Category: refugees

  • Group says Moroccan and Spanish police failed to provide even basic first aid for hours after deadly crush at enclave

    The “widespread use of unlawful force” by Moroccan and Spanish authorities contributed to the deaths of at least 37 people who perished during a mass storming of the border fence between Morocco and Spain’s north African enclave of Melilla in June, according to a report.

    The Amnesty International report also accuses Moroccan and Spanish police of failing to provide even basic first aid to those injured in the crush as they were left “in the full glare of the sun for up to eight hours”. It says Moroccan authorities prioritised moving corpses and treating security officials above the needs of injured migrants and refugees.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Keir Starmer’s descent into Tory-lite politics has officially ended – the Labour leader has now gone full-on right-wing over refugees.

    Starmer: tag ’em

    As the Independent reported, the government is rolling out an expanded programme of electronically tagging refugees and asylum seekers – much like the state does to some people it formerly incarcerated. Asked on Sky News on Monday 5 December whether he supported the policy, Starmer said:

    I think there’s a case for tagging in particular cases.

    The Labour leader then droned on with the usual soundbites about busting criminal gangs and processing people’s claims quicker. However, none of this distracted from his support for tagging refugees. Little wonder he supports it, really, as the Independent noted:

    The policy of using electronic tags to track asylum seekers was first introduced in the UK by the last Labour government, whose 2004 Asylum and Immigration Bill included provisions to allow the tags to be used on people released from immigration detention.

    So the Tories are now simply expanding on a Labour policy. Plus, Starmer has form on racist rhetoric of late.

    A history of racism

    As the Canary previously reported, Starmer said in a speech on 22 November that:

    our common goal must be to help the British economy off its immigration dependency. To start investing more in training up workers who are already here.

    Starmer may as well have said ‘those bloody foreigners coming over here and taking our jobs’, because his inference was fairly clear. That, of course, came after he had previously said similar – but specifically about NHS workers.

    When Nigel Farage is praising you, that really should be a red flag. People on social media noted it as such. Scottish National Party (SNP) MP Anum Qaisar slammed the Labour leader:

    Someone else also reminded us that Starmer allegedly used to be a human rights lawyer:

    And as another Twitter user pointed out, maybe it’s not refugees the government should be tagging:

    Fomenting prejudice

    Meanwhile, advocacy director at the Joint Committee for the Welfare of Immigrants Zehrah Hasan told the Independent:

    Like all of us, people seeking safety here deserve to be treated with respect and dignity. As a former human rights lawyer Keir Starmer should recognise this, so it’s disappointing to see him backing the cruel and draconian use of tagging for people seeking refuge. We know that these tags violate people’s basic right to privacy and have devastating effects on people’s mental health. There is also no evidence base for these intrusive measures as almost no one vanishes from the asylum system.

    Are Starmer’s words disappointing? If you were being polite and generous, then yes. However, his rhetoric is not surprising. The Labour leader has trashed the party, and he now assists the Tories in further fomenting already entrenched racism and prejudice in the UK. He, and his supporters, should be ashamed.

    Featured image via Sky News – YouTube

    By Steve Topple

  • Organisation questions use of ‘illegal’ to describe asylum seekers in report calling for radical crackdown

    A report partially endorsed by the UK home secretary, Suella Braverman, calling for a radical crackdown on those seeking asylum has been criticised by a UN body for “factual and legal errors”.

    Braverman wrote the foreword to the report by the right-leaning Centre for Policy Studies that says “if necessary” Britain should change human rights laws and withdraw from the European convention on human rights in order to tackle Channel crossings by small boat.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Manston refugee detention centre is now empty, according to news reports. Some people have welcomed the news, while others have cautioned that this is probably not the end of the far-right Home Office’s deadly hostile environment policy.

    Manston: now empty

    The Guardian has claimed that the Manston centre in Kent is now “completely empty”. It noted that:

    Just a few weeks ago about 4,000 arrivals were placed there by the Home Office, almost three times the maximum 1,600 capacity of the tented site in Ramsgate.

    Manston has, at best, been state-sanctioned imprisonment for refugees. At worst, it and the Home Office have caused a man’s death. As abolitionist group SOAS Detainee Support tweeted:

     

    The man, who the Home Office has not yet named, died in hospital after becoming ill at Manston. The Home Office has referred itself to the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) for an investigation.

    Manston, and the Home Office, have been dogged by further controversy – from outbreaks of diphtheria to horrendous overcrowding and conditions. As the Canary previously reported, Manston was only ever meant to hold people for 24 hours:

    However, a prison watchdog warned that authorities are detaining people on the site for a much longer period, without beds, proper healthcare, or access to fresh air and exercise. The watchdog noted reports of cases of contagious diseases such as scabies, diphtheria and MRSA within the centre.

    Now, it seems that the Home Office has moved all the detainees off site.

    This isn’t the end of the Home Office’s deadly hostile environment policy

    Sky News reported that:

    On Tuesday [22 November], Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s spokesman said Manston is meant to be a temporary holding facility where people are moved on “often fairly quickly”.

    So, it seems Downing Street may have intervened in home secretary Suella Braverman’s department. On social media, people have reacted cautiously to the news of Manston being empty.

    Some people were calling for an independent investigation into Manston:

    Another Twitter user wondered:

    However, campaign group Detention Action warned that the Home Office will just replicate Manston elsewhere:

    Questions also remain about where the refugees from Manston have gone. Previously, the Home Office dumped some of them in central London for hours with no support.

    Unfortunately, Manston will not be the last time the UK government treats refugees appallingly. Sadly, the Home Office is likely to create another Manston (or force more people into it again) while claiming refugees are the problem – not it and its far-right policies.

    Featured image via Sky News – YouTube

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Keir Starmer has once again shown his party is no friend of migrants or refugees, this time during a speech to business leaders. But fear not – because the Guardian was there to make the Labour leader look a little bit less right-wing than he actually is.

    Starmer: dog-whistle racism again

    On Tuesday 22 November, Starmer delivered a speech to the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) conference. There were various bits of dog-whistle racism, like the Labour leader saying Britain was “too comfortable” hiring foreign workers, and that this “low pay model” had to go because it “doesn’t serve working people”. However, the stand-out bit of right-wing rhetoric was when Starmer said:

    our common goal must be to help the British economy off its immigration dependency. To start investing more in training up workers who are already here.

    Starmer may as well have said ‘those bloody foreigners coming over here and taking our jobs’. His inference was fairly clear – even if it was dressed up with soundbites around hiring “skilled” foreign workers for certain jobs. However, Starmer hadn’t read the room at the CBI. Just a day earlier its head had said the UK needs more immigration to drive economic growth. So, what do you do if you’re Starmer, and not only are you sounding a little bit Farage-y but also at odds with the business lobby group you’re trying to court? Well, get the Guardian to whitewash your dog whistling for you.

    Enter the Guardian

    The allegedly left-wing rag covered Starmer’s CBI speech. However, it decided to lay cover for the Labour leader. It (probably intentionally) misrepresented what Starmer said, running with the headline:

    Keir Starmer vows to wean business off ‘cheap labour’

    The Guardian‘s Jessica Elgot provided similar cover in the opening paragraph. She framed Starmer’s “immigration dependency” as:

    Keir Starmer will say that UK businesses must wean themselves off “cheap labour” and that a low-pay model for growth is no longer working for the British people.

    It took her until the fifth paragraph to note what Starmer actually said. People on social media spotted what Elgot had done:

    Starmer’s right-wing centrism

    This isn’t the first time Starmer has used the language of right-wing racists and xenophobes thinking it will win Labour votes. As the Canary previously reported, his comments about foreign people working in the NHS were pretty appalling. On that occasion, the BBC covered for Starmer – altering a headline to make him look slightly less racist. Now, the Guardian has done similar.

    It’s almost as if Starmer’s brand of right-wing-courting centrism appeals to these outlets. This is unsurprising, given Labour’s lead in the opinion polls and potential for a general election victory. The likes of the Guardian and BBC, devoid of moral fibre, will court whoever wields political power – even if that means whitewashing their racist rhetoric. Of course, both outlets also helped ensure Jeremy Corbyn never got into power. Right-wing centrism wins every time.

    Featured image via the CBI – screengrab and the Guardian – screengrab

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Concerns raised after children classified wrongly as adults were assigned to a hotel where a serious stabbing took place last month

    At least 40 child asylum seekers were placed in a Home Office hotel designated for adults where one of them was a victim of a serious stabbing last month, the Guardian has learned.

    Lawyers and NGOs have repeatedly raised concerns about children being assessed wrongly as adults by the Home Office after arriving in the UK on small boats.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Far-right UK home secretary Suella Braverman has signed a deal with France over the refugee crisis. She has agreed to pay the French government €72m for it to put more police on the coast of northern France. However, the whole thing is preposterous – as people pointed out rather quickly.

    UK-France deal on refugees

    As Agence France-Presse (AFP) reported, Britain has agreed to pay France another €72m to prevent refugee boats crossings the Channel. Both countries signed the new deal on Monday 14 November. Around 40,000 people – many of them Albanians, Iranians and Afghans – have crossed the Channel to England from France this year. AFP reported that the figure is well over 2021’s 28,561, which was a thousand-fold increase from 2018, when refugees first began sailing inflatables across one of the world’s busiest shipping channels.

    The extra money will reportedly fund a 40% rise in the number of security forces patrolling France’s northern beaches, meaning an additional 350 people, the French interior ministry said. Teams of observers will be deployed on both sides of the Channel. Braverman, who has used far-right language like “invasion” when describing refugees, said of the deal:

    There are no quick fixes, but this new arrangement will mean we can significantly increase the number of French gendarmes patrolling the beaches in northern France.

    The UK home office said:

    The arrangement means, for the first time, specialist UK officers will also be embedded with their French counterparts.

    However, on social media people were quick to point out what a shambles it was.

    Where’s the fair asylum system?

    Some pro-EU people were pointing out the irony:

    Former Canary writer Sophia Akram said the deal showed UK policies on refugees were just “cruel”:

    Other people pointed out that the anti-refugee UK government should just provide safe routes for people:

    The UK Refugee Council put out a thread on Twitter. It said:

    The government’s deal with France on Channel crossings fails to address the factors behind why men women and children take dangerous journeys to reach the UK and so will do little to end the crossings.

    A deal is needed that focuses on creating more safe routes such as family reunion and working with the EU and other countries to find global solutions to share responsibility for what is a global challenge as more people are displaced by war, terror and violence.

    Critically this government should be doing far more to create a fair functioning asylum system so that there aren’t more than 120,000 people stuck in limbo waiting for years on end for a decision on their claim.

    It also noted that the backlog of asylum claims had now hit over 122,000 people – with over 40,000 of them waiting between one and three years. Meanwhile, AFP reported that the French coastguard was rightly adamant that it cannot intercept boats once they are in the water. This is because attempting to do so could cause them to capsize. Over in the UK, former home secretary Priti Patel tried to institute an awful boat pushback policy – but failed.

    The new deal between the UK and France will do nothing to stop people desperately trying to reach the UK. It is a preposterous waste of money which shows the far-right UK government cares not for people’s welfare and safety. It merely wants to maintain its own dogmatism.

    Featured image via David Woolfall – Wikimedia, resized to 770×403 under license CC BY 3.0

    Additional reporting via Agence France-Presse

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • People have dragged Keir Starmer over comments he made about NHS workers on Sunday 6 November. However, his broader comments about immigration have also prompted a backlash. People have accused him of not only pandering to racists, but being a racist himself – with Jeremy Corbyn dragging him via a subtweet.

    However, always one to be on the side of the establishment, enter the BBC to minimise the damage for Starmer – by changing a headline to make him look slightly less racist.

    NHS overrun with foreigners, says Starmer

    BBC Scotland‘s The Sunday Show was interviewing Starmer. The host asked him about what his wife Victoria, who works in the NHS, thinks the problems are. Starmer said [2:17]:

    We haven’t got enough people.

    However, the Labour leader’s solution to this was crass at best. Starmer said:

    I think that we should be training people in this country. Of course we need some immigration but we need to train people in this country.

    Starmer called immigration in the NHS a “short-term fix”. He also went further on immigration, saying:

    We don’t want open borders. Freedom of movement has gone and it’s not coming back. So that means fair rules, firm rules, a points-based system. What I would like to see is the numbers go down in some areas. I think we’re recruiting too many people from overseas into, for example, the health service. But on the other hand, if we need high-skilled people in innovation, in tech, to set up factories etc, then I would encourage that.

    Dog-whistle racism

    Starmer’s comments are literally dog-whistle racism – as people pointed out on social media:

    Professor of accounting Richard Murphy took the time to take down Starmer in a blog post, saying the Labour leader would not be able to form a “credible government”:

    And as a doctor pointed out, contrary to what Starmer says, the NHS does need a quick fix:

    The BBC: propping up Starmer’s racism

    Then, the dog-whistling, racist BBC aided and abetted Starmer in his racist pandering. It changed the headline on its article about his comments – clearly trying to make the Labour leader look slightly less racist:

    So, Corbyn decided to subtweet at Starmer – not exactly subtly, either:

    Starmer’s comments once again show that Labour is intent on toeing a right-wing line to curry favour with that voting base. It’s clear why Labour’s doing this: the party has always had a racism problem. But also the right-wing rump of Labour thinks the answer to winning a general election is to copy the Tories. And the BBC will quite happily prop this up – to the ruin of us all.

    Featured image via Peter Curran – YouTube and BBC News – YouTube

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • The BBC is facing an anti-racism backlash after one of its regional political reporters described the Tory government’s appalling response to the refugee crisis as the UK “defending itself”.

    Michael Keohan is BBC Kent‘s political reporter. And one section of a piece-to-camera in Dover seems to be generating serious problems for the BBC:

    BBC racism?

    Many Twitter users were shocked at what they felt was offensive language in the report. The BBC was accused of reporting that was “partial” and plainly “wrong”:

    The reportage was quickly branded “vile”:

    Someone quipped that Keohan was the least racist person in Kent, on account of the county’s reputation as a Tory heartland:

    There was also a suggestion that the “inflammatory language” helped shore up an “ailing” Suella Braverman:

    BBC decline

    Others said the BBC has clearly lost its way as a public service broadcaster. Tories have long complained that the BBC is too left-wing. So, one person said that this kind of reporting was a result of the BBC‘s efforts to avoid criticism:

    The BBC‘s right-swing was serious enough to get global attention, one person lamented:

    And the Beeb was accused of Daily Mail-level journalism which clearly veered into openly right-wing, partisan rhetoric:

    Crisis of our own making

    BBC reporter using this language is disturbing. Context is everything around topics as fraught as migration, as we saw recently with a terror attack on a refugee detention centre in Dover.

    Anti-migrant feeling of this kind is first and foremost immoral. But it is also dangerous, potentially even lethal. And the state broadcaster, hardly a bastion of virtue at the best of times, covers itself in more shame by allowing this kind of coverage to go to air.

    More than that though, we need a media which explains that refugees and migrants are not invaders. They are in many cases, victims of the UK’s own policies – seeking safe haven from the world our own governments have made.

    Featured image via Twitter, cropped to 770 x 403

    By Joe Glenton

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • People are sharing harrowing reports of overcrowded, unsafe and inhumane conditions inside Manston detention centre in Kent. Migrant solidarity groups are organising protests in support of detainees which are due to take place on Sunday 6 November.

    Inhumane conditions inside Manston

    On 31 November, MPs questioned home secretary Suella Braverman on whether she ignored legal advice and refused hotel bookings for migrants in Manston. The Home Office built the detention centre on a former military base in Kent. According to Morning Star reporter Bethany Rielly, the Home Office has instituted a military presence on site.

    The Home Office is only supposed to hold people on the site for up to 24 hours. However, a prison watchdog warned that authorities are detaining people on the site for a much longer period, without beds, proper healthcare, or access to fresh air and exercise. The watchdog noted reports of cases of contagious diseases such as scabies, diphtheria and MRSA within the centre.

    Grassroots migrant solidarity group SOAS Detainee Support visited the site on 31 October and reported witnessing “inhumane and overcrowded conditions”. Indeed, the site is dramatically over capacity. According to SOAS Detainee Support, Manston is hosting over 4,000 people, including children. However, it only has capacity for 1,000 people. 

    The group witnessed families sleeping on the floor for weeks on end and children crying for help. And although it’s unlawful for authorities to confiscate asylum-seekers’ phones,  SOAS Detainee Support says that authorities have confiscated the mobile phones of detainees and denied them access to lawyers.

    Sharing images and footage of the site visit, SOAS Detainee Support tweeted:

    Desperately seeking help

    Meanwhile, Stop Deportations shared the following, documenting the wristbands that people detained within Manston are forced to wear:

    SOAS Detainee Support noted that this use of identification tags is “a chilling hallmark of internment camps throughout history”.

    Writer and migrant and refugee rights campaigner Benny Hunter shared a photo of a letter thrown to the media by a child held inside Manston. Calling for urgent help, the letter claims that pregnant and unwell people inside the centre aren’t receiving the healthcare they need:

    Anti-refugee Britain

    On 1 November, home secretary Suella Braverman told parliament that there’s an “invasion on our southern coast“. This was in reference to people making dangerous channel crossings seeking safety in the UK. She made this callous and divisive remark the day after a man fire-bombed a migrant detention centre in Dover, injuring two people. Highlighting that racist and xenophobic violence doesn’t happen in a vacuum, writer Taj Ali shared:

    Meanwhile, also on 1 November, the Home Office abandoned a group of people in central London after evacuating them from the Manston holding site. Authorities left the group of around 50 asylum seekers in a street outside Victoria station. They were stranded overnight without food, accommodation or warm clothing. Responding to the news, Zoe Gardner, who works in policy and research for the European Network on Statelessness, tweeted: 

    These incidents reveal the violent and oppressive nature of the border regime. It seeks to criminalise, scapegoat and dehumanise those seeking safety. Meanwhile, the individuals and institutions that are actually responsible for the crises we face amass wealth and power.

    Resisting the border regime

    People gathered outside the gates of the detention centre in Manston on 2 November, in solidarity with those held inside. BBC reporter Simon Jones shared footage of protesters singing “we are all human, we all deserve respect”:

    According to Jones, while protesters blocked the detention centre’s entrance, others delivered toys for the children locked inside.

    Action Against Detention and Deportations, a coalition of anti-border groups, is leading a protest in solidarity with those inside Manston on Sunday 6 November:

    The group is arranging travel to the detention site from London. Those who can’t make it on the day are invited to contribute towards travel costs.

    Migrant solidarity groups are also seeking mobile phone donations to give to those locked inside Manston. The devices are urgently needed in order to contact lawyers and family members. Sharing information on how to contribute to the phone drive, grassroots group Lesbians and Gays Support the Migrants tweeted:

    Meanwhile, No Borders Manchester is leading a solidarity protest in the Northwest:

    As always, those exercising their right to protest on Sunday should come prepared. Civil liberties organisation Liberty shared:

    People can find more detailed information, as well as location-specific downloadable bustcards, on Green & Black Cross’s website.

    Those who are unable to make it to the protests on Sunday can still get involved by contributing towards travel costs and the phone drive. You can also support the work of grassroots groups resisting borders and migrant oppression. These include Lesbians and Gays Support the Migrants, Stop Deportations, Kent Refugee Action Network and the Anti Raids Network.

    This goes beyond Marston. This is about challenging the entire inhumane border regime which surveils, polices, detains, deports and dehumanises people seeking safety in the UK and globally.

    Featured image via Simon Jones – Twitter

    By Sophia Purdy-Moore

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • The leopard that is Andrew Marr hasn’t changed his spots. After the BBC ended the infamous Andrew Marr Show, the host transferred his debatable skills to LBC. But nothing has changed when it comes to this presenter’s bias – as his latest programme demonstrates.

    Marr: a history of bias

    Marr had a history of government bias at the BBC. It started in his early days, nauseatingly praising Tony Blair’s illegal invasion of Iraq:

    More recently, he’s been little more than a stooge for successive Tory governments. He undermined Jeremy Corbyn back in 2016, propped up Theresa May’s government in 2017, and refused to call Boris Johnson a liar when we all knew he was one.

    However, one of his most insidious pieces of government propaganda was during the coronavirus pandemic – repeating a lie from then-chancellor (and current PM) Rishi Sunak. Sunak repeatedly claimed that the government borrowed billions of pounds during the pandemic. This was not true: the Bank of England created the money for the government.

    Not to tarnish his record, Marr has carried on this government boot-licking over at LBC, where he has a new gig – and the propaganda he pushes is still just as toxic.

    Smearing the left

    On Wednesday 2 November, Marr was hosting his weeknight show. On it, he was talking about the current, Tory-instigated refugee crisis and abuses at the now-illegal Manston detention centre. However, Marr still tried to blame the left while at the same time praising right-wing Keir Starmer.

    The host smeared the left in one fell swoop during his opening monologue. He said:

    In the old days, the left didn’t much like talking about immigration. Immigration was for right-wingers, and closet racists, and xenophobes. Well, how times change. In the Commons today, the Labour leader Keir Starmer used every single one of his questions to Rishi Sunak to hammer him on the Tories record on illegal immigration.

    Marr’s point that the left doesn’t talk about the subject is demonstrably false – whichever way you look at it.

    The right wing of the Labour Party has always toed the Tories’ racist line on refugees. As the Canary recently reported:

    For example, in 2015, people – including MPs – criticised Ed Miliband’s party for its “controls on immigration” mug… In 2002, former home secretary David Blunkett defended a planned Labour policy of educating refugee children separately. He said that this would prevent child refugees “swamping the local school”. It was Labour that opened the horrific Yarl’s Wood refugee detention centre in 2001… And while we all lose our shit over Braverman using “invasion” to describe refugees fleeing to the UK, let’s not forget that hallowed Labour leader Clement Attlee called the Windrush migration an “incursion”.

    Demonstrable nonsense from Marr

    However, the left wing of Labour has always defended refugees. Not least in this was Jeremy Corbyn – who, despite Marr’s claims of ‘times changing’ under Starmer, dedicated a whole Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) on 1 February 2017 to questioning then-PM May about refugee policy:

    Corbyn also asked questions of prime ministers before and during his time as Labour leader. Of course, that’s irrelevant to Marr – as one Twitter user summed up:

    So, once more, Marr shows his bias against anything remotely left wing. This bootlicker extraordinaire is a menace to democracy and the media. No wonder the corporate press keep giving him jobs.

    Featured image via LBC – YouTube 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • The situation at the Manston refugee centre has been deteriorating rapidly, with reports of disease outbreaks and horrific overcrowding. Disgraced home secretary Suella Braverman is directly to blame. However, Labour’s response has been dire as usual. It points to a broader problem with the party’s lack of anti-racism and openly xenophobic history.

    Labour: no empathy for refugees

    Labour’s shadow home secretary Yvette Cooper has been responding to the situation in Manston. Her focus has predictably been on the British public and Tory failures – not concern for refugees. In parliament on 31 October, Cooper noted that Braverman had said:

    nothing about what she was doing to address those immediate public health crises and also the issues for untrained staff.

    Cooper pushed a similar line on her Twitter. In response to Braverman’s use of words like “invasion“, she tweeted:

    No home secretary who was serious about public safety or national security would use highly inflammatory language on the day after a dangerous petrol bomb attack on a Dover initial processing centre.

    Of course, the priority when someone bombs a refugee centre is the British population and national security – not the welfare of the refugees who’ve just been attacked. Not that this lack of concern for refugees is new.

    A history of racism

    On 5 October, Sky News interviewed shadow chancellor Rachel Reeves. The reporter asked her if Labour ‘welcomed’ Braverman’s plans to change the law to make it “easier to deport people”. Reeves said:

    Well, the problem is the government are not deporting people today, even when their claims have failed.

    Of course, Labour taking a right-wing line on refugees for centrist gains is hardly new. However, the party keeps doing it to try and win votes with colonialist, racist Middle England.

    For example, in 2015, people – including MPs – criticised Ed Miliband’s party for its “controls on immigration” mug:

    However, the problems with Labour’s xenophobic stance stretch back further. In 2002, former home secretary David Blunkett defended a planned Labour policy of educating refugee children separately. He said that this would prevent child refugees “swamping the local school”.

    It was Labour that opened the horrific Yarl’s Wood refugee detention centre in 2001 – arguably a precursor to the government-induced disaster unfolding now at the Manston facility. As a report by Right to Remain noted, under first Tory but notably Labour:

    The total capacity of the detention estate itself expanded rapidly, from 250 places in 1993 to 2644 in 2005.

    And while we all lose our shit over Braverman using “invasion” to describe refugees fleeing to the UK, let’s not forget that hallowed Labour leader Clement Attlee called the Windrush migration an “incursion”.

    Labour: wooing racist Middle England

    As Aaron Bastani wrote for Novara Media:

    the idea Labour has ever been an anti-racist party is absurd… throughout its history, many within it have felt unease and distrust around making a positive case for anti-racism. Worse still, when politically expedient they have pursued racist rhetoric and policies.

    So, here we are again. The Labour Party is copying right-wing rhetoric about refugees in an attempt to curry favour with Middle England Tory voters. Under Keir Starmer the party has demolished Jeremy Corbyn’s democratic socialism, and it’s back to centrism again. There’s not a fag paper between it and the Tory Party now – which is, of course, the way it wants it.

    Featured image via Sky News – YouTube

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Clearly the BBC shares a similar dream to first-sacked, now-back home secretary Suella Braverman: demonising refugees and deporting them to Rwanda. Or rather, you’d think that was the BBC‘s goal if you saw the hideous and frankly immoral segment on its News at Six on Wednesday 26 October.

    Migrants everywhere!

    BBC News was reporting on the number of refugees that had crossed the Channel this year. Host Sophie Raworth noted that:

    More than 38,000 people have already made the journey to the UK, compared with 28,500 last year.

    The normal response to this news should be fear and sorrow for the brave people risking their lives in one of the world’s busiest waterways. However, this was not on BBC News‘s agenda. Instead, the segment generally focused on the economic and social impact of refugees. And it was straight out of right-wing politicians like Braverman’s playbook.

    Reporter Mark Easton set the BBC stall out from the off. Amid images of the Royal National Lifeboat Institution (RNLI) pulling near-drowning refugees out of the water, he commented that these were:

    Distressing images illustrating the challenge posed by record numbers of migrants trying to reach the Kent coast in flimsy boats.

    Never mind that these people could have died. It’s a “challenge” – the implication being for those having to deal with the situation, not the refugees themselves. Easton and the BBC then hammered home the point that 10,000 of the people who crossed were “single men” from Albania. ‘They aren’t refugees!’ you can almost hear the gammon squealing. No – they’re desperate humans, exploited by gangs which have taken thousands of Euros from them, only to potentially send them to their death or a UK prison camp. However Easton still dropped in the tired, right-wing trope that somehow these people are ‘illegals’ – when under international law no migrant, immigrant or refugee is ever illegal when they first enter a country to claim asylum.

    Foreigners costing YOU money, says the BBC

    If the idea of single men coming over here illegally wasn’t enough to send Middle England’s blood pressure rocketing, then the BBC knew what would give it a coronary: these people are costing YOU, the hard-working taxpayer, money! Easton claimed that:

    Many migrants are being housed in hotels like this one in Scarborough. The cost? Almost £7m a day.

    ‘Fucking immigrants! Living it up in our hotels! Costing us £7m!’ would be the cry from Middle England. But as Scarborough News reported, the government dumps refugees – often those fleeing the Taliban in Afghanistan – there:

    with no facilities, no buses, nowhere to go.

    But if £7m a day has boiled your piss – wait until you hear what everyone’s favourite right-wing girlboss Liz Truss pissed away with her mini-budget. She managed to wipe around £10bn a day off the UK economy after the announcement. So actually, refugees are costing us 0.07% of Truss’s clusterfuck and just 0.00003% of the UK’s gross domestic product (our overall wealth) in 2021.

    BBC: Braverman Broadcasting Corporation

    To be fair on the BBC, it did show evidence given by the independent chief inspector of borders and immigration to a parliamentary committee. He called the conditions in one refugee camp “pretty wretched”. However, Easton couldn’t help but frame this as the inspector had written to “warn” the home secretary of the “dangerous” conditions there. This implies that Braverman and the government didn’t know of the situation, which is unlikely. This is because the media started to report on it over a month ago, and historically governments have always managed refugee centres like prison camps – the appalling Yarl’s Wood centre being a case in point.

    But this is the BBC – and in the face of an increasingly authoritarian government it has to play by the rules. So, not one refugee was interviewed in the segment, nor were any advocacy groups or charities spoken to. Instead, it was little more than a piece of right-wing propaganda, dressed up as public service broadcasting.

    Of course, the only service the BBC is performing is to Braverman and the government – not the 150 plus people who have died in the past five years trying to get to the UK. When we have a state broadcaster as cold, heartless and cynical as the BBC, it’s little wonder the public keep electing politicians with those exact same characteristics.

    Watch the full BBC News segment:

    Featured image via BBC iPlayer – screengrab and the Guardian – YouTube

    By Steve Topple

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    Criticism of the government’s handling of the facility is mounting, with the chair of a parliamentary select committee saying a “crisis” was brewing given the backlog of more than 100,000 cases.

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    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

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    Fishing boats that fled Sri Lanka were escorted to the Indian Ocean island after getting into difficulty but were later permitted to leave on the same vessels without basic safety equipment, putting passengers – including children – at “grave risk”, lawyers have claimed.

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  • Court of session rules criteria that meant Ola Jasmin missed out by 58 days breached her human rights

    Students from migrant families in Scotland will have the same right to free university tuition as their peers, after a landmark court judgment which legal experts say highlights the positive impact of human rights legislation.

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    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • About 60 wives, sons and daughters of slain or jailed IS combatants to be rescued from Roj camp, but some women face arrest upon return to Australia

    The youngest, most unwell and most vulnerable of the Australian children currently held in squalid Syrian detention camps will be the first ones repatriated to Australia. But some of their mothers could face arrest – and potential charges – upon return to the country.

    The Australian government is currently implementing plans to repatriate about 60 Australian women and children – wives, sons and daughters of slain or jailed Islamic State combatants – who have been held for more than three years in the dangerous detention camps in north-east Syria.

    Sign up to receive an email with the top stories from Guardian Australia every morning

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Introduction to a Spurious Narrative

    Excessive attention to the 80 year old World War II Holocaust prompts questions: “Why have constant reminders of the World War II Holocaust failed to halt contemporary holocausts; has the attention distracted from careful watching of ongoing genocides, and has it enabled Israel’s destruction of the Palestinian community?” Public Broadcasting’s documentary, The U.S. and the Holocaust, adds to the controversy ─ presenting a spurious narrative that insults the dedication of the American people in freeing the world of German, Italian, and Japanese oppression, which saved hundreds of millions of people who would have suffered if that oppression continued.

    Added to the controversy are the obvious questions: Why now, what is the need for telling present day Americans that their long gone ancestors of the ”greatest generation” may have erred by not fully assisting a portion of the hundreds of millions around the world who needed help in escaping Japanese and Nazi oppression? Why has PBS resurrected the past rather than more meaningfully examined America’s role in destruction of contemporary ethnicities?

    Disclaimer: I grew up during World War II in a large Jewish neighborhood in the Bronx, New York. We had close family in Warsaw, Poland and Paris, France. Several of them died during the Holocaust and others suffered greatly during the wartime years. Our family’s wartime history appears in the book, After they Were Gone. From knowledge and experience, the PBS documentary is a spurious narrative of America’s relation to the Holocaust, misleading in its delivery, meaningless in its thrust, and generates suspicion as to the reasons for its presentation.

    The documentary stumbles from the title: The U.S. and the Holocaust. A preferred title could be: The U.S. and the World War II Refugee Crisis, which the documentary does explore. The stumble becomes a complete failure in the opening introduction, with solemn voices expressing opinions that intend to shape the viewer’s mind before seeing the documentary, subtly accusing American officials of complicity in carrying out the Holocaust and assigning to Americans a share in the guilt. We hear from Deborah Lipstadt:

    How serious is America’s commitment to looking at the dark marks in its past? Where did we go wrong? How can we not go wrong the next time? Episode of America and the Holocaust is not one that we dance about.

    The voice of a refugee follows this specious diatribe:

    How did America treat its refugees? Those refugees who lost their lives because the Golden Door was not wide open.

    The succeeding discourse to the opinionated and solemn voices creates an America haunted by bigots, xenophobia, eugenic theorists, and white nationalists, engaged in halting immigration from undesirable sources and reshaping immigration in the 1921 and 1924 immigration bills. These bills eventually established quotas, which are presented as a calculated deterrent to Jewish refugee entry into the United States after the Nazis gained control of Germany.

    The commentator stresses that Eastern Europe was most affected by quotas, “and it was no accident that these countries had Europe’s largest Jewish population,” suggesting that the framers of the immigration bills had Jews in mind when preparing the quotas, and insinuating a direct link between the quota system and the Holocaust. More precisely, the nations that had lower quotas — Eastern Europe, Italy, Spain, and even France — were all predominantly Catholic nations and their state religion would have been a more likely cause for lower quotas.

    Restrictions on immigration had a pernicious factor and xenophobia did not entirely guide the European quotas. The 1920 era immigration laws, which replaced a haphazard immigration policy with a firm reference to laws, eventually culminated in the National Origins Formula. Based on the 1920 Census of the U.S. population, a census that included all of the immigrants, from the mass emigration during the last decade of the nineteenth century and first part of the twentieth century, the formula “aimed to preserve the existing ethnic proportions of the population as calculated according to data from the 1920 census of the population.” It took effect on July 1, 1929, before the start of the Great Depression and years before the rise of Nazi Germany.

    In the National Origins Formula, Episcopalian United Kingdom, whose predecessors constituted almost the entire Thirteen Colonies, had the largest annual quota (65,721); Lutheran Germany, which had a small but sizeable Jewish population, had the second largest (25,957); and Catholic Irish Free State, whose previous emigres were treated as unwanted and second class citizens in the United States, had the third largest quota (17,853). Cultured and educated France, which enabled the Revolutionary War to succeed, was allowed only 3,086 emigrants to the U.S. The xenophobia arrangement of the immigration laws affected the Chinese; entirely excluded, they could not escape the violence and oppression from the Japanese invasion.

    Continuing to voice opinions from individuals, such as Madison Grant, who had racial issues with immigrants, the documentary equated distinct voices with mainstream Americans. Popularity of eugenics among a few pseudo scientists and social practitioners enabled the documentary to link an esoteric lobby in America and a set of sterilization laws passed by some state legislatures to the Nazi promotion of racial purity. The documentary informs us that Americans, most of whom never heard the word eugenics or knew its meaning, “embraced the new pseudo-science. Eugenics was used to sterilize the ‘wrong’ people, snuff them out, and that was the eugenics the Nazis would pick up on.” We are told that Hitler, when in prison, was pleased with America for its restrictive laws (Was a reporter in the prison with him?) and “they mirrored Hitler’s own beliefs.” Yes, Hitler coordinated Mein Kampf with America’s racial attitudes and doctrines.

    Gathering steam by having the damned few serve as damnation of America, the documentary turned its attention to the America Firsters, a group of distinguished Americans who encouraged neutrality. Industrialist Henry Ford, social activist, Father Coughlin, and aviation hero, Charles Lindbergh, also assigned Jewish financiers as culprits in the push to war. Producer Lynn Novick, in an interview with CBS News, claimed that when Lindbergh spoke, Americans listened. If so, why did Americans overwhelmingly vote for the internationalist Franklin Delano Roosevelt in four elections and relegate Charles Lindbergh to obscurity? Even if anyone listened to the rabble rousers, how did their rhetoric and American obedience translate into affecting the Holocaust? Nowhere does the documentary show any attachment between the America Firsters, who finished last, and the World War II Holocaust, which occurred after the U.S. entered the war. Why even mention their presence? What is the reason for insertion of this detail into the documentary?

    America, as a racist and predatory country that had enslaved people, stolen lands, fought innumerable wars, and committed genocide of the Indigenous peoples, does not need an attachment to the World War II Holocaust to survey and criticize its past. The Holocaust only shackles proper analysis and discussion of shameful aspects of America’s history. Nor does the Holocaust need an attachment to America to reveal its horror and alert the world to its significance.

    This article argues that the documentary is different than titled: America and the Holocaust. It is another documentary on the Holocaust with a twist ─ uses spurious information to link the American people and their administration to the catastrophe ─ and for a reason ─ to pursue a hidden agenda. A one-sided video presentation adds nothing to the already available knowledge, serves as a manipulation, and corrupts public understanding.

    This has been only an introduction to the detachment from reality of the controversial documentary, America and the Holocaust. A more complete examination of the program and statements made by its producers — Ken Burns, Lynn Novick, and Sarah Botstein — demonstrates the documentary is misleading, serves no purpose, and has a hidden agenda.

    Debate of America’s Role in Persecution of German Jews and in the Holocaust

    PBS producers, in interviews with CBS News, explained the documentary. Producer Lynn Novick states that, “Instead of opening doors (to Jewish refugees), we shut them.” History and statistics do not validate this remark.

    The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum describes the emigration of Jews from Nazi Germany.

    In January 1933, there were some 523,000 Jews in Germany, By September 1939, approximately 282,000 Jews had left Germany and 117,000 from annexed Austria. Of these, some 95,000 emigrated to the United States…At the end of 1939, about 202,000 Jews remained in Germany and 57,000 in annexed Austria, many of them elderly. By October 1941, when Jewish emigration was officially forbidden, the number of Jews in Germany had declined to 163,000, most elderly.

    Although some German Jews died from Nazi violence before U.S. entry into World War II, about seventy percent of German Jews were able to emigrate, with the largest number coming to the United States, ten percent, either survived the war in Germany or died from natural causes, and twenty percent were deported and died in the later Holocaust.

    The Yivo Institute report Jewish migration for the past hundred years, Jacob Lestchinsky, 1994, estimates 150,773 Jews immigrated to the United States between 1936 and 1943. U.S. immigration records have 251,124 European immigrants entering the United States during that period.

    Although Jews were only a few percent of the European population, during the latter years of the Great Depression, when economic difficulties created a barrier to immigration and a mass of the European population sought asylum from Fascist and Communist oppression, the U.S. opened its doors to 150,000 plus Jews. This number was 60 percent of the immigration to the United States during that time, not two or three percent, but 60 percent, several magnitudes more than any other ethnicity that entered America’s shores.

    Assuredly, not all doors were open, but does the preceding information appear as, “Instead of opening doors (to Jewish refugees), we shut them.” The documentary fails to examine the reasons why more could not be done for the refugees and why German quotas were not immediately filled.

    1. Communication and transportation were not nearly as eloquent as today. Obtaining visas, contacting relatives, preparing transportation, obtaining funds and finding a way were slow and tedious processes, featuring snail mail, teletype exchanges, typed notes, everything done without email, computers, and digitized data bases.
    2. In 1931, the pre-Nazi Weimar Republic introduced capital controls and a 25% wealth tax on emigration. In 1933, the new Nazi controlled government revised the thresholds, and the tax dissuaded and prevented many Jewish Germans from initially leaving the country.
    3. Over the years, Germany slowly froze Jewish assets. Although not proven, a principal reason for Germany slowly freezing Jewish assets and engaging in its own boycott of Jewish enterprises seems to have been the boycott of German goods. Organized by Jewish groups in the United States as a response to violence and harassment by Nazi Party members against Jews in early 1933, which were confined and sporadic at that time, the boycott of German goods met opposition from American, German, and British Mandate Jews, who tried to appease Hitler. Believing the violence would be only a passing phase from Nazi Party element, these Jews feared anti-German measures by Jewish organizations would increase the violence and anger German citizens. The anti-German boycott definitely hardened Nazi attitudes and reinforced their belief that Jews were engaged in an international conspiracy. The boycott failed in its endeavors; did it enable the 1933 Nazi government, when it did not have a majority and its governance was tenuous, to strengthen, survive, and succeed in its endeavors?

    From the New York Times, March 31, 1933.

    Calls for sanctions were resisted by German Jews and many in pre-state Israel. Newly uncovered documents reveal the passions and arguments surrounding the controversy.

    We being Jews ourselves are astonished and disgusted with this propaganda against Germany, being based on absolutely untrue statements. The news of cruelties, murdering of Jews, men and women, etc., are perfect lies from beginning to end. This news comes from and is spread abroad by certain traitors, literary men, who fled from Germany when the National Government was formed, and is supplied by communistic circles.1

    The Nationalist Socialists took advantage of the anti-German boycott and used it as a reason to promote the boycott of Jewish establishments.The Nationalist Socialists took advantage of the anti-German boycott and used it as a reason to promote the boycott of Jewish establishments.

    The U.S. State Department did what all government foreign affairs agencies do ─ make believe they listen to constituents and try to avoid trouble with other governments.

    1. A portion of those with frozen assets managed to emigrate, 60,000 going to Palestine as parties to the Ha’avarah (transfer agreement). Signed on August 25, 1933, by the Zionist Federation of Germany, the Anglo-Palestine Bank (under the directive of the Jewish Agency) and economic authorities of Nazi Germany, the agreement allowed Jews to sell their assets in Germany in payment for German manufactured goods to be exported to Zionist companies in Mandatory Palestine. Upon arrival, these Jews received a partial return, in monetary terms, of their assets.

    An article, “The Transfer Agreement and the Boycott Movement: A Jewish Dilemma on the Eve of the Holocaust,” Yf’aat Weiss at Vad Yashem substantiates the argument that the freezing of Jewish assets played a role in undoing the economic boycott against Germany. The article states, “Correspondence between Heinrich Wolff, the German consul in Palestine, and the German Foreign Ministry shows that shattering the boycott was a key motive for the German authorities in concluding the Transfer Agreement.”

    1. The Roosevelt administration could not immediately overcome previous President Herbert Hoover’s instructions for the State Department to block immigrants who might not be able to support themselves. Due to this directive, bureaucratic consular officials often denied visas to people considered “likely to become a public charge.” FDR’s 1936 re-election landslide permitted officials to modify immigration policy. From Time Magazine, The Troubling History of How America’s ‘Public Charge’ Immigration Rule Blocked Jews Fleeing Nazi Germany, by Richard Breitman, October 29, 2019

    After making it known that some consuls had been too strict in their use of the public charge, in January 1937, George Messersmith, now promoted to assistant Secretary of State, wrote a new visa instruction to consuls in Europe, telling them they should not reject applicants based on the mere possibility that they might become public charges. The result was a sudden increase in immigration from Germany, to about 50% of the quota. By the middle of 1938 the monthly quotas were filled.

    1. Because of the Great Depression, immigration was not encouraged and quotas in all major countries were hardly filled. In 1930, at the start of the Great Depression and before visa requirements became more severe, 23,445 Irish immigrants entered the United States. In 1935, only 453 immigrants came from an Ireland that had a quota allowance of 17,853, continually had citizens eager to migrate to the United States, and had relatives willing and able to receive them.
    2. The rarely mentioned flip side to immigration restriction is that during the Depression 1930s the U.S. exercised deportations that it euphemistically labelled “repatriation drives.” Former California state senator Joseph Dunn determined that local governments and officials deported up to 1.8 million people to Mexico and estimates about 60 percent of these people were citizens, many of them born in the U.S. to first-generation immigrants.
    3. Although severe persecution of citizens occurred in the Soviet Union throughout the 1930s, Ukraine in the early 1930s, Spain in the late 1930s, and China, due to Japanese aggression during the 1930s, the U.S. government did little to assist any of these persecuted peoples to escape their tormentors. By concentrating on a persecution, to which the U.S. authorities eventually responded, and by ignoring other persecutions, to which the U.S. authorities never responded, did PBS show a racial bias?
    4. When the persecution of German Jews intensified, showed signs it was there to stay, and the seriousness of the situation faced by the German Jews became realized, the U.S. government rectified its approach and did much to enable Jews to leave Germany and find a new home.

    In spring 1941, Nazi Germany prevented emigration from its country and from its occupied nations. Escape doors were locked, and America could no longer play a vital role in enabling refugees to leave Europe. After December 7, 1941 and a declaration of war with Germany, U.S. authorities had no means to acquire first-hand information on the impending doom of European Jewry. The U.S. administration juggled rumors, sketchy information, and considerations of what to and how to do it until the Holocaust, which intensified in mid-1942, became completely known.

    Spurious Statements During War Years

    The program’s producers, supposedly objective observers, answered CBS’ staged questions with spurious answers: “Can’t blame lack of action on lack of information.” “Everything was known — mass deportations, mass killings, all this was known.” “Great coverage in newspapers.”

    Reports, statistics, and information demonstrate there was no “lack of action” before U.S. entry into the war on December 7, 1941, after which actions became difficult. Articles mentioning unconfirmed atrocities appeared sporadically and mainly in inner pages. Spoken and printed words could not convey the force of the tragedy. Unlike today, when global events are televised, rapidly communicated, easily shared, mass produced by a multitude of sources, repeated daily, and locked for posterity in Internet databases, knowledge of global events in the World War II years was limited, disseminated by the printed word, spoken word, and a 15 minute movietone newsreel for weekly movie goers. Having lived during the war period, I can testify that, if the event did not directly involve the person and was not accompanied by proven images, the written and spoken words did not sufficiently register. Americans read, pondered, and moved on to the stories that most interested them — battles in the Pacific, movements in the Atlantic, what was happening to their children fighting on two fronts. Even if the public knew, what could the public do? What would John Doe, sitting in his living room in Houston, Texas, do after he read an article on a terrible tragedy to people in a German concentration camp?

    Famines, during which millions of people died in China, India, and Ukraine occurred during 1927-1943, and few people knew or paid attention to them. By not having the media abundance and multitude of expressions available today, the public could not contextualize the Holocaust and the Holocaust could not gain attention from the public and government officials. Without first hand evidence, officials refused to believe that the Germans, considered one of the world’s most intellectual and civilized people, would perpetrate the crimes attributed to them. The Holocaust in American Life, Peter Novick, Houghton Mifflin claims that “William L. Shirer, author of the Berlin Diary, who during the war was a European correspondent for CBS, reported that it was only at the end of 1945 that he learned ‘for sure’ about the Holocaust; the news burst upon him ‘like a thunderbolt.’” The mindset of today cannot judge the mindset of those fatal years.

    Eduard Schulte, a prominent German industrialist, revealed to American officials the depths of the World War II Holocaust.

    An Anti-Nazi and informant to Polish and Swiss intelligence, Schulte, during a July 29, 1942 trip to Switzerland, presented to Swiss Jewish investment banker, Isidor Koppelmann, his discovered revelation of Nazi Germany’s plans to exterminate European Jews. Eventually, Gerhart Riegner, the World Jewish Congress representative in Geneva, received the information. After being frustrated by American officials in Switzerland, Gerhart Riegner managed to pass the information to the State Department, which deliberated until the report could be confirmed.

    After confirmation of the Riegner report, Undersecretary of State Sumner Welles authorized Rabbi Stephen S. Wise of the American Jewish Congress to release the information to the press. Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, followed with his own telegram to America’s ambassador in the United Kingdom.

    The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in the United Kingdom (Winant)

    WashingtonDecember 11, 1942—midnight.

    The Department accepts the proposal of the British Government for the issuance of a joint declaration in regard to the reported determination of the German Government to exterminate the Jewish people of Europe.

    The documentary examines a few, very few, possible avenues that the U.S. administration could have used to assist Jewish refugees in Europe, but were supposedly thwarted by the U.S. administration. All of them seemed credible; deeper analysis exposes their failures.

    PBS accuses the State Department of purposeful neglect for denying a June 23, 1943 request from Gerhart Riegner, the Swiss-based representative of the World Jewish Congress. Riegner asked for a special license from the Treasury Department foreign funds division, headed by John Pehle, in order to send money to help Jews in enemy territory. State Department staff said they were concerned that the funds might fall into Nazi hands. An incomplete story.

    The State Department proceeded slowly in approving the funds and eventually approved them at the end of the year. Governments, during that era, did not easily give money to people who have their own humanitarian organization; they sponsored organizations for well-defined and well organized tasks. One commentator created doubts about the episode by stating that the money could be used to forge passports and bribe custom officials. How could Jews in Poland reach a neutral country (what neutral country?) and apply for entrance? Is it credible that the State Department would be party to bribing customs officials in a neutral country?

    Contacting the Nazi government and offering to bring out the stricken Jews is lightly touched upon. Having the United States engage in dialogue with the enemy Nazi State, trust it, permit it to dictate, and trade material resources for humans does not seem plausible. How in war ravaged Poland, with Russian troops close to the Polish border, could any transfer be organized? Why would Germany, which was using the Jews for slave labor to help its war effort, release them?
    The documentary mentioned that bombing the concentration camps and the rail lines that delivered the victims to them had been a widely discussed method for freeing the Jews from their oppression ─ another wild scheme.

    If the military was convinced that bombing camps and rail lines to them were effective means to liberate the camps, then they would have bombed the prisoner of war camps. Bombings did not have the precision they have today; hitting within 10 miles of the target was more the norm. In this case, hitting the target meant the prisoners would have died earlier — either from the bombs, shot while fleeing, rounded up and shot, or more likely dead from starvation. No food was available for those already emaciated and unable to walk distances.

    The U.S. could not adequately respond to the certification of the dimensions of the Holocaust until the beginning of 1943, at the same time its army took the offensive and the Russian military gained the initiative. As the military approached the killing fields, and, as the documentary notes, the U.S., in January 1944, created the War Refugee Board, part spy agency, part humanitarian agency, and part rescue agency. The War Refugee Board staff estimates they saved tens of thousands of lives, mainly toward the end of the war in Hungary, and assisted in rehabilitating the lives of many more. When the U.S. ascertained the appropriate time to act, the appropriate place to act, and the appropriate way to act, the Roosevelt administration acted. For some it was too little and too late, but those who make that charge are yet to prove that much could have been done to free the Jews imprisoned in slave labor camps in the middle of occupied Germany territory.
    The PBS documentary naively informs us of what we already know — that America is not entirely altruistic, that it invited immigrants when needed as cheap labor to work the mines and factories and build an industrialized country, that nations operate in self-interest for their own citizens and are cautious in reaching out to help others. The producers showed no understanding of a crucial element in the belief mechanism that differentiates the early 20th century public with the contemporary public ─ belief is reinforced and confirmed when you or someone you know are there or able to observe videos, films, or a series of photographs that complement the written or spoken word.

    After six hours, the documentary emerges as another documentary on the World War II Holocaust, containing a calculated intent of using spurious information to link the American people and their administration to the catastrophe. Why was this necessary? What was the reason? Did the PBS producers pursue a hidden agenda?

    The Hidden Agenda

    After being left numb by the PBS 3-part and six hour series, America and the Holocaust, questions emerge: Why now, what is the need for telling present day Americans that their long gone ancestors of the ”greatest generation” may have faulted by not fully assisting a part of the hundreds of millions around the world who needed help in escaping Japanese and Nazi oppression? Why has PBS resurrected the past and dwelled on what might have been, rather than what can be, and more meaningfully examined America’s role in destruction of contemporary ethnicities?

    If the purpose of the documentary was to alert Americans to be more vigilant in their duty to assist oppressed peoples in escaping from genocidal actions, why reference a decades old tragedy that involved a long past generation and, in which, nothing can now be done? Why not discuss contemporary genocides for a contemporary audience, with those involved with the tragedies?

    We have the 1975-1979 Cambodian genocide, in which the U.S. replacement of Cambodian leader Prince Norodom Sihanouk by Marshall Lon Nol, played an indirect role. This audacious coup invigorated support for the Khmer Rouge, who gained power and proceeded to annihilate an approximate 1.7 million people of Cambodia society.

    In the 1994 Rwandan genocide, where 800,000 people are reported to have died, the U.S. did nothing but make a few movies, decades after the happening.

    On March 21, 2022, six years after the genocide started and had already been completed, the U.S. Secretary of State confirmed that members of the Myanmar military committed genocide and crimes against humanity against Rohingya people. The State Department also noted that this was the eighth genocide after World War II. What did the U.S. do to stop the genocide? Nothing. How many Rohingya refugees have been admitted to the United States? Maybe, a few thousand.

    The United States has played a direct role, economically, militarily and politically in supporting Israel’s calculated destruction of the Palestinian people. By any definition, Israel’s expulsion of about one million Palestinians (same number as listed by the U.S. State Department in its declaration of the Royhinga genocide), seizing and stealing of Palestinian lands, daily killings and incarcerations of Palestinians, severe restrictions on their movements, confining them to a limited and narrow territory, constantly harassing them by destroying their agriculture and limiting their water supplies, and, most importantly, denying them self- identity that derives from being part of a state that protects its citizens, is genocide.

    Nationality and religion enhance identity and are an answer to ontological security. The latter two words are more than an esoteric expression. They define what the Palestinians lack and most need. The absence of ontological security has accelerated deterioration of the Palestinian community, a process deliberately engineered by Israel in its severe repression.

    In the documentary, Deborah Lipstadt says, “If ‘the time to stop a Holocaust is before it happens,’ then it means you have to lay on the table the ingredients that go into it. Maybe these ingredients don’t add up to it… But if you’re seeing people assembling, in the kitchen, the same ingredients, you’ve got to say, you cannot wait until the meal is prepared.”

    Well, Ms. Lipstadt, do what you say, don’t wait, inform the authorities in the government you now inhabit to get on the ball and thwart the intended genocide of the Palestinian people.

    If the documentary does not fulfill its purpose when it could fulfill a purpose, what is the purpose of the documentary? Note that, “All Burns films are released with teaching guides and are intended for use in the classroom, but getting The U.S. and the Holocaust into schools was of particular importance to the filmmakers because they saw an opportunity to fit it into the dozens of statewide Holocaust education mandates that have been passed.” Put it all together and we have the obvious: The documentary has an agenda, which is to have the present and future generations of Americans believe they have committed a grave commission against the Jewish people and owe the Zionists and Israel continuous support in their destruction of the Palestinians, today, tomorrow, and forever.

    Ken Burns has been quoted, “This is his most important documentary.” If that is his belief, then previous documentaries can be categorized as trivial and unimportant. This documentary insults the memory of those who died in the World War II Holocaust, encourages hatred of Americans, and reinforces a claim that Jews have excessive control of the U.S. media. While pretending it values lives, the documentary, surreptitiously, contributes to the destruction of others. PBS should begin an introspection of its operation ─ is it a public broadcaster with allegiance to its public or does it serve as a public relations servant for a foreign government?

    1. Nadan Feldman, “The Jews Who Opposed Boycotting Nazi Germany,” April 20, 2015, Haaretz.
    The post PBS Spurious Narrative of America and the Holocaust first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • 1—Stayers and movers

    In the media and politics, we hear constantly about the problem of assimilation. How will “migrants” assimilate to our culture? How do we encourage people who have moved here to adapt to our way of life? How do we encourage “refugees” to become part of the local culture?

    One problem with these anxieties is that they presume there is a unified identity within certain borders. If we wonder how migrants will adapt to German culture, we presume that “German culture” is a real referent, that there is something that unifies the eighty-three million people in Germany.

    But culture is the intersection of many different forms of social meaning, including religion, race, language or dialect, gender, sexuality, profession, class, life experience, trauma, sports interests, hobbies, skills, and addictions. These social codes create an overlapping network of meanings that cannot be reduced to a single “culture”. So which one should newcomers adapt to?

    By presuming a single unifying culture, we also assume that something unifies everyone who moves to a particular place. The words “immigrant” and “native” or “local” help to produce this confusion, as they assign an absolute identity to movement.

    But what do these words really say about people? “Immigrants” are people who move to a place where they were not before, and “emigrants” leave the place they have lived in, while the “native population” or “local citizens” stay in place. So, rather than these ideological and tainted words, we propose a much more neutral distinction: movers and stayers. Those who move are called movers, those who stay are called stayers.

    In European languages other than English, this distinction also works. For example:

    Spanish: instead of inmigrante and el pueblo, movedores and quedadores.

    Italian: instead of immigrata/o and cittadina/o, spostatore/i and rimanetore/i

    Swedish: instead of invandrare and lokalbefolkningen, flyttare and stännare.

    2—Social life

    The terms stayers and movers help us to understand that these are not permanent conditions of people’s identities, but things that people do, and have always done.

    People have always moved, always packed up their things and tried to find a better life. In Europe, until the early twentieth century there was no such thing as immigration law or border restrictions. People moved wherever they could find work and a way to live, which was necessary to both the movers and the stayers, since the movers needed jobs and housing, and the stayers needed employees, colleagues, residents, and houses to be built.

    Since then, however, we have begun to believe the fantasy that there is a pure population to protect and a completely different population arriving. Included in that fantasy are other fantasies: that the stayers have always been here and been unaffected by movement; that borders and cultural identities are permanent and unchanging; that a “local culture” is developed by the people already inside it rather than the people moving into it; that there are such things as “bad” and “good” movers and that the stayers have to discern between these two groups.

    Many of the movers to Europe, moreover, are not moving away from conditions that they created. Their need to move away was created by European movers. Since the fifteenth century, Europeans have moved through colonization, extracting value from other places, and leaving them not only without the value they produce, but also dependent on the system of value-production which is called capitalism.

    In one sense, the terms stayers and movers take away the different types of agency involved in moving between places. People going on holiday, people fleeing war and persecution, people seeking what they consider a better life, people taking a temporary job position, people travelling for travelling’s sake—all of them are movers in various ways.

    Having a single term for all the people who move in these different ways risks simplifying the different ways that stayers have to adapt to each of these situations. Of course, backpackers and refugees are not the same kind of mover. However, having different terms for each kind of movement creates different legal frameworks for each, and once someone (and their particular form of movement) is recognized in the law, their movement becomes a condition that defines them. “Refugee” becomes the ontological ground of the person in movement.

    Denise Ferreira da Silva speaks about the law as the collective agency given the specific task of reducing complexity. The law necessarily universalizes, creating a simple symbolic order in which one stimulus always equals one decision. In the history of European colonialism, for example, the social wound of enslavement is imposed on African people, and that wound becomes a symbol of enslavement: being black means being exchangeable as a commodity. The wound appears as skin colour, and by the law it is assigned the symbolic order of race. The law then responds to racial difference, repeating the scene of enslavement constantly by affirming the symbolic code of black equals slave.

    Developing the thinking of Hortense Spillers and Saidiya Hartman, Ferreira da Silva maintains that what happens simultaneously, alongside this legal reduction, is the social life of those people who are reduced to simplified symbols by the law. Those people sustain ways of surviving despite the law.

    It is this capacity to produce social ways of being despite the appropriation of social meaning by the law that makes the lives of movers so important to everyone, whether stayers or movers. It is also what makes legal recognition undesirable, since legal recognition only means that movers can represent themselves within the reductive framework of the law.

    That is why, despite its problems and its own reductionism, we propose only two terms to encapsulate every form of movement: movers and stayers. With these terms, the law will not be able to distinguish forms of movement, and so the regulating power of the state will not be able to reduce the complexity of movement’s meaning and the survival of ways of life that it maintains.

    3—Integration

    In liberal politics, what is pursued is not usually assimilation but rather integration. Integration allows the private maintenance of a mover-culture, while publicly becoming part of the stayer-culture, whereas assimilation assumes a loss of mover-culture.

    Integrated Muslims in Europe are those who go to the pub but drink a soft drink. Integrated refugees are those who never mention their new country’s historical, economic, and political involvement in the war they fled. To be an integrated mover is to exist on the borderline between performances of home: allowing enough remnants of a mover-culture that stayers remember they are different, but not so many remnants that stayers have to change.

    One of us set up a Bangladeshi restaurant, but no one came for dinner. They changed the sign to “Indian” restaurant, and it was full. The performance of movers’ home is allowed as long as it is the expected performance prescribed by the stayers.

    In this example, two problems occur simultaneously in the minds of stayers: they presume that all movers are absolutely different to the stayers, and that all movers are absolutely alike.

    Firstly, the logic of integration believes in the same definition of culture as assimilation: that there are coherent unifying identities among groups of people which are exclusive to that group, distinguishing all its members from the members of another group. It presumes that a neat separation exists between Muslim and Christian cultures, and that this separation can be maintained.

    Secondly, it similarly assumes that cultures are not formed necessarily through the nonexistence of the boundaries between them. The many ways of being Muslim are constructed in response and interplay with the many ways of being Christian, and vice versa.

    What is misunderstood by integrationist stayers is that “home” is not the demarcation of a boundary. Home is not the walls and closures of the architecture that surrounds you. That is the definition of the house, of the nation, or archetypally in Ancient Roman law—of the city as distinct from the forest.

    “Home” is quite the opposite. It is the relations that form on the boundary between “mine” and “yours”. It is the place that is always given meaning by the presence of an other. It is the site that is always given away, so given away that all it reveals is the impossibility of giving it away: there was never anything to give away, because all it ever meant was this shared moment at the boundary of possession.

    My home means my four siblings sharing a tiny space and passing food to each other. My home means the smell of burning oil before the eggs are fried. My home means the tears and laughter of my nieces and nephews. My home means the slight burn of the rug as we kneel for morning prayers. My home means the friends who always know where to find me, where the spare key is hidden, where to stay when they need a place to stay.

    4—Fantasies of similitude

    There is a profound illusion in European societies that stayers are unified in their similitude and movers are unified in their difference. This illusion produces the discourse of assimilation, setting up a whole national infrastructure to turn movers into convincing performers of the stayers’ identity. In Sweden, a huge amount of money and effort is put into the SFI school system, which stands for Svenskundervisning för invandrare, meaning Swedish language teaching for immigrants.

    “Immigrants” (“invandrare” in Swedish), including refugees, have to attend these schools full-time in order to learn Swedish. The problem, however, is that speaking the language is not equivalent to being part of the culture. Swedes are infamously reserved. At the end of one of these year-long SFI language courses, one of us was told by the Swedish teacher (who was a mover, too): “Well done, you have now learnt a language that you will never be able to practice because Swedes will never speak to you.”

    It does not matter if you learn the language because the fantasy that there is a unifying Swedishness and a unifying foreignness is stronger than the performance of words. Assimilation is a scam.

    Even if there was such a thing as a meaningful cultural similarity that connected all the stayers of a particular place, and a meaningful cultural difference that connected all the movers arriving there, the notion that this divide could be transcended is illusory, since the very idea of that difference is rooted in the notion of independent cultures. If cultures develop independently of each other, and what produces a strong culture is its separation from the influence of movers, then adaption within a single generation is a fantasy. The idea of assimilation is impossible even from within the logic of assimilation.

    5—Education programme

    What if assimilation is all a misunderstanding? What if there was never any identity to protect? What if the fault lay with the stayers who presume that there is anything to adapt to?

    Fred Moten says that sympathy is normally understood as the ability to see someone else reflected in ourselves. To feel sympathy, I have to see myself in the other and the other in me. Which means that to feel sympathy I first have to separate myself from the other. I have to establish an absolute difference between us, in order to then imagine a closing of that difference in our mutual reflection.

    But this presumes that there is a border to suffering, that my pain is separated from the world, and that nothing connects my sadness with everyone else’s. It presumes that my suffering is fundamentally disconnected from yours.

    What we should realize instead, Moten says, is that sympathy is the sharing of a general pain. Sympathy is the understanding that there is no unifying self to protect, that I am not a singular being who can be closed off from the general feeling of the world. I am the unique performance of a particular response to general conditions. I am one example of how to bear and live with a general pain.

    When we feel sympathy, the boundary that we are crossing is this: from the fantasy of our individual separation to the awareness of our sharing of a general pain.

    This general pain is displayed in the movers by the fact of having moved. That movement is their sharing of a general pain. In the place they move to, the sharing of a general pain must be opened by the stayers, since, by having stayed, they have not yet shared that general pain of movement.

    How do the stayers share a general pain with the movers? What we propose is the inverse of the Swedish SFI system. Instead of Svenskundervisning för invandrare (Swedish language teaching for immigrants), we propose MO.LE.S: Mover Learning for Stayers.

    These MOLES will be schools where stayers can learn about movers and exchange experiences. The teachers of these schools will be movers, and the students will be stayers. However, not all movers have to teach at these schools. It is open to those who want to take on the job, which will be paid at the rate of the national living wage. No mover is obliged to take on the responsibility of teaching the stayers about movement.

    What will be taught and learnt in the MOLES is not the illusion of a permanent condition. The mover-teachers will not be mover-teachers forever, and if the stayers decide to move then they stop being stayers. What will be worked on, instead, is the possibility of performance. The movers and stayers will together develop an understanding of each other’s way of making social meaning.

    Through this MOLES system, many social changes will result. 1. The stayers’ way of making meaning will change, constantly developing a new kind of stayer-society. 2. The movers will become stayers as they stay in that place, working as mover-teachers until they consider themselves stayers, or until they move again. 3. The legal framework that responds differently to different kinds of movers will be unable to keep certain movers in prisons (in the UK euphemistically called “detention centres”, making it sound more like a short stay during a school break), or force certain movers to the place they moved from, or reward certain movers with tax cuts or access to properties and passports.

    6—Whose work is this?

    This manifesto is written as a provocation to elicit questioning of received ideas around assimilation and integration. What we do not have—what is both not yet developed and not desirable—is a set of policies that proposes precise legal action. What we propose is the destruction of the logic of policy. We propose a mode of questioning that never ends, that is always pursuing contradiction and incommensurability, not looking for universalizable laws that withdraw people’s ability to plan and form meaningful social lives by asserting sovereign authority.

    In order to achieve constant questioning, we have to also question ourselves. One question we ask ourselves in response to the Anti-Assimilationist Manifesto is: whose work is it to educate the stayers? The movers have already had to move, and then, rather than getting settled and making the conditions for a changed life, they are obliged to teach stayers about the numerous practices of movers. But is it the duty of the movers to undertake this work?

    7—Manifesto

    As anti-assimilationists, we call for the replacement of the discourse of “immigration” with the terms movers and stayers.

    As anti-assimilationists, we call for the abolition of schools and learning centres that attempt to subsume the practices of movers into the illusory culture of the stayers.

    As anti-assimilationists, we call for the creation of schools for Mover Learning for Stayers, where movers teach stayers how to adapt to the many ways of making social meaning that movers bring to the places where they move.

    As anti-assimilationists, we call for the end to the legal distinction between forms of movement that reduce movers to permanent conditions, calculating their punishment or reward for moving based on these ideological presumptions.

    The post Anti-Assimilationist Manifesto: The Movers and the Stayers of Europe first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Asylum Support payments have dropped by 27% since 2022, according to figures published by the Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford.

    The Migration Observatory calculated that payment levels had dropped in real terms, despite nominal increases during the period. Currently, asylum support is just £5.84 per day:

    The Observatory writes:

    increases have not kept up with inflation. In real terms, the payment level in 2022 is 27% lower than in 2000 (in 2000, £5.22 bought £8 worth of goods and services in 2021 GBP). Since the single asylum support payment was introduced in 2015, the level of the payment has fallen in real terms

    Refugees forced into destitution

    People on asylum support are not allowed to work or claim state benefits while their claim is being processed. This means they are forced to subsist on under £6 a day.

    Asylum support is available to those with an ongoing asylum claim. However, almost a quarter of asylum applications are refused. Those who are refused are denied support, and have to go through a lengthy appeal process that may take years. Many of them are rendered destitute, as they are still unable to work legally in the UK or claim any kind of support from the state.

    The Refugee Council reports that since the government pulled out of the Dublin III Regulations, many people arriving have been informed that they will be removed from the UK without their claim even being looked at.

    Part of the state’s attack on refugees

    The cuts to asylum support payments are just one part of the attacks on refugees arriving in the UK that have been carried out by successive UK governments, and are part of the colonial DNA of the British state. That attack is most visible in the recent Nationality and Borders Act, which seeks to criminalise many of the people arriving in the UK.

    This attack on refugees is just one face of the white supremacy of the state, a system of oppression which is also visible in the recent police murder of Chris Kaba, and in the racist institutions of the prison and the criminal justice systems.

    It’s up to us to stand with refugees arriving in the UK as they face the policies of a racist colonial state.

    Featured image via Flickr/Walterw.a (cropped to 770x403px)

    By Tom Anderson

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • On 31 August 2022 Human Rights First announced that three law firms will be honored with the Marvin E. Frankel Award for Pro Bono Service: Greenberg Traurig LLP, Latham & Watkins LLP, and Morrison Foerster. The Frankel Award is presented annually to law firms that demonstrate outstanding commitment to pro bono service, helping Human Rights First achieve justice for refugees in the United States.

    Over the past year, pro bono attorneys around the country have stepped up in historic numbers to represent refugees fleeing Afghanistan, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and the many other conflicts and human rights abuses that occur around the world,” said Jenna Gilbert, Director of Refugee Representation, at Human Rights First. “The law firms we honor with this year’s Marvin E. Frankel Award have demonstrated their commitment as extraordinary leaders in pro bono during this challenging period. Thanks to their tireless work, they have changed lives and provided asylum seekers with the legal protections they deserve to feel empowered in their new communities.”

    The award is named for Judge Marvin E. Frankel, co-founder and former chairman of Human Rights First. During his lifetime, Judge Frankel was a champion for the human rights movement and understood the critical impact pro bono representation can have on the lives of clients and lawyers. Under his guidance, Human Rights First developed a nationally recognized pro bono representation program that is now one of the largest of its kind in the country.

    In 2021, HRF’s refugee representation team partnered with 2,139 pro bono attorneys across 175 law firms, corporations, and law school clinics to provide standard-setting, life-saving legal representation to asylum seekers from around the world.

    https://www.humanrightsfirst.org/press-release/human-rights-first-honors-three-law-firms-2022-marvin-e-frankel-award-pro-bono-service

  • Frontex human rights official says Greece ‘needs enhanced monitoring’ after claims asylum seekers being illegally expelled

    Greek authorities should face more checks over how they manage asylum seekers trying to reach Europe, the lead official in charge of human rights at the EU’s border agency has said.

    Jonas Grimheden, fundamental rights officer at the European Border and Coastguard Agency, known as Frontex, was speaking in a rare interview following numerous allegations that asylum seekers are being illegally expelled from Greece.

    Continue reading…

  • Alaa Hamoudi sues EU border agency Frontex after he and 21 others allegedly abandoned in motorless inflatable

    Alaa Hamoudi was adrift in the Aegean sea and thought he was going to die. The orange dinghy – the only hope for him and 21 other people – was starting to sink, while desperate passengers threw their bags overboard. “I thought I wouldn’t survive, I was close to death,” the the 22-year-old Syrian said.

    Only the day before, it seemed he was starting a new life. After landing on the Greek island of Samos soon after dawn on 28 April 2020, he and his fellow passengers had trudged up the steep coastal path, searching for Greek police, in order to claim asylum. “I was just so happy to leave everything behind,” said Hamoudi, who fled his Damascus home aged 12, moved to Lebanon, then Turkey, and hoped to reach Germany to be reunited with his father.

    Continue reading…

  • By Anezka Krobot, rising 2L at St. Louis University Earlier this summer, the United States joined Argentina, Barbados, Belize, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay in…

  • Exclusive: asylum seekers in the offshore detention centre who had contact with Australian journalists, lawyers and advocates were closely watched, documents reveal

    The Australian government used private security contractors to collect intelligence on asylum seekers on Nauru, singling out those who were speaking to journalists, lawyers and refugee advocates, internal documents from 2016 reveal.

    Intelligence officers working for Wilson Security compiled fortnightly reports about asylum seekers “of interest”, including individuals flagged as having “links with [Australian] media”, “contact with lawyers in Australia” or “contacts with Australian advocates”.

    Continue reading…

  • Tory leadership candidate Rishi Sunak is behind Liz Truss according to a poll of party members. Whoever becomes party leader, given the reactionary policies already in place, the next Tory government will likely be no less extremist than that of Margaret Thatcher.

    Criminalising industrial action

    Thatcher’s defining moment was the crushing of the miners’ union. She achieved this with the support of scabs and the acquiescence of moderate trade unions and the Trade Unions Congress. But if Truss has her way, such tactics may be rendered redundant, for she seeks to make strikes virtually ineffective.

    Rail, Maritime and Transport (RMT) union general secretary Mick Lynch says Truss:

    is proposing to make effective trade unionism illegal in Britain and to rob working people of a key democratic right. If these proposals become law, there will be the biggest resistance mounted by the entire trade union movement, rivalling the General Strike of 1926, the Suffragettes and Chartism.

    Specifically, Truss plans to bring in minimum service levels on critical infrastructure during strikes. In other words, the government will facilitate scab action, just as Thatcher did with the Nottinghamshire miners.

    Of course, the Tory government has already changed the law so that businesses can more easily hire scab labour to undermine strike action:

    Truss also wants to impose other restrictions, such as increasing the minimum notice period for strike action from two to four weeks.

    Lynch describes Truss as a “right-wing fundamentalist” who seeks to make “effective industrial action illegal”. And he adds that she also wants a “low paid, cowed workforce”. This amounts to the “oppression of working people”:

    More Rwandas

    Moreover, Truss is prepared if needed to have the UK leave the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The ECHR is not affiliated with the EU but was set up by the UK and other countries to protect citizens against injustices by governments and other powerful institutions.

    Presumably, Truss hopes that exiting the ECHR will make it easier for the UK to flout international laws and agreements when deporting refugees. And she has made it clear she seeks to broker deals similar to the Rwanda agreement with other countries, with Sunak having said similar.

    Bonfire of rights

    Truss is backed by the secretive European Research Group, responsible for the hard-line approach on Brexit which the Johnson government adopted. Her policies on EU trade are largely about the destruction of ‘EU laws’ – i.e. getting rid of hard-won employment rights and environmental protection. Indeed, Truss intends to get rid of all EU regulations by the end of 2023. This is likely to result in more trade friction and delays at the ports.

    Sunak’s view on EU regulations is not too different to Truss’s. But while his policy on the Northern Ireland Protocol is more measured, Truss intends to amend the Protocol. This is despite the fact it could jeopardise the Good Friday Agreement and therefore provoke civil unrest.

    Also, such a move will likely further alienate the EU, risking an all-out trade war. That could mean even higher prices.

    More lies

    At a BBC televised debate, Sunak and Truss were asked if Brexit is one of the main causes of the huge queues at Dover and Folkestone. The queues of traffic have been going on for months, but have worsened as holidaymakers head for the continent. There are warnings the queues could continue for much of the summer.

    Both leadership candidates gave an unequivocal “No” in answer to that question. That is a demonstrable lie, on par with the many falsehoods uttered by Boris Johnson. Sunak was, and Truss is, a Cabinet minister with the Johnson government, which told the public there would be no chaos at the ports as a result of Brexit. But the reality is far different.

    The government planned for no-deal Brexit chaos via Operation Yellowhammer:

    Yellowhammer covered the possibility of massive vehicle and passenger disruption at Britain’s ports. It also examined a range of anticipated problems, such as food shortages, price rises, and consequences to loss of EU citizenship. Many of these problems arose despite a Brexit deal, and they still persist.

    It’s understood that the Tory government refused to double the number of passport checking booths. Also, after promising £33 million for necessary upgrades of the ports to meet demands post-Brexit, it only provided £33,000.

    The Independent’s travel expert Simon Calder explained exactly why the queues at the ports are entirely down to Brexit. He said:

    Leaving the EU makes it much harder to leave the UK. And that’s because we asked, we voted, we negotiated – or at least the government did on our behalf – to have a European Union external frontier in Kent, at the port of Dover, before you get on the ferry to go to Calais and Dunkirk, and at the Euro Tunnel terminal at Folkestone.

    Thatcherites

    The next UK prime minister will be decided by around 160,000 Tory Party members. 56% of these reside in London and the South East. 58% are over the age of 50. And, perhaps worst of all, 80% are defined as middle class. Moreover, Sunak and Truss openly claim to be Thatcherites.

    Sunak wants to delay any tax cuts until, he says, the economy has revived, though he’s not spelled out what kind of cuts. He was responsible for the increase in National Insurance contributions and cut the £20-a-week increase to Universal Credit. Sunak is also filthy rich.

    Meanwhile Truss wants to abolish a planned rise in corporation tax for businesses, although she’s also promised to reverse the hike in national insurance. She additionally intends to suspend the “green levy”, which is that part of energy bills used to pay for social and green projects.

    Class war

    Whoever wins the leadership contest, it’s clear that the financial burdens faced by millions of workers will persist if not worsen. According to the Big Issue:

    As many as 16 million people in the UK could be officially classed as living in poverty by 2023. Around 14.5 million people were in poverty before the pandemic, the government estimates. That’s one in every four or five people.

    The latest analysis by the Resolution Foundation predicts that 1.3 million more people will be plunged into absolute poverty by 2023. Including the 700,000 who fell into poverty during the pandemic, that’s around 16.5 million people.

    As for any industrial action in essential industries, a Tory government wouldn’t have the slightest qualms crushing it with the sort of violent tactics used during the 1984/85 miners’ strike.

    But if those actions escalated into a general strike, such violent tactics could be seen as unviable. Especially if striking rail workers were joined by striking nurses or teachers, complemented by protests on the streets over the ongoing cost of living crisis.

    For we are facing outright class war. And we either resist or go under.

    Featured image via Flick / Paige cropped 770×403 pixels

    By Tom Coburg

  • Mostafa Azimitabar was held in immigration detention for 15 months in Melbourne’s Park and Mantra hotels

    A refugee detained for more than a year in two Melbourne hotels has spoken out about the enduring trauma of his ordeal, saying the nightmare of his prolonged unlawful detention left him “dreaming of sunlight”.

    The federal court will on Tuesday begin hearing a case brought by Mostafa “Moz” Azimitabar against the Australian government, in which he alleges he was unlawfully detained for 15 months in Melbourne’s Park and Mantra hotels.

    Sign up to receive an email with the top stories from Guardian Australia every morning

    Continue reading…

  • When Russia invaded her homeland in February, Brooklyn, New York-based Ukrainian immigrant Yuliya Z. and her adult daughter formed New York Communities for Ukrainian Refugees and quickly began organizing. Together, the pair, who have been living in the United States since 2013, began amassing resources for Ukrainians arriving in the tri-state area: lists of places to go for pro-bono legal assistance and free food, clothing, translation, medical care, counseling and English classes.

    But while Yuliya says it helped her to do something concrete, she was constantly worried about her 74-year-old mother, who was still in Odessa. Then, in late April, the Biden administration announced the Uniting for Ukraine (U4U) program, an expedited process to bring Ukrainians to the U.S., and for the first time in months, Yuliya saw a way to get her mother to safety.

    “It was amazing,” Yuliya told Truthout. “I submitted all the documentation to the office of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and applied to sponsor her. It took just three days to get approved.” Her mother arrived in Brooklyn in mid-July.

    Yuliya’s elation is audible. At the same time, she understands that the road ahead will not be easy. “I’m a single parent. I paid for my mother to travel to the U.S. and will, of course, provide for her, but we live in a small apartment. There’s no privacy,” she explains. “My mother was always a happy person, but she is now depressed — not destroyed — but her mental health needs attention. She could not sleep for months due to Russian missile strikes.”

    Despite these challenges, Yuliya calls Uniting for Ukraine a godsend and hopes that the program will provide a way for tens of thousands of Ukrainians to enter the U.S. as recipients of “humanitarian parole.”

    Under the streamlined program, any residents who were living in Ukraine on February 11 can enter the U.S. once they have a sponsor — someone like Yuliya who agrees to provide them with financial and other support during their time in the United States. Sponsors can be relatives or strangers who have the financial wherewithal and desire to help. Moreover, U.S. citizens, permanent residents, or folks with “temporary protected status,” a designation that allows newcomers to live and work anywhere in the 50 states for up to 18 months, can serve as sponsors.

    Temporary protected status (TPS) is typically given to people fleeing war or environmental calamity; in this case, Ukrainians — including tourists, students and Ukrainians who had come to the US to do business and were here at the start of the conflict — have been deemed eligible for TPS protections.

    Uniting for Ukraine allows refugees to live in the U.S. for up to two years — six months longer than the time afforded under temporary protected status. During their stay, they are permitted to apply for work authorization, and benefits including food stamps, Supplemental Security Income and Medicaid.

    According to Monna Kashfi, vice president of content and communications at Welcome.US, a nonpartisan, privately funded nonprofit that has brought 250 community-based organizations and businesses together to help newly arrived immigrants get their bearing, the U4U program is moving quickly. As of July 8, 74,000 U4U applications had been filed and 47,600 Ukrainians had been approved for travel to the United States. Already, 21,000 have received humanitarian parole, with most settling in New York, Illinois, California, Florida and Washington state.

    But despite the pace of the program’s implementation, the agencies that typically assist refugees and asylum seekers are scrambling to meet the demand. “We were still catching our breath and reactivating our resettlement sites when the Afghan crisis began,” says Kelly Agnew-Barajas, director of refugee resettlement at Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of New York. “Afghans coming into the U.S. still do not have protections to enable them to stay in the U.S. long-term, and now we’re facing an influx of an additional 100,000 people from Ukraine.”

    Agnew-Barajas is referring to cuts enacted by the Trump administration. These cuts — 472 administrative changes imposed between 2016 and 2020 — resulted in the dismantling of more than 100 established refugee resettlement projects throughout the country. This diminished the groups’ capacity to assist new arrivals. And even though refugee groups began rebuilding their infrastructure after Biden took office in January 2021, enormous challenges continue to stymie the agencies’ capacity to help. For one, unlike more traditional refugee admissions programs that are overseen by the Department of State, U4U does not provide recipients with a direct pathway to either citizenship or a green card.

    At the same time, Naomi Steinberg, vice president for policy and advocacy at HIAS (previously the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, but now known only by the acronym), told Truthout that U4U proves “that when the government wants to move quickly, it can. This shows that when there is the political will, there can be a political way.”

    That said, she says that the speed with which the U4U program took off has been somewhat unsettling to other immigrant populations, including Afghans, who have been making their way through other, more-typical and slow-moving, refugee channels. “The obvious differences in how Ukrainians are being treated are not lost on Afghans or other refugee populations,” she says. “HIAS wants to see a response that reflects global need and that addresses the diverse and desperate needs of refugees throughout the world.”

    In addition, Steinberg says, while Ukrainians are now arriving in the U.S. and are being united with sponsors, significant difficulties are becoming more and more blatant. “Employment authorization documents are taking way longer than we would have hoped under U4U,” she says. “The wait is running between four-and-a-half and 10 months, which leaves people in a bind. Sponsors as well as refugees are stuck. When people go through traditional refugee resettlement channels, employment documents are provided almost immediately.”

    Jodi Ziesemer, director of the New York Legal Assistance Group, a free legal services program for low-income residents of the five boroughs, told Truthout that prior to the U4U launch, if Ukrainians appeared at the U.S.-Mexico border, they were usually allowed in, given humanitarian parole, and allotted a fixed amount of time — from a few days to close to a year — to stay in the country and pursue asylum.

    Now, under U4U, Ukrainians can enter for only two years; although they can complete all required paperwork online, there is not a direct route to citizenship. In addition, Ziesemer says, “the sponsor provides a nonbinding agreement of financial support for the person or family they wish to bring in, but there is no inquiry into where the refugee will be housed and no enforcement if the sponsor does not actually support the people who are arriving.”

    Then there’s the issue of potential exploitation. Already, Ziesemer says, advocates are hearing stories of sexual trafficking and forced work. “There can be a mismatch of expectations,” she says. Sponsors, many of them recent arrivals to the U.S. who are living in or near poverty themselves, are often well-meaning but get frustrated because they assume “the U.S. government will provide social service support to the person coming in.”

    When this help is not forthcoming, Ziesemer adds, tempers can flare, setting the stage for potential conflicts or abuse. “The refugee ends up feeling trapped,” and has few options beyond going to a domestic violence or homeless shelter if their living situation becomes untenable.

    These are not Ziesemer’s only concerns. Once refugees arrive, she explains, there is no follow-up to make sure they’re doing okay. “Once someone lands in the U.S., it’s on them to explore legal protections, apply for work authorization, enroll children in school, and apply for benefits they’re eligible for. The Ukrainians coming into the U.S. have huge needs, but the U4U program still does not know if it is dealing with enduring needs or short-term needs and the war is being treated as a temporary crisis,” she says.

    What’s more, Ziesemer adds, the government is using U4U to shore up its reputation as a safe haven for all. “While it does cut through a lot of red tape,” she continues, it is of limited value without a robust social safety net.

    Furthermore, Ziesemer echoes Agnew-Barajas’s concerns, noting that this crisis is coming on the heels of the still-unfolding Afghan refugee crisis. “We’re still midstream in helping Afghan refugees get paroled into the U.S.,” Ziesemer says. “There is so much desperation among Afghans. The humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan is continuing.” In addition to ongoing fighting, there is widespread famine, and a recent earthquake added another layer of misery. “But Congress has to date not passed an Afghan Adjustment Act to help Afghan arrivals become lawful, permanent residents once their humanitarian parole ends. This has made the pivot to Ukraine extremely difficult,” she told Truthout.

    Add in the influx of recent immigrants from Argentina, Bolivia, Haiti, Syria and Venezuela — people who have not been as widely or enthusiastically welcomed as Ukrainians — and it is obvious why staff at refugee agencies feel completely overwhelmed.

    Jessica Bolter, associate policy analyst of U.S. immigration policy at the Migration Policy Institute, agrees that U4U is imperfect. Nonetheless, she calls it “an innovative way to make use of community support for Ukrainians.” At the same time, she stresses that the program gives people only a temporary reprieve. “Yes,” she says, “it’s possible that U4U will be renewed, but renewal is not guaranteed. A person who has not secured a green card or applied for asylum can be left without status if U4U expires.”

    In the past, she continues, whenever large groups of migrants or refugees were admitted to the country, Congress followed up by passing legislation, called adjustment acts, to allow them to file for permanent protections. “Adjustment acts were common throughout the 20th century,” Bolter says. “Since it is becoming clearer and clearer that the war in Ukraine will not be resolved quickly — and that the country will need years to rebuild once it ends — it seems obvious that many Ukrainians will have an interest in staying in the U.S. for more than the two years U4U gives them.”

    For their part, advocates are pushing Congress to pass adjustment acts to protect both Afghan and Ukrainian refugees far into the future. Meanwhile, immigration activists continue working on the ground to help the newly arrived from both countries — and elsewhere — adjust to the nuances of U.S. domestic life.

    Even before completing the U4U application to bring her mother into the United States, Yuliya Z. understood the possible pitfalls of bringing her to a new place. Nonetheless, she is grateful to her adopted country for allowing the family to reunite. “My mom was alone and scared in Odessa, but here we can take care of her,” she says. “I am thankful for everything.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

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