Category: Public health

  • By Rowan Quinn, RNZ News health correspondent

    Auckland’s daily covid-19 case numbers could reach triple figures by the end of the month, warns a New Zealand modelling expert.

    There were 56 cases in the city yesterday, the highest since 1 September, with three in Waikato and one in the Bay of Plenty.

    But there was also hope, as first-dose vaccination rates hit 86 percent.

    Covid-19 modeller professor Shaun Hendy of the University of Auckland said that as cases trended upwards, the outbreak was at a critical point.

    “It is possible that we could end up in the triple digits so that’s something that the government should be considering and it should be developing a plan for what happens … because that will put real strain on the health system in Auckland,” he said.

    Numbers like that could require a dip back to alert level 4 as a circuit breaker, he said.

    And there was another worrying number emerging – there were still about 400 case contacts health authorities had yet to get in touch with, to check that they know to isolate and get a test.

    Contact tracers don’t keep up
    The switch to alert level 3 meant contact tracers could not keep up with cases as quickly as they needed to, and this was illustrated by the cases with no known links turning up to hospitals or because of surveillance testing, Dr Hendy said.

    Professor Shaun Hendy
    Professor Shaun Hendy … Auckland may have to return to level 4 if numbers reach triple digits. Image: RNZ

    Some of those mystery cases had surfaced in the Bay of Plenty, Waikato and Northland.

    Epidemiologist Professor Nick Wilson and his team were calling on the government to tighten the border around Auckland.

    Only those doing the most essential jobs should be allowed out and they should have to stop for 15 minutes at the border for a rapid antigen test, he said.

    “It does seem that some people are getting across that border for pretty flimsy reasons and documentation,” he said.

    In the meantime, authorities could keep the level 3 parts of the country walled off from the rest – literally – using concrete blocks and containers on some roads, perhaps at the Central Plateau, he said.

    Keeping covid out of the rest of the country could also help Auckland, by creating backup if the city’s health resources became overwhelmed.

    Tasmania an example
    New Zealand should look to Australia where cases were raging in two states but well controlled in others, especially Tasmania.

    Covid-19 Response Minister Chris Hipkins said New Zealand already had some of the toughest restrictions in the world and would continue to work hard to stop the spread.

    “The number of cases serves as a reminder of how tricky delta is,” he said.

    Cabinet will today decide what to do with restrictions.

    Hipkins said they would take into account the most up to date case numbers, as well as unlinked cases. There were 19 yesterday.

    Critically, it would also decide whether Auckland schools could reopen.

    Opening schools too soon
    Professor Hendy said it was too soon.

    While it was possible to open them safely if the right precautions were taken, now was not the time, with the outbreak finely balanced, he said.

    The weekend’s covid numbers were not all doom and gloom.

    Eighty-six percent of Aucklanders have now had at least one dose of the vaccine while 61 percent are fully vaccinated.

    More than 10,000 crucial first doses were administered on Friday and Saturday, and more than 50,000 second doses.

    GP Siro Fuata’i helped at a weekend event aimed at Samoans in Manurewa which reached 1300 people.

    A lot of those getting vaccinated were young and he was seeing momentum grow as many saw their friends and family getting vaccinated.

    “The whole process has picked up quite quickly and I think next week we’ll probably see a lot more of this. I’m looking forward to see that the the numbers go further north, and everybody getting vaccinated would be great,” he said.

    Professor Hendy said the impact of the vaccinations should be seen in the case numbers by the end of the month, because the vaccine took time to take effect.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    New Zealand’s Ministry of Health today announced 60 new community cases of covid-19, the most in nearly six weeks, while Northland and the Bay of Plenty continued to deal with positive cases visiting their regions.

    Of the 60 new cases reported today, 56 were in Auckland, three in Waikato and one in Bay of Plenty that was announced last night.

    It is the most new cases reported since September 1, when 75 cases were revealed.

    In a statement today, the Health Ministry said 41 of today’s new infections had been linked to earlier cases.

    There have been no cases reported yet in Northland after a positive case visited there, but the region remains on edge.

    The ministry said there were 29 infected people in hospital, including seven in intensive care.

    The ministry also reported that a person receiving treatment at North Shore Hospital dialysis unit yesterday tested positive for the coronavirus.

    The unit closed yesterday afternoon for a deep clean.

    There were 20,421 tests carried out in New Zealand yesterday, including 7071 in Auckland.

    There have now been 1587 cases in the current delta outbreak, and 4265 covid-19 cases in total in New Zealand.

    Positive case region visits
    Outside of Auckland, officials continued to follow up details of a positive case who visited Northland and the other case revealed in the Bay of Plenty last night.

    Authorities have now contacted a woman who travelled in Northland with another woman who later tested positive for covid-19, but they still do not know her location.

    It is not known if this second woman has covid-19.

    The woman who tested positive remains in an Auckland quarantine facility, the ministry said in a media statement.

    That woman had not been “forthcoming” in providing information to contact tracers, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern said, complicating efforts to track down any possible cases.

    The Bay of Plenty town of Katikati is also on high alert after a person tested positive yesterday for covid-19, with new locations of interest in the region named by the Ministry of Health this morning.

    The infected person was tested in Auckland, but was moving to the Bay and was in the region when the result arrived.

    Western Bay of Plenty mayor Garry Webber said Katikati was hoping to prevent further infection. He said the result was a weak positive.

    “But regardless of what it is, it is here in one shape or form and we just have to get into preventative mode.”

    TVNZ graph screenshot 101021
    A steady climb in cases since the drop down from alert level 4 to 3 on September 22. Image: TVNZ screenshot APR

    Vaccination push continues
    Nearly 82,000 doses of the vaccine were administered yesterday.

    This includes 18,000 people receiving their first shot, and 65,000 people completing their course of both vaccines.

    Prime Minister Ardern continued her visit to East Coast communities to encourage vaccination with a trip to Gisborne this morning.

    Turanga Health’s clinic was in high demand, with many people in cars lining up to be vaccinated.

    Parts of the city have some of the lowest vaccination rates in the country.

    This was the last stop on the Prime Minister’s four-day tour of East coast communities, and she returned to Wellington today. She visited Rotorua, Murupara, Hastings, Wairoa, Gisborne and Ruatōrea.

    Ardern said she was trying to support people.

    “There’s not too much that’s useful I can do at a vaccination centre, other than distract people when they get injected, or provide a coffee.”

    In the last seven days 115,000 people have received their first shot.

    Another 9700 Māori were vaccinated, after yesterday’s record of just over 10,000.

    Auckland now has 86 percent of people with at least one dose.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    Northland will move to alert level 3 restrictions from 11:59pm tonight, New Zealand’s Covid-19 Response Minister has confirmed.

    Minister Chris Hipkins held a briefing at Parliament on the situation in Northland this evening.

    The new restrictions will remain in place until 11.59pm Tuesday and will be reviewed at Cabinet on Monday.

    Hipkins said the move was necessary following new information on the risk presented by a positive case initially tested in Whangārei earlier this week and confirmed in Auckland yesterday. The woman was now in an Auckland managed isolation quarantine facility.

    “Updated information provided by the police today shows the case moved extensively around Northland after travelling there on October 2,” Hipkins said.

    He said it was believed she did not travel alone and travelled with another woman, who was not yet in MIQ.

    “We believe this new information warrants an alert level change decision to keep Northland people safe,” he said.

    “It has also been taken because the individual has not been cooperative with contact tracing efforts.”

    He said the woman had not supplied the reason for being in Northland.

    Watch the news briefing

    Video: RNZ News

    “It has been very difficult to get information about this particular case,” Hipkins said.

    “The first test result we had was what you could describe as an indeterminate test result, so it was quite difficult to locate the person.

    “The information that they supplied when they were tested the first time did not provide sufficent information to be able to contact them with the test result and get them back to be tested.

    “It took some time to track them down, the police ultimately were able to assist there and did help to track the person down.”

    Hipkins said he understood the woman obtained a document by providing false information to leave Auckland but this was yet to be verified. When it was discovered and revoked they were already in Auckland.

    The first locations of interest for Northland have been added to the Ministry of Health’s website.

    They include BP Connect Wylies petrol station and the Z Kensington service station in Whangārei.

    Northland vaccination rates low
    Hipkins said another factor taken into account was that vaccination rates in Northland were low compared to the national average.

    “Without placing restrictions on movement there is a possibility that the virus could spread quite rapidly within the community.”

    It is one of the least-vaccinated regions – just two thirds of residents have had their first Pfizer dose.

    “Cases spreading at alert level 2 are a risk we cannot take, but it’s also further reason why we need to really focus on vaccinations,” said Hipkins. “Without high vaccination rates we will need to continue to use restrictions to stop the virus spreading.

    “I have two things to ask of Northlanders. First, if you have any cold and flu like symptoms please come forward and get a test as soon as possible.”

    “The second request that I have and I can’t stress this enough, is please get vaccinated. These cases do highlight the risk of Covid-19 to the unvaccinated anywhere in the country.

    “Now is the time to be vaccinated.”

    Northlanders ‘stay in bubble’
    Hipkins reminded Northlanders that alert level 3 meant they had to stay in their bubble and stay at home.

    “Don’t go and visit family, friends and neighbours, this is a virus that can spread quite quickly and that is part of the way it spreads.”

    Speaking to RNZ Checkpoint after the announcement, Whangārei Mayor Sheryl Mai said she was “actually quite grumpy”.

    “We’ve got a person who really has done everything that they should not do. And they’ve impacted on all of Northland as a result.

    “I was giving the person the benefit of the doubt earlier today. Now I’m just ropeable.”


    View: RNZ Checkpoint
    ‘Very confused messages’

    Epidemiologist Michael Baker said without full cooperation with contact tracers, public health staff are reliant on swabbing and wastewater results to track the virus’ spread.

    Professor Baker said the Te Tai Tokerau situation was “really concerning” and the lockdown “had to be done”.

    With Northland entering level 3, Auckland in a level 3 with benefits, and Waikato in level 3 restrictions, he told Checkpoint there needed to be clarity on what strategy New Zealand was pursuing against covid-19.

    “We’ve actually had very confused messages this week about a number of things, including what comes after elimination, which we seem to be transitioning out of. That hasn’t been made clear,” he said.

    “Also how are we going to use the alert level system? Because Auckland is using a stepped approach, they’re stepping up. The rest of the country’s got alert levels and is stepping down. There’s also a version of a traffic light system that’s been proposed circulating at the moment.

    “So I think this week has really been quite poor for clarity of communication and coherence.

    “The government really has to sort out where we’re going. And one of the approaches I think we should look at would actually be a regional approach.”

    Professor Baker said suppression could be pursued in Auckland while an elimination strategy could work in the South Island.

    There were 44 new cases of Covid-19 reported in the community today, including three in Waikato.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    Twenty three complaints regarding New Zealand doctors spreading anti-vaccination misinformation have been made to the Medical Council as the group says it has “zero tolerance” for anti-vax positions.

    Yesterday it was reported anti-vax GPs were hindering the rollout in Northland, where an essential worker had tested positive for covid-19.

    Covid-19 Response Minister Chris Hipkins denounced anti-vax GPs, but said it was up to the Medical Council to deal with them.

    Medical Council chairperson Dr Curtis Walker told RNZ Morning Report today: “I can’t speak about individual cases or individual notifications, but what I can say is that we very much exist on behalf of the public to ensure that doctors are practising safely at all times and our first concern to protect public safety.”

    The council had “zero tolerance for anti vaccination messages”, he said.

    “We will consider all concerns and notifications that are made to council.”

    44 new community covid cases
    Meanwhile, the Health Ministry reports that there were 44 new cases of covid-19 reported in the community today, including three in Waikato.

    There was no New Zealand media briefing today. In a statement, the ministry said 12 of the new cases were yet to be linked to earlier cases. There were now 26 cases unlinked from the past 14 days.

    Director of Public Health Dr Caroline McElnay said the higher number of new cases today was not unexpected “because there have been a number of contacts of new cases and we can expect to get fluctuations from day-to-day”.

    The three new cases in Waikato are all linked and contacts of existing cases.

    Yesterday, there were 29 new cases in the community. Five of those were in Waikato.

    There are 25 people in hospital, including five in intensive care.

    There have now been 25 cases in Waikato and 1450 in Auckland in the current outbreak. There has been a total of 1492 cases.

    Complaints considered
    About complaints to the Medical Council, Dr Walker said: “We will examine the circumstances of what a doctor has said or done, carefully consider their responses, for example, if they’re not going to do it again, or not going to post anymore videos or promulgate any further misinformation.

    “If that’s the kind of response we sort of take a satisfied or an educative type approach, and a ‘don’t do it again’ approach,” he said.

    “If people are going to persist and in disseminating this information, then we will look at taking further action.”

    Dr Walker said the council had “received the number of notifications around doctors, including the Northland people”.

    The council expected doctors to act in accordance with the expected standards at all times, Walker said.

    “Our standard around this is that any advice provided around vaccination has to be evidence based and expert informed and the medical evidence is that the vaccination is safe, effective and overwhelmingly supported by the healthy evidence, and certainly the best way to predict our whānau and communities from this pandemic.

    “So that is the evidence-based advice that we expect doctors to give.”

    ‘Small part’ of medical advice
    Dr Walker said doctors spreading anti-vax misinformation were a “very small part of the medical profession”.

    The council had received notifications about 23 individual doctors.

    “I’m pleased to say that despite the noise and distraction and harm that a few doctors can do, it is a very small part of the medical profession – we’ve just received very small number of notifications, in contrast to the many thousands of doctors and health care workers at the frontline vaccinating, delivering health care and leading New Zealand’s public health response,” Dr Walker said.

    “Also I note the thousands of doctors who recently stood up publicly to encourage and support vaccination.”

    The complaint review process involved reviews called professional conduct committees.

    Walker said the council aimed to “get those up running and sorted in around six months – a decision in six months and that decision can involve a charge with the health practitioner practitioners at a disciplinary tribunal”.

    When asked if that time frame was too long, Dr Walker said “what I will say is that at all stages the public is protected. So if we see that there’s harm being done by a doctor’s conduct or practice or misinformation, in these cases we will institute measures such as requesting or requiring the doctor to cease doing what it is that they’re doing.

    “And that can include suspending a doctor while the investigations take place so that the public is protected as we work our way through the cases.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    Those most at-risk of serious illness or death from covid-19 are frequently targeted with misinformation, reports Stuff.

    Produced by Stuff in partnership with Māori Television and the Pacific Media Network, “The Whole Truth: Covid-19 Vaccination” counters the falsehoods.

    It explains the topics prone to misinformation, and seeks to inform rather than inflame. It does not advocate for policy positions, apart from transparency and accuracy in public debate.

    On this page, and across a range of social media and print publications, “The Whole Truth” about the covid-19 vaccine is published through a series of videos, graphics and words.

    The project received funding from the Google News Initiative. This money is used to pay animators, presenters, and an expert advisory panel.

    The journalism is independent and created under Stuff’s code of ethics.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Michael Plank, University of Canterbury

    The announcement this week that New Zealand will introduce a vaccination certificate by November is welcome news. Whether by “carrot” or “stick”, vaccination rates must keep climbing, as it is now likely case numbers will climb under alert level 3 conditions in Auckland.

    We’ve seen a growing number of mystery cases over the past couple of weeks – people testing positive after going to hospital for non-covid reasons, or from essential worker surveillance testing.

    These cases suggest there is a significant amount of undetected community transmission, and that makes it much harder to stamp out.

    While the slight easing of restrictions announced on Tuesday may or may not accelerate the growth in cases, it is unlikely to slow it.

    This has led to some debate about whether the government has abandoned its elimination strategy in favour of suppression of cases.

    To some extent this is a semantic argument. Elimination has been defined as “zero tolerance” for community transmission, as opposed to zero cases. The fact that New Zealand was able to get to zero cases for much of the past 18 months has inevitably come to define what elimination has meant in practice.

    Before vaccines were widely available, having zero cases was crucial in allowing us to enjoy level 1 freedoms.

    But New Zealand is now transitioning into a new phase of the pandemic, and this was always going to happen. Borders can’t remain closed forever and the virus was always going to arrive sooner or later.

    Return to tougher restrictions still a possibility
    In an ideal world, our border defences would have kept delta out and New Zealand would have been able to stay at alert level 1 until the vaccine rollout was complete.

    But the delta outbreak has forced our hand to some extent.

    Whether another week or two at level 4 would have been enough to eliminate this outbreak is impossible to know. Given the outbreak is spreading in very difficult-to-reach communities, stamping out every chain of transmission is extremely challenging.

    As we shift from an elimination to a suppression strategy, the country will have to tread a very narrow path to avoid overwhelming our hospitals and throwing our at-risk populations under the bus.

    This includes Māori and Pasifika, who were effectively put at the back of the vaccine queue by dint of their younger populations, despite being at higher risk of severe covid-19.

    We are now relying on a combination of restrictions and immunity through vaccination to prevent cases growing too rapidly. As vaccination rates increase, restrictions can be progressively eased.

    But if we relax too much, there is a risk the number of hospitalisations could start to spiral out of control. When the R number is above 1, cases will continue to grow relentlessly until either more immunity or tougher restrictions bring it back under 1.

    Getting vaccination rates up is crucial but will take time, so the government may yet be forced to tighten restrictions to protect our healthcare systems.

    The vaccination advantage
    New Zealand was always going to have to grapple with these really tough decisions, though delta has forced us to do this earlier than we would have liked.

    But our elimination strategy has given us has an important advantage – almost 70 percent of the total population has had at least one dose of the vaccine before experiencing any large-scale community transmission.

    We still have a lot of work ahead, but having access to the vaccine before being exposed to the virus is a luxury people in most countries didn’t have.

    There is a lot that could happen between now and Christmas. Currently, the Australian state of Victoria has more than 100 people in intensive care, which is equivalent to almost a third of New Zealand’s total ICU capacity.

    Those ICU beds are normally full with patients with conditions other than covid-19.

    The implications for the healthcare system are obvious. If New Zealand goes the way of Melbourne, harsher restrictions will probably be inevitable.

    Not a white flag
    The more optimistic scenario is that a combination of restrictions, vaccination and contact tracing is just enough to keep a lid on the case numbers. It’s almost inevitable cases will increase. But if it isn’t too rapid and hospitals can meet the demand, it could tide us over until we have the high vaccine coverage we need.

    And while vaccination rates are not yet high enough, they are still helping a lot, cutting the R number to around half what it would be with no vaccine.

    The country is in a far better position now than it would have been if the Auckland outbreak had happened in May or June.

    Everyone can do their bit by doing two things: help and encourage those around you to get vaccinated, and stick to the rules.

    We have to keep community transmission rates low to keep pressure off our hospitals and help us get to the next step of the road map. Moving away from a literal interpretation of elimination does not mean waving a white flag.The Conversation

    Dr Michael Plank, professor in applied mathematics, University of Canterbury. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • COMMENTARY: By Gavin Ellis of Knightly Views

    It appears we are a nation of selfish malcontents for whom enough is never enough.

    That is one of the conclusions I’ve been forced to draw after seven weeks of covid lockdown in Auckland. And, because my isolation has been broken only by a few medical appointments that are valid reasons for leaving my security-guarded community, I gain my impressions through our media and a diet containing a surfeit of opinion, some of it in the guise of news.

    I am confronted daily by examples of peevish bleating, whining, and complaining. I hear demands for certainty where there can be none.

    I hear commentators crying out for an end to level 4 then level 3 lockdown. They range from predictable nay-saying radio hosts like Mike Hosking, Heather du Plessis-Allan and Kerre McIvor to the unscientific Sir John Key, whose syndicated comments were the product of some yet-to-be-revealed stratagem by the former prime minister.

    I see New Zealanders demanding that their right to return to this country be met NOW when it is obvious that the number of intending returnees far exceeds the country’s capacity to safely manage them.

    I read of business demanding the ability to trade, and parents demanding to take their children to far-flung spots for the school holidays, when doing so risks undoing the constraint that has been put on the spread of the delta variant.

    I am told the government is incompetent or that it has gone too hard, and that the police haven’t gone hard enough on gangs and followers of Brian Tamaki.

    Nation of whingers?
    What else could I conclude but that we are a nation of whingers?

    But I have also concluded that some of our news media are exhibiting signs of split personality: While devoting an extraordinary amount of time and space to the malcontents, they are also pursuing positive campaigns to get the eligible population vaccinated.

    They also – thank goodness – show a willingness to accommodate the views of members of the medical and scientific community, whose opinions we so desperately need to hear.

    The two positions are not, of course, mutually exclusive. Media have a duty to report dissent as well as the positives. However, while front page lead stories supporting efforts to contain the delta variant have far outweighed those that argue against them, I have a sense that this Winter Of Our Discontent emphasis is compromising the vax campaign by legitimising self-entitlement.

    In my lockdown musings I have, however, reached one further conclusion that both saddens and frustrates me. It is the realisation that many of those who need to get the message to get vaccinated are beyond the reach of news media.

    These are people who do not read newspapers, watch television news programmes, listen to radio news bulletins or access the online services that each provides. They have no idea what a “1pm stand-up” means.

    They do not engage with news on any other basis than word-of-mouth or social media and the results are fragmented, selective, and often-as-not wrong. In other words, the commendable media campaigns to raise vaccination levels never reach them.

    Getting to the marginalised
    Ways need to be found to get to this marginalised part of our community. Perhaps the answer is for the media to go on the road. A media roadshow visiting suburbs with which they seldom positively identify might have benefits beyond helping us to get closer to that magic 90 per cent vaccination target.

    I was about to say I had reached another conclusion but that’s too strong a word for it. I have a suspicion that the Winter Of Our Discontent is not a reflection of widespread public opinion. I am led to that suspicion by two polls.

    The first was a Spinoff poll in August that showed 72 percent supported the move to Level 4, and the second was a Talbot Mills survey that showed strong support for keeping our border closed until 90 percent of the eligible population is vaccinated.

    These suggest to me a greater level of resilience (and common sense) than negative media stories might indicate. It’s also manifested in the (admittedly limited) interactions I have with people these days.

    That also might be reflected in a letter I read in The New Zealand Herald last week. It was in response to a story about a man who feared he would not be allowed to witness his wife giving birth to triplets in Auckland if he returned to Rotorua to work.

    M.A. Hume of Mt Roskill, who admitted to being “old enough to remember the Second World War”, recalled a friend whose husband died at El Alamein without ever seeing his daughter and others who had not seen their families for four years and had no certainty of returning to them. “In those days,” the letter writer said, “huge sacrifices were commonplace.”

    I would like to think that, today, most of us can muster that same sense of self-sacrifice and resolve. Given the announcements last weekend of rising cases in Auckland and a spread to the Waikato, we’ll need it.

    Dr Gavin Ellis holds a PhD in political studies. He is a media consultant and researcher. A former editor-in-chief of The New Zealand Herald, he has a background in journalism and communications – covering both editorial and management roles – that spans more than half a century. Dr Ellis publishes a blog called Knightly Views where this commentary was first published and it is republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

    • Read the full Gavin Ellis article here:

    Media lessons from a pandemic

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Close-up of baby hand holding mommy's fingers.

    Black women and their newborn babies are trapped in a public health crisis that is rooted in enslavement and perpetuated by systemic racism. Centuries of marginalization, exposure to environmental toxins, use of Black women’s bodies for scientific and pseudo-scientific experimentation, poor housing, substandard education, and the food apartheid that denies Black people self-determination in nutritional health have conspired over centuries to produce alarming health disparities and literally kill Black women and infants. These deaths are preventable, yet the numbers of the dead have risen. Looking forward, experts fear that the COVID-19 pandemic will only exacerbate racial disparities in maternal and infant health.

    Across racial lines, the United States has the highest rates of maternal mortality than any other developed country in the world, with 17.4 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2018. According to the American Medical Association (AMA), this rate of maternal death was more than double the rates of maternal mortality in countries of comparable wealth. The following year, in 2019, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) found that the U.S. maternal mortality rate rose to 20.1 deaths per 100,000 live births.

    Black maternal mortality ranks even worse. Maternal mortality rates for non-Hispanic African American women rose from 37.3 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2018 to 44.0 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2019. Black women’s maternal mortality exceeds that of other BIPOC women, including Latinx women, whose rates of maternal mortality (11.8 in 2018 and 12.6 in 2019) are lower than white women (17.4 in 2018 and 17.9 in 2019).

    The CDC 2018 statistics on maternal mortality do not include data on Indigenous women, even though statistics on racial disparities were included in the report. (Indigenous women’s exclusion from the 2018 CDC report is consistent with their experience of marginalization in U.S. politics and policies, as well as silencing in the public discourse.) The CDC does have rates of maternal mortality for Indian and Alaska Native women for 2014-2017: 28.3 per 100,000 live births compared to 41.7 per 100,000 live births for African American women during that same period. During that period, white women and Asian and Pacific Islander women were statistically tied, at 13.4 per 100,000 live births and 13.8 per 100,000 live births respectively, while Latinx women had the lowest rates of maternal mortality, at 11.6 per 100,000 live births.

    A History of Medical Apartheid

    In a stunning 2018 New York Times article, Linda Villarosa, journalist-in-residence at the Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism at CUNY, identified the stress related to Black life in the U.S. as one cause of the racial disparities in Black maternal health. The impact of racism on maternal health has specific expressions on women of African descent when compared to other BIPOC women, including Latinx, Asian and Pacific Islander, and Indigenous women.

    “The racial disparity in maternal and infant mortality between Black and white women is stark — but Black women have the worst outcomes in America because we have been the targets of harm for so long,” Villarosa told Truthout. “Institutional and structural racism have affected our communities for centuries, beginning with slavery and continuing with Jim Crow, segregation in housing and education, redlining and the poisoning of our neighborhoods with pollution. Our bodies have also been studied closely, at first because of the commodification tied to enslavement, later as test subjects.”

    Black babies are also locked in this death grip. According to the CDC, in 2018, the infant mortality rate in this country was 5.7 deaths per 1,000 live births. However, the rate of Black infant mortality was, alarmingly, double that, at 10.8 deaths per 1,000 live births.

    Higher socioeconomic status does not liberate African Americans from the risk of maternal or infant mortality, as Serena Williams’s experience after giving birth to her daughter Olympia made clear. While income inequality certainly impacts infant and maternal health, infant mortality rates are higher among babies born to well-educated, middle-class Black women than in babies whose mothers are low-income white women with only a high school education.

    “What is interesting about this question regarding the impact of poor maternal health on Black communities is that, despite education, income and employment, we are still dying,” Simone Toomer, a certified birth and postpartum doula, childbirth educator and international board-certified lactation consultant, says. “This shows it is beyond us and our efforts, although being informed and advocating for ourselves does make a difference.” Toomer adds that these disparities, despite wealth and education, impact Black families in ways maternal and infant mortality rates do not quantify when mother and baby survive but do not thrive. “Poor maternal health care trickles down into poor breastfeeding rates amongst our infants, higher percentage of Black mothers being readmitted to the hospital after delivery and higher rates of PMADs [perinatal or postpartum mood and anxiety disorder].” These health outcomes have reverberating impacts on Black communities across income levels and through U.S. society more broadly.

    Villarosa, who is author of the forthcoming book on race and public health titled, Under the Skin: Racism, Inequality and the Health of a Nation, does have numbers to place poor maternal and infant care in perspective: “Racial disparity in maternal and infant mortality has led to tens of thousands of lost lives. For every woman that dies as a result of pregnancy, childbirth and the months after a birth, nearly 100 women almost die. This is traumatizing for individuals and families.”

    The reasons for these racial disparities and the overwhelming trauma they cause across income and education levels are vast and complex, according to Chi Chi Okwu, executive director of EverThrive Illinois, a social services agency dedicated to achieving health equity. “What we do know is that the combination and crushing weight of racism and sexism has a profound impact on the health of BIPOC women,” Okwu says. “This is a complex issue that requires us to look at the entire health ecosystem in addition to dismantling the racist and sexist institutions in our society.” In a state where, according to a 2016-2017 report from the Illinois Department of Public Health, Black women are three times likely to die from pregnancy-related medical conditions as white women, Okwu and her colleagues at EverThrive are focused on changing policy to improve birth outcomes. At the state level, these policies include expanding Medicaid to provide doula, lactation consulting and home-visiting services.

    Black Women Are Doing the Work

    To produce healthier outcomes, African American women are working to disrupt the policies, systems and the inherent bias among health care workers that harm vulnerable Black mothers and their babies. Policymakers in the Biden administration seeking to improve Black maternal and infant health should listen to these women.

    In addition to policy, EverThrive Illinois also supports initiatives developed through strategic partnerships that center women and babies most impacted by racial and economic inequalities in health. The Family Connects Chicago program is one initiative Okwu’s organization supports to promote positive health outcomes for Black women and their newborns. In a city where Black unemployment far outpaced other racial groups well before COVID, Family Connects provides a visiting nurse for parents who are having difficulty getting to doctor’s appointments. Okwu says a home visitation nurse can work with the parents to identify the barriers to care and obtain the support they need to overcome them.

    To afford a baby nurse that comes into the home to support mother and child, wealthy families in the Chicago area must pay salaries averaging in the high-five to low-six figures. The median baby nurse salary in Chicago is nearly $80,000. Through Family Connects, parents who can’t afford to pay more than they make themselves receive the same privilege of in-home care. “Home visiting provides an opportunity for parents to conveniently receive additional support in their own home. This is not a substitute to going to their OB-GYN or pediatrician,” Okwu explains. “Parents need all the support they can get after giving birth, and home visiting is just one part of the support network to ensure both the parent and child are getting all of the help they need in the postpartum period.”

    Improving the relationship between health care systems and African American homes requires shifts in both policy and the public conversation in order to address racism in medical settings. The AMA and The American College of Obstetrics and Gynecologists (ACOG) have identified racism as a public health crisis. To dismantle racism in health care and improve outcomes in Black maternal and infant health, professionals must focus on policies and systems that directly impact Black families. “Dismantling racism in health care will take a multi-pronged systemic and localized approach. We need to ensure that all people have access to high-quality, comprehensive health care,” Okwu says. “We also need to ensure that the care being provided is culturally competent and patient-centered.”

    Reducing racial health disparities requires such significant change, but Black women like Okwu are already producing outcomes that health care professionals in ACOG and the AMA, as well as policymakers in Biden administration, should consider. In Okwu’s state, participation in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) program had declined, reducing the opportunities for Black women and babies to benefit from the breastfeeding support and healthy food WIC provides. In response, EverThrive Illinois convened a group of partners — those who run WIC sites and WIC program participants — to form the Making WIC Work Coalition and, in 2019, published a landmark Making WIC Work Report. In response to the coalition’s advocacy, the State of Illinois has made significant improvements to the way it runs WIC, including eliminating a discriminatory coupon system which has limited access to food for mostly Black and Brown families in Chicago for more than 20 years; offering more choices so people shopping with WIC can redeem their benefits for a wider variety of foods; providing updated guidance so that all WIC sites provide consistent services and implement streamlined application procedures; and adapting quickly to provide flexibility in WIC enrollment and redemption of benefits so families can care for themselves during the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Though the data is not yet available, certainly the global pandemic has exacerbated racial disparities in health outcomes for Black women and babies. The California Health Care Foundation has documented these complications, but the problems of Black women’s access to quality maternal and infant care through the pandemic are national in scope.

    Black-led organizations lead the efforts to fill COVID-related gaps. The Social Science Research Council (SSRC) is studying the work done in Cleveland, Ohio, by Birthing Beautiful Communities (BBC), a Black-owned and run perinatal support agency. By studying service shifts caused by the COVID pandemic, including the use of technology in infant mortality prevention programming, SSRC expects “the findings to have implications for healthcare service delivery for Black women and their families.”

    Black Women and Doulas

    One successful program initiative at BBC is the community-based doula program, which provides overnight postpartum care. Doulas can fill wide gaps created by racism in health care. According to Toomer, “The data is limited on how doulas reduce the Black maternal and infant mortality; however, across the board, we know continuous doula support increases positive outcomes for both the birthing person and infant through emotional and physical support, advocacy and preparation.”

    Toomer, who works at New York Presbyterian Methodist Hospital in Brooklyn as a doula and lactation consultant providing prenatal education and support in the clinic and on the Mother Baby Unit, and who also has a thriving private practice, explains that doulas provide multiple beams of support for families. Depending on their training, birth doulas support families through pregnancy, with some trained to support people as they undergo the assisted reproductive technology known as in vitro fertilization (IVF), in which eggs and sperm are combined in a laboratory. Toomer explains that “Doulas provide resources, educate and empower families around their birth options before the baby is here and in the laboring room. We assist within that first hour with latching baby and ensuring a smooth transition once home.” Consistent with the efforts of organizations like EverThrive Illinois and the BBC, doulas also provide critical care to support mothers and give infants a better chance at surviving the first year after birth. Toomer says, “Postpartum doulas come into the home to support newborn feeding, assessing for PMADS, the need for sleep and food, newborn education and ensuring everyone continues to transition smoothly.”

    Toomer says that doulas fill gaps that are the standard in maternal care throughout in the medical community. “All parents have to bring their infant to the pediatrician in the first 24-28 hours after discharge; however, oftentimes, no one is checking in on the parents. Many things can happen in those six weeks but unfortunately that is the next time most birthing people are seeing their care providers after delivery.”

    Toomer worked with the Healthy Start Brooklyn’s By My Side Support Program for four years. She says that, as a doula, “at every monthly meeting we would hear how our support prenatally, through delivery and postpartum, affirmed families, empowered them and provided that continuity of care that is lacking from the American health care system.”

    Systemic Change Is Needed

    From her vantage point on the front lines of the Black maternal and infant mortality crisis, Toomer hears “in many stories regarding Black maternal death, accountability is lacking. Accountability of these providers.” She insists that the work she does will never be enough to save Black women and their babies, and that this country’s health care system needs significant institutional change. “It is nice to be on the radar; however, it is beyond providing a doula for every Black mom. We are a small piece in the big puzzle.”

    Change needs to start at the top with establishments such as hospitals, Toomer asserts. “Anti-racism health professionals need to continue training in cultural humility. Black women need to be heard and listened to. Biases need to be erased. We need to be looked at as human and respected as such.”

    Villarosa says California is providing a template to address the needs that Black women like she and Toomer have identified. “Our country should follow the lead of California, which made implicit bias training mandatory for all health care providers who work with pregnant and birthing people,” Villarosa says. “During the pandemic, the state became the first to make implicit bias training mandatory for all providers, which will go in effect in January. The U.S. should do the same.”

    The California Health Care Foundation says that exposing people to their unconscious bias and providing “a historical context for modern-day inequities in maternal health” can help professionals produce healthier outcomes as they “begin to understand how even well-meaning routine responses to patients can inadvertently cause harm and even death.”

    Despite this promising commitment to dismantling racism in health care, Villarosa says that, in researching her book, the most surprising thing she discovered “is how well discrimination in our medical system has been documented — yet, there’s still a call for more ‘proof.’” This is more than unnerving as Black women and their babies continue to die at disproportionate rates, and experience poor health outcomes even when Black mothers survive the birthing process and Black babies survive the first year of life. These poor maternal and infant outcomes are the shame of a system that, as Toomer says, “is a broken system never meant to help us.”

    Villarosa testifies to a consistent national truth: “Racial health disparities have been part of the American story since the founding of our country. Black mothers and babies should not be dying for reasons that are largely preventable. This isn’t how a just society treats a segment of its population.” The U.S. has the most advanced, expensive health care system in the world, she points out, “so why are we the only wealthy country where the overall rates of women dying or almost dying related to pregnancy are rising? And why do we have the highest rate of infant mortality of all the wealthy countries? These poor health outcomes are shameful, driven by the disproportionate death rates of Black mothers and babies, and are revealing that nation’s inequality.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The 2014 coup d’état against the elected Yingluck Shinawatra’s government, staged by a military group calling themselves the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO),  can be viewed as a continuation of the 2006 coup d’état that deposed Yingluck’s elder brother, Thaksin Shinawatra. In each case, a central goal was to disrupt the system of electoral politics that was based on the provisions of the 1997 constitution. This system was viewed as a major threat, as it had empowered politicians and political parties at the expense of the bureaucracy. The 2014 coup also led to major disruption at the subnational level, as it interrupted the mechanisms of local democracy that had arisen from innovations incorporated into the 1997 constitution. These provisions not only challenged the historical territorial dominance of the Ministry of Interior (MOI), but had more generally become an important foundation for Thailand’s democratic consolidation. In sum, the 2014 coup undercut the spirit of the 1997 reform.

    Click on the cover image below to download the full policy brief.

    My report, available to download by clicking on the image above, examines changes in central-local relations under the NCPO military regime. While many observers of Southeast Asian politics would be familiar with how the 2014 coup undermined national-level democratic institutions—from the constitution to elections to representative structures—it is also important to understand how the regime suspended local elections and tried to assert control over the mechanisms of local democracy that had emerged since 1997 (as part of what as known as the system of Local Administration, centred around what are called Local Administrative Organisations, or LAOs). This report examines changes in the power relations at three distinct levels: between the central bureaucracy and the Local Administration, between bureaucrats and politicians, and between politicians and people. In order to understand these processes of political change, I argue, analysis needs to consider dynamics not only within formal institutions but also across the informal networks that extend from NCPO rulers at the top of the system through intermediary levels (politicians, bureaucrats, and local leaders) and downward to the people at the grassroots.

    The analysis is divided into four parts. The first section demonstrates how the NCPO centralised its power after 2014, leading to discontinuity in the processes of local democracy. Second, I trace the mechanisms of control deployed by the NCPO at the subnational level, from the promulgation of the 2017 constitution up to the general election held in March 2019, as they manipulated political networks at various levels to support of their electoral victory. Thirdly, the Royal Project is discussed as an illustration of how a project prioritised by the central bureaucracy could introduce new imperatives into the chain of command linking the bureaucracy to the democratically elected LAOs. The article closes on a more hopeful note, exploring the important role of LAOs in responding to the crisis of  the COVID-19 pandemic.

    An urban election rally in 2019. Image supplied by the author.

    From day one, the NCPO exerted its power through the Provincial Administration, the traditional territorial structures of the MOI, a central bureaucracy through which any command from Bangkok can be communicated  all the way down to the village level. Through the extensive reach of the Provincial Administration into subnational levels, the NCPO was able to keep track of the resistance, track down opponents, and enforce its commands at the local level. Moreover, the NCPO interrupted local democracy by ordering the indefinite suspension of all local elections.

    To tighten its power, the NCPO also took advantage of a rarely used organisation under the control of the Ministry of Interior: the Damrong Darma Centres. These centres can receive complaints from any source, and ultilise their powers to mediate and to summon relevant people for the purpose of investigation. These tools have been used by the NCPO to suppress their political opponents, especially the community leaders and politicians who were associated with the Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra governments. Second, as part of an effort to gain control over the LAOs, the State Audit Office investigates the budgets of various projects carried out by the local authorities. Third, the NCPO also has utilised the power of the National Anti-Corruption Commission to investigate local politicians who were allegedly involved in corruption. These mechanisms forced local politicians to yield to the power of NCPO, switch  political allegiances, or at least to refrain from conducting political activities.

    An election rally organized at a community forest. Image supplied by the author.

    Also as part of its efforts to consolidate power, the NCPO dipped deep into the national budget to fund government projects under the umbrella of the Pracharath (people-state) scheme. Launched in September 2015, the scheme was promoted as an economic stimulus with the goal of eliminating poverty. Judging by how the project was structured, the goals were not only to build popularity for the NCPO government but also to establish mutual benefit with business enterprises. The first tangible project was called Thongfa Pracharath (thongfa – blue flag), which issued indigent cards for low-income people. The cardholders could use the credit to buy goods at the designated blue-flag shops selling products from Pracharath’s partner companies.

    Another project was Pracharath Rak Samakkee (Pracharath Loves Unity), aimed at establishing local enterprises in every province by obtaining know-how from national business conglomerates. While some local enterprises were successfully established, the overall pace of project roll-out has been delayed by the pandemic. Even so, this project allows the bureaucracy to connect with the business enterprises and gives ample opportunities for the enterprises to deepen their linkages at the subnational level.

    The constitutional rot behind Thailand’s emergency decree

    Constitutional rot can eventually lead to a full-blown crisis where no one obeys the highest laws of the land, descending into a perfect chaos.

    In September 2018, the NCPO established its own political party, Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP), meaning “the Power of Pracharath”. Not coincidentally, people in rural areas had, by that point, seen “Pracharath” signs in every community at the Thongfa Pracharath shops.

    Apart from its institutional manipulation, the NCPO also tried to consolidate its power by utilising and altering existing networks, beginning with people’s networks that had the potential to resist the regime. Bonds between leaders and their supporters were undermined by the use of some unjust laws, including lèse-majesté, to accuse and prosecute activists, local leaders, and politicians. In addition, the NCPO prosecuted various politicians who sided with Thaksin in order to pressure them to stop their political actions and switch to the NCPO side. All of these actions exacerbated the climate of fear felt throughout the country.

    During the actual election campaign, the PPRP used many techniques to obstruct the campaigns of its opponents. For example, it restricted their access to public areas such as government facilities, schools, and universities. Furthermore, officials closely monitored the  campaigns of opposition candidates, seeking to spot behavior that could be construed as a violation of the electoral law. Mechanisms intended to curb vote-buying were enforced very selectively against one side but not the other.

    Through these various manoevres, the overall trend has been toward a marked re-centralisation of power. In effect, the NCPO has relied heavily on the central bureaucracy, and the central bureaucracy has in turn increased its control over the Local Administration. As the power of the bureaucracy has been enhanced, it has also needed to develop a new means to mobilise citizens—a task that it could not legitimately perform by itself. This has led to reliance on political brokers who are highly proficient in the art of mobilisation. This inevitably heightens the power of the brokers as they act as the intermediaries between the bureaucrats and the people. In the process, we see the reemergence of local powerbrokers—the phu mi itthiphon—who were especially important in Thai politics in the period before 1997. Their informal political networks are now more evident once again, albeit now working alongside the new players that have been introduced through the Pracharath scheme. This includes, most notably, some of the country’s leading business conglomerates. In effect, there is a new form of government patronage that puts people at the mercy of the state and wealthy capitalists.

    A municipal mayor gives a speech to open a group exercise project organized by the municipality and senior citizen network. Image supplied by the author.

    Lastly, this report examines the valuable role played by municipalities in mounting an effective response to COVID-19 within their respective jurisdictions—using their strong political networks to disseminate health expertise. Among the measure introduced are those mandating home quarantine, temperature assessment in crowded areas, handing out face masks and alcohol gel, and teaching the public how to make personal protective equipment. Even with the suspension of local elections by the NCPO, local politicians commonly persisted in trying to perform their duties as best as possible—hoping, of course, to enhance their political prospects once elections resume (as they finally were: for the provincial-level LAOs in late 2020 and at the municipal level in April 2021). The creative health measures put in place at the local level represented a major contrast with the central government, which generally did not respond effectively to the pandemic as they centralised the decision-making process and used emergency decrees to control information.

    This strong health response at the local level, responding to the immediate needs of the people, helped to keep alive the strong linkages between the LAOs and the people. For those wanting to see the restoration of democracy in Thailand, the recent local elections represent a potential source of light at the end of the tunnel.

    The post Central-local relations in Thailand since 2014 appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • RNZ News

    New Zealanders need to pitch in for a final push to get as many people vaccinated as possible, says the Covid-19 Response Minister Chris Hipkins, who has announced a new “national day of action” for vaccinations.

    Hipkins and Director of Public Health Dr Caroline McElnay gave today’s update on the fight against covid-19.

    There were 39 new community cases in New Zealand today — including nine in Waikato — although just one is not yet linked to earlier cases.

    There were 24 community cases yesterday.

    Half of eligible Kiwis have been vaccinated and at least 85 percent of Aucklanders have received at least one dose.

    But Hipkins said everyone had a role to to play in getting vaccination rates up, and he wanted those already vaccinated to help those who had not been to get a dose.

    “This will culminate in a national day for vaccination on Saturday 16 October — Super Saturday.

    “On that day, we will have vaccine clinics open all through Aotearoa all day and into the evening and a bit like election day, we will be asking all our civic and political leaders to contribute to a big effort to turn people out.”

    Tomorrow, maps showing suburbs with lowest vaccination rates will be published.

    Watch the briefing

    Video: RNZ News

    “This will be helping local iwi, who have been pushing for this, our local communities, and our local MPs to work together to mobilise their communities.”

    A website will be going live later today with information about the Saturday event.

    “My request to everybody is this: Pitch in and get this done.”

    Hipkins said the new cases outside the Auckland border were “stark reminder of how tricky the virus can be”.

    “Our strategy to date of keeping covid-19 out has served us well, but we can’t keep doing that forever,” he said.

    “As the prime minister said on Monday, getting back to zero cases of covid-19 in the community is unlikely. We need to prepare for a gradual transition to the next phase of our covid-19 response.”

    At yesterday’s 1pm briefing, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announced Cabinet had agreed to the use of vaccine certificates in New Zealand.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    A youth-led Pasifika mass vaccination event in Auckland has immunised several thousand people over the past four days.

    Pacific health provider South Seas’ youth group Bubble Gum ran a drive-through event called Rally Your Village at Auckland’s Vodafone Events Centre.

    The event has resulted in 4542 people being vaccinated — mostly youth and young adults.

    South Seas chief executive Silao Vaisola-Sefo said it was successful because it was community-driven.

    He said they wanted to take people on a journey through the process of getting vaccinated and to create a festival atmosphere.

    Minister of Pacific Peoples Aupito William Sio said the numbers were impressive.

    “A huge congratulations, absolutely proud of the leadership of the Bubble Gum group in leading that,” he said.

    “Their efforts alongside other young people who are leading the charge are probably responsible for the huge uptake in the covid-19 vaccine for that age group.”

    More than 5000 food parcels, petrol vouchers, 2000 kids packs, and NZ$100,000 worth of incentives were distributed to those attending.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • RNZ News

    Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern says cabinet has agreed to the use of vaccine certificates in New Zealand.

    New Zealand’s “vaccine passport” is likely to be a digital covid-19 vaccination certificate containing a QR code.

    A vaccine certificate was proof that a person has been vaccinated and was now common overseas, Ardern said.

    More details will be shared in coming weeks, but for now the certificates will be used as a tool in high-risk settings including large events and the government is consulting on their use in places like hospitality.

    It will not be used for places like supermarkets or essential health services. It will be available either in digital form on smartphones or can be downloaded and printed out.

    They are likely to start being used in November.

    Ardern said: “Please get vaccinated now, summer is close. And so to be fully vaccinated and fully protected and do the things you love, you need to be vaccinated this month, not in December”.

    The best Christmas present to families this year would be to get vaccinated, Ardern said.

    Ministry of Health officials Shayne Hunter (Deputy Director-General Data and Digital) and Michael Dreyer (General Manager, National Digital Services) said they would be making access to vaccination records available “soon”.

    Watch the announcement

    Video: RNZ News

    Within a few weeks of that — late this month — test results should be available via the My Covid Record, and after that the downloadable certificates will be accessible around November.

    People wanting to access their record will be able to access it using a My Health account or RealMe. They will be able to create an account if they do not already have one.

    The record will show details including batch number, site, and which arm was used. Second vaccinations can also be booked through the system.

    Watch: How My Covid Record will work

    Video: RNZ News

    There will be an app available for verification, and it should be able to be used either on a mobile device, on a website or using printouts.

    They say it will be reachable from the current Covid app, but it is not part of the app because of privacy settings that are required.

    They intend to keep the paper form available to people who don’t have access to digital technology.

    Ardern says they are also looking at ways that people can visit a health professional and have a certificate printed out for them.

    Large scale events are likely to make the use of the certificates mandatory, and while they may not be mandated in smaller settings those venues may consider using it themselves. The government is still considering its options about whether the certificates will be mandatory in some of those gatherings.

    “That is an area where we are going to be very cautious and also learn from overseas,” Ardern said.

    Technology on trial
    The technology was being trialled and it was being widely used by some individuals, she said.

    The government is also still considering when the certificate will take effect for individuals who have been vaccinated. People are considered fully vaccinated after a second dose but they are not considered fully immunised until two weeks after they have had their second dose.

    Ardern said clear advice would be supplied about where the certificates cannot and should not be used.

    “The best way to guarantee your entry into a summer festival is to be vaccinated,” she said.

    The system could in future be adapted to take account of vaccinations administered overseas, and certification offered by other countries.

    This morning, Deputy Prime Minister Grant Robertson said mandating vaccinations was doubtful, but vaccine certificates were likely to be introduced in the near future.

    24 new covid-19 community cases
    Twenty four new covid-19 cases in the community today — 18 of them in Auckland — were reported in New Zealand today, the Ministry of Health reports.

    The other six are in the Waikato. Three of the Waikato cases were made public yesterday but are included in today’s numbers.

    There are two cases in recent returnees in managed isolation and quarantine.

    Of today’s 24 cases, seven are yet to be linked. Of yesterday’s 29 cases, eight cases remain unlinked. All the Waikato cases are linked.

    There remain 12 active subclusters where there have been recent cases.

    Based on already notified cases and their contacts, an additional 48 cases are expected.

    There were 14,905 tests were processed nationwide yesterday with 12,595 of those in Auckland. More than 85,000 swabs have been taken across Auckland in the past seven days.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    The New Zealand government has set out a three-stage roadmap that gradually eases covid-19 restrictions in Auckland.

    Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern said the government would take a careful, methodical approach to the changes.

    From midnight tomorrow, Tāmaki Makaurau will remain in alert level 3 but Aucklanders will be able to connect with people outside their bubble outdoors, with no more than two households and 10 people mingling at a time.

    Early childhood education will return as normal and people can move around Auckland for recreation, like visiting the beach or hunting.

    At the second stage, retail shops can open with face masks and social distancing, public facilities such as pools and zoos will open and the number of people who can meet outdoors will increase to 25.

    Hospitality venues will open at the third stage, seating people at a distance with a maximum capacity of 50 people.

    Public health advice at this stage also indicates schools will be able to return after the school holidays on the October 18 – with a final decision to be made closer to the time, the prime minister said.

    Outdoors makes the difference
    Ardern said that being outdoors and the ventilation that provides makes all the difference.

    “Don’t for a moment be tempted to suddenly, if the weather turns bad, switch to being in your home,” she said.

    New Zealand reported 29 new community cases of covid-19 today before the Cabinet decision on alert levels.

    In a statement, the Ministry of Health said there were also two new cases at the border.

    It said 28 of the new cases were in Auckland and one was in Waikato.

    Of the new cases, 21 were epidemiologically linked and eight were being investigated.

    That brings the total number of community cases in the current outbreak to 1357. There have been 4025 cases since the pandemic began.

    Lot of work done on step-wise process
    Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield said a lot of work had been done to evaluate the step-wise process.

    “I think this is the important feature of this next four to eight weeks, being methodical and stepwise and doing it safely. As our vaccination rate goes up, that helps and it’s already helping.”

    He said public health officials also looked carefully at the things in each step that would not increase the risk much at all, and it’s on the basis of reviewing the status each week that the decision has been made.

    “Cabinet will review each step weekly to ensure it’s safe to move before confirming the next step. The wage subsidy will continue to be available,” Ardern said.

    “In total, this phasing amounts to a careful and methodical transition plan for Auckland.

    “At the end of these steps, we will then move to a national framework that reflects a more highly vaccinated population, allowing us the ability to deal with riskier settings such as large-scale events with the use of vaccine certificates.”

    Still covid ‘zero-tolerance’
    Covid-19 Response and Education Minister Chris Hipkins told RNZ Checkpoint preparations had been underway for some time for the three-step transition.

    “If we look internationally, it’s countries that have stepped down well have stepped down slowly and consistently. Those countries that have moved faster tend to have ended up cycling backwards and forwards with their restrictions so that is something that we would like to try and avoid here if we can.”

    He said the government was continuing to have a “zero tolerance approach towards covid-19. But the way we approach this will be a little different.”

    Hipkins did not say if vaccination for school teachers would be mandatory, but signalled tougher rules for unvaccinated teachers would be introduced.

    “It may be that those who are not vaccinated need to be tested more frequently, for example, there might be requirements for unvaccinated people working in schools and working with young people who can’t be vaccinated to be frequently tested.

    “We’ll work our way through those we will talk to the sector about the practical realities of all of those other things.”

    Opposition slams roadmap
    National leader Judith Collins said the government’s “incompetence” had meant New Zealand was stuck in a “lockdown limbo” with no answers and no way out.

    She said the situation was clearly out of control and worsening every day.

    ACT leader David Seymour said the government should give the public a “proper plan” and let Aucklanders know when the finish line was in sight.

    The Green Party said the government’s roadmap for Auckland risked the safety of vulnerable communities and children.

    Co-leader Marama Davidson said now ws not the time to change the approach.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • For months, a small coalition of parents and educators has sounded the alarm about New York City's reopening plan.

    Students have had a range of experiences with remote learning over the past 18 months, with some students thriving at home, others completely disappearing from the school system, and most falling at various points in between. Since last spring, when it seemed that vaccines could end the COVID pandemic in the United States, families and educators have eagerly awaited the start of a new “normal” this fall.

    But the latest COVID spike, which in September led to over 2,000 daily deaths and critical shortages of ICU beds across much of the country, has once again turned school reopenings into a source of anxiety and argument — especially because children under 12 are ineligible for the vaccine (although that may change soon). But while some districts, including Los Angeles, are offering a choice of in-person or remote learning this year, many others are forcing almost all students to attend in person.

    This decision is especially controversial in New York City, where the failure to promptly shut down schools in March 2020 was a major factor in allowing the deadly disease to spread. Throughout the following school year, Mayor Bill de Blasio — eager to get students back in school and parents back to work — promoted the safety and educational benefits of in-person learning, but the vast majority of families chose to remain remote, with Black and Asian students avoiding school buildings in especially overwhelming numbers.

    This year, de Blasio is giving students no choice. But many parents remain concerned about the safety of in-person learning, especially because while cities like Chicago and Los Angeles plan weekly COVID tests for each student, New York’s plan is to test far fewer students — and only to test those who fill out a consent form. These fears have been borne out by the first weeks of school, which generated numerous social media images of overcrowded hallways, almost 3,000 positive COVID tests and the closure of over 1,000 classes. One week into the school year, the Department of Education (DOE) abruptly changed policy and announced that unvaccinated students in a class with a student who tests positive will no longer have to quarantine at home — doubling down on its plan to keep all students in school no matter what.

    For months, a small coalition of parents and educators has sounded the alarm about the city’s reopening plan. Tajh Sutton, the president of the Community Education Council for District 14 in Brooklyn and the program manager for Teens Take Charge, a youth activist group that organizes against school segregation, has been one of the lead organizers of the #RestoreRemote campaign. In this interview, which was conducted before the DOE policy change on quarantining, Sutton says the refusal to create a remote option is a connected to the ongoing struggle to make the New York City school system democratically responsive to its majority of Black, Brown, Asian, working-class and poor constituents, who have expressed high levels of concern about the safety of in-person learning throughout the pandemic.

    Danny Katch: Why should the New York City public school system offer a remote learning option for all students?

    Tajh Sutton: Everywhere needs to offer remote learning because the pandemic is not over. In fact, we’re at higher risk because these variants are coming out that are even more contagious and deadly than their predecessors. So the idea that we would limit the possibility for safety by not providing virtual schooling and work options is counter to public health.

    This is an issue everywhere, as you say, but New York City’s plan seems particularly negligent around testing. Can you speak about that?

    There’s an intentional negligence taking place with safety precautions. As of now in New York City public schools, only 10 percent of the school population at any given time is being tested. Last year when there were only 30-40 percent of New York City public school students in the building, testing was mandatory for everyone. This year it’s not, and that is a direct result of affluent white families who want schools open at all costs, who are advocating that all of the health mitigation measures in place be eradicated so that there are no more quarantines and no more school closures, health be damned.

    The irony is that a lot of the arguments for mandatory in-person schooling argue that it’s especially necessary for students of color.

    Yes, don’t you love it when we’re tokenized? If we need something, don’t you think we’d tell you? And we have been. Black and Latino and Asian families and educators, since the schools closed, have been attempting to provide the mayor and the chancellor — both old and new — with demands and recommendations about what a safe and equitable reopening would look like. And all of that has been discarded so that we can reopen the system at all costs — so that we can reopen the city.

    I understand that there are students — particularly students of color, particularly students who live in temporary housing or have disabilities or are multilingual learners — who need to be in person. What I don’t understand is why the entire system needed to be reopened to do that, when one of the things we were fighting for first and foremost was prioritized reopenings. Because we wanted those kids back in school as soon as possible, but if those children are in a school that is overcrowded, what quality education and services are they even providing?

    As a longtime organizer against school segregation, particularly the racially biased admissions screening in New York City schools, do you see continuity in terms of things being done in the name of Black and Latino families who in fact are being ignored?

    Oh, absolutely 100 percent! It’s the same individuals who were slandering Teens Take Charge when we were trying to get rid of admissions screens, who are fighting to keep schools open, who are fighting to eliminate things like quarantines and mask mandates, which is how you know that the safety and care of our children aren’t what’s actually their focus. Wanting kids in school is something I can understand, but not wanting to know if there’s an infection in the school? Not wanting to do everything possible to keep children safe — particularly children under 12 who cannot be vaccinated? That’s not something I can understand. None of them care about Black and Latino children, so they really need to keep our names out of their mouths.

    Most coverage of people opposing testing and mask mandates is of Trump supporters. In your experience, are these people Trump supporters or do they view themselves as liberal Democrat types?

    A lot of individuals in New York City who believe they are progressive are actually one Twitter argument away from agreeing with everything someone in a MAGA hat would say. And that’s a conversation that we really need to have as a city.

    In New York City, parents of color — particularly African American parents — have long organized for greater community control against the institutional racism of the school system. Is the #RestoreRemote campaign part of this very long debate about community control?

    I do think it’s part of that legacy. There’s an incredible amount of organizing that’s being unnoticed, by the mayor and also by the city at large. Most people don’t even know that this Restore Remote coalition and this organizing even exists, or that we have 7,000 signatures or that we were able to convince over 35 state senators and city council members to come out in support of this — as well as two borough presidents and the public advocate.

    But the thing about these systems is that they are designed so that none of that matters. In a system like mayoral control, the mayor’s going to do what he’s going to do. So our next fight, especially with Eric Adams coming in [as the likely next mayor], is really going to be about how we put that power for public education back in the hands of students and educators and families and communities.

    The individuals leading the so-called “keep schools open” campaign can make one petition that barely got any signatures and wind up in Vogue magazine. But Black and Latino and Asian mothers like myself, who have been fighting for an equitable reopening for 18 months — and who were fighting before that for public education in general — we don’t get shit.

    What’s it been like leading this fight while being the parent of two kids you’ve been keeping out of school?

    I would love nothing more than to send my children to school. This is my son’s 8th grade year. I hate that he’s not enjoying it with his friends in his school. But what I would hate more is if my child got sick or worse. Because I’m coming home to an asthmatic husband, an immunocompromised baby brother and a daughter who is too young to be vaccinated. And I wish that we were having more multilayered conversations about that, because you’ll find way more community members who live in a multigenerational home and who are immunocompromised than you will these individuals who just can’t wait to get to get back to work — especially since a lot of those folks have the capability to work from home.

    When the pandemic started, I interviewed a teacher who said the city’s delayed closing of schools was due to its failure to listen to teachers and parents. Do you feel like the current failure to offer a remote option is due to the people in charge of schools not being in touch with the needs of most public school families?

    Looking at Twitter and listening to the news, you can feel mentally unwell because the gaslighting has been so effective — particularly over the summer in terms of this idea of “get back to normal.” Seeing all these pictures of these beautiful little masked faces walking into school, you really start to feel like maybe you’re just overreacting. But then you see the COVID case numbers, you start hearing about even more variants, start hearing about the disparity in the vaccination rates across communities.

    The Department of Education had a moral obligation to have a culturally competent conversation about valid vaccine hesitancy and medical racism, and create the space to change minds and support people in making healthy decisions. That did not happen. Who’s doing that work? Parents like myself, for free. Two days ago, I was at my church in Harlem virtually, talking to my elders and community members about ventilation, masking, hand washing, and how they can get in touch with their superintendent or their principal and advocate for their children. We’ve been doing panels since last year, and for that to all just be ignored because we are not white and moneyed is disgusting but also so unsurprising.

    How is the campaign for a remote option going so far, and what do you see as the next steps?

    We have a toolkit that tries to draw out different resources together that folks can utilize virtually from the comfort of their home to join this fight. What this looks like around the corner is really applying pressure to our new governor, because the mayor has made it clear he does not care. And I think as cases skyrocket, which they inevitably will, we’re going to see more families opting out of in-person learning, because now they’ve seen it firsthand. It’s different when someone tells you something and you’re holding out hope, and when you actually experience that classroom closure, experience your child sitting next to a child that you find out two days later was positive, and now you have to go get that rapid test. And so we’re going to see a lot more families opting in to this strike for school safety as the weeks go on and the numbers rise.

    This interview has been lightly edited for clarity.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • RNZ News

    Parts of Waikato — including Raglan, Huntly, Ngāruāwahia and Hamilton City — will join Auckland in alert level 3 from midnight tonight, the New Zealand Prime Minister has confirmed.

    Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield have given today’s briefing after three recently reported community covid-19 cases outside of Auckland.

    This morning the Ministry of Health reported two new community cases of covid-19 in Waikato – one person aged in their 40s in Raglan and one in their 50s in Hamilton.

    There were 33 new community cases reported today, including one of the new Waikato cases.

    Announcing that parts of the district would go into level 3 at 11.59pm tonight, Ardern said there would be spot checks around Hamilton boundary areas, but they would not be as rigorous as the boundary in Auckland as it was too difficult to have a hard boundary around Hamilton.

    She said Cabinet intended for level 3 restrictions to apply for the next five days, which would give authorities the opportunity to contact trace and widely test in the coming days. The restrictions would then be assessed.

    Ardern said the vast majority of the cases had not been vaccinated.

    ‘Vaccination makes a difference’
    “Vaccination makes a difference, it keeps people safe,” she said.

    “If we had a vaccination rate of 90 percent or above in either Hamilton or Raglan it is highly unlikely we would be here today announcing level 3 restrictions.

    “Instead we would be able to rely on other tools like contact tracing and much lower level public health measures but while we are vaccinating we have fewer choices in how to react to cases.”

    She said none of the three community cases outside of Auckland had been vaccinated.

    “We’ve been advised that the household members of the truck driver are vaccinated and have not yet tested positive,” she said.

    Watch the briefing live

    Video: RNZ News

    Ardern said the government was doing everything possible to keep cases confined to Auckland.

    Auckland’s alert level will be reviewed tomorrow.

    Waikato treatment
    Ardern said the level 3 in Waikato would be treated distinctly from what was happening in Auckland.

    Last night, the ministry reported an Auckland truck driver who had travelled to Palmerston North had tested positive for covid-19.

    Ardern said today that with the Palmerston North case the source was known and Auckland based, but this was not the case for the Waikato cases.

    Dr Bloomfield said he was not worried about community spread in Palmerston North, but people with symptoms should still get tested.

    Yesterday in its daily update the Ministry of Health reported 27 new community cases of covid-19 in Auckland. One of these cases was a patient who went to Middlemore Hospital seeking treatment for issues unrelated to covid-19, but who then tested positive.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    About 2000 people have turned up to a New Zealand anti-lockdown protest in Auckland’s domain arranged by Destiny Church leader Brian Tamaki.

    Those attending included gang members and one vehicle had a banner reading: “Let Freedom Reign”.

    Police said they recognised people’s lawful right to protest, but under alert level 3 restrictions, the only gatherings allowed were weddings, funerals and tangihanga with no more than 10 people.

    A statement was expected later this afternoon, once the event is over.

    Protests were also scheduled to take place in Wellington and Christchurch.

    27 new community cases
    Meanwhile, 27 new community cases were reported in New Zealand today, with five not yet linked to earlier cases.

    There was no media conference today. In a statement, the Ministry of Health said 14 of today’s cases were household contacts, eight were known contacts and five were under investigation to determine how they were linked to the current outbreak.

    “Due to the highly infectious nature of the delta variant within households, we expect to see fluctuations in case numbers at this stage in the outbreak.”

    All the new cases are in Auckland.

    There are 10 unlinked cases from the past fortnight.

    There were 19 cases yesterday, with another 19 the day before and 45 on Wednesday.

    There have now been 1295 cases in the current community outbreak, with 1068 now considered recovered.

    There was also one new case in managed isolation today.

    22 people in hospital
    There are currently 22 people in hospital with the coronavirus, including three in intensive care.

    The ministry said there had also been another exposure event at Middlemore Hospital last night, with a person seeking treatment for issues unrelated to covid-19 subsequently testing positive.

    They have been moved to a covid-19 isolation ward at the hospital.

    “The patient was wearing a mask at all times in ED. All staff were wearing appropriate PPE and as such no staff members are required to stand down,” the ministry said.

    The ministry also said whole genome sequencing had identified a clear epidemiological link between the Naumi MIQ worker who was reported as a positive case earlier this week and another case at the border.

    “The worker tested positive on September 29 as part of routine surveillance testing. They are fully vaccinated and have been tested regularly. The hours they worked mean they had limited contact with guests at the hotel. They are now isolating in a quarantine facility.

    “An investigation is underway to determine the pathway of the worker’s infection and identify potential contacts.”

    The ministry said 22,041 tests were taken yesterday, with more than 13,000 swabs taken in the Auckland region.

    “We would like to thank everyone in Tāmaki Makaurau who has come forward to be tested.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

     

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • World Mental Health Day is on 10 October. In recognition of this, the ANU Indonesia Institute will present a webinar on mental health in Indonesia, featuring some of the most prominent and innovative voices from the field. Please register through this link.

    Date: 14 October

    Time: 2:30-4:30 AEDT; 10:30-12:30 WIB

    Mental illness has historically dwelt in the shadows of the global health and development agenda and only recently has moved from the margins to become a central priority in research and policy. Mental disorders account for 30% of the worldwide non-fatal disease burden and 10% of the overall disease burden, including death and disability, and the cost to the global economy is estimated to reach as high as USD 6 trillion by 2030. Large middle- and low-income countries like Indonesia struggle with a plethora of challenges in delivering adequate mental health care to its 270.2 million citizens. Centralised funding for Indonesian mental health is only 1% of the national health budget; health expenditure is around 3% of GDP. National health programming such as Indonesia Sehat, the incorporation of mental health into primary care basic standards and voluntary contributions from provincial budgets does provide some additional resources. However, there is a severe shortage of mental health personnel, treatment and care facilities, especially outside the island of Java.

    Estimations based on the 2018 Basic Health Survey (RISKESDAS) indicate there are 450 000 families in Indonesia with at least one member diagnosed with schizophrenia; given the high level of stigma against mental illness and psychosocial disabilities, we suggest this number is much larger. Many of these people are subject to human rights abuses, being left to languish in cages, stocks or chains referred to as Pasung. Human Rights Watch estimated that 12,800 people were experiencing Pasung at the end of 2018. Over 26.23 million people, more than the entire population of Australia, suffer from clinically relevant symptoms of anxiety and depression and 16.33 million likely meet the diagnostic criteria for a depressive disorder.

    Although there is a shift to community-based outpatient models of care, Indonesia’s 48 mental  hospitals and 269 psychiatric wards in general hospitals are still the primary sources of care. There are just over 1000 registered psychiatrists, 2000 clinical psychologists, 7000 community mental health nurses, 1500 mental health trained GPs and 7000 lay mental health workers unevenly distributed across the archipelago, (Ministry of Health Regulation on Pasung Management, 2017; Pols, 2020). Need outstrips supply, with eight provinces without a mental hospital: three of these hospitals without a single psychiatrist. Less than half of all primary care centres and only 56% of government district hospitals are equipped to handle mental health cases. Fortunately, there are many passionate and committed mental health personnel, government officials, academics, consumer group founders and mental health advocates who are working tirelessly to implement the vision embodied by the 2014 Indonesian Mental Health Law. Our webinar for World Mental Health Day is a small sample of these extraordinary individuals, who will share their experiences in Indonesian mental health.

    Mental health care in Indonesia: short on supply, short on demand

    If he’s serious about building Indonesia’s “human capital”, Jokowi should make mental health a policy priority.

    Dr Nova Riyanti Yusuf, a psychiatrist, legislator (member of the DPR from 2009-14 and 2018-19), novelist, scholar, television personality and activist, was one of the driving forces behind the 2014 mental health law. She will talk about the ongoing journey of the mental health law, what its vision is for Indonesian mental health and the current state of implementation at the grass roots level. Professor Hans Pols, a renown psychiatric historian based at University of Sydney and expert on Indonesian mental health will then take us through a brief history of Indonesian Psychiatry and will talk about some of the emerging trends for the future of the profession across the archipelago. Anto Sg, Pasung survivor and current recipient of an Australia Award currently studying a Master of Health Promotion at Deakin University, will share his person experience of Pasung and introduce the survivor or consumer group movement in Indonesia. Dr Erminia Colucci currently based at Department of Psychology, Middlesex University, UK will is working with the Center for Public Mental Health (CPMH), Psychology at the University of Gadjah Mada and Ade Prastyani, GP and scholar on traditional healing approaches to mental health. We will show a short exert of their upcoming film produced by their collaborative Together4MentalHealth. After which, CPMH director, distinguished academic and clinical psychologist Dr Diana Setiyawati will provide us with a current update on community mental health initiatives in the age of Covid19. Aliza Hunt, Centre for Mental Health Research PhD Candidate and Endeavour Scholar at the ANU is chairing the session.

    The post Mental health in Indonesia: then, now and things to come appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • RNZ Pacific

    Some New Zealand people becoming ill with covid-19 have never engaged with the health system before, says Minister for Pacific Peoples Aupito William Sio.

    He was commenting after an announcement that two people arriving at Middlemore Hospital for non-covid reasons on Wednesday later tested positive for the virus.

    Sixty-six hospital patients are now considered close contacts, 34 remain in the hospital and have been moved to isolation wards and the others are being followed up for testing.

    Aupito told RNZ Morning Report that the two cases were worrying, however, there were some people in the community who never engaged with the health system until it was too late.

    “There are pockets of our wider Auckland community that are hard to reach.”

    That meant it was crucial for health officials to work closely with those who had ties within their local communities.

    “It’s really important for our government agencies to be working closely with our providers – both Māori, both Pacific and generally – people who are known to the local communities, who have long-standing relationships and trusting relationships with people so they can step forward.”

    Nineteen new community cases were reported in Auckland today — the same number as yesterday, with just one yet to be linked, the Ministry of Health said.

    Slow to trust government
    Regarding cases identified in social and transitional housing, Aupito said some are slow to trust government agency officials particularly when they are seeking personal information.

    The government was reliant on the providers who ran the housing for help and there was confidence that they were cooperating.

    “What we’re asking is that everybody plays their part to keep everybody safe to contain the spread.”

    Aupito also knew of people who were nervous about coming forward because they might be in households where they were the sole breadwinner, or they might be looking after elderly relatives as well as children.

    The minister said the current delta outbreak was not out of control.

    “What we are seeing is the way that delta behaves; it’s much more infectious, more aggressive and so we’re seeing the tail-end of the original outbreak and the officials are giving us a great deal of confidence that if everybody plays their part and we continue with the testing in the suburbs of interest that we’re heading in the right direction.”

    Officials are able to say with some certainty that most future cases would be household contacts. Some clusters were already dormant, he said.

    ‘Great deal of confidence’
    “So as long as we are able to contain it … that’s giving us a great deal of confidence,” he said.

    Yesterday Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern signalled that even if there’s a shift in alert levels next week, the regional boundary would likely remain along with some other restrictions.

    Asked how long Auckland might have to remain closed off, Aupito said reopening the border was not featuring in discussions at the moment.

    “I think we’ve got to have a certain degree of containment of the current cases and of course the officials are able to determine future cases based on household numbers.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The issues most important to Michel Foucault have moved from the margins to become major preoccupations of political life. But what did Foucault actually teach?

    This post was originally published on Dissent MagazineDissent Magazine.

  • RNZ News

    Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern says the New Zealand government still has “broad control” of the covid-19 delta outbreak in Auckland.

    Ardern and Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield rep0rted at today’s latest government briefing that there were 19 community cases
    — far less than half the previous day.

    However, while yesterday’s total of 45 new community cases in Auckland was the highest it had been in some weeks, just four remained unlinked, Dr Bloomfield said.

    On Tuesday, new covid community cases had dropped to just eight.

    Ardern said there was broad control of the outbreak, and “control is key”.

    “We simply do not have enough people vaccinated in Auckland or in New Zealand to tolerate a widespread outbreak but maintaining control is not a given,” she said.

    “We still need the restrictions that we’re using, I know they’re incredibly hard and they will ease but for now they’re doing a job for us that’s why we need people to keep following them.”

    Two new sub-clusters
    Dr Bloomfield said there were now two new sub-clusters in the city.

    “One of which they’re calling the Southeast Auckland household cluster – there are five households in that one – and then there’s one just identified, the West Auckland cluster.

    “It’s those two sub-clusters that are really giving rise to the new cases at the moment.

    “So of the other ones that were active only none of those have actually had new cases in the last few days.”

    Watch the update here:

    Today’s New Zealand government covid media briefing. Video: RNZ News

    Ardern said it was highly likely the boundary around the Auckland region would remain, even if restrictions were eased. The government was giving full consideration to easing restrictions, but removing the regional boundary was not under consideration.

    Cabinet is set to review the country’s alert level settings on Monday.

    “We are giving full consideration to easing [alert level restrictions], but there’s a number of ways we can consider that. What is not in consideration is removing that regional boundary at this time.”

    83 percent of eligible Aucklanders get first dose
    Ardern said only 3 percent of cases in this outbreak were fully vaccinated, with 83 percent of eligible Aucklanders now having received the first dose of the vaccine.

    About 80 percent of the eligible population nationwide had either had its first dose or had booked in for the first dose.

    Nationally, 92 percent of over 65s have had their first covid vaccine and nearly 90 percent have either had or are booked in to have this second.

    “It is possible to hit 90 [percent] and we need everyone to put that effort in,” Ardern said.

    “We can be world-leading in getting our population vaccinated.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • In this in-depth analysis, published in two parts this week, Lila Sari looks at vaccine distribution in Indonesia, and the surprising entrance of political parties into the roll-out. 

    Part 2: Party approaches

    What role exactly do the political parties play in vaccine distribution? How do they access the vaccines, how do their approaches differ and what motivates them? I’ll be looking at these questions across two articles this week. In part 1, I examined the broader practices of vaccine acquisition and distribution by political parties and their partners. In Part 2, I look at how this plays out in Golkar, PDI-P and NasDEM’s approaches.

    The Golkar Party

    Media reports suggest that Golkar has received a large allocation of coronavirus vaccines from the government. Golkar was among the first to launch a party-led vaccination program, commencing on 21 March 2021. It has created a new a unit to run vaccinations and provide other pandemic-related services, which it calls “Yellow Clinics” (yellow is the colour of the party). Using these Yellow Clinics as its main facility, the party claims it had administered at least 200,000 doses of vaccines as of late August 2021. From the Yellow Clinic Instagram account, we can learn that the focus of distribution was Jakarta, with most of the mass vaccination events held at the central office of the party in Jakarta. Other regions in Java (West, Central, and East Java), Aceh, and South Kalimantan received the rest of the vaccines, but in much lower numbers. At the time of writing, the Yellow Clinic vaccination program continues, with the party now offering Pfizer vaccines for free in Jakarta.

    Herd immunity/herding constituents: parpol and COVID-19 vaccines in Indonesia #1

    Online and social media shows that several political parties are actively involved in the vaccination program.

    Golkar’s ability to access the vaccines promptly and in large numbers was undoubtably a product of the party’s key role in the ruling coalition at the national level. Golkar general chairperson Airlangga Hartarto sits in the cabinet as the coordinating minister for economic affairs, a position which places him at the center of power and gives him the capacity to influence the Ministry of Health and other important agents in vaccine distribution, like PT Bio Farma.

    Golkar is the quintessential elite party in Indonesia. It is dominated by wealthy and influential businesspeople, former bureaucrats, and former generals. These connections give it the organisational and financial capacity to convene and run many mass-vaccination programs. Between March and September, it seems Golkar thus primarily conducted its own vaccination campaign independently, though on a few occasions it collaborated with businesses and held mass vaccination events at factories, including at the PT Santos factory in Karawang, West Java, and a PT HM Sampoerna factory in East Java.

    Golkar vaccination events, especially those in Jakarta, have also focused on promoting Airlangga Hartarto, the party chairperson, presumably reflecting his ambition to run in the presidential election in 2024.

    A Golkar billboard in Jakarta. Photo by Yus Prinandy.

    PDI-P

    The core party in the ruling coalition, PDI-P has about a fifth of the seats in the national parliament, and President Joko Widodo is a party member. At the regional level, the party is also strong: in the 2018 local election, it won six of 17 provincial elections and 97 of 171 city/ district elections.  PDI-P’s pattern of delivering mass vaccinations is different from Golkar. PDI-P is more diverse in terms of regional distribution, branding, and partnerships.

    I have found media and social media reports of the party running mass vaccination events in many regions in Java, the southern part of Sumatra (Lampung, South Sumatra, Jambi), and Central Kalimantan. These are all areas where PDI-P is strong politically. The party still, however, focuses on Java more than other regions. Meanwhile, unlike Golkar events which often promote Airlangga, PDI-P mass vaccinations often do not place much emphasis on central party bosses, but rather highlight the role of local leaders who hold posts at the central and regional level. Some of them are national and regional parliament members, and also leaders of regional branches. For example, in Kendal Regency (Central Java), the mass vaccination promoted local figures such as head of the district branch, the provincial party leader, and the national parliament member from the region, Tuti Nusandari Rusdiono. The event also featured a local health official as a ‘’supervisor”.

    Another example, a mass vaccination event in Bangka Belitung Province, put up a banner with five photos on it. They included the PDI-P’s crown princess and speaker of the DPR, Puan Maharani, a local member of the DPR, chairs of the provincial and district branches in the region, and the mayor. The mass vaccination itself was held at the so-called Rudi Center—an office that belongs to Rudianto Tjen, a DPR member and a prominent PDI-leader.

    Mayor of Semarang City, Hendrar Prihadi and three Projo (pro-Jokowi) members in a mass vaccination on 16 September 2021 in Semarang (credit: Abdul Mughis).

    Meanwhile, when it comes to collaboration, because PDI-P dominates the government at the central level and in many regions, the party can engage easily with local governments, and POLRI/TNI in holding these events. It can also readily use public facilities and resources, including community healthcare centers or Puskesmas, and local health offices (Dinkes) as well as local police or army resources, to provide both venues and personnel for their activities. In fact, according to one source in a government agency in Central Java, doctors from public healthcare facilities often complain about having to do extra work at these party-led vaccination events.

    NasDem Party

    NasDem is a new party that was founded by old oligarchs and political elites associated with Golkar and the Democrat Party. Similar to Golkar, it is an important part of the national governing coalition. Party leaders have tried hard to make themselves different from their predecessors, Golkar and the Democrat Party, and to create a new image to attract voters. Still far from being dominant in parliament and cabinet, the party has growing influence and power in some regions. In 2018, governor candidates supported by NasDem won elections in North Sumatra, West Java, Central Java, West Kalimantan, Southeast Sulawesi, and NTT. Furthermore, party chairperson, Surya Paloh is a media mogul who owns the MetroTV network.

    Hence, it is not surprising that NasDem seems to have acquired quite a large quota of vaccines for its mass vaccination programs. Like PDI-P, the party relies upon, and foregrounds, politicians who sit in the DPR and in the provincial governments to lobby for access to vaccines. According to media reports I have compiled, NasDem has been dispensing more than 200,000 doses of vaccines, mostly in the greater Jakarta region but also elsewhere, including West Java, Central Java, Papua, NTT, and Bangka Belitung

    Some of the politicians in charge of vaccine distribution happen to be related to local government heads, which presumably also makes it easier for them to acquire vaccines. Take the example of Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT Province) in eastern Indonesia. One DPR member from here, Julie Laiskodat, is the wife of the NTT Governor, Viktor Laiskodat. Both are NasDem elites and run businesses. As a DPR member and the governor’s wife, Julie could easily negotiate with the Ministry of Health to get a vaccine share for NTT Province. As the wife of the Governor, she leads various organisations responsible for women’s affairs (PKK, Bunda PAUD, etc.) in the province, which gives her an added incentive to get a vaccine quota and allocate it to her constituency. Unlike other politicians who hold only one-off or at most a few mass vaccination events, she is holding vaccination events in NTT regularly: twice a week from August, and scheduled to last until December.

     

    Are party campaigns helping achieve herd immunity?

    It is difficult to access reliable data on the number of doses allocated to parties, because these allocations take place through informal and non-transparent processes. Therefore, I tried to gather data from online media and social media, and compiled claims by party leaders about the number of vaccines parties were distributing. I identified eight political parties as being involved in vaccine distribution between March and September 2021. If each political party—based on public claims in the media—has distributed around 200,000 doses (a rough estimate), this will generate a total of around 1.6 million doses. This number is miniscule compared to the targeted population of 208 million and will contribute very little—less than 0.5 percent—to achieving the national vaccination coverage goal.

    Sometimes parties and the leaders of the government’s  COVID-19 taskforce suggest that these party-led vaccination programs help outreach in low coverage regions and among marginalised groups (e.g., transgendered persons and rubbish pickers), as informed by one Partai Solidaritas Indonesia member While it is hard to know about the latter claim, we can test the argument about regional coverage using information from parties’ social media and online media.

    Before checking that information, we should see how the coverage rate of vaccinations varies across provinces in Indonesia (Figures 1 and 2). These figures use data from the Ministry of Health’s vaccination dashboard (SMILE) that are publicly available.

    Figure 1. Graph of dose 1 and 2 vaccination rate in 34 provinces as of 6 September 2021. Source: https://vaksin.kemkes.go.id/#/vaccines

    Figure 1 shows us that very few regions have achieved high vaccination rates (i.e., above 60%) for dose 1. The most successful provinces in this regard are DKI Jakarta, Bali, Riau Islands, and Yogyakarta. The ministry of health has prioritised these regions as centers of the economy, government, and tourism. Other provinces, however, are at or below 40% coverage rate. For second dose administration, Jakarta is the highest; Riau Islands, Bali and Yogyakarta are all still below 40% while other provinces are even further behind.

    Now, where have political parties been holding their vaccination events? What regions did they focus on? Figure 2 shows the spatial variations of regions covered by political parties during the period of March to September 2021.These data are based on my own counts of events covered in the mass media and party social media accounts.

    Figrue 2. Spatial variation of party-led vaccination programs. Source: various online media and social media.

    Comparing the two figures, it is obvious that the parties are not distributing their vaccinations in places where coverage and capacity are low. Instead, they dispense vaccines in Java, particularly Jakarta and West Java, where the national vaccination roll out is working relatively effectively. The argument that party campaigns help to attain herd immunity and reach out to the areas where vaccines are most needed is weak.

    Conclusion

    What are we to make of these party-led vaccination programs? The examples presented above imply that the parties are using these programs to promote the popularity of party leaders and cadres. The parties do so by crafting an image that they are being responsive and helpful to the government, whilst also sending out a message that they have fought hard to get an allocation from the government to their people.

    These events are heavily political—but political in the distinctive clientelistic sense that is the dominant mode of politics in Indonesia. The newly democratized political system has generated intense competition among parties and politicians. It also makes winning elections expensive. The political parties and their leaders need to always be finding new ways—even during this global pandemic—to keep their supporters loyal and win over new voters. The fact that is often incumbent DPR members who organise these events in their own electoral districts shows that the parties are using these events to provide favors—potentially lifesaving favors—to their political supporters in their own base areas. Distributing vaccines is thus an excellent way to supplement the old-fashioned forms of patronage distribution, such as handouts of money, food, government jobs and contracts, which are typically more costly—politicians often have to provide these themselves – and have less impact.

    While the benefits to the parties and their politicians are clear, whether these events really help the national vaccine roll out is less so. The party-led vaccination programs surely target and prioritise their own constituents and supporters, meaning that those with the right political connections have the privilege of getting vaccinated before those who lack such connections. This can disrupt the targeting of those who need vaccines the most.

    The post Herd immunity/herding constituents: parpol and COVID-19 vaccines in Indonesia #2 appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • A man recieves medical care in his home while a woman in the background looks concerned

    We have witnessed the evolution of a social and moral binary in the United States: vaccinated and unvaccinated. Immersed in a culture of blame and condemnation, around the spread of COVID-19, we have also seen the rise of a brand of humor that author Kelly Hayes characterizes as “recreational dehumanization.” So how should we be talking about vaccination and mass death, and how can we be constructive? In this episode of “Movement Memos,” Kelly talks with activist Johnny Dangers, about overcoming vaccine hesitancy, and Shana McDavis-Conway, with the Center for Story-Based Strategy, about how we can constructively frame the moment.

    Music by Son Monarcas, Johannes Bornlof, and Million Eyes

    TRANSCRIPT

    Note: This a rush transcript and has been lightly edited for clarity. Copy may not be in its final form.

    Welcome to “Movement Memos,” a Truthout podcast about things you should know if you want to change the world. I’m your host, writer and organizer Kelly Hayes. Today, we are talking about the ways in which we relate to tragedy, and how we can curb some of the disturbing trends we’re seeing, in terms of how we’re processing our anger about the pandemic. We’ll also be hearing from my friend, activist and journalist Johnny Dangers, about overcoming vaccine hesitancy in our communities, and from Shana McDavis-Conway, with the Center for Story-Based Strategy, about how we should be narrating our politics in this moment, and what kind of framing we should reject right now.

    When we started this show, back in January of 2020, I had no idea we would be talking so much about death. I didn’t think we would be avoiding the subject, because a show about building the relationships, knowledge, and analysis we need, if we’re going to change the world, was always going to involve a lot of discussion of death, and people dying, because the forces we are up against are deadly and always have been. The abolitionist scholar, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, defines racism as “the state-sanctioned or extralegal production and exploitation of group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death,” and the United States is an avid manufacturer of conditions that bring about premature death for differentiated groups. We are also living in a time of global climate catastrophe, so even in the absence of the pandemic, a reckoning with our relationship to mass death was an imperative, but here we are, coping with the delta surge, after a period when many people believed the worst of the pandemic was over, and people are not just slipping into despair, but also schadenfreude, which to me, honestly, is more frightening than despair. Despair can make us feel like we’re drowning, but a drowning person can be helped out of the water. I feel like I have a better sense of how to interact with that than with a person whose relationship with death has become so warped that they would laugh or make jokes as thousands of people drown. To me, that’s a lot more frightening than despair, both in terms of the harm being done to people’s psyches, and in terms of what it will ultimately make us capable of tolerating, as a society.

    We have witnessed the evolution of a social and moral binary in the U.S.: vaccinated and unvaccinated. Even President Joe Biden has weighed in to cast “the unvaccinated” as the villains responsible for all of our problems and difficulties restoring normalcy — even as the federal government discontinues pandemic unemployment benefits, and mass evictions unfold in an economy where billionaires have seen a $1.8 trillion surge in their wealth during the pandemic. In other words, billionaires have gotten 62 percent richer, at a time when over 86 million Americans have lost their jobs, and over 688,000 people in the U.S. have died of COVID-19. For many of us, the pandemic has been a time of devastation and disruption. For the rich, this era has accelerated the consolidation of wealth that they have enjoyed since the 1970s, when the US economy continued to grow, but wages began to stagnate, thanks to the innovations of neoliberalism. Neoliberal policies gutted public services, including public health, and public education, disempowered workers and initiated decades of ever-increasing inequality.

    Now, we’re living in a gig economy, where young people Venmo each other lunch money, to avoid going hungry, and desperate people launch gofundmes to pay medical bills or avoid eviction — and usually fail to get the help they need. The destruction of public education has also meant the destruction of political memory, so most people don’t even fully understand this trajectory, or how badly they’ve been screwed. So here we are, experiencing what should be a watershed moment, when we should be saying “no” to these capitalist patterns of consolidation, and human and environmental sacrifice, but instead, we have a narrative around returning to normalcy, and the villains who are preventing that return, we are told, are “the unvaccinated.” This narrative overlooks the fact that children, who are not eligible for vaccination, are filling up pediatric ICUs, and that disabled people, who either can’t take the vaccine or haven’t benefited from it, are also dying. And let’s of course forget the fact that all of this resistance was historically predictable, and that our society has simply created the perfect storm for hesitance to blossom into polarization and the rejection of facts.

    Now, I am not telling you not to be upset or angry that people are resisting vaccination. I am angry and upset about it myself, and some days, I’m downright heartbroken. Preventable suffering and death have always enraged me, which is why I became an activist. And maybe that’s why I’ve had better luck than some people I know in persuading hesitant people in my life to consider vaccination — because it is not unthinkable to me that people would refuse to accept the grim reality or their situation, or ignore a moral obligation to help other people survive, or to reduce suffering. I am very accustomed to negotiating with that kind of refusal. I have spent years watching people cling to normalcy, maintaining their own routines, disconnecting their own sense of well-being from the suffering of others, and indulging in an unrealistic sense of optimism about their own fates amid a deteriorating situation — all of which are behaviors we have observed during the pandemic. I am used to trying to reason with people about things that are, to me, obvious moral imperatives. Most people aren’t, and to make matters worse, our experience of public discourse increasingly occurs online, where we are conditioned to treat dialogue as an observed competition — something to be won in the eyes of spectators, rather than something that pursues mutual agreement or understanding. We have been conditioned to applaud commentary that resonates with us emotionally, regardless of how it impacts the situation we’re upset about.

    But even worse, we have become incredibly reductive when analyzing social problems. Right now, the problem of vaccine hesitancy is rampant, and we are also faced with the right-wing weaponization of vaccine anxieties. Last week, Shane Burley and I both talked about the role the right-wing is playing in undermining efforts to stop the spread of the virus. We’ve all seen it in the news: the demagoguery and the misinformation, the hostility and violence around masking, the death threats being made against pharmacists and clinicians. Friends, I find the people perpetrating all of that duly terrifying, so I don’t want anyone to think I am downplaying the nature of what they are doing, or how dangerous it is, when I say this: projecting a fascistic persona on all unvaccinated people is incredibly harmful.

    The human rebelliousness, and distrust of doctors and authority that we are seeing right now are not unprecedented during times of mass illness. We just happen to live in a fractured, fucked up society that is amplifying the worst kinds of conspiratorial thinking that arise in these situations. Historian Steven Taylor published a book about pandemics in 2019 which anticipated rampant conspiracy theories, the scapegoating of targeted groups, and the risky behaviors of people who seem to think they’re exempt from infection. His predictions were gleaned, not from the study of conservatives, but from the study of how people have acted during pandemics.

    In that book, The Psychology of Pandemics: Preparing for the Next Global Outbreak of Infectious Disease, Taylor issued the following warning: “During the next pandemic, the likelihood of seeking vaccination in people with high intolerance of uncertainty will likely depend on the availability of information about the safety of vaccines. If there are widely publicized doubts about vaccine safety, then it is likely that people who are intolerant of uncertainty will worry and procrastinate about whether to seek vaccination.”

    Trump set the tone with his coverups and lies, but the far-right is generally very opportunistic about conspiracy theories, so it’s not surprising that they’re a major conduit for misinformation. But spreading misinformation is also a profitable branding maneuver in a capitalist society. The Center for Countering Digital Hate found that just twelve content creators are responsible for almost two-thirds of anti-vaccine content circulating on Facebook. The same study indicated that those content creators use social media platforms to target Black people in the U.S., exploiting fears of experimentation and medical racism to spread misinformation. The Vaccine Confidence Project has found that exposure to even a small amount of online vaccine misinformation can reduce the number of people willing to take a COVID vaccine by up to 8.8 percent.

    Some imprisoned people distrust the vaccine because of this country’s history of experimentation on prisoners. Even today, imprisoned people in the U.S. experience non consensual procedures, such as sterilization, and unauthorized medical treatments, that some call experimentation.

    But many people have begun to conflate the status of being unvaccinated with being a right-wing fascist, and even among those who don’t go that far, there is a culture of blame that has emerged, around the current wave of mass death we are witnessing, where people are viewed as deserving of less empathy, or maybe even deserving to die, because they just should have gotten vaccinated. One of the ugliest manifestations of this tendency has emerged in the Herman Cain Awards subreddit, where the social media posts of people who are vaccine resistant are featured alongside news that they’ve died of COVID-19.

    I realize that we all respond ungenerously to other people’s misfortunes, at times, particularly if we think they’ve caused a great deal of harm in this world. But there is a difference between the party I intend to throw when Henry Kissinger dies and treating mass death as a source of entertainment. The recreational dehumanization of other people, who are dying horribly and alone, is a really bad sign, in terms of where we’re at as a society. In the years ahead, as things get harder, what spectacles of suffering will we accept, or welcome, or allow ourselves to enjoy? I think we’re making those decisions now.

    And let’s remember that this persona, of the Republican anti-vaxxer, is being projected onto everyone who is unvaccinated, or laying in a hospital bed, or otherwise suffering from COVID-19. I am aware that some of the people who are dying had no sympathy for others, or any regard for the harm they may have caused. Some even mocked the suffering of others. But we are not supposed to be like those people. We are not supposed to emulate what we find most abhorrent in this world. Our enemies lose nothing by embracing death and suffering as entertainment, because in many cases, that is wholly consistent with their politics. Our politics, our beliefs, our ways of relating to other people, are supposed to exist in opposition to all of that. We lose something when we engage with mass suffering and mass death as entertainment, and we are already so hardened, and complicit in so much harm in this society. We also lose something when we flatten problems, turning everyone who is being unhelpful into caricatured villains, who we can rage against, and mock for entertainment, while the worst and most effective villains in our society laugh all the way to the bank.

    As Abdullah Shihipar recently wrote in Business Insider:

    It’s not easy to hear, but making fun of these deaths effectively means we have stopped resisting mass death and have accepted its reality. It’s tempting to think that there is some cosmic justice when an anti-vaxxer dies, but it’s just the reality of how a virus spreads. Yes, anti-vaxxers are dying, but so are scores of other people. I don’t write this just to lecture others, but rather to hold myself accountable. Using humor like this is an easy distraction and a façade from the shame we should feel that this is where our country is at during such a late stage in the pandemic.

    I recently had a conversation with my friend Johnny Dangers about vaccine hesitancy. Johnny is an independent journalist and activist who has done some great outreach work, having conversations with people about vaccination, and even accompanying people to get vaccinated. His efforts have included some tremendously successful on-the-ground efforts to encourage people experiencing homelessness to get the jab. I recently asked Johnny about those experiences, and some of his thoughts on hesitancy. Here’s some of what he had to say.

    [music]

    Johnny Dangers: I think people have this image of people who are unvaccinated as anti-vaxers and those people definitely exist, but I’m in Portland, so I realize the vast majority of people that I’m talking to are going to be people who would be wanting to get the vaccine, but just, for various reasons, have not. And when I’m talking to people on the street, that’s going to be younger people or people of color. Most all the reactions that I’ve got have angry people from older white guys, which isn’t that surprising. And in the clinics, I noticed a lot of the people are immigrants, they’re older immigrants and they’ll bring their family there. So it’s people that should have been reached, the first people reached and they’re some of the last people that have been reached to potentially get the vaccine.

    So I try to come at it with an understanding of those failures and from a place of love and understanding. And I get why people think immediately of the person who has wild conspiracy views that they’re seeing online and is very unlikely to actually get the vaccine. But on the ground, when you’re talking to people, a lot of the people that have still not got it, are not those people. They’re people that are your allies on the ground, are people that you are going to be supporting in any number of organizing efforts, and you should work to reach those people where you’re at, so they can get the vaccine. Because at the end of the day, nobody deserves to die or to get sick or to get hospitalized because they were fed misinformation.

    [music]

    Since the beginning of the pandemic, I’ve tried to help in whatever ways possible, be that masks or just informing people the right information. So when people were able to start getting vaccine appointments, I tried to help reach out with people through vaccine websites, even if they’re in Florida or Wisconsin, where I grew up, or here in Portland, because it was really hard to get an appointment.

    So fast forward to July, the appointments ended and they finally started drop-in appointments at clinics here. So Multnomah County started a program where they would offer a $100 Visa gift card if people went to one of these county clinics, but they didn’t advertise that these existed. So you just had to know about it. And they were only on certain days, in certain places.

    So nearby, on Tuesdays, they had a, Multnomah County clinic where they were offering this special $100 dollar visa gift card. So right away, thinking of how I could best organize this, I decided I’d bike around the neighborhood and see who would be interested in going there. So I’d to the transit stops, the bus stops and the train, which is pretty nearby, and the grocery store, and the parks, and a few of the bigger houseless encampments and just talk to people. I went from there on how to best approach talking to people.

    So pretty early on, it reminded me a lot of knocking doors for somebody where people had snippets of information. So the best practices, I kept it simple and to the point and opened with very non-confrontational language. So my normal thing, I’d be on my bike or I’d be walking the bike, say walk up to somebody that’s waiting for the train and maybe they have a couple minutes, five minutes. Maybe the train’s going to be there in 60 seconds. I’d point to my shoulder because not everybody necessarily speaks English or can hear well or hear English well. So I’d point to my shoulder, say, “Have you had an opportunity or a chance to get the COVID vaccine yet?” So that’s fairly non-confrontational language because I’m attempting to reach people that have not got it. So if they have, you know, it’s not a big deal, I got the vaccine and I’d have a different conversation with them. But you really want to be non-confrontational with people that have maybe waited and maybe get frustrated if somebody’s been asking them about it.

    So a lot of time [they would] say, “Well, I haven’t had a chance to get it yet.” And then I would immediately go into, “Well, just a couple blocks away, there’s a Multnomah County clinic where they have a special program where you get a $100 Visa gift card you can use anywhere.” So I start right away with where it is and why. And then I can judge, if they’re interested or if they have questions or if they’re just done, [and] it’s not going to happen. And most of the time, you get very positive reactions from people that have, one, either got the vaccine already or two, are interested in talking to you about it.

    [music]

    KH: Not everyone is going to do the kind of work that Johnny is doing, and personally, there are days when I feel like I’m out of moves, when it comes to talking to people who might actually listen to me about things like vaccination, or wearing a mask, or being cautious. So, if that’s where you’re at, I am not asking you to burn yourself out trying to recruit people to get shots, or to bang your head against the wall when it comes to staunch anti-vaxxers. But I would ask you to remember that we are all storytellers, and that people use narratives, not facts, to make sense of the world. We all understand the world in stories. That means that the way we frame events, when discussing them with other people, in terms of what we mock, or what we simplify, or what nameless crowd we paint as villainous, all of this affects our collective potential. I recently had a conversation with Shana McDavis-Conway, the co-director for the Center for Story-Based Strategy, and she also had some thoughts on the way this phase of the pandemic is being framed.

    [music]

    Shana McDavis-Conway: My organization’s methodology is called story based strategy, which is why we’re the Center for Story-Based Strategy. And that intervention, it’s a “framework for building narrative power for organizations. And it’s one that is participatory in nature. So it’s about creating a democratic intervention in communications and narrative work so that the folks who are most directly impacted have an opportunity to contribute to the stories that are being told about them.

    So I mention that because I think one of the challenges with media coverage and with popular memes around people impacted by COVID really ignore the folks who are being directly impacted. So they prioritize as the primary victims those of us who are vaccinated, who are perhaps relatively healthy, and they show the villains as folks who are dying.

    And so of course, this is deeply dehumanizing and it uses a classic drama triangle of hero, victim, villain to place the folks who have absorbed misinformation, who have challenges with getting access to being vaccinated, who have health issues and reasons that they might be susceptible to COVID, it’s presenting them as the villains, as opposed to the victims actually of right wing forces, who are the true villains. So I do think that there’s an opportunity for us to use that drama triangle and flip it to try to tell a story that really illustrates and brings out of the shadows these right wing forces that are involved in misinformation. So I think that’s a strategic approach that I’d love to see us use more. I also think that part of why these kind of contemptuous places and storytelling is so seductive and provocative it’s because we do love humor and we’re in the middle of a serious crisis.

    We’re also in the middle of collective grief. And humor is one of the ways that we try to deal with and manage our grief. And so when we let the realm of humor only exist in dehumanizing stories, it kind of abdicates the possibility of using humor to actually evoke other kinds of emotion and to get people to take action, to intervene in ways that would actually make life better for the majority of Americans and for folks across the world, whether that’s increase access to COVID vaccines worldwide, whether that’s increasing access here in the US, whether that’s policy interventions or supporting mask wearing. There’s all sorts of things we could ask to do. And we could actually use humor to get people excited about that, so that there’s a space for people to use that gallows humor in a way that actually provokes positive action.

    KH: As I mentioned earlier, this society hasn’t exactly handed people the skills they need to have constructive, persuasive conversations with each other about complicated issues like vaccine hesitancy, or much of anything really. So I asked Shana what advice she might have for people who are trying to develop a practice of education and persuasion, rather than just angrily emoting at people, or engaging in recreational contempt.

    SMC: Well, I think my advice, and I’m just thinking about this, because it’s a tool that I was just training some folks on today is to think about imagining a liberatory future and what liberation could look like for all of us. So I think it’s so easy for us to get trapped in our current present moment. How can we tell a bigger story about the future that we want to see together, a future where we’re probably all healthy and safe and surrounded by people that we love? And I think starting there and then having the conversation about how we get there is more effective I think. Let’s start with the love and the vision that we want to get to in the future. We have a tool that we use called the 4th Box that does that. It’s available on our website for free. And it’s actually a visual tool to get people to think about how we imagine liberation for ourselves and it’s my favorite tool for tough conversations with people we may disagree with.

    KH: And if you are interested in checking out the 4th Box, please hit up the show notes at the end of this episode’s transcript, on our website, and you will find a link to that tool and some other great resources from the Center for Story-Based Strategy. As someone who has been facilitating direct action and organizing workshops for years, I find the resources that the Center for Story-Based Strategy creates absolutely invaluable.

    One of the things we talk about a lot on this show is the march of right-wing power and the threat of authoritarianism, and it’s really important to me that people understand how that connects with our relationship to mass death. At this time last year, I was co-organizing a week of memorialization for victims of COVID-19 because I felt like we needed that outlet for our basic human emotions. I was also terrified by the lack of commemoration I was seeing, for political reasons. Because I know what the further normalization of mass death could mean for a country with our political trajectory.

    As I said, we have a serious problem of complicity with the mass disposal of human beings in the United States. We know it, and the rest of the world knows it. And right now, that complicity is escalating, as our tolerance for suffering and mass death escalate. That’s what losing to the fascists looks like, and it doesn’t happen all at once. It will happen if more and more of us start believing that it is either not our responsibility, or not in our power, to save millions of people whose deaths are wholly preventable. There are ways in which we, as a society, already enact that kind of learned helplessness, but it can get much, much worse, and it will, if we allow it. And while I am not going to pretend we can save every person who is imperiled, as climate catastrophes continue to unfold, and things like water scarcity and famines grip countries around the world, but we are going to be faced with a lot of decisions, in the coming years: Will we aspire to save as many lives as possible, and to sustain dignity and comfort for as many people as possible? Or will we continually down-size the sphere of people whose survival matters, until most of us find ourselves adrift, in the realm of human surplus? The latter is what our enemies are counting on. They want to put ourselves first to the bitter end, and to harden, and to stop seeing other people as worth fighting for, particularly when it comes to criminalized people and migrants, whose well being will be continually pitted against our own by the powerful. The fascists and the neoliberalis are hoping we will be pacified by our fears, and that we will cooperate with the mass sacrifice of others, if it means that we get to reenact normalcy a bit longer.

    We cannot fight the people who would destroy us without fighting for our own humanity. Because, as is always the case in politics, our own imaginations, and our own impulses, are a front of struggle, and that front cannot be neglected. That means we must dismantle our notions of disposability. We can do that here and now, by being more vocal about things like vaccine apartheid, disability rights, migrants rights, and the rights of imprisoned people. A people without empathy cannot defeat fascism. It thrives among them. And I am really worried by what I am seeing in some people, in terms of their willingness to accept mass sacrifice, and this dilapidated version of normalcy we’ve been handed, as if there are no alternatives. My mantra, when it comes to fascism, is that we surrender nothing and no one, and that’s not some fair weather ideal, reserved for the brink of full blown authoritarianism. It’s the position we have to take under neoliberalism and capitalism. It’s the position we have to take now: that disabled people are not disposable, that migrants are not disposable, that imprisoned people are not disposable — and that people who make bad choices, or simply have the wrong information, in this fucked up society, are not disposable. We have to live that belief now and build culture around it. The humor we engage in, and our public performances of contempt and vilification, are part of the culture we build. We have to remember that.

    There is no innocuous way to enjoy mass death. You have to hold onto your humanity the whole time. I’m sorry. I know it hurts. But to stay fully human, you’re stuck with that pain, and your humanity is needed.

    To all the people who are about to write me angry emails about this episode, I just want you to know that I share your anger. I am not asking you to feel any particular way about the people you’re upset with, including me. Your feelings are your own, and I hope you get everything that you need to cope in these times. I don’t think most of us are getting what we need, in terms of healthy outlets for our grief, or our pain, or constructive outlets, that might help us make a larger difference, so I hope we can work together to address some of that as well.

    If you need help connecting with grief counseling, a project I co-organized called the Mutual Aid Mourning and Healing Project can help connect you with remote assistance, and I will be adding a link to that effort in the show notes as well.

    I know we’re all carrying a lot of stories right now that enrage us, and that hurt us, about people who didn’t have to die, or people who should be living full or healthy lives right now, but cannot, due to a lack of communal effort around public health. But I want us to remember that there are other stories, too. Stories about people who did everything right, who are still dead or living ruined lives, because in the end, it’s this system that’s screwing us the most. There are a lot of stories we are not hearing, and some of them are about the lives of everyday people, and how they wound up confused, or afraid of the vaccine, or simply in denial about the urgency of the moment — much in the same way that so many people are in denial about the urgency of climate change. And, I think, in a lot of cases, if we heard those stories, we would have no difficulty processing the fact that those people don’t deserve to die.

    So I wanted to make sure we all carried at least one of those stories with us, too, to help us remember that not everyone fits the stereotypes we might project on them. So I want to return for a moment to a story my friend Johnny told me about a man named Henry, who Johnny reached out to about getting the jab.

    [music]

    JD: So on one of the early weeks in July, I was biking around and I’m in the Kenton Park neighborhood of Portland, which is in North Portland and that’s a historically black neighborhood, but people have been being pushed out of that neighborhood as it slowly gentrifies. So I’m near the library area and I try to talk to everybody, especially younger folks, because a lot of younger folks haven’t got the vaccine. But I see Henry, and Henry is, it turns out, an 83 year old black man. I pull over from the bike and say, “Hey, how are you doing, man? Have you had a chance to get the vaccine yet?” Very friendly, and he immediately goes into why he hasn’t gotten the vaccine. Henry’s from North Portland, but immediately says, “I wanted to get that vaccine right away. I wanted to get it for months, but the VA is telling me that I have to go to Vancouver and I hear there’s a lot of cases up there and I don’t know how to get there. And it’s been hard to schedule.”

    So I know immediately, Henry is, he wants to get the vaccine. He just doesn’t know where. He even mentioned that Vancouver, they have a lot of stuff going on there and kind of alluded to the racism in Vancouver, that Vancouver has a lot of Proud Boys, they have a lot of far right extremists. And that may have been a reason he also didn’t want to go to Vancouver, to the VA. So it sounded like he didn’t really have access or help to go to one of the clinics or that he could go to a lot of these other places. So, I said, “Hey Henry, there’s a clinic just down the road. I can walk you there.” It was about five blocks away. It was really hot that day. It was like 90 degrees and Henry is 83 years old. He’s got his veterans hat on and a t-shirt, a very cool rainbow mask on.

    So I walk my bike with Henry to the clinic in North Portland. We’re going pretty slow because he’s an older guy and he starts telling me some of the reasons why he hasn’t gone, alluding to not wanting to go to Vancouver. He started telling me about his time in the service and that his uncle was part of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. I’m a big history buff because I think through history we can correct the mistakes of the past and learn going forward. So it was incredible to hear him talk about his uncle being in the Abraham Lincoln brigade, which only about 3 to 4,000 Americans went and fought in the Spanish Civil War against the fascists there. He said his uncle returned, did not get killed in service over there. And he had served overseas, post World War II in Europe.

    By that time, we had reached the clinic and you could tell he was very excited to get there. He was like, “How much further is it?” Because it was pretty hot that day. And I’m like, “It’s right there.” And he crossed the road and he thanked me and he got the shot, didn’t have any issues. It was a great feeling to know that I was able to help Henry, who I kind of thought of my grandparents, how I had to help set up their appointment and I was prodding them and they had issues themselves back in Wisconsin, and… when I went out and I try to help people get the vaccine, I think of the people that have not been reached like Henry who absolutely, somebody should have went to where he lives and he should have been one of the first people in Portland to get the vaccine, back in December. And it took all the way until the beginning or the middle of July to get it.

    Like yesterday, two days ago, when I went out and I talked to a few of the people, I would think of my brother who needed a little bit of prodding, but there’s a lot of people that maybe didn’t have somebody to do that prodding. And then they just haven’t got it months later, and then I’ll see the 25 year old in the hospital and that could have been my brother if he had moved to another state and was getting bad information.

    KH: There are so many people like Henry out there, whose stories we don’t know or understand. Some of those people may have been battered with misinformation. Some of them may be in absolute denial about the state of the world we are living in. It’s okay to be upset with those people, or even angry with those people, for not doing the right thing, but if you are listening to this show, you probably aren’t someone who simply wants to be right, and to feel justified in your feelings. You’re probably someone who wants to make the world a better place, and people who want to make a difference have to do more than be right. They have to be constructive. And if you can’t engage constructively with unvaccinated people, that’s actually okay, because there is a lot to be angry about that we can rage against very constructively, together, while targeting the people who created the conditions under which we are experiencing this mess, and the conditions under which we will experience a larger era of collapse. I am not telling you to take a pollyanna approach to these times, because I think our anger has a lot of value, but I want us to think carefully about who we target and how, and what we are trying to accomplish by doing so, as we build culture, and as we spell out, one joke or interaction at a time, what our humanity is worth to us. So let’s ask ourselves, in what spirit are we engaging with this moment? Are we sharing stories about people who didn’t believe in the vaccine, who are dying, because those stories are tragic and we want people to be aware, or are we simply becoming people who laugh at suffering and death while the world burns?

    I said earlier that losing to fascism looks like us losing our empathy, and cooperatively assuming our roles in a capitalist death march while others are ground under. It looks like indifference to death, or even assuming others were less deserving of survival than we are. That’s not the thought I want to leave you with today, so let me also say this: winning looks like the creation of a world where people understand that our fates are connected, and that we can demand more than life and death on the terms set by the capitalists. We can demand a society where people are not forced to endure deprivation, and where people have access to healthcare, and housing, and education — and all of the political memory that a real education can bring — and we can make that world. Because when we look at who the real villains are in this society, the people who are truly enforcing misery, there are a lot more of us than there are of them. So let’s try to remember that.

    I also want to thank our listeners for joining us today, and remember, our best defense against cynicism is to do good and to remember that the good we do matters. Until next time, I’ll see you in the streets.

    Show Notes

    You can check out the 4th Box tool that Shana mentioned here. I also recommend checking out the self-paced online workshops offered by the Center for Story-Based Strategy and the many resources available on their website.

    To keep up with Johnny Dangers, you can follow his work on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter.

    Further reading:

    Making fun of anti-vaxxers who died of COVID-19 is a dark indication that we’ve all surrendered to the disease by Abdullah Shihipar

    The Psychology of Pandemics: Preparing for the Next Global Outbreak of Infectious Disease by Steven Taylor

    Updates: Billionaire Wealth, U.S. Job Losses and Pandemic Profiteers by Chuck Collins

    The Most Influential Spreader of Coronavirus Misinformation Online by Sheera Frenkel

    Inmates Weren’t Told They Were Given An Anti-Parasite Drug Instead Of COVID-19 Meds (AP)

    Resource:

    The Mutual Aid Mourning and Healing Project connects people with free grief-related services.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • In this in-depth analysis, published in two parts this week, Lila Sari looks at vaccine distribution in Indonesia, and the surprising entrance of political parties into the roll-out. 

    What role exactly do the political parties play in vaccine distribution? How do they access the vaccines, how do their approaches differ and what motivates them? I’ll be looking at these questions across two articles this week. In today’s article, Part 1, I’ll examine the broader practices of vaccine acquisition and distribution by political parties and their partners, and in Part 2 I’ll look at how this plays out in Golkar, PDI-P and NasDEM’s approaches.

    Part 1: Vaccines and politics

    Aiming to attain herd immunity by March 2022, Indonesia has been rushing to vaccinate 208.2 million people out of its total population of 271 million. On 26 June 2021, President Jokowi doubled his already ambitious target of vaccinating 1 million persons per day. But Indonesia still has a long way to go. As of 19 September 2021, eight months after the beginning of the roll out, only 79.5 million of people had received one dose while 45 million had two doses of vaccines.

    To accelerate vaccine delivery, the government has instructed several institutions to help the Ministry of Health and local governments to deliver the vaccines. The first, and main, track of the vaccine rollout relies on diverse state bodies. The Indonesian Police and Army (TNI/POLRI), the Coordinating Agency for Family Planning (BKKBN), and even the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) have been involved in administering vaccinations in several regions. According to the Ministry of Health’s dashboard data, this main track has delivered 167.5 million doses.

    In addition to these public sector institutions, the government has expanded the vaccination delivery track to the private sector, using private companies and state-owned enterprises. This second track, which the government has dubbed the Gotong Royong (mutual cooperation) vaccination program, uses a very different modality than the standard government approach. Companies and enterprises are expected to use their own funding and resources to acquire and deliver different vaccine brands or types. In particular, the Gotong Royong program uses the Sinopharm vaccine, unlike the Sinovac-Bio Farma, AstraZeneca, Pfizer, Novavax, Moderna, and BioNTech vaccines used in the standard program. The goal is for these companies to then deliver these vaccines to their own employees.

    As part of the Gotong Royong program, the government also uses the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce (KADIN) to provide brokerage services to bring together the private sector and the Ministry of Health and PT Bio Farma, the state-owned enterprise responsible for importation and distribution of vaccines. This track has delivered 915,295 first doses (6.1% of the total targeted population for vaccinations) and 663,515 second doses. Whereas 28,413 companies have applied to participate in this program, only 258 (less than 1% of the applicants) have received an allocation from the Ministry of Health and PT Bio Farma.

    This program makes sense for the private sector: it is more efficient and economical for companies to vaccinate their workers than to test them regularly and spend money on supporting infected workers. By vaccinating their workers, companies hope to be able to run their businesses at full capacity.

    Despite the mobilisation of so many actors in the vaccination roll out, it seems this is not enough. Politicians in Indonesian’s national parliament have criticised the slow progress and uneven distribution in vaccination delivery. Perhaps it is this criticism which has pushed the government to open a third vaccination track, a track that involves these politicians and their parties. This third track, however, is not clearly stipulated in government regulations on the vaccination program (the latest being Ministry of Health Regulation No. 10/2021 and the Minister of Health Decree No. 4638/2021).

    Nevertheless, reports in online media and social media show that several political parties have been actively involved in the vaccination program. These include parties from the government’s ruling coalition, like the Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Golkar Party, National Awakening Party (PKB), National Democrat Party (NasDEM), and National Mandate Party (PAN), as well as the opposition parties, like the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Democrat Party (PD), and even small parties like the Indonesia Solidarity Party (PSI).

    This is a highly unusual practice. To my knowledge, Indonesia is the only country where political parties are not only organising their own vaccination programs but also actually injecting vaccines into people’s arms.

    In fact, it seems like the program is accelerating, with political parties competing to give out vaccines, and using the program as a way to demonstrate their ability to work with the government and achieve the important national goal of reaching herd immunity. Interestingly, each party has claimed to be the first to deliver a coronavirus vaccination program.

    What role exactly do the political parties play in vaccine distribution? How do they access the vaccines, how do their approaches differ and what motivates them?

    At first, when I noticed reports of party vaccination programs, I assumed that they were buying the vaccines they were delivering, as with companies using the Gotong Royong track, rather than drawing on government stocks.

    After all, the parties present their campaigns as if they are solely their own initiatives. Most of the parties mentioned above have been running mass vaccination activities in ways that resemble election campaign events. For example, they use big banners with photographs of their prominent leaders, and hand out t-shirts, and goody bags containing party merchandise, food, and souvenirs to people who come to get vaccinated.

    These events typically include speeches from elite politicians, who are usually members of the national parliament (DPR) or the local parliament (DPRD) in the area concerned, or they might be the local chairperson of the party regional branch. Sometimes, the national chairperson (Ketua Umum) of the party appears. Typically, in these speeches the politicians concerned praise how responsive and concerned their party is about the community and how they have worked hard, or fought, to ensure community members get the vaccines. Sometimes, they claim that the mass vaccination event involves collaboration with state institutions, private sector actors, and/or mass organisations. Sometimes, party leaders bring along leaders from the local government and/or local police and army officials, representatives of private companies, and of mass organisations.

    They also claim to have provided funds to distribute these vaccines. Such claims are partly true, as politicians and parties apparently do finance some elements of these vaccination events. They provide cadres and resources to organise registration, provide the venue, as well as snacks, lunches, and fees for the medical staff providing the vaccinations. However, it turns out that, unlike the Gotong Royong program, parties do not need to buy the vaccines they deliver. Instead, they receive them from the Ministry of Health. This is where the lobbying capacity of party bosses comes in.

    How do they access vaccines?

    In general, my respondents from political parties and local media explain that their party received an allocation of vaccines from the Ministry of Health. In their capacity as the Ministry’s counterparts in the DPR, members of the Commission IX of the DPR, which is responsible for health and labor affairs, can submit a request to the Ministry to allocate buffer stocks—stocks left over from the quota used for the government-led vaccination program. Then, based on the Ministry’s assessment, the Ministry can grant them a quota. These politicians normally prioritise distribution to their own electoral districts (daerah pemilihan or dapil).

    In short, much like other government benefits and programs, COVID-19 vaccines have now become a political commodity which politicians can use to solidify their constituency and supporters. This is an important opportunity for them to survive in what observers have called Indonesia’s “patronage democracy” as written by Aspinall and Berenschot in Democracy for Sale: Elections, Clientelism, and the State in Indonesia. When parties and politicians habitually provide their supporters with benefits of various kinds, it makes sense for them to view the coronavirus vaccination program as a new political commodity they can distribute.

    Aside from this channel, some respondents from the national government, as well as local experts and members of watchdog institutions in some regions, explained that some parties have been able to access vaccines from other state institutions, such as local governments, POLRI and the TNI. As explained above, these institutions also received vaccine allocations and were responsible for delivering jabs through the government-led vaccination program. They have discretion on how to deliver their vaccines. They can use their own facilities, such as local public health clinics and hospitals, police or military health institutions, or partner with private healthcare services, or even partner with mass organisations, or, it turns out, with political parties.

    This discretion has opened up opportunities for parties and politicians to use these allocations for their own promotional purposes, though typically presented as joint effort or kerjasama (cooperative) schemes. Party elites request the allocation from the national or local government, POLRI and the TNI to deliver the vaccinations under their party’s banner. In return, the parties will name these institutions as their partners, and they will pay for the vaccinators’ fees and other operational costs to deliver the vaccines.

    What is behind vaccine hesitancy in Indonesia?

    Perceived religious prohibition, vaccine coercion, anti-Chinese sentiment and reliance on alternative health and hygiene practices are contributing to low vaccination acceptance.

    In fact, it is not only parties who use this approach. In some regions, according to my anonymous sources, some big business groups have also used the kerjasama scheme. These are typically business groups owned by oligarchs—i.e., the super wealthy individuals who dominate both political and business life in Indonesia. Such companies can sometimes use the quotas allocated to central government agencies, local governments, and POLRI/TNI, bypassing the formal Gotong Royong vaccination track provided for the private sector. Of course, they label the vaccination events they then run as a form of collaboration with the real owner of the vaccine quota. But in fact, these companies acquired the vaccines for free and much more quickly than they would as part of the Gotong Royong track, with no need to wait for KADIN to process their proposals. By doing so, I estimate they save around 75% of the costs they would incur if using the Gotong Royong track.

    To access vaccines, political parties and the companies thus need to lobby and negotiate with government institutions which are authorised vaccine distributors. But having access to political power and good connections with those institutions helps. In many cases, party leaders and other politicians have family connections with the governor or other local officials, and this, too, can allow access.

    Take, for example, in one region of Indonesia, where a senior politician, who is also the owner of one of the biggest conglomerates in the region. He is known to have close connections with two generals who hold very high positions in the country, are from the same region as the elite politician and served as his adjutants when he was in the office. Having this close connection as a patron gives the elite politician easy access to use the police quota in the region for vaccination events run by his companies.

    Another example can be seen in a woman politician, a prominent party elite, and member of the DPR. She is also the wife of a former two-time mayor in the region. Her husband is a senior politician with a colourful background.  He retains much influence in the city including in the prison sector, given that he spent some years in jail for corruption. The woman has good access to the Ministry of Health as she is a member of the DPR’s Commission IX. Once she attained the quota, she distributed it where she and her husband have many fans: in the prisons and among networks of women’s Islamic devotional groups.

    Tomorrow: How Golkar, PDI-P and NasDEM approach vaccine distribution.

    The post Herd immunity/herding constituents: parpol and COVID-19 vaccines in Indonesia #1 appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Covid-19 Response Minister Chris Hipkins and Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield today gave a briefing on the vaccine rollout and current cases which showed a sharp jump over the past few days.

    Dr Bloomfield confirmed there were 45 new community cases of covid-19 today – all in Auckland.

    Of these cases, 33 were known to be household or contacts of existing cases. All had been isolating at home or in quarantine during their infectious period, Dr Bloomfield said.

    He said many of today’s cases were linked, and in some sense “they were expected”.

    Hipkins said the 45 new cases were a “sobering number”. But because they were known cases, alert level decisions were made on many other factors.

    “I would encourage people not to read too much into it. We’re still aiming to run this into the ground,” he said.

    Dr Bloomfield said quite a proportion of the cases were among groups of people who were in transitional or emergency housing.

    “Teams are working very hard with a range of agencies to support those people.”

    He said everyone in Auckland must stay within their bubbles and wear face masks.

    Watch the update

    RNZ News video of the media briefing.

    Dr Bloomfield said the Ministry of Health was asking workers in construction, hospitality and retail, who were working in level 3, to get two tests at least five days apart over the next couple of weeks, whether they had symptoms or not.

    “I would like to emphasise, this testing is voluntary,” he said.

    Hipkins said that at midnight the requirement would come into force for all border workers and roles where they might come into contact with covid-19 to be vaccinated.

    As at this morning, 98 percent of active border workers had been vaccinated with at least one dose and 93 percent were fully vaccinated, he said.

    That included 95 percent of port workers.

    “I do want to remind anyone who works at the border but has yet to be vaccinated that they now have 24 hours until midnight tomorrow night to get their first vaccination if they wish to continue to work at the border,” Hipkins said.

    Vaccine rollout update
    Dr Bloomfield said 80 percent of the eligible population in Canterbury had now had its first dose of the vaccine. He said that by Christmas most Cantabarians would be fully vaccinated.

    “Keep up the good work Canterbury,” Dr Bloomfield said.

    Yesterday, 44,000 doses of the covid-19 vaccine were administered.

    Nationally, 78 percent of the eligible population – 12 years and over – had had their first dose of the vaccine, Hipkins said.

    Nearly half of the eligible population was now fully vaccinated.

    Hipkins said 55 percent of Māori had had their first dose, 29 percent their second.

    Among Pasifika, 71 percent had had their first dose, 40 percent their second.

    ‘Covid for Christmas’
    Hipkins said he had not read National’s plan to reopen New Zealand in full yet.

    “It’s clear that the National Party want to throw open the borders, have hundreds of thousands of people coming in. Therefore, one can conclude that the biggest promise they’re making at the moment is that they’re willing for Kiwis to get covid for Christmas.

    “The reality here is that they haven’t provided any modelling for the number of Covid-19 cases that they would be willing to tolerate or what they would do in certain scenarios because it would almost certainly result in significant numbers of cases in the community.

    “They’ve given no indication of what they would do around managing that.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    Fiji has reported its first death of a person living with HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) and diagnosed with covid-19.

    But the Health Ministry said the death was caused by a pre-existing medical condition and not by the delta virus.

    The ministry said several HIV patients, diagnosed with covid-19 in Fiji, were among 36,724 people who had recovered from the coronavirus since March last year.

    Fiji received US$272,000 worth of anti-retroviral medicine from the Atlanta Medicare Company Ltd of Thailand on Tuesday.

    The UNAIDS agency contributed US$37,000 in air freight costs.

    Australia also donated paediatric HIV drugs and freight worth about US$5000.

    Fiji’s Health Minister, Dr Ifereimi Waqainabete, said that as the country battled the covid-19 pandemic, health workers had ensured services for people with chronic diseases, including care for people living with HIV, continued.

    Telemedicine consultations
    This included establishing telemedicine for consultation and delivery of medication, Dr Waqainabete said.

    He added Fiji was reviewing and adopting HIV testing, and counselling strategies and policies.

    He said the aim was to achieve zero transmission of HIV from mother to child, which Fiji had achieved.

    “Also to strengthen the role and functions of the HIV Board in supporting people living with HIV, of which 78 per cent of these individuals are on the life changing HIV medication,” Dr Waqainabete said.

    The given medication would benefit 500 people living with HIV in Fiji – of which more than 40 were children.

    52 new cases, two deaths recorded
    Meanwhile, 52 new cases of covid-19 were reported in the community.

    This is the second straight day Fiji has reported double-digit figures for infections since this outbreak began in April.

    Health Secretary Dr James Fong said there had been 17 new recoveries since the last update, and there were now 13,045 active cases.

    Dr Fong also confirmed two deaths in Suva on Sunday and both patients had died at home.

    Ten other covid positive people had died, but the doctors had ruled that their deaths were not caused by the virus, he said. The death toll was at 592 – 590 of them from the April outbreak.

    “There are currently 88 covid-19 patients admitted to the hospital – 41 are at the Lautoka Hospital and 47 at the CWM, St Giles and Makoi hospitals.

    “Six patients are considered to be in severe condition and four are in critical condition.”

    No new maritime cases
    Dr Fong added that they had not recorded any new cases from the maritime zones of Kadavu, Malolo Island, Naviti Island, Waya Island, the Nacula Medical Area, Beqa and Ovalau.

    There have been 50,737 cases recorded during the outbreak that started in April 2021.

    Fiji has recorded a total of 50,807 cases since the first case was reported in March 2020, with 36,724 recoveries.

    As of 26 September, 591,293 adults in Fiji had received their first dose of the vaccine and 425,902 both jabs.

    “Based on our updated total population of 618,173 people aged 18 years and over (adults), the revised vaccination coverage rates are 95.7 percent for adults who have received at least one dose, and 68.9 percent are fully vaccinated,” Dr Fong said.

    “As for the children, 17,996 have received their first dose of the vaccine as of the 24th of September.

    “We will be tracking our vaccine coverage rates once we have firmed up our 15 to 17-year-old denominator.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Rita Peki in Mt Hagen, Papua New Guinea

    Two deaths with two patients in critical condition is the status at one of Papua New Guinea’s leading hospitals as the covid-19 pandemic continues to create havoc along with an acute shortage of operational funds.

    Mount Hagen Provincial Hospital in Western Highlands Province — owed K1.6 million  (NZ$650,000) by the central government in Waigani — struggles to maintain its ongoing clinical services as well as provide treatment and care to the escalating number of suspected covid-19 cases, said the Highlands Provincial Health Authority.

    According to WHPHA acting chief executive officer Jane Holden, the hospital will definitely shut down come Christmas if funding is delayed further.

    She said although the hospital was stretched to its limit, it tested 27 positive covid-19 cases in the last four days, bringing the number of new cases since Saturday to 109.

    This left only five isolation beds unoccupied out of 20 available isolation beds.

    “Two patients died last week and two are critically ill, Holden said.

    “Although we cannot get the results for the whole genome sequencing, we must assume we are dealing with the delta variant, given the rapid increase in numbers and severity of their illness.

    Funds for two weeks
    “We only have enough covid-19 funds to support another two weeks work despite sending a request in late June to the Department of Health.

    Holden said if there was no funding, the hospital would shut down its services before Christmas.

    “This will commence next week with the closure of consultation clinics for any new patients and the discharge of others over a couple of weeks.

    “We will also need to ask patients coming from other provinces to seek support locally rather than come to Mt Hagen Hospital.

    “Over the next four to six weeks, beds will be closed as patients are discharged home.

    “Further reducing services at the hospital just puts increased pressure on rural health services, and we know that they are also stressed.

    “Church Health Services have not had funding support this year either and are under significant pressure as well,” Holden said.

    “This is a very difficult time.”

    According to statistics from National Control Centre, Papua New Guinea is reporting 1000 new cases a month — an increase of 50 percent, averaging 500 new cases a month.

    In the last three weeks, 649 cases were confirmed, with 18 deaths reported in the same period. Of this, one medical doctor had died out of the 53 health workers who tested positive with covid-19.

    ‘Biggest’ threat to Pacific in century
    Meanwhile, in New York, US, Prime Minister James Marape told a Pacific Islands Forum meeting last week that covid-19 presented the biggest threat to the health and wellbeing of Pacific people and the world in more than a century.

    He told a virtual PIF Leaders Meeting with UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly (UNGA): “Never before, has the full Forum membership simultaneously been in a crisis wherein members face significant challenges to prepare, respond and mitigate the immediate and associated threats posed by the covid-19 pandemic.”

    Marape said a unified collective regional approach to address covid-19 through the Pacific Humanitarian Pathway had ensured countries remained relatively unscathed from the health impacts of covid-19, with six countries still covid-free.

    “The emergence of the more transmissible strains of the virus is concerning, with clear evidence that the coping capacity of some of our members’ health systems is struggling to keep up with the rapid spread of the virus,” he said.

    “There are some assurances provided through vaccine-powered recovery, however, in places where vaccines are not yet widely available, or in communities where people have not been vaccinated despite availability, the virus could still spread rapidly.

    “When forum leaders met last month, we re-emphasised the importance of ensuring the distribution of safe and effective vaccines in the Pacific region and reiterated our call to global leaders to support the equitable and affordable distribution of safe and effective covid-19 treatments and vaccines to all Pacific peoples, facilitate early economic recovery and to call for a WTO TRIPS waiver for covid-19 vaccines.

    “We also committed to collectively ensure comprehensive vaccination coverage is achieved for our Pacific peoples by setting a target of 80 percent of the eligible population for the Pacific region subject to country readiness by the first quarter of 2022.”

    Rita Peki is a PNG Post-Courier reporter.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    A new poll shows nearly two out of three New Zealanders want the border to remain closed until at least 90 percent of the country is vaccinated.

    The poll, in partnership with the country’s leading daily newspaper The New Zealand Herald, which is also running a 90% Project in support of high vaccination, showed growing support for vaccination, according to the paper in a front age report.

    The Herald said the Talbot Mills Research poll indicated that 89 percent of those polled planned to get vaccinated or had already done so.

    “The results contrast with a public appeal yesterday from former prime minister Sir John Key for New Zealand to break out of its ‘smug hermit kingdom’ by opening the border as soon as possible,” the Herald said.

    The newspaper said that support for 90 percent was much higher than for the “option of opening the borders after everybody had been given a reasonable chance to get vaccinated, regardless of the overall rate – an option favoured by 26 percent of people.”

    Political editor Claire Trevett wrote that support for the 90 percent plus threshold was “particularly high among Labour and Green supporters (70–72 percent support) – but about 60 percent of National and Act supporters also favoured it”.

    The government had so far refused to set a specific threshold or date at which it would ease border restrictions, Trevett wrote. However, it had committed to trialling measures such as home isolation this year, as part of its road map.

    “The poll of 1050 people aged 18 and over was taken from August 31 to September 6 – the third week of the lockdowns sparked by the delta outbreak. It has a margin of error of +/- 3.1 per cent,” wrote Trevett.

    “The NZ Herald has joined with Talbot Mills Research for polling on vaccinations as part of the 90% Project, to help track public sentiment over the coming months.”

    12 new covid community cases
    The Health Ministry reported 12 new community cases of covid-19 in New Zealand today, with all but two epidemiologically linked to previous cases.

    In a statement, the Health Ministry said there were now a total of 1177 community cases associated with the latest outbreak of the delta variant of the virus, RNZ News reports.

    All of the latest cases were identified in Auckland.

    The ministry said one of today’s community cases had previously been under investigation and was now confirmed and linked to the current outbreak.

    “The case has now recovered. The case spent 14 days in a quarantine facility along with household members who also tested positive for covid-19,” the statement said.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    A group of doctors have hit the phones to support Pasifika families who have tested positive for covid-19 and been transferred into managed isolation.

    The chairperson of the Royal New Zealand College of GPs’ Pasifika chapter, Monica Liva, said about half the people infected with the virus in Auckland were Pasifika.

    She contacted Pasifika doctors who could talk to people in their first language and hear any concerns they might have.

    “It’s also to take off the load off the MIQ medical team, so that they can focus on the urgent covid-19 needs,” Dr Liva said.

    Dr Liva said she had been heartened by the number of GPs agreeing to help.

    TikTok take-up for vaccines
    The North Island iwi Ngāti Porou have launched a covid-19 vaccination campaign aimed at rangatahi using the social media platform TikTok.

    The video challenge calls on young people to encourage their whānau to get vaccinated.

    Ngāti Porou’s Taryne Papuni said TikTok was a natural first pick to get the message across.

    “That’s one of the mediums that they’re always on, always on the TikTok or the Instagram.

    “We thought yeah, we can reach a lot of our people, a lot of our young ones that way and hope that the young ones will actually lead for their elders.”

    Earlier this week, Ngāti Porou hosted a vaccinations clinic at Te Poho o Rawiri Marae.

    There have also been multiple events on this weekend targeting Pasifika vaccination rates.

    18 new community cases in NZ
    The Health Ministry reported 18 new community cases of covid-19 in New Zealand today, with all but two epidemiologically linked to previous cases.

    There was no media conference today. In a statement, the ministry said there were now a total of 1165 community cases associated with the latest outbreak of the delta variant of the virus.

    It said 934 of Auckland’s 1148 cases had now recovered.

    The ministry said there were five cases in the past fortnight that were still not linked to previous cases.

    The 16 linked cases reported today are all in isolation at home or in MIQ.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    New Zealand has 16 community cases of covid-19 today, according to the Ministry of Health.

    In a statement, the ministry said 13 of today’s 16 cases had been epidemiologically linked to previous cases.

    There have been 10 unlinked cases in the past fortnight.

    There was also one historical community case not associated with the current outbreak and another historical case at the border.

    The ministry said the community case deemed to be historical was not associated with the current outbreak in Auckland as this case initially came through the border and has been previously reported and spent 14 days in managed isolation, during which time they routinely tested negative.

    “They have subsequently tested positive, but this has been deemed historical and is no longer infectious.”

    There are 13 people in hospital with covid-19, with four in intensive care.

    The ministry said 903 of Auckland’s 1129 cases in this outbreak had now recovered.

    Residents of Kāinga Ora apartments in Parnell have been tested after they were added as a covid location of interest in Auckland.

    The Ministry of Health added the apartments today, along with a supermarket in Flat Bush.

    A person infected with covid-19 visited on three consecutive days – over last weekend and Monday.

    Kāinga Ora’s area manager Andrew Walker said they had worked with Auckland Regional Public Health and the City Mission, which has mobile testing capacity, to make it quick and easy for residents to be tested yesterday.

    Walker said masks were also delivered to residents and communal areas given an extra deep clean, over and above the special cleaning in alert level 3 and 4.

    Yesterday there were nine new community cases of covid-19 reported in New Zealand, the first time in weeks the number of cases had dropped to single figures.

    There has now been a total of 1146 cases in the current community outbreak, and there have been 3806 cases in this country since the pandemic began.

    A Waitematā District Health Board spokesperson today said that a patient at Auckland’s Waitākere Hospital had tested positive for covid-19 after presenting at the emergency department yesterday, but that the overall exposure risk is considered low.

    The ministry said today fewer than 10 patients were affected.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Gorethy Kenneth in Port Moresby

    Papua New Guinea’s acting Prime Minister Soroi Eoe says the specific lockdown measures planned for the covid-19 spike in some provinces has not been released as stated this week because the Pandemic Control Centre was not ready.

    This is because there of co-ordination needed to happen over the next seven days to allow for this.

    The National Isolation Strategy and the government’s plan in relation to the covid-19 spike in the country will be released later.

    Eoe assured business houses in the capital Port Moresby and across the nation that there would not be any lockdown, but strict protocols and measures would still be in place.

    He said there would not be any nationwide lockdown — just in selected provinces — and that the measures to be announced would be “friendlier, but strict”.

    Eoe said all reports circulating on social media were “fake news”, basically because they did not come from an official authority and that the government would officially announce its position.

    Dispel social media reports
    “I think the actual framework was already given yesterday, to dispel the notion that’s been propagated in social media that the government’s plan to bring in a state of emergency will shut down the operation of the government which is not true,” he said.

    Eoe said the government would be selectively looking at three provinces that had an increase in covid-19 cases — Western Province, Eastern Highlands and West Sepik. It would also closely monitor Enga, Morobe and the National Capital District as announced on Wednesday.

    “We are taking into consideration the views of the people, but at the same time, emphasising the seriousness of covid-19 … we need to vaccinate our population,” he said.

    “We are not locking down businesses, that’s our lifeline — come on, we can’t survive without business, they are the ones that keep the economy going, that’s what this assurance is.”

    Gorethy Kenneth is a PNG Post-Courier senior journalist.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.