Category: refugees

  • Ingeborg Beugel was detained for ‘facilitating the illegal stay of a foreigner’ and faces up to a year in jail

    A Dutch journalist based in Greece has been arrested on the Greek island of Hydra for hosting an Afghan asylum seeker in her home and could face up to a year in prison if charged and convicted.

    Ingeborg Beugel, 61, a freelance correspondent for Dutch media who has lived on Hydra for almost 40 years, was arrested on 13 June accused of “facilitating the illegal stay of a foreigner in Greece”. The charge carries a 12-month prison sentence and a fine of €5,000 (£4,300).

    Related: ‘A scene out of the middle ages’: Dead refugee found surrounded by rats at Greek camp

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • A roundup of the coverage on struggles for human rights and freedoms from China to Colombia

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Coalition of rights groups demanding Frontex be defunded claim EU policies have ‘killed over 40,555 people since 1993’

    Activists, captains of rescue ships and about 40 human rights organisations across the world have launched an international campaign calling for the European border agency to be defunded and dismantled.

    In an open letter sent last week to the European Commission, the Council of the EU and the European parliament, the campaign coalition highlighted the “illegal and inhumane practices” of the EU border agency, Frontex, which is accused of having promoted and enforced violent policies against migrants.

    These are lives lost because of the EU’s obsession with reinforcing borders instead of protecting people

    Related: Frontex turning ‘blind eye’ to human rights violations, says former deputy

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • On June 14, 2021, the Biden Administration announced a new policy intended to ease the tremendous harm of the immigration backlog on immigrant survivors of serious crime. The policy, which specifically affects immigrant survivors eligible for the U Visa, will authorize survivors to work while their applications await final approval.

    “We’re hopeful that the Administration’s announcement will make a real difference in survivors’ lives over the next couple of years,” said Zeyla Gonzalez, HRI’s Crime Victims Program Department of Justice Accredited Representative. “The decade-long wait for approval leaves our clients in a painful and dangerous limbo. We applaud this first step in moving toward a more just system for immigrant survivors.”

    Together with SMU Law’s Dedman Clinic, HRI released a report last year detailing the human toll of the backlog on immigrant survivors. Fighting immigration backlogs, including the U Visa backlog, is a key priority of HRI’s client-led advocacy group, HRI Connect. This week, the group authored a letter to President Biden, sharing their hopes that the Administration will prioritize reducing the immigration backlogs. The letter shares, in part:

    “We, along with our families at HRI Connect, have been waiting for our immigration cases to be resolved. The wait has been too long and painful; discouragement wears on us at times. Even so, we have faith that your Administration can help us resolve this problem of a long and hard wait, making the process much shorter so that we can stabilize our legal status in this country we call home.”

    About HRI

    For the past 20 years, Human Rights Initiative of North Texas has provided legal and critical social services for immigrant survivors of human rights abuses from all over the world. HRI Connect is a group of current and former HRI clients who believe in building a community where everyone feels welcomed and embraced, regardless of who we are, what we look like, or how well we speak English. For more information, visit www.hrionline.org.

    The post HRI Statement on Reduction of Immigration Backlog for Immigrant Survivors appeared first on Human Rights Initiative.

    This post was originally published on Blog – Human Rights Initiative.

  • Asylum seekers like the Murugappan family must be given permanent residency, argues Pip Hinman.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • The immigration minister, Alex Hawke, is set to announce the Murugappan family will be released from detention on Christmas Island

    The immigration minister, Alex Hawke, is set to announce on Tuesday that the Murugappan family will be released from detention on Christmas Island and allowed to reunite on the Australian mainland.

    Hawke will use his ministerial discretion to allow the family to return but the government is not expected to make any substantive changes to their visa status which is still being argued in the courts.

    Related: Biloela fights for Tamil family: ‘We fell in love with them when they were here’

    Related: ‘This has gone on too long’: more Coalition MPs call for Biloela family to be freed from detention

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • An expectant mother staying at a mother and baby unit in Glasgow spoke to The Canary about living conditions there. This mother, who wishes to remain anonymous, has been living in this unit since March 2021. She said it’s “very stressful” living in such cramped conditions where “there is no community”.

    Various campaigners in Glasgow, coming together as “the Roof Coalition”, are demanding the Home Office closes this unit that accommodates over 20 women and their babies. The Roof Coalition’s #FreedomToCrawl campaign calls on the public:

    to take action to ensure that every baby and child in Glasgow has access to safe, suitable housing—including those in the asylum process.

    Because:

    everyday life for these mothers and babies is confined to one small room, with the cot just steps away from the cooker and a window that barely opens.

    So the baby or toddler doesn’t have much space to crawl around the living space.

    No longer “suitable accommodation”

    The Mears Group, which took over housing provision from Serco, runs this Glasgow unit. The #FreedomToCrawl campaign:

    condemns the increasing use of this type of institutional setting to house people in the asylum process. Institutional accommodation denies asylum seekers the stability, privacy, and sense of safety they need to rebuild their lives. Children living in this environment are denied freedom of movement and the right to play.

    The Canary also spoke with two campaigners. Meghan O’Neill is senior community organiser at homelessness charity Shelter Scotland, and Amanda Purdie is head of strategy at Amma Birth Companions. They’re both part of the Roof Coalition.

    Purdie said mothers moved into this unit in January 2021. Beforehand, the mothers were told they were moving to a one bedroom flat in a community with other mothers. Instead, according to Purdie, they moved into one-room bedsits:

    in a very institutional style accommodation. This was done on a very no choice basis with a lot of intimidation and threats around… if they refused to move what would happen

    She added that they were only allowed bring two bags with them:

    and to leave the rest of them… so it all came about very abruptly.

    O’Neill added that this unit was previously for young people at risk of or experiencing homelessness. And when that homelessness project closed down, Glasgow City Council described the unit as “outdated and no longer providing suitable accommodation”. Below is an example of the layout of one of the rooms in this unit from the #FreedomToCrawl campaign.

    Example room layout
    Example room layout
    An expectant mother

    The mother who spoke to The Canary is eight months pregnant. Before moving here, she was told the accommodation was suitable for pregnant women. But since her arrival she said “it’s very stressful”. In her previous accommodation she had access to counselling services, but now she’s “back to square one again”. She feels this will negatively affect her level of depression.

    She added that there’s:

    none to talk to, all the mum’s are stressed, the kids are crying

    So the accommodation is:

    not even a community at all… literally we are just dumped in a place on our own.

    She says she can’t even visit other mothers as they “are already stressed”. Furthermore, it’s extremely difficult to cook in the unit as it could disturb the baby’s sleep.

    And despite contacting MPs, the Home Office, and Mears, she said nothing has changed. She’d simply like suitable accommodation for her, her child, and the other mothers and children.

    Safety hazards

    O’Neill believes this unit:

    stops people being able to live a life of dignity.

    She said there are several safety hazards such as an unprotected cooker right next to the baby’s cot. Additionally, despite only bringing two bags, there’s little space to store belongings. This limits a baby’s freedom to crawl around this living space. So the confinement of a cot is the only safe place for a baby.

    It’s also difficult for mothers who’ve recently given birth to wash as there’s no support in the shower. Additionally, this shower is too small for a baby wash unit so the baby could also go without getting a wash. And the more than 20 women living here have only two working washing machines to share.

    Impact on mothers and babies

    Purdie elaborated on the physical and mental impact on mothers and their babies. She said babies don’t have the opportunity to:

    safely venture away from their mothers in the ways that we’d expect babies of this age to do.

    So they’ve become very reliant on their mothers because they don’t have the freedom to explore. Purdie also said babies aren’t able to get into a healthy sleep pattern due to the lack of privacy.

    The children’s commissioner responds

    Bruce Adamson, the children and young people’s commissioner Scotland, wrote to the Mears Group about these and other concerns. He said:

    In light of these concerns, I would strongly encourage you to urgently review the suitability of this accommodation for children, and to take whatever action is necessary to ensure that they are provided with a safe and supportive environment in which their human rights and dignity are respected.

    Response from Home Office and Mears Group

    The Canary contacted the Mears Group for comment. A spokesperson said:

    The mother and baby unit provides accommodation that is purpose designed to best meet the needs of mothers and babies, up to one year old, and provide access to healthcare and other support services. It has been developed working closely with Glasgow City Council and Greater Glasgow and Clyde NHS who are supportive of the facility.

    All room sizes meet Glasgow City Council guidelines and Home Office guidelines and there are communal areas on site which provide space for socialising and play.

    We are continually reviewing provision and working with health professionals to make sure that we accommodate and support service users only where they advise this is the best provision and in rooms appropriate to their needs.

    We would be pleased to host visits by charities and NGOs to discuss the provision and to show them first hand why this facility is strongly supported by the social workers, midwives and others who support mothers and babies in asylum accommodation.

    Meanwhile a Home Office spokesperson replied:

    The Home Office has worked closely with our providers and Glasgow City Council to develop a dedicated facility to support mothers and babies. It has been purposely designed to meet their needs and complies with all regulatory and statutory requirements, providing access to healthcare and other support services so to suggest otherwise is completely false. There is also a dedicated welfare manager on site, who is in close contact with each resident.

    The Government is fulfilling its legal duty to provide asylum seekers who would otherwise be destitute with safe and secure accommodation. We are bringing forward a new immigration plan which will make our asylum system fair but firm, supporting vulnerable asylum seekers in need through safe and legal routes.

    It’s completely unsuitable

    Despite claims from the Home Office and Mears on the unit’s design, O’Neill said:

    The size of the rooms has not changed. And so the suitability of it being used as housing has not changed.

    O’Neill said they’ve “four key and quite immediate asks”. She said “the overarching theme is, we fundamentally object to institutional style accommodation”. So they want:

    • Mears to immediately commit in writing to implementing vulnerability assessments for the women and children in the accommodation. And they want a family support specialist agency to conduct these. Additionally they want children’s rights impact assessments to examine the effect of living in institutional accommodation.
    • Mears to commit to not moving anyone else in the wider asylum network into the accommodation because it’s not fit for purpose.
    • Mears to commit to moving all the women out of the accommodation into communities in Glasgow with the right support.
    • An equality and impact assessment to show transparency around the policy decision to open and run this unit.

    Purdie added that she’d encourage people within Glasgow City Council and the health and social care board:

    to really take a look at this unit and to make sure that they’ve been fully engaged.

    And she’d like to know that this whole process involves:

    people who really understand perinatal infant mental health and mother’s well being.

    The Roof Coalition is calling on members of the public to support this campaign. The public can do so by sharing this story online or by contacting their MSP in Scotland. They’re also planning a virtual demonstration for 12 July. If the public can put further pressure on authorities, then it could help these women and their children live with the dignity they deserve.

    Featured image via Pixabay – OmarMedianFilms

    By Peadar O'Cearnaigh

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Gil Arias Fernández says EU border agency, which is under investigation for illegal migrant pushbacks, cannot stop far-right infiltrating its ranks

    The former deputy head of Europe’s border and coastguard agency has said the state of the beleaguered force “pains” him and that it is vulnerable to the “alarming” rise of populism across the continent.

    In his first interview since leaving office, Gil Arias Fernández, former deputy director at Frontex and once tipped for the top post, said he was deeply worried about the agency’s damaged reputation, its decision to arm officers, and its inability to stop the far-right infiltrating its ranks, amid anti-migrant movements across Europe.

    Related: EU states cooperating informally to deny refugees asylum rights – report

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Berlin, June 8, 2021 — Greek authorities should allow journalists to cover refugee movements and other events of public interest without police interference, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

    On May 29, police in Dikaia, a Greek town near the borders of Bulgaria and Turkey, stopped a reporting team from the Dutch public broadcaster VPRO while they were covering refugees in the area, according to news reports and VPRO reporter Bram Vermeulen, who communicated with CPJ via email.

    Police said that the crew, comprised of Vermeulen, a camera operator, sound engineer, researcher, and translator, were in a restricted area, ordered them to stop filming, and then took all five to a local police station for questioning, according to those sources.

    At the station, officers demanded to see the team’s video footage, which they refused to hand over; after about an hour, police told them not to return to that area and then released them without charge, Vermeulen said. He added that the other crew members preferred that their names not be disclosed.

    “Greek authorities must allow reporters covering refugee movements to work freely, especially in border areas,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “If police detain, harass, or obstruct journalists, this only indicates that the Greek authorities have something to hide.”

    Vermeulen told CPJ that the crew had accreditation from the Greek police and army to work in the area. He said they were covering the alleged practice of “pushbacks,” in which European Union member states forcibly return refugees to Turkey, contrary to international asylum law.

    Vermeulen said that his crew was filming in what they believed to be a public area, and said there was no sign that it was a restricted zone.

    “When I asked if we were under arrest, the officer told us; no and not yet,” Vermeulen said. “We had a long argument about whether this was a public or military area, he could not show anything [indicating that] it was indeed military.”

    CPJ emailed the press department of the Ministry of the Interior, which oversees the police, for comment, but did not immediately receive any reply.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • This has been a fantasy of Danish governments for some time.  There have been gazes of admiration towards countries like Australia, where processing refugees and asylum-seekers is a task offloaded, with cash incentives, to third countries (Papua New Guinea and Nauru come to mind).  Danish politicians, notably a good number among the Social Democrats, have dreamed about doing the same to countries in Africa, returning to that customary pattern of making poorer states undertake onerous burdens best undertaken by more affluent states.

    The government of Mette Frederiksen has now secured amendments to the Danish Aliens Act that authorises the transfer of asylum seekers to other countries as their applications are being processed.  The measure was secured on June 3 by a vote of 70 to 24, though critics must surely look at the absence of 85 MPs as telling.  The measure is not automatic: the Danish government will have to secure (or bribe) the trust of third party states to assume their share.

    Government spokesman Rasmus Stoklund left few doubts as to what the new law entailed.  “If you apply for asylum in Denmark, you know that you will be sent back to a country outside Europe, and therefore we hope that people stop seeking asylum in Denmark.”

    Stoklund’s language of warning evokes parallels with Australia’s own campaign of discouragement, marked by a highly-budgeted effort featuring such savage products as No Way.  You Will Not Make Australia Home.  In the video, Lieutenant General Angus Campbell, then chief of Australia’s effort to repel naval arrivals known as Operation Sovereign Borders, is stern in threatening that “if you travel by boat without a visa you will never make Australia home”.  Other delights involve a graphic novel, translated into 18 different languages, promising trauma and suffering to those who end up in a detention centre in the Pacific, and the feature film Journey, where an Iranian mother and her child seek sanctuary in Australia.  The Danish propaganda arm will have some catching up to do.

    Who then, are the third country candidates?  Denmark already has a memorandum of understanding with the Rwandan government that covers migration, asylum, return and repatriation.  Its purpose is to target an asylum system which supposedly gives incentives to “children, women and women to embark on dangerous journeys along migratory routes, while human traffickers earn fortunes”.  When it was made, Amnesty International’s Europe Director, Nils Muižnieks could see the writing on the wall, calling it “unconscionable” and even “potentially unlawful”.  But for Rwanda, just as it is with Pacific island states such as Nauru, money is to be made.  Such countries effectively replace demonised people smugglers as approved traffickers and middlemen.

    The response to the legislation from those in the business of advocating for refugees and the right to asylum has been uniform in curtness and distress.  Filippo Grandi, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, voiced strong opposition to “efforts that seek to externalise or outsource asylum and international protection obligations to other countries.”

    UNHCR spokesman Babar Balloch could only make the relevant point that the legislation ran “counter to the letter and spirit of the 1951 Refugee Convention”.  Moves to externalise “asylum processing and protecting of refugees to a third country… seriously risk setting in motion a process of gradual erosion of the international protection system, which has withstood the test of time over the last 70 years”.

    Balloch is evidently not as attentive as he thinks: those wishing to externalise such obligations have well and truly set this train in motion.  The 2018 EU summit went so far as to debate the building of offshore processing centres in Morocco, Algeria and Libya to plug arrival routes via the Mediterranean.  The UK government is also toying with the idea of an offshore asylum system.

    Bill Frelick of Human Rights Watch’s Refugee and Migrant Rights Division distils the relevant principle being sacrificed.  “By sending people to a third country, what you are essentially doing is taking what is a legal right and making it a discretionary political choice.”  It is an increasingly attractive, if grotesque policy, for wealthier countries with little appetite to share the burdens of sharing the processing claims under the UNHCR’s Global Compact on Refugees.

    Unfortunately for Frelkick and their like, the Danish government is proving derivatively consistent.  It has been opting out of the European asylum system since the 2000s, doing its bit to fragment an already incoherent approach in the bloc.  The centre right government of Anders Fogh Rasmussen, just by way of example, was proud to reduce the number of asylum seekers and those wishing to settle in Denmark.  In 2004, 1,607 people were granted asylum compared to 6,263 three years prior.

    The approach of the current government is to negate the very right to seeking asylum in Denmark, aided by third countries.  And there is not much left to do, given that the country received a mere 1,515 asylum applications in 2020, its lowest in two decades.  Of those, 601 were granted permits to stay.

    Lurking, as it always does in these situations, is the Australian example.  The right to asylum is vanishing before the efforts of bureaucrats and border closing populists.  The UN Refugee Convention, like other documents speaking to freedoms and rights, is becoming a doomed relic.

    The post Denmark Offshores the Right to Asylum first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • A view of Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan, on November 22, 2018.

    Since late 2019, waves of protests against the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the supranational branch of the United Nation that works to help displaced populations globally, have rocked a refugee camp in Lebanon that holds over 2,000 Sudanese and Ethiopian inhabitants. For months, refugee protesters have stood behind the gates of the camp in front of flimsy, poorly insulated tents and held sit-ins in front of a UNHCR building. Their signs read “Where are my rights?” and they proclaim the UNHCR does not respect their humanity. In December 2019, these protests became so disruptive — at one point, even devolving into riots — that the UNHCR called its own staff and security forces to arrest and detain many of the protesters.

    One of the organizers of the protests, a 30-year-old Sudanese refugee named Abdul Baqi, acknowledged that many of the refugee protesters were frustrated by systemic issues within the UNHCR, such as inadequate provision of basic services and a convoluted resettlement process. However, he noted that those grievances are not the primary motivation behind the protests. Instead, these refugees resent that “[t]here are abuses that have happened [on the part of the UNHCR], a general sense of neglect and disrespect for [the refugees] as human beings, with no training of their staff, on top of them saying that they have no funds.” Specifically, many protesters are claiming they had been verbally threatened or harassed by UNHCR staff.

    Unrest has long been a defining feature of refugee camps. Overcrowding, tensions between displaced groups of different national origins and a lack of resources — issues that are understandably endemic to the resettlement and asylum process given the scale of the global refugee crisis — are oft-cited explanations for camp protests. However, refugees feeling as though the UNHCR has not treated them as human beings worthy of equal dignity may be an overlooked catalyst of this unrest.

    It is helpful to think of this issue through historian and Director of the World Peace Foundation Alex De Waal’s framework of “inescapable” and “escapable” cruelties. On one hand, inescapable cruelty, for humanitarian organizations, comes in the contrast between the overwhelming global need and organizations’ resource constraints. The cruelty of choosing between equally vulnerable people and populations — especially for limited resettlement opportunities — is inherent to and inseparable from humanitarian work. Escapable cruelty, on the other hand, refers to failings of humanitarian organizations that are entirely avoidable.

    The UNHCR’s explanation for the unrest in Lebanon uses the typical excuse of inescapable cruelties for violence in refugee camps to dodge the issue of potential dehumanization — an escapable cruelty. In response to the protesters, the UNHCR Head of Field in Beirut Laura Almirall made this statement: “We consider everyone, but it doesn’t mean that everyone can or will get the services, from cash assistance, health care, to access to education. We’re working with limited funding and resources.” While this response might explain the neglect of which these refugees have accused the UNHCR, it does not explain the allegations that the UNHCR, a humanitarian organization, has unnecessarily disrespected these refugees’ humanity.

    The Lebanon protests suggest that there are two different conversations occurring around human rights in refugee camps: The UNHCR’s narrative has emerged in Almirall’s response and a statement on the institution’s official Facebook page, where it characterized the allegations of disrespect as “inaccurate” and “misleading,” stating that, “UNHCR staff have at no time used verbal or physical abuse against the protestors,” leaving the protesters largely ignored.

    Is there any truth to the UNHCR’s denial? It would seem that history is not on their side. In a 2010 survey of various African-origin refugees living in Egyptian camps, nearly a quarter of respondents reported that their interactions with the staff from UNHCR Cairo were their “worst” life experiences since the war-related atrocities they fled. Furthermore, 90.9 percent of respondents felt “quite a bit” or “extremely” betrayed by the UNHCR after its officials called Egyptian security forces to disperse informal refugee settlements in Egypt with no attempts made to engage in conversation or negotiate with the refugees. The confrontation between the refugees and security forces resulted in 23 deaths, hundreds of arrests and thousands of injuries. All study participants reported feelings of frequent hate, resentment and disgust towards the UNHCR as a result of the betrayal.

    The Egyptian case represented overt dismissals of refugee concerns, but the UNHCR’s dehumanization of refugees can also be more subtle and systemic. Take, for example, a group of Burundian refugees’ attempt to violently take public authority in a Tanzanian refugee camp away from the UNHCR camp officials and establish self-governance. A 2006 study found that this quasi-attempted coup was motivated by resentment towards the UNHCR’s attempt to turn them into a “tabula rasa upon which UNHCR can create pure victims in need of help” to bolster its global reputation. In other words, the camp dwellers felt as though the UNHCR had taken their dignity from them by prohibiting their community organization, forcing them to play a part in its non-political vision of refugee camps.

    There is clearly a global pattern that connects UNHCR involvement to unrest in refugee camps. The question is, why has this pattern been ignored for more than a decade? With few or no media outlets available to them, refugees’ grievances have been drowned out by the UNHCR-perpetuated narrative, especially when that narrative is amplified and endorsed by the international press. Events like protracted riots in the Moira refugee camp on the island of Lesbos, Greece, have driven mainstream media reporting on this trend of refugee resentment towards the UNHCR. However, major news outlets such as CNN and Al Jazeera have chalked up the asylum seekers’ grievances to systemic problems such as overcrowding, lack of appropriate shelters and insufficient food. Some sources have even attributed the most recent unrest in Moira as misplaced anger stemming from their frustration that the pandemic has brought resettlement to a standstill. In doing so, these sources have perpetuated the UNHCR’s narrative — that any cruelties they have committed are inescapable.

    Millions of asylum seekers around the world live in similarly poor conditions in camps and informal settlements. But not all camps are plagued by riots, and not all camp dwellers express virulent anger towards the camp governors in the way the refugees in Lebanon, Egypt and Tanzania have towards the UNHCR. Clearly, the refugees in the case studies mentioned were not mobilized by poor quality of life, but because people who represent the UNHCR have added unnecessary insult to their inevitable injury. Despite the UNHCR’s attempts to downplay or discredit these complaints, where there is smoke, there is fire; feeling dehumanized by the UNHCR is a complaint that spans across different nationalities, countries and continents. In fact, this feeling has even united refugees of different ethnic groups and national origins — identifiers that usually divide camp dwellers.

    Few researchers have addressed the issue of escapable cruelties experienced by refugee populations. However, preliminary data collected by a team at Duke University has begun exploration around this issue. As a part of the Uprooted/Rerouted DukeImmerse program, researchers collected life story interviews from Syrian and Iraqi refugees living in Jordan’s temporary camps and settlements from 2014-2016. Jordan is a global refugee hotspot — the country is currently home to almost 750,000 refugees and hosts the second-largest population of refugees relative to its own in the world. In April 2014, months of unrest culminated in a deadly riot at the largest Syrian refugee camp in the world, Jordan’s Zaatari camp, which is entirely administered by the UNHCR. Violence erupted when the UNHCR detained refugees who had tried to leave the camp “illegally.” Other camp dwellers became angry that the UNHCR tried to restrict their freedom of movement and control their behavior.

    A street in the Zaatari refugee camp, circa 2016.
    A street in the Zaatari refugee camp, circa 2016.

    In the two years following the Zaatari camp riot, the Duke University study team interviewed 88 Syrian and Iraqi refugees about their forced migration experience. Fifty-eight expressed an opinion on the UNHCR. Of these 58 interviewees, 49 had a negative opinion of the UNHCR, and nine had a positive opinion. All participants who had a positive opinion of the UNHCR directly attributed this opinion to either aid or resettlement they had received, not how they had been treated by the UNHCR. On the other hand, 61 percent of participants with a negative opinion of the UNHCR pointed to at least one instance where the UNHCR Jordan staff or resettlement process had made them feel dehumanized, rather than a lack of aid, timely communication or resettlement. The participants’ feelings of dehumanization do not appear to be misplaced anger over the UNHCR’s inescapable cruelties — more than two-thirds of the group that felt disrespected or dehumanized by the UNHCR received some form of aid or even resettlement offers. While socioeconomic aid and resettlement are finite resources, empathy is not. Clearly, their discontent is caused by escapable cruelties.

    Excerpts from these interviews in Jordan reveal that there are multiple angles to the UNHCR’s dehumanization of refugees. Some participants recounted a specific incident where a UNHCR staff member exhibited disrespect towards them. For example, Hassan, a 25-year-old Iraqi, recounts how a “woman who works at the UNHCR, she treats all Iraqis rude[ly] … no matter who comes to ask her for help.”

    His frustration with UNHCR is echoed by Akram, a 44-year-old Iraqi and AA*, a 45-year-old Iraqi. Akram describes his experience with another UNHCR Jordan employee, saying, “There is anti-Semitism here, too; I was waiting at the UNHCR, and a lady looked at me and said, ‘You come.’ I sat down, and she said, ‘Unfortunately, you have been accepted.’ I felt like I was having a heart attack. She … [was] just kidding about my life. That was not the time to joke.” AA spoke about how his wife would “wait at the UN[HCR] for a long time, but no one would talk to her. They even made her cry one day, so she left.”

    In other interview excerpts, participants explained that they felt dehumanized not from individual interactions with UNHCR staff, but from certain systemic aspects of the UNHCR’s asylum or resettlement processes. Najimm, a 45-year-old Iraqi, complained that the camp’s stifling protocols took away refugees’ autonomy, saying, “They [the UNHCR] keep you in a camp far away from villages and you can’t leave it. They take your passport. I could not stand it there. They even had a list of rules there you had to follow; it makes you feel like you are in jail.”

    The interviews even indicated refugee resentment surrounding the process of leaving these camps. NZ*, a 40-year-old Syrian, complained that the invasive interview process for resettlement was dehumanizing, saying, “I don’t believe in the UNHCR anymore. They made me feel like stupid donkey [during the interview process.] Is that good? Is that humanitarian?”

    These testimonies make it clear that the UNHCR can no longer write off refugee resentment towards it as a byproduct of inescapable cruelties. At the very least, these claims deserve to be taken seriously. That being said, the UNHCR cannot be the only humanitarian NGO or entity that has committed such escapable cruelties towards the refugees in its care.

    So why the particular vitriol towards the UNHCR? One interview excerpt from Sherine, a 35-year-old Iraqi, explains the differentiation: “The UNHCR is not humanitarian, it is unhumanitarian. Because they don’t help people or consider the situation. They are always lying…. They have a section, ‘Saving the Children’; this is a big lie. They do not treat children or ladies without income like people.”

    The UNHCR is supposed to be a global paragon of respect for refugees but does not live up to its mandate. The egregious examples in Jordan show that there is clearly a fundamental challenge between the ethos the UNHCR is expected to embody around compassion and its employees’ repeated cavalier disrespect. In public discourse, the UNHCR consistently speaks within a framework of humanity, often rallying against those they believe have “forgotten” or “ignored” the humanity of refugees and asylum seekers. It does so because its public commitment to humanizing this vulnerable population is so core to what this organization thinks it is. But what does it mean to treat someone — to see someone — as fully human? Refugee protesters take issue with the UNHCR’s perceived dismissal of the “Golden Rule”; aid workers have failed to recognize the shared humanity of refugee populations and treat them accordingly. For employees of a humanitarian organization to not do that — to not fulfill its mission — would seem like a baseline incompetence.

    At the very least, the UNHCR must recognize its shortcomings and strive to be better as the paragon it claims to be. Many of the problems that affect refugee camps have structural origins — like particularities of aid allocation or local governments’ restrictions on certain camps — and are beyond what the UNHCR can or cannot do, and are therefore inescapable. Furthermore, it would be impossible to hold the UNHCR responsible in its organizational capacity for its individual employees’ indiscretions. But where the UNHCR does have a degree of freedom is in choosing to enact appropriate consequences for employees who do the opposite.

    The UNHCR officially has a “zero-tolerance policy” toward any disrespectful behavior on the part of its staff towards members of “vulnerable communities.” However, in response to protesters’ demands for a transparent investigation into their claims of disrespect in Lebanon, for example, the UNHCR has been silent aside from its denial of the claims; there has been no announcement of any such investigations nor has one been made available to the public. (Repeated requests for comment by the UNHCR were denied, according to a spokesperson, “due to an influx of resettlement requests due to the end of the pandemic and the Biden administration’s election.”)

    To deny the credibility of and refuse to investigate these refugees’ claims may be the most blatant disrespect of all. This organization-level negligence allows UNHCR staff to continue dehumanizing the people they are meant to serve. This is an unnecessary, inexplicable, escapable cruelty.

    *Initials were used for participants who did not wish to publicly share their given names.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Residents in the Home Office facility claim they have been told their applications will be ‘impaired’ if they talk to the media

    Asylum seekers held at the Home Office’s widely criticised military barracks in Kent claim they will be “blacklisted” if they speak out after last week’s high court ruling that the decision to use the site was unlawful.

    Staff employed by private Home Office contractors at the Napier barracks site at Folkestone have allegedly told residents that their asylum application will be impaired if they talk to the media about conditions at the camp.

    Related: ‘Sham’: 200 groups criticise UK government consultation on refugee policy

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • A roundup of the coverage on struggles for human rights and freedoms, from Colombia to China

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • On 3 June 2021 the Danish Parliament approved amendments to the Danish Aliens Act.

    The amendments will enter into effect if Denmark secures a formal agreement with a third country. This could see the forcible transfer of asylum-seekers and the abdication of Denmark’s responsibility for the asylum process and for protecting vulnerable refugees.

    UNHCR strongly opposes efforts that seek to externalize or outsource asylum and international protection obligations to other countries. Such efforts to evade responsibility run counter to the letter and spirit of the 1951 Refugee Convention, as well as the Global Compact on Refugees where countries agreed to share more equitably the responsibility for refugee protection.

    Already today nearly 90% percent of the world’s refugees live in developing or the least developed countries that – despite their limited resources – step up and meet their international legal obligations and responsibilities.

    UNHCR has raised repeatedly its concerns and objections to the Danish government’s proposal and has offered advice and pragmatic alternatives.

    UNHCR will continue to engage in discussions with Denmark, which remains a valuable and long-standing partner to UNHCR, in order to find practical ways forward that ensure the confidence of the Danish people and uphold Denmark’s international commitments.

    https://www.unhcr.org/news/press/2021/6/60b93af64/news-comment-un-high-commissioner-refugees-filippo-grandi-denmarks-new.html

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Photo from The Masinga Foundation: https://www.masingafoundation.org/

    In a room full of refugees and asylum seekers, Blaise Masinga is reminded of the time when he was in their shoes. He had fled from South Africa to Minnesota, leaving behind his wife and two children. Pain, trauma, and uncertainty are still on the forefront of his mind when he thinks about that time. Similar to the journeys of many other asylum seekers, Blaise’s path to safety and reunification with his family was long, unpredictable, anxiety-filled, and lonesome.

    South Africa had actually been his refuge after fleeing from his birth country, the Democratic Republic of Congo, as a teenager. He had built a life in South Africa. He attended university and received a degree in marketing from the Institute of Marketing Management. He married and welcomed the first two of his children into the world. He advanced in his professional career. By 2010, he achieved the opportunity to work as a business manager for a multinational company connected to the Democratic Republic of Congo and Central Africa. Outside work, Blaise noticed many forms of racism and discrimination. As a refugee himself, he became an activist for immigrant and refugee rights. After spotting corruption in a work project, he spoke up. For Blaise, speaking out against injustices was natural, but it also made him a wanted man and became the reason he fled from South Africa in 2012.

    With his safety compromised, Blaise left his family, his home, his career, his community, his activism, and found himself empty-handed seeking asylum in Minneapolis. He didn’t know it at the time, but it would be four long years before he was reunited with his family. Remembering these years, he said, “I should’ve known that the process to win an asylum case in the United States is a long journey that requires patience. It was a painful experience to leave my wife and kids.” At times he felt helpless and had to regain his sense of agency over his life. “Let me be honest,” Blaise says with a smile on his face, “the first good resource I found was The Advocates for Human Rights.” The Advocates staff connected Blaise with a pro bono lawyer who helped Blaise win his asylum case. Through a social work intern at the organization, he was also connected to two other important resources that helped him through this difficult time: the Center for Victims of Torture that helped him meet basic needs, and the Mennonite church that provided him with a community. All of those combined gave Blaise the right tools to begin rebuilding his life in the United States. During this time, Blaise volunteered with many nonprofit organizations, and worked as a French to English interpreter for refugees, a cashier at Target and a bank teller. Blaise’s patience, stamina, and willingness to fight for himself all played a crucial role in him reclaiming his independence.

    The Masinga Foundation https://www.masingafoundation.org/

    Blaise gained asylum and built up his independence, returning to school in 2016 for a “mini masters” in Project Management from the University of St. Thomas. Still, he faced more challenges. The racial discrimination Blaise faced was like his experiences as a refugee in South Africa. “In the United States, someone judges you for your accent, but not your brain,” he began. “Don’t let your circumstances pull you back, because otherwise you aren’t going to win.” This resilience, and his experiences as a refugee, changed his vision and plans once again. He redirected his focus in 2018 and enrolled at Metropolitan State University to earn a degree in community development. “I believe we were called to make a difference in people’s lives,” Blaise said. This dedication to honesty and helping others, which led to him being forced out of South Africa, has been a driving force behind his work in community development. Blaise recently started his own nonprofit organization, the Masinga Foundation. Their work will focus on community empowerment for immigrants, refugees, and other marginalized communities.


    By Rielle Miguel, Undergraduate Student from the University of Minnesota and Spring 2021 Development Intern.

    The Advocates for Human Rights is a nonprofit organization dedicated to implementing international human rights standards to promote civil society and reinforce the rule of law.

    Curious about volunteering? Please reach out. The Advocates for Human Rights has an opportunity for you.

    Eager to see change? Give to our mission, our vision, our work. Your gift matters.

    This post was originally published on The Advocates Post.

  • By Richard Ewart on ABC’s Pacific Beat

    Papua New Guinea’s Minister for Climate Change is calling on the international community to take responsibility for a food security crisis in the Carteret Islands, and some of the other remote atolls of Bougainville.

    Minister Wera Mori recently returned from a fact finding mission to the region and he was “horrified” by what he saw.

    He said the PNG government was taking steps to ensure that food could be grown elsewhere, and supplies to those who need them were maintained.

    But he said that in the long term, industrialised nations, which he accused of causing the climate change related crisis in the first place, needed to step in and assist with measures to prevent the islands from slipping any further under the waves.

    “One of the big islands, part of it has been covered by the sea, so basically now instead of one island, you have two,” Mori told ABC’s Pacific Beat.

    “Parts of Bougainville, south-east of Solomon Islands … we have coastlines that have been washed away.”

    Republished from ABC Pacific Beat.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • An NHS worker who has spent the pandemic helping save lives on a Covid-19 ward says Priti Patel’s immigration plans will see refugees like her turned away from the UK.

    Mariam, from Eritrea, is determined to help people and has been working exhausting 12-hour shifts in a Leeds hospital assisting coronavirus patients, sometimes four days in a row.

    But figures released on Tuesday suggest that two in every three women and children who the UK would accept as refugees now would be turned away in future under proposed new government rules.

    Coalition group Together With Refugees is calling for a more effective, fair and humane approach to the UK’s asylum system.

    The Home Office said the figures released by the group “wrongly conflate” refugees with people arriving via an “illegal route”.

    Mariam joined the health service after coming to Britain in the back of a lorry in 2009, fleeing persecution and imprisonment in Eritrea.

    However, Home Office plans to overhaul the immigration system may well have seen her application rejected because of her method of arrival, she said.

    Mariam told the PA news agency: “When I left Eritrea, I didn’t know if I was going to live or die.

    “I just knew I had to get out. Every day, I thank God for bringing me here, and secondly I thank the people of the UK who saved me.

    “Because I am alive and because I am in a safe country I promise to God that I will help anyone.”

    Mariam, whose name has been changed to protect her identity, was granted asylum after her arrival in the UK and works as a clinical support worker, battling on the front line of the health crisis.

    When she contracted Covid-19, she thought “I am dying” as she struggled to breathe, but she recovered and returned to her work, driven to help people after seeing so many die in Eritrea.

    She said: “The UK gave me an opportunity and now I’m working. I don’t want to be dependent on the Government.

    “I’m working and if I’m asked to help, I will help.”

    Mariam said “the world knows what is happening” in places like Eritrea and called on the Government not to deport people claiming asylum.

    Outlining her plans for immigration reform in March, Patel said: “For the first time, whether people enter the UK legally or illegally will have an impact on how their asylum claim progresses, and on their status in the UK if that claim is successful.

    “We will deem their claim as inadmissible, and make every effort to remove those who enter the UK illegally having travelled through a safe country first in which they could and should have claimed asylum.”

    The government’s New Plan for Immigration document claimed that, for the year ending September 2019, more than 60% of asylum claims were from people who are thought to have entered the UK “illegally”.

    Sabir Zazai, Together With Refugees spokesperson and a refugee himself, said: “Abandoning people fleeing war and persecution, including women and children, is not who we are in the UK.

    “These are people in fear of their lives. These are people like me.

    “These are also people like you, people who want to live in safety and dignity.”

    Together With Refugees is a coalition of more than 200 organisations, founded by Asylum Matters, British Red Cross, Freedom from Torture, Refugee Action, Refugee Council and Scottish Refugee Council.

    Immigration plans
    Prime Minister Boris Johnson with Shabnam Nasimi, founder of the Conservative Friends of Afghanistan group (Shabnam Nasimi/PA)

    Prominent Conservative voice Shabnam Nasimi says the Home Secretary’s plans risks punishing refugees.

    Nasimi, who was born in Afghanistan and founded the Conservative Friends of Afghanistan group, told PA: “I think putting refugees in the same box as European economic migrants punishes refugees, people who are fleeing war-torn countries such as Afghanistan for security and a safe life.

    “If we close our doors what does it say about Britain, particularly global Britain after Brexit?”

    She said Britain has a “responsibility” towards all those seeking refuge, including people from Afghanistan who still face persecution.

    Actor Joanna Lumley self-filmed a video, saying: “I’m supporting Together With Refugees because how we treat refugees reflects who we are. Together With Refugees is calling for a better approach that is kinder, fairer and more effective.”

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Obaida Jawabra was weeks from turning 18 when he was shot by an Israeli soldier, after a life shaped by arrests and imprisonment

    Route 60, the north-south artery that carves its way through the West Bank, is both the lifeblood of the region and a source of daily fear.

    Flanked in parts by 2.5-metre-high (8ft) separation barriers, military checkpoints and watchtowers crewed by Israeli snipers, the 146-mile highway that starts and finishes in Israel but passes Hebron and Bethlehem in the West Bank, has been the scene of many fatal attacks and violent clashes.

    Additional reporting by Kaamil Ahmed

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Amid a raging global pandemic, a record 55 million people were displaced from their homes but still living in their countries by the end of 2020, according to the latest report from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center.

    While the figures have been increasing steadily for over a decade, as per the Geneva-based center’s annual reports, ferocious storms, floods and conflicts displaced more people within their own country in 2020 – in spite of the global pandemic – than in any other year covered by the IDMC’s reporting. Shockingly, the report found that internally displaced people outnumbered refugees, those who flee to another country, by a ratio of two to one. 

    The research center, which is part of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), also cautioned that their figures were likely a “significant underestimate” as global pandemic travel restrictions frustrated efforts to more accurately collect data. 

    The post War And Climate Disasters Displaced A Record Of 55 Million People In 2020 appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • A roundup of the coverage on struggles for human rights and freedoms, from Myanmar to Peru

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • UNRWA Condemns Israeli Bombing of Gaza Refugee Camp, Killing Family of 10

    Matthias Schmale, director of UNRWA operations in Gaza, says civilians in the besieged territory are facing “terror from the skies” amid Israel’s bombardment, which has already killed nearly 200 people. “The price the civilian population is paying for this is unacceptable. This has to stop. This is terror on a civilian population.”

    TRANSCRIPT

    This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

    AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman. You can sign up for our daily news digest email by texting “democracynow” — one word, no space — to 66866. We’ll send you our news headlines and stories every day, as well as news alerts.

    At least 10 Palestinians from the same extended family died Saturday when Israel bombed the Gaza refugee camp al-Shati. Eight of the victims were children. One 5-month-old baby named Omar was pulled from the rubble alive. His mother and four of his siblings were killed. This is Omar’s father, Mohammad Al-Hadidi.

    MOHAMMAD AL-HADIDI: [translated] They targeted the house they were in. There were no rockets there, just women and children; no rockets, just peaceful children celebrating Eid. What have they done to deserve this? A rocket hit their house, over their heads, without warning or communication. Three whole floors fell over them, and we had to recover their body parts. … I call on the international community, those who support human rights and children’s rights and democracy, those who penalize anyone who harms a child, to look to our children here who are being bombed with strikes that drop entire floors onto people who we have to recover their body parts.

    AMY GOODMAN: We’re joined now in Gaza by Matthias Schmale, the director of operations for UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees.

    Can you talk about what happened, not only there, but what’s happening to children, to the Palestinians in Gaza?

    MATTHIAS SCHMALE: Good afternoon, Amy. And thank you for giving me this opportunity to talk to you.

    Look, the way I describe this is we’ve had seven days of war. This is war. We are not close to war. We are in a military confrontation. This is war. And I think, as you just heard from Refaat, the citizens of Gaza are experiencing this in a terrified manner. It’s terror from the skies, what’s going on here. And you mentioned the house that was leveled in Beach camp, our refugee camp. Six of those children were children that went to UNRWA schools. So it hits home very directly. Some of my staff knew the family. And these six children are among 18 children that we now have confirmed that went to UNRWA schools. So, what I am trying to get to with all of this is the price the civilian population is paying for this is unacceptable. This has to stop. This is terror on a civilian population.

    We also have to then think about the people who have fled their homes out of fear. A few nights ago, there was heavy fighting in the north. There were rumors of a tank — of a ground invasion by the Israelis, and thousands of people left their homes in fear, not necessarily because they were destroyed, as I understand it — I will come back to that — but in fear of what will fall from the sky next. And we now have, today, three days later or so, 41,000 and more people in 50 of our schools. Unfortunately — well, fortunately, the population, remembering also 2014, sees the blue of the United Nations and buildings that have a blue U.N. flag on it as still a relatively safe place, safer than their own home. So, that is what is happening. As UNRWA, we are trying our best to stand up our teams that will manage these centers properly and provide the necessary assistance. There are some immediate needs, like protection, including protection from COVID — of course, COVID is far from over — as well as safe water, the basic needs you need to have covered if you are in a shelter away from home.

    Then you’ve also talked about people who have actually lost their home. The last I heard is that at least 600 families are not able to go back. So, many of the people who are at the moment in our shelters could go back if there is a ceasefire, but there is a group of at least 600 families and households that couldn’t because either their house is totally destroyed or it’s too damaged to go back. And, you know, allow me to make a point there. The Israelis claim — and correctly on this point — that they often warn. They don’t always, like the Beach camp hit was without warning, as far as I know. But they have warned, on other high-rise buildings, civilians to get out. So, in those terms, they protect their lives. But they have lost their homes. They are now without a home. And it’s completely senseless and mind-boggling.

    So, that is the situation on the ground. I cannot as eloquently, of course, as Refaat describe the impact on the civilian population. He is directly affected. I can only say to you I hear a lot about traumas. One of my colleagues texted me, very movingly, saying, as a family, they now sleep on the same mattress in the central part of their home, just because they want to die together, if that happens.

    AMY GOODMAN: Matthias, you talked about people responding to a rumor that Israel is invading, but this was not just a rumor. Israel, the military, directly put that out. The headlines of The New York Times, “A Press Corps Deceived, and the Gaza Invasion That Wasn’t”; The Washington Post, “Israel told the media it had ground forces in Gaza. Then it changed the story”; AP, “Israeli military accused of using media to trick Hamas.” You’re talking about the human toll of that trick. Can you explain further the significance of them putting this out and tens of thousands of Palestinians fleeing?

    MATTHIAS SCHMALE: Yeah, I mean, I can only say, if they indeed — “they” being the military on the Israeli side — put this out deliberately without really having the intention, that is just atrocious, you know, and unacceptable, because, as you have said, it led to then thousands of people fleeing. And by the way, we only know about the 41,000 that are seeking refuge, a safe place to be, in our schools. There are many thousands more that went to family and relatives. So, there’s another disaster in the making here, because a lot of poor families are having to host people, you know, being themselves squeezed. So we’re looking into how we can assist them. It’s reckless, this. It’s shameless and reckless how the military is operating in terms of the civilian population.

    AMY GOODMAN: Can you give us some specific stories of children killed? I ask that because when the Israeli military was asked about this yesterday, they said, “Consider the source of the information you’re getting about the number of Palestinian children who are dead.” They said, “It is the Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza, which is run by Hamas.” So, they said, consider the source. So, Matthias Schmale, you are with the United Nations. Talk about the number of Palestinians, Palestinian children, who have died.

    MATTHIAS SCHMALE: So, Amy, if I may say two things on this. We have our independent source. We run 278 schools, which are populated by 285,000 children. We have very precise information about this school population, the 285,000 children. This is independent information from the Ministry of Health and the authorities here, when I tell you my health teams have reported to me that they know at least 18 of the more than 50 children killed were UNRWA schoolchildren. So there is no doubt in my mind this is correct, independently verified information. And I would not be surprised if, sadly, that number of 18 were to rise quite significantly. So that’s one bit.

    The other bit is, I was told, very movingly, by one of our so-called area education officers about a 13-year-old child, one of the 18, by the name of Hamza. His mother is severely disabled, and his father has died. Hamza is the person who looks after the family. And he was out shopping to get the basic needs covered for the family. And on his way back, he happened to be in the wrong place when a missile hit. So, a young child leaves the home to bring food for his family and returns dead. These are not made-up stories. This is not Hamas stories or anyone spinning a story. This is a real-life story. The human cost of this is unbearable and unacceptable.

    AMY GOODMAN: We’re only talking about the Israeli assault on Gaza, but we are talking about the pandemic. Israel has been hailed as being the gold standard of ensuring its population is vaccinated, has not been the case for what has happened in the Occupied Territories, which they are responsible for. During the pandemic, UNRWA has been working to ensure access to PPE and water. Can you talk about clean water? Can you talk now about this report we shared at the beginning, the number of doctors who have been killed in the Israeli airstrikes, including Dr. Ayman Abu al-Ouf — maybe you know him — who headed the coronavirus response at Shifa Hospital, the main hospital in Gaza; another prominent doctor from Shifa, the neurologist Mooein Ahmad al-Aloul, also killed in an airstrike; and what this means for Gaza?

    MATTHIAS SCHMALE: Yeah, I did not know those two individuals you named personally. I know of them. And again, you know, all the information I have had about them — I’ve been here now three-and-a-half years, so I think I have a pretty good sense of who is linked to the authorities and in reality a militant, and who is not, who is just simply doing their job. And to the best of my knowledge, these two doctors who were killed were professionals trying to provide healthcare and address immediate and urgent health needs of the population here. So, indeed, one of the issues, when there is a war, is to protect health institutions and healthcare workers, including doctors. And the toll in those terms is also rising.

    You mentioned, I think, at the beginning the MSF clinic that was destroyed. I also know from my colleagues in the Palestinian Red Crescent that their central ambulance unit was severely affected. One of our 22 primary healthcare centers, in fact, was not targeted but had some damage as a result of a strike that was too close. So, when we are still fighting the COVID-19 crisis — we were just seeing the beginning of the end of the second wave — we should also remember that we — just before corona started a year-plus ago, we were coming out of two years of Great Marches of Return, which had a devastating human impact. There were more than 35,000 people injured at the fence, as they call it here, more than 200 killed, again including 13 women or schoolchildren, due to disproportionate reaction from the Israeli side. And I’m mentioning this because the health system was already struggling and basically on its knees. We were very worried that COVID would be the cause of the health system falling apart. It barely coped. And now this on top of it. So, this war, if it continues any longer, has the risk of having a very decimating, devastating impact on healthcare on its people, in terms of the doctors and nurses, and on the healthcare infrastructure.

    AMY GOODMAN: Finally, Matthias Schmale, you grew up in South Africa. I’m wondering your thoughts on the comparison of occupied Palestine to apartheid. Our next group, B’Tselem, uses that term. Human Rights Watch uses that term. Of course, many Palestinians talk about that. Do you think that is a fair comparison?

    MATTHIAS SCHMALE: Speaking here as an individual who grew up in apartheid South Africa, I have to tell you, what I’m experiencing here reminds me a lot of what I saw in my childhood. The issue is people being treated — an entire people being treated differently from the rest of us. And whether that fits some academic definition of apartheid or not, it is wrong. And these are an occupied people, and this should stop. You know, not just the war has to stop. There has to be the beginning of a meaningful process — as we did see in South Africa, that ended the system there — that has as its aim a just solution for what happened 70 or so years ago during what the Palestinians call the Nakba, and that provides the opportunity for everyone — and that, of course, includes Israelis — to live a dignified and peaceful existence next to each other or together.

    AMY GOODMAN: Matthias Schmale, we want to thank you for being with us, director of UNRWA operations in Gaza. That’s the U.N. agency that works with Palestinians.

    This is Democracy Now! When we come back, we’ll speak to a reporter who works with Al Jazeera and AP. The media building that housed AP and Al Jazeera has just been bombed by the Israeli military this weekend. We’ll talk about what this means for getting access to information out of Gaza. Stay with us.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • To counter the court’s ruling against unlawful detention, the government simply wrote a new law allowing it to do whatever it wants

    In 2012, a person placed in immigration detention in Australia was held, on average, for less than 100 days.

    In 2021, that figure is 627 days – 20 months – the highest it has ever been.

    Related: New law allows Australian government to indefinitely detain refugees

    Troubling for Australia’s democracy is the practice of governments legislating their way around court decisions

    Related: I saw first-hand the terrible toll detention is taking on the Biloela family | Kristina Keneally

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Man who took turn steering boat ‘because he didn’t want to die’ freed, with case opening way for others to appeal their sentences

    An asylum seeker jailed on smuggling charges for helping to steer a boat filled with migrants from France to England has had his conviction overturned at a retrial after spending 17 months in jail.

    Lawyers and campaigners say the verdict could lead to other migrants currently in jail on smuggling charges being freed, allowing the Home Office policy of prosecuting asylum seekers who play a role in piloting boats across the Channel to be challenged more widely.

    Related: UK accused of stranding vulnerable refugees after Brexit

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Human rights groups warn the law gives the immigration minister a new power to overturn refugee status

    Human rights groups – and parliament’s own human rights committee – say a new law pushed through parliament gives the government the power to indefinitely detain refugees, potentially for the rest of their lives.

    The Migration Amendment (Clarifying International Obligations for Removal) Bill 2021 was tabled on the last sitting day of the March session of parliament, and voted into law on Thursday, after debate was cut short on the floor of the Senate.

    Related: Morrison government plan to make more migrants wait for benefits labelled ‘unusual’ and ‘harsh’

    Related: Budget immigration costs: Australia will spend almost $3.4m for each person in offshore detention

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • A roundup of the coverage on struggles for human rights and freedoms, from Colombia to China

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Migrants and asylum seekers are seen after spending the night in one of the car lanes off the San Ysidro Crossing Port on the Mexican side of the U.S./Mexico border in Tijuana, Baja California state, Mexico on April 24, 2021.

    This week’s news of the Biden-Harris administration’s about-face on U.S. refugee policy was a win for all the progressive forces that have been pressuring Biden to discontinue Trump’s egregiously low cap on the number of refugees accepted each year. But the victory did nothing to change the other massive structural ways in which the Biden-Harris administration is continuing to perpetuate the humanitarian crisis at the border through its embrace of Trump’s other asylum policies.

    For example, even as the Biden-Harris administration now says it will increase the refugee cap to 62,500, rather than adopting Trump’s annual cap of 15,000 refugees as it had earlier announced it would do, the Biden-Harris administration is still continuing the Title 42 program that Trump imposed a year before, effectively closing the border to most refugees with no due process, court date or record of an asylum application.

    Since Trump implemented the Title 42 program on March 20, 2020, more than 630,000 people have been expelled from the United States, 240,00 of them on Biden’s watch.

    Republicans and Democrats alike are preoccupied with the so-called border crisis.“There is no crisis at the border caused by migrants,” Nicole Phillips, legal director of the Haitian Bridge Alliance, told Truthout. “There is a humanitarian and human rights crisis because the U.S. government has effectively closed the border to asylum seekers and has not allowed them to file for asylum since March of 2020.”

    More Haitians were returned to Haiti in the first two months of the Biden-Harris administration than in all of fiscal year 2020, according to a report titled, “The Invisible Wall,” that was released on March 25, 2021, by the Haitian Bridge Alliance, the UndocuBlack Network and the Quixote Center. Haitians, who make the long, treacherous journey to the U.S.-Mexico border are fleeing instability, violence and persecution in Haiti, “only to be abused by ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] and CBP [Customs and Border Protection] officers,” the report notes.

    The Biden-Harris administration’s continuation of Title 42 to expel asylum seekers is causing family separations, as documented in an April 2021 report published by Human Rights First, Haitian Bridge Alliance and Al Otro Lado. The policy propels desperate families to send their children over the border to protect them from kidnapping, sexual assault, and other forms of violence. Moreover, CBP is still separating children from aunts, uncles and grandparents with whom they traveled to the border and expelling those relatives to Mexico.

    In addition, the administration has continued Trump’s policy of expelling mothers who have just given birth in the U.S. with their newborn U.S. citizen children to Mexico with no proof of citizenship for their babies.

    The Title 42 Policy Is Based on a False Assumption

    The “Biden-Harris [administration] is hiding behind Title 42 in order to justify keeping the border closed because they’re afraid of the backlash from Republican and right-wing media,” Phillips said. “Harris should know better,” as she opposed Title 42 when she was a senator. Harris, along with Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Ed Markey, signed a letter calling for an end to Title 42. In March, Biden made Harris his point person on immigration.

    The Title 42 expulsion policy is based on the misapplication of an obscure public health law. The Public Health Service Act of 1944 was designed to grant quarantine authority to health officials which would apply to all persons, including U.S citizens, arriving from a foreign country. It was never intended to be used to distinguish between noncitizens who could or could not be removed or expelled from the U.S., according to Human Rights Watch.

    Section 265 of U.S. Code Title 42 allows the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to “prohibit … the introduction” into the U.S. of individuals if the director believes that “there is serious danger of the introduction of [a communicable] disease into the United States.”

    Like Trump, the Biden-Harris administration is disingenuously using the excuse of health hazards from the COVID virus to justify continuing the Title 42 closure, in spite of the consensus by experts that there is no correlation between the entry of migrants and increased risk of COVID infection. It is really a political decision.

    Using Title 42 to keep migrants out of the United States was the brainchild of Stephen Miller, Trump’s immigration adviser. Although the CDC opposed the program because it was not supported by a public health rationale, the director succumbed to pressure by Vice President Mike Pence and other administration officials. “It has become clear that the Trump Administration used the coronavirus pandemic as a pretext for its larger racist, xenophobic and anti-immigrant plan to close the U.S.-Mexico border to migrants seeking humanitarian protection,” according to “The Invisible Wall” report.

    Expelled Migrants Face Dangers in Mexico

    Migrants whom the U.S. government turns back at the border — including mothers with young children — are “sitting ducks” for kidnappers and others when they are returned to Mexico. Human Rights First identified at least 492 reports of violent attacks since January 21, 2021, including kidnapping, rape and assault against people who were stranded at the border and/or expelled to Mexico. Eighty-one percent of LGBTQ asylum seekers have reported attacks, including rape, kidnapping, trafficking, and other violent assaults.

    About 1,500 people are living in a tent encampment in Tijuana near the port of entry at San Ysidro. Many of them have been stranded there for more than a year because they can’t apply for asylum due to the Title 42 expulsion policy.

    The people who are not sent to Mexico are kept in ICE or CBP detention and sent back to their home countries with no chance to apply for asylum. CBP officers and Border Patrol agents abuse the migrants in their custody, denying them emergency medical care, stealing their belongings and conducting expulsions at night to dangerous border towns, according to Human Rights First.

    In 2016, the Obama administration initiated a policy called “metering,” in which migrants take a number “as if they were at an ice cream store, in order to be able to file an asylum case,” Phillips said. Metering “prevented asylum seekers from meaningfully accessing their right to seek asylum because it forced them to remain in Mexico.” As of February 2021, more than 16,000 asylum seekers remained on metering waitlists. There may be 10,000 to 15,000 Black migrants who are stranded at the southern border, Haitian Bridge Alliance estimates.

    Meanwhile, the migrants wait at the border, compelled to stay in Mexico — some for as long as two to four years just to be able to file for asylum. CBP used Trump’s March 2020 Title 42 order, which continued the metering program, to turn away almost 13,000 unaccompanied children. Biden has promised to end the metering program.

    The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) is now receiving and processing unaccompanied children. On November 18, 2020, a federal judge ruled that expelling them violates the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. Although a federal court stayed that order in January 2021, the Biden-Harris administration amended the CDC’s Title 42 order to exempt unaccompanied children arriving at the border. As a result, they haven’t been expelled since November 2020.

    “That shows that DHS has the capacity to process the backlog of asylum seekers at the border who haven’t been able to enter ports of entry because of Title 42 since March of 2020,” Phillips said.

    The Title 42 Policy Is Illegal

    Title 42, which has never been applied in the immigration context, violates the Immigration and Nationality Act as well as the Refugee Convention, which grant noncitizens the right to asylum if they can demonstrate a well-founded fear of persecution due to race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion, if they are sent back to their home countries.

    The Refugee Convention forbids refoulement, sending an individual to a country where it is more likely than not that the individual would face persecution on one of the protected grounds. The Title 42 procedure also violates the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, which contains a non-refoulement provision. It forbids sending an individual to a country where there is a substantial likelihood he or she would be subjected to torture.

    The U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has confirmed repeatedly during the pandemic that expelling asylum seekers and refugees at the border with no individualized determination of their needs to be protected violates the non-refoulement provisions of international law. The UNHCR Assistant High Commissioner for Protection declared, “The right to seek asylum is a fundamental right. The COVID-19 pandemic provides no exception.”

    The Title 42 Policy Is Racist

    Using Title 42 to keep migrants out the United States under the guise of protecting health is a cynical and racist policy. “President Biden and the Department of Homeland Security must be reminded that their inaction to protect vulnerable immigrant communities seeking refuge in the U.S. is not only putting lives on the line; it upholds a white nationalist immigration system that seeks to expel and keep Black and brown immigrants out at any cost,” Cynthia Garcia, national campaigns manager for community protection of United We Dream, said in a statement.“Biden could instruct the CDC to lift the [Title 42] policy,” Phillips suggested.

    Many Black migrants and asylum seekers from Africa and the Caribbean are disproportionately harmed by the expulsion policy. Sixty-one percent of Haitian asylum seekers who were denied U.S. asylum protections were crime victims while languishing in Mexico. Many are targets of anti-Black violence.

    To its credit, the Biden-Harris administration suspended the repressive Trump administration policy called the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), also known as the “Remain in Mexico” program. Those migrants could file for asylum in the United States but then had to leave the U.S., return for court hearings, and then leave again. It left approximately 25,000 asylum seekers in Mexico living in dangerous conditions as their cases progressed through the U.S. legal system. Six thousand of them are now being processed and they no longer have to stay in Mexico.

    “This is a big victory for them and their families,” Phillips said. But it only applies to migrants from South and Central America and the Caribbean. This doesn’t help the thousands of Haitians languishing at the border, who don’t come under the MPP. “The border isn’t open to Haitians and Africans,” Phillips added.

    The administration’s quick reversal on refugee caps demonstrates the power of political pressure in holding their feet to the fire. The importance of continued opposition to their inhumane asylum policies and demands for humane ones cannot be underestimated.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • I had never imagined how horribly the company my father works for was entangled with the story of my West Papuan partner

    ​They make great trucks. That’s what my father says whenever I ask him: “What do they make? Who do they sell them to?” “Only to the good guys,”​​​​ is his standard answer, and the topic changes quickly. But what he calls “trucks”, most people call “tanks”. And ​I am always led to wonder, “What kind of ‘good guy’ drives a tank?”

    My father works for Thales, one of the richest weapons corporations in the world. Before heading up security for Thales he worked for Asio, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation.

    Related: Global protests throw spotlight on alleged police abuses in West Papua

    If it’s true that change begins at home, I hope my father will be ready

    Related: The West Papuan independence movement – a history

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • President Joseph Robinette Biden walks away from a podium

    Earlier this week, President Biden, under pressure from his own voter base, executed what might end up being the most consequential political U-turn of his presidency.

    Having disappointed refugee rights advocates and the progressive wing of the Democratic Party a few weeks ago by adhering to Trump’s limit of 15,000 refugee admissions this fiscal year, on Monday Biden announced he was raising that cap to 62,500. It was the right decision to make, even if it took him nearly three weeks to get there.

    Meanwhile, it remains to be seen how many refugees will actually be admitted in practice. Even as he raised the cap, Biden warned, “The sad truth is that we will not achieve 62,500 admissions this year,” due to how badly the system for processing refugees was dismantled and drained of staff under Trump.

    Nevertheless, successfully pressuring Biden to ditch Trump’s restrictive policy is still a hugely important win for progressives. After Biden opportunistically decided to keep the low cap that he had inherited, an array of luminaries on the left of the political spectrum, as well as decided moderates such as Sen. Dick Durbin, called Biden out for betraying a campaign promise and, more importantly, squandering the trust of refugees who, after years of waiting in camps for the required visas and entry documents, were finally preparing for their journeys to the U.S.

    This one ought to have been a no-brainer. There never was a morally cogent reason to eviscerate the refugee resettlement program in the way that Trump and his team did. It was always about nativism, and, more particularly, about raw Islamophobia. It was against Muslim-majority countries such as Syria and Yemen, Somalia and Iran, that Trump turned most of his animus, blocking refugees many of whom are fleeing particularly brutal and long-lasting civil conflicts — from those locales, not only via low caps on the total numbers admitted, but also via executive orders specifically denying entry to people from those individual countries.

    Trump used Congress member Ilhan Omar, who arrived in the U.S. from Somalia as a child refugee, as a foil in speech after speech, attacking her in the most incendiary of language, urging his people to turn against refugee-welcoming cities such as Minneapolis, and encouraging his audiences to chant “send her back” after he had riled them up against her.

    Biden has consistently opposed Trump’s policies on refugees and on the Muslim travel ban. In fact, when candidate Trump first unveiled, in a short speech to his doting followers in late 2015, his desire to ban Muslims from entering the country “until our country’s representatives can figure out what the hell is going on,” and followed up early in the new year with a TV ad touting this vile plan, Biden said Trump’s language was “dangerous. Meanwhile the White House, at which Biden was at the time the vice president, released a statement asserting that Trump’s proposal “disqualified” him from holding high office.

    On the campaign trail, Biden consistently called the Trump administration out for its evisceration of the U.S.’s refugee resettlement program between January 2017 and the fall of 2019, the Trump administration admitted fewer refugees than the Obama White House did just in its last year in office. And during the pandemic, refugee admissions all but ground to a halt. Biden promised, as I wrote back in April, to reverse this trend: to rapidly raise the refugee cap to 62,500 this year, and shortly thereafter to 125,000.

    All of this made his decision last month to uphold Trump’s 15,000 cap on refugee admissions this fiscal year particularly perplexing. It was a decision seemingly made in fear about the political blowback his administration was facing from the right over the high numbers of people seeking to claim asylum on the country’s southern border.

    While much of the country’s immigration policies can only be legislated by Congress, refugee admissions is one area where the president has extraordinary unilateral power. The president can raise or lower the number of admissions each year simply by issuing a new presidential finding. Thus, when the White House waffled on increasing refugee admissions numbers in mid-April and then suddenly announced that Trump’s cap would be maintained, it left immigrants’ rights advocates scratching their heads in confusion.

    If Biden’s initial decision to maintain Trump’s camp was a cold political calculation designed to prove the Biden administration’s immigration “toughness” in the face of would-be asylees along the southern border, as appears to have been the case, it made precious little sense even in relation to that cynical goal. For while a large majority of Americans do critique Biden’s handling of the surge of would-be migrants along the border with Mexico, many of their criticisms are about the specific ways in which unaccompanied minors are being treated and about how large numbers of children have been stuck in holding centers for days and weeks on end. It’s important to note that the Pew Research Center survey that showed that two out of three Americans thought the border surge was being handled poorly also showed nearly seven in ten Americans saying undocumented residents should be offered a viable path to legal residency.

    That nuance holds true for the public’s understanding of refugee admissions as well. One in three Americans tell pollsters that refugee admissions should be a high priority for the new administration, and another 45-55 percent say it should be a moderate priority. And while refugee admissions are remarkably unpopular amongst the GOP base, raising the refugee admissions cap is broadly accepted as being the right thing to do among Democrats given the messy realities of the world at the moment.

    All of this should have provided ample political cover for Biden to raise the refugee cap last month. Instead, inexplicably, he dropped the ball.

    Sometimes, it seems, politicians need to be rescued from their own worst impulses. Such was certainly the case with Biden and refugees. Had his decision to adhere to Trump’s nativist cap held, he would have squandered an opportunity to set the U.S. on a better course. Now, however, under fierce pressure from the grassroots, he has pressed the reset button. After four years in which Trump went out of his way to beat up on refugees, to humiliate the vulnerable, and to seek political hay by exploiting their misfortunes, Biden has now albeit belatedly and only under huge pressure from his own grassroots and from many Democratic members of Congress taken the first and most basic step toward salvaging the country’s refugee resettlement program.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • A Guardian analysis finds EU countries used brutal tactics to stop nearly 40,000 asylum seekers crossing borders

    EU member states have used illegal operations to push back at least 40,000 asylum seekers from Europe’s borders during the pandemic, linked to the death of more than 2,000 people, the Guardian can reveal.

    In one of the biggest mass expulsions in decades, European countries, supported by EU’s border agency Frontex, systematically pushed back refugees, including children fleeing from wars, in their thousands, using illegal tactics ranging from assault to brutality during detention or transportation.

    Related: UK accused of stranding vulnerable refugees after Brexit

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Many lost years in detention; others have given up hope of ever holding their wife or children again. A new report argues Australia is engaging in a ‘strategic, deliberate and coercive campaign’ to separate refugee families

    Nayser Ahmed, his wife and two children, fled together.

    As members of the violently persecuted Rohingya ethnic minority, their homeland, Myanmar, would never be safe.

    Related: ‘Somewhere to call home’: helping stateless children realise their right to Australian citizenship

    Related: ‘Suffered more than many’: how Canada and Europe are resettling Australia’s refugees

    I am here, my body is here, but my mind and heart are not here. They are always with my family

    Related: ‘I never felt alone’: refugee Mostafa Azimitabar on justice, Jimmy Barnes and freedom after eight years

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.