of “vulnerable communities.” However, in response to protesters’ demands for a transparent investigation into their claims of disrespect in Lebanon, for example, the UNHCR has been silent aside from its denial of the claims; there has been no announcement of any such investigations nor has one been made available to the public. (Repeated requests for comment by the UNHCR were denied, according to a spokesperson, “due to an influx of resettlement requests due to the end of the pandemic and the Biden administration’s election.”)
To deny the credibility of and refuse to investigate these refugees’ claims may be the most blatant disrespect of all. This organization-level negligence allows UNHCR staff to continue dehumanizing the people they are meant to serve. This is an unnecessary, inexplicable, escapable cruelty.
*Initials were used for participants who did not wish to publicly share their given names.