Category: refugees

  • The result are in: the University of Bedfordshire tops the rankings of 149 UK universities by sustainability and ethical criteria – meaning if you’re looking for somewhere for higher education that actually cares, then it could be the place for you. 

    The University League – who’s the most ethical?

    The 2024/25 People & Planet University League ranks 149 UK universities against 14 criteria linked to climate and social justice. Universities receive award classes that follow the typical grading system in UK higher education, from 1st, 2:1, 2:2, 3rd and Fail.

    Post-1992 universities, given university status after the 1992 Further and Higher Education Act, continue to lead the way in sustainability in higher education with seven in the top 10 places. These institutions have often been early adopters of actions like ending recruitment links with fossil fuel companies and divesting from the border industry.

    Small and specialist universities have also proven that sustainability can be fostered at all institutions, with The Royal College of Art rising from a 3rd to a 2:1 after making a commitment to end all recruitment links and investments in the fossil fuel industry. Similarly, Arts University Bournemouth has finished with a first for the first time.

    The University of Bedfordshire has come out as the overall winner, following consistently high performance that has seen them finish in the top three for the last three years. The university has taken bold steps to divest endowment funds from the fossil fuel industry and to end recruitment pipelines with oil, gas and mining companies. They also scored highly for their energy sources and carbon reduction after investing in renewable energy generated on campus over the last 10 years.

    Russell Group: failing

    Just four Russell Group universities scored a 1st class award this year, down from six the previous year. The University of Oxford has slipped 27 places and keeps a 2:1, while the University of Cambridge has dropped 38 places to a third.

    Welsh institutions have taken a bold stand against the fossil fuel industry, with all eight universities there now committed to divested their endowments funds from that sector, and three have also ended recruitment links with companies involved in the oil, gas and mining industries.

    This has translated into a strong performance in the ranking with four of them scoring firsts, and the other four scoring 2:1s. For example, Aberystwyth has leaped 88 places from a 3rd to a 2:1, following its recent commitment to end recruitment ties with the fossil fuel, mining, and tobacco industries, which it adds to its commitment to divest from fossil fuels.

    As the vast majority of the university sector has now committed to divesting from fossil fuel companies, 10 universities have also decided to end their links via recruitment to environmentally destructive industries, up 30% since last year.

    In a bold step to delegitimise the border industry, six universities have also divested from companies that engage in the detention, deportation, use of force and surveillance of migrants.

    The winners, the University of Bedfordshire, and third placed University of West London have both invested in retrofitting and decarbonising their campuses recently, which have translated into high scores for carbon reduction and energy sources.

    For the first time this year, universities have been assessed on whether they have a fully plant-based or vegetarian outlet on campus, and it was found just 15% of institutions do.

    As universities seek to address their indirect emissions such as flying, it was also found that just 13% of universities have a plan to reduce aviation that prohibits mainland UK flights.

    Just 49% of universities are Living Wage Accredited, and 52% of universities have more than a quarter of their academic staff on fixed-term contracts, showing the extent of low-pay and precarity in the sector.

    Still far more to do to be an ethical university

    Laura Clayson, Campaigns Manager Climate Justice:

    Only 55% of UK universities have exclusions for fossil fuel extractor companies in their ethical investment policies, despite 78% having made public commitments to go Fossil Free. For over a decade students and staff have campaigned relentlessly to secure Fossil Free as an act of solidarity with the frontline and Indigenous communities resisting the impacts of fossil fuel operations and the climate crisis. We look forward to the sector aligning their policies with their proclamations in recognition of these demands for justice.

    Josie Mizen, Co-Director Climate Justice:

    As the climate crisis escalates, more and more universities are realising that climate justice can only be achieved by cutting ties with the fossil fuel industry. We’re delighted to see universities who’ve taken this vital step leading the way in this year’s University League.  There’s still much more work to do: we need more universities to commit to ending their relationships with oil, gas, and mining companies – but with a growing student movement standing up against these corporations infiltrating their campuses, we know it can be done.

    Andre Dallas, Co-Director Migrant Justice:

    Over the past year particularly, students across the UK have been unequivocal in their stance that they won’t allow their universities to continue to invest in blatant injustices like the hostile environment and climate collapse. Institutions like the University of South Wales are leading the way by showing that there is still a place for prioritising people and planet over profit – we look forward to the rest of the sector catching up before it’s too late.

    Jack Ruane, University League Manager:

    88% of students think their place of study should actively incorporate and promote sustainable development, so universities need to meet this demand if they want to attract this generation of young people. In this way, investments in sustainability are crucial for the long-term health of universities.

    Featured image supplied

    By The Canary


  • This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Mazen al-Hamada had escaped to tell the world about regime’s torture before returning to Damascus

    When he spoke to lawmakers and in lecture theatres around the world, Mazen al-Hamada’s face told the story of brutal torture by Bashar al-Assad’s regime. The discovery of the Syrian activist’s body inside the notorious Sednaya prison on the outskirts of Damascus brought the news that he never lived to see its downfall.

    Hamada’s sunken eyes and haunted face, his tears as he described the depth of horrors he experienced, made him a symbol of the crimes the Assad regime committed against those who spoke out against it.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • In a car crash interview, shadow environment secretary Victoria Atkins has shown the Tories are still speaking from both sides of their mouth on migration. It’s a situation which is bad for the country at large and bad for the people who choose to come and live here:

    Why won’t they tell the truth?

    It’s undeniable that the following two facts are true:

    1. The Tories bashed migrants and migration throughout the 2010-2024 period in which they were in power.
    2. During that same period, net migration increased by “two and a half times”.

    So how does one explain that?

    It’s dishonest, but it’s not nonsensical. The Conservative Party increase migration because:

    So as you can see, there are clear capitalist reasons for migration. As the Tories are undeniably a capitalist party, this begs the question: why aren’t they making the capitalist argument for migration?

    The answer is that the Tories aren’t solely a capitalist party. They’re also interested in doing things like the following:

    1. Powerful and continuing nationalism
    2. Disdain for human rights
    3. Identification of enemies as a unifying cause
    4. . …
    5. . …
    6. Obsession with national security
    7. . …
    8. . …
    9. . …
    10. . …
    11. Obsession with crime and punishment
    12. . …

    In case you’re wondering, the above is a list of the “warning signs of fascism” from the U.S. Holocaust Museum. Here are some other warning signs which explain why they keep the migration tap turned on for the benefit of business owners:

    8. Corporate power protected

    9. Labor power suppressed

    . …

    . …

    . …

    12. Rampant cronyism and corruption

    The problem for the Tories is that they couldn’t get away with talking out of both sides of their mouth forever. Their failure to deal with the issue they assured us was very, very real led to the Reform Party taking a significant part of their vote share:

    ❗NEW: Tories lead, Labour plunge to 25% 😱🟦 CON 28% (+4)🟥 LAB 25% (-10)🟪 REF 19% (+4)🟧 LD 13% (+1)🟩 GRN 8% (+1)Via More In Common, 19-21 Nov (+/- vs GE2024)

    Stats for Lefties 🍉🏳️‍⚧️ (@leftiestats.bsky.social) 2024-11-21T22:45:42.537Z

    While the Tories are edging ahead of Labour in some polls right now, Reform present a real issue for them. So how are the Tories managing that problem?

    Not well, it seems, if Victoria Atkins’ performance is anything to go by:

    No answers?

    As highlighted by lawyer and activist Peter Stefanovic, Victoria Atkins repeatedly refused to answer whether her party would place a cap on migratory fruit pickers:

    Atkins and activists like Jeremy Clarkson have had some success in painting the Labour Party’s changes to inheritance tax as being a tax on ‘family farms’:

    There’s been some pushback against this narrative; not least because Clarkson himself told the Times in 2021 that avoiding inheritance tax was the “critical” reason why he purchased a farm in the first place:

    Outlets like the Guardian have run analyses on whether this measure will be the death of family farms, or whether it’s actually just an angle for the right to attack taxes on the rich. Regardless, Victoria Atkins’ interview shows the Tories haven’t changed on migration. They’re still seemingly shouting about migrants while whispering to their rich mates that they’ll have unfettered access to cheap labour.

    Atkins faced a similar issue when interviewed by the BBC’s Victoria Derbyshire:

    Her poor performance actually produced a meme:

     

    People also highlighted some other issues with what Atkins had to say:

    Victoria Atkins and Labour: farming votes

    At this point, regardless of which angle people approach the matter from, everyone knows the Tories were dishonest on migration. The problem is that Labour is making the exact same mistake:

    It’s no surprise Keir Starmer thinks the Tories’ failed approach will work for him; he’s a dishonest politician who isn’t very good at politics. And much like under the Tories, this is going to cause problems for both the country and the people coming to live here.

    Featured image via Sky News

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Border walls and fences around European countries have grown by 75% in just 10 years and EU leaders have increasingly been open to making deals with autocrats, creating a virtual border across the Mediterranean to stop migrants arriving on their shores.

    The Guardian’s senior global development reporter Mark Townsend looks back at a decade in which Europe has become a fortress, militarising its borders and moving away from the commitment to human rights on which it was founded

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Fifteen years ago, Cambodia deported 20 Uyghur asylum seekers back to China, where they were detained and, in some cases, tortured in prison, people with knowledge of the situation said.

    One woman, who was released, had a miscarriage in detention due to the torture, which she said included electric shocks and being left nearly naked in a cold jail cell.

    And a seriously ill man serving a 20-year sentence has had to perform labor in prison, sources said.

    The Uyghurs fled northwest China’s vast Xinjiang region following unrest involving Muslim Uyghurs and Han Chinese in Urumqi, Xinjiang’s capital, in July 2009.

    The deadly clashes led to some of China’s worst ethnic violence and served as a catalyst for the intrusive surveillance of Uyghurs and later mass detentions in “re-education” camps beginning in 2017.

    The 20 Uyghurs landed in Cambodia where they were granted temporary asylum while waiting for a third country to accept them, but the government in Phnom Penh sent them back at Beijing’s behest, despite international outcry.

    Once the Uyghurs were returned to Xinjiang, China held a secret trial in Kashgar on Dec. 24, 2010, sentencing them to prison.

    Hidden suffering

    But few details about their fate, including the torture, have emerged until now.

    Ayshemgul Omer, a relative of one of the detainees, provided information to RFA on the returned refugees.

    Before moving to Turkey in 2014, she met or talked with the family members of the deported Uyghurs in Xinjiang and maintained contact with them through various channels after she left China.

    RELATED STORIES

    Rights Groups Ask Thailand Not to Deport Uyghurs Back to China

    Deported Uyghur had Cambodian visa

    Uyghur asylum bid in Cambodia

    Memettursun Omer, a family member who is serving a 20-year sentence in Daheyan Prison in Turpan prefecture, has been forced to work in prison though he is seriously ill, Ayshemgul Omer said.

    A police officer contacted by RFA said she last saw Memettursun Omer in prison on Oct. 29 and confirmed that he was seriously ill, but still had to perform labor.

    “Memettursun Omer’s health was not good,” she said.

    “He told me that his eyes are bulging, his hands are shaking, his bones hurt at night, and he feels hungry almost every hour,” she said, adding that Omer suffers from Grave’s disease, or hyperthyroidism.

    He requested medication from family members in Yarkant county, known as also Shache county in Chinese, but they could not provide it because of tight finances, Ayshemgul Omer said.

    “The prison guards have helped him, but he is still working,” the officer said, adding that she mailed Omer medicine after completing her assignment at Daheyan Prison and returned to Yarkant, but didn’t know if he had received it.

    Miscarriage and torture

    One of the woman, named Shahide Kurban, had a miscarriage due to torture soon after she was deported to China, Ayshemgul Omer and police in Xinjiang told RFA.

    Kurban, who was pregnant at the time of the deportation, and her two children are the only individuals who have been released from prison, Omer said.

    “She told me how they were tortured and left in a cold room during December, wearing nothing but undergarments for 48 hours,” Ayshemgul Omer said. “They were on the brink of freezing, and after those 48 hours, they were finally returned to their cell.”

    “During the initial six months of detention, they were interrogated for four months. During this time, they were subjected to electrocution, with their limbs connected to electrical currents. They endured severe torture.”

    Uyghurs taken in custody in Thailand are transported via airplane to China, July 9, 2015.
    Uyghurs taken in custody in Thailand are transported via airplane to China, July 9, 2015.

    Kurban and the other Uyghur detainees first were taken to Urumqi for eight days of interrogation, then transferred to Aksu city and Kashgar for further questioning.

    “She was around two months pregnant when she was returned from Cambodia,” said a police officer in Nazarbagh village, Kashgar city, where Kurban was registered. “She had a miscarriage in Aksu. I’m not sure if she was tortured while in Aksu, but I heard it happened in the prison in Urumqi during 7-8 days.”

    After the trial, China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that authorities had released Kurban and her children and had arranged good living conditions for them.

    Omer confirmed that Kurban was released with her two children, but said that Akber Tuniyaz, who served as a translator for the refugees, was also sentenced to prison, although his term is unknown.

    Kurban now has gynecological issues and is being treated in a hospital, Omer said.

    Death and illness

    Two other deportees, including Memet Eli Rozi, died in prison, while others have developed various illnesses, Ayshemgul Omer said.

    Four individuals, including Mutellip Mamut, were sentenced to life imprisonment. Four others were given 20 years.

    Another four, including Musa Muhammad, received sentences of 17 years, and four more, including Abdukadir Abdugheni, got 16 years in prison, according to lawyers representing the Uyghurs.

    Cambodia deported the refugees on Dec. 19, 2009, at Beijing’s request despite international condemnation and concern for their safety once back in China.

    The United States and the United Nations advised Cambodia not to deport the Uyghurs based on the international principle of non-refoulement, which asserts that refugees should not be returned to a country where they would face torture or other forms of persecution.

    Two days after the deportations, Xi Jinping, then China’s vice president, signed deals with Phnom Penh for grants and loans worth about US$1.2 billion.

    “China has thanked the government of Cambodia for assisting in sending back these people,” Cambodian government spokesman Khieu Kanharith was quoted as saying by The New York Times at the time. “According to Chinese law, these people are criminals.”

    In April 2010, the U.S. punished Cambodia for its action by suspending a shipment of 200 surplus military vehicles to the country.

    The U.S., Turkey, Japan and the European Union have all condemned China and Cambodia for the deportation.

    Nearly 70 international human rights organizations issued a joint statement demanding transparency in China’s judicial proceedings and fair trials for the 20 Uyghurs.

    Translated by RFA Uyghur. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Shohret Hoshur for RFA Uyghur.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Nour Kharsa is an English teacher from Damascus. She had to flee to Lebanon more than 10 years ago, to escape Syria’s brutal conflict. Like many other Syrian refugees in Lebanon, she’s still in the neighbouring country today. And now, Israel’s attacks on Lebanon have further “increased fear and insecurity for everyone” in the camps.

    As Kharsa told the Canary:

    We can hear the explosions close by. We can hear the planes in the sky and the missiles. … This war added more challenges and deepened trauma for everyone.

    Kharsa also gave us an insight into conditions in Lebanon’s refugee camps. With only very basic shelters and resources, many families have to “burn tires and rubbish” for warmth in winter. And with little to no chance of educational or work opportunities, their lives remain in limbo.

    In 2011, Syria very quickly became a devastating proxy war battleground for the US and others. NATO superpower Turkey is still adding to Syria’s suffering today. But with the plight of Syrian refugees no longer occupying such a big space in the media, it would be easy for many people to forget that the conflict is still going on and that countless refugees still “worry about daily survival” many years after leaving their homes behind.

    Syrian refugees in Lebanon’s camps

    The Lebanese town of Arsal lies near the country’s border with Syria. The mountainous Bekaa Valley region where it sits, Human Rights Watch explained in 2021, has “harsh winters”. And Kharsa said there are 147 refugee camps in the area, hosting thousands of refugees. Most people have also been there for many years, mainly coming from parts of Syria close to the Lebanese border north of Damascus, including Homs, Al Qusayr and Al Qalamun. Before the war, she told us, most of the men in the camp used to work in quarries, which shut down as a result of the war.

    Families have limited access to basic resources, including water. In particular, there’s no hot water, so some mothers will “gather wood or rubbish” to burn so they can boil water. Because shelters – “only around 5 to 6 metres for the whole family” – are made of plastic sheets and wood, it’s hard to keep them warm in winter or cool in summer. Lebanese authorities don’t allow them to build any further, so they remain in these very makeshift shelters.

    Talking about the sleeping situation, meanwhile, she said there are only very thin mattresses on the floor. And there wouldn’t be enough space for beds anyway. She described that, in one case, a student’s father “had a scorpion sting because the tent is not safe and they sleep on the floor”.

    Israel’s assault on Lebanon ‘adds more challenges and deepens trauma’

    Speaking about the Israel’s offensive on Lebanon, Kharsa said:

    Israeli attacks have increased fear and insecurity for everyone here. We can hear the explosions close by. We can hear the planes in the sky and the missiles. So many new displaced people arrived in this place. And the schools are full of new displaced families from other places, adding more strain on the already limited resources. This war added more challenges and deepened trauma for everyone.

    She described that:

    Israel is bombing Bekaa Valley too, not only the South. They are bombing everywhere, and sometimes they are bombing randomly. And we don’t know if our turn is coming. Everyone feels fear and insecurity.

    Regarding the influx of new people into the local camps, she added:

    The new people who are coming are a mixture of Syrian and Lebanese. They are coming from the South.

    One tent, she stressed, is currently “hosting 5 or 6 families”.

    Survival mode

    “Most families”, she said, “worry about daily survival”, simply trying to ensure there is enough food, medicine, and warmth in winter. Sometimes, that’s simply not possibly without waiting for external aid. As she stated:

    So many Syrian refugees are well educated. We have so many doctors, so many teachers, so many lawyers. But they are not given the opportunity to work. We are restricted in Lebanon. We can’t work. We can only volunteer.

    And things haven’t got any better as the years have passed. “Unfortunately”, she lamented, “every year is bringing more challenges for refugees”. Some people are simply resigned to believe that this is how their lives are now. With no education or work, they’re simply in survival mode. And they no longer talk about what they personally need.

    The biggest challenge today, she stressed, is that “Syrian refugees don’t have legal refugee status” in Lebanon:

    We don’t have legal papers, so we don’t feel safe.

    From shock to solidarity

    For Kharsa, it was a real shock to live in a refugee camp after living in “a nice city and a nice house” in Damascus. There, she had her own space to read, research, and keep learning English. She now has to share a small space of around 5 meters with 6 members of her family. She also lost her teaching job, loved ones, and friends.

    Moreover, she told us:

    When I arrived, I think in the first month, I called some of my friends in Damascus. I told them that, here, I buried my dreams. No dreams. I’m no longer alive. Life here is filled with challenges and uncertainty.

    The first year was horrible, because I kept thinking about my country and every Syrian refugee here, every one of us, was thinking that the war would last for one month only. Our parents used to tell us, don’t take anything with you. Take only the most necessary things because you are coming back in one month.

    Months turned into years, and Kharsa began to take action to help her fellow refugees. She explained:

    I saw so many orphans not getting their education, so my friends and I founded a small school for them near the camps. We also founded the help team through which we could reach out to so many needy families. We have very limited resources, but we could make a difference to so many refugees here.

    She currently works as a school manager for refugees, and she works as part of a relief team to support the community.

    Additionally, she explained that, although people feel “abandoned” and “forgotten” both locally and internationally, they come together to help each other.

    For example, if someone needs medical treatment and can’t afford it, refugees will “try to raise $1 or $2 from the whole camp”. She said “there is a little support for some families from UNHCR” (the UN’s refugee agency).

    Nostalgia and reality

    Kharsa said:

    I would love to go back to Syria. I have a deep love and nostalgia for my country, and especially for the old city and Damascus. I used to spend a long time walking. It holds my roots and memory. And Damascus is living inside my heart every day.

    She continued:

    There’s a big difference in Lebanon. I have visited Beirut, and it’s similar to Damascus, the same roots. But the camp is very remote. It’s very difficult. But I like Lebanon. I feel that I’m connecting to this place. And I have some memories with my friends, with the refugees, with the students, my students and the school, the orphans.

    But she lamented that:

    The ongoing challenges in Syria and Lebanon weigh heavily on our hearts.

    Refugee education requires urgent support

    Describing the situation for children in the camps, she said:

    Unfortunately, refugee children here are living in small tents, small spaces. They don’t have enough space to play. They don’t have resources. They don’t have new clothing.

    She explained:

    We have founded for them a small school where we have 250 children that come and receive some education. Most of them are orphans. We found so many children aged 8 to 15, and are completely illiterate, and they didn’t go to schools before.

    The school receives some funding from a British charity. But because of limited resources and capacity in the current building, it can’t accept all of the children who want to register. There’s a need for “urgent action” on education in the camps, and the waiting list is long.

    What needs to happen for Syrian refugees in Lebanon?

    Kharsa finished off with a call for support. She asserted that:

    Syrian refugees have been living in our cell in the camps in inappropriate accommodations, and on the poverty line for more than 13 years. We could see many conferences and many meetings for the Syrian refugees. A lot of money was raised, and we didn’t see a solution for us.

    She added:

    So many families have been waiting for resettlement for more than 5 years, and our questions are not answered by UNHCR. We need a clear pathway for us. We need to know our fate – where we are going.

    This is increasingly necessary not just because of the Israeli assault on Lebanon, but because the country has already been struggling with inflation since 2019. As Kharsa told us, this situation has had a knock-on effect. In particular, it means “some medicines are not available”.

    She asked Canary readers to help “shed light on this crisis” that began 13 years ago but continues today. As she said:

    Unfortunately, so many people in Europe, I see and I met virtually, they don’t know that there are big numbers of Syrian refugees in 2024 still living in camps of plastic sheets and wood.

    She concluded:

    What I told you is only maybe 1% or 2% of the challenges that all the refugees here are facing.

    Featured image supplied

    By Ed Sykes

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Official attitudes are hardening towards the minority group amid an anti-Muslim crackdown, say activists

    For Rohingya refugee Hussain Ahmed, the hope that his children might receive a formal education to secure a better adulthood than his own was what “kept him going”. After fleeing to India from Myanmar in 2016, he began working as a construction worker in a country where he is not allowed to seek legal employment. Then he met with a new hurdle.

    “For the last few years, I have been running from pillar to post, trying to get a local government-run school to enrol my 10-year-old son and seven-year-old daughter. I cannot afford the fees of privately run schools, so the government ones were my only hope. But all of them turned my children down,” says Ahmed, who lives in the Khajuri Khas area of Delhi with his wife and four children.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Asylum seekers who fled to UK to escape persecution said they endured abuse and squalor at centre in Kent

    When David Neal, the former independent chief inspector of borders and immigration, visited the Manston asylum processing centre in Kent at the height of the crisis in October 2022, he said the conditions he found there were so alarming it left him “speechless”.

    People were crammed on the dirty floors of marquees to sleep, toilets overflowed with faeces, there was inadequate access to medical care and new arrivals were referred to by a number on a wristband rather than by their name.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • The latest episode of the New Politics podcast looks at the federal government’s proposed changes to donation laws, highlighting both their potential and their pitfalls. While monthly disclosures of donations over $1,000 and increased public funding per vote mark improvements, the legislation seems tailored to benefit major political parties, sidelining smaller parties and independents. These rushed changes, spanning 221 pages of legislation, could discourage new entrants into politics and bolster the financial dominance of established players.

    This contains a unhealthy mix of money, power and politics, and we question whether the changes truly address the electorate’s desire for alternatives to major parties. The reforms aim to curb excessive donations from figures like Clive Palmer while equally targeting entities like Climate 200. However, the legislation’s loopholes, including resetting donation caps post-election and allowing multiple donations to state branches, raise concerns about its effectiveness. These changes won’t be implemented until 2026, so why the rush?

    We then look at the government’s broader legislative approach, particularly on climate change and immigration. With emissions targets for 2035 delayed until 2025, we critique the reactive nature of the Albanese government, which seems more focused on avoiding conflict with the Coalition than leading decisively. As the world accelerates its energy transition, Australia risks being left behind, bogged down by internal climate wars and cautious policymaking.

    On immigration, the Albanese government faces backlash for capping international student numbers at 270,000 – a move tied to housing affordability debates rather than educational or economic rationale. This legislation, aimed at appeasing anti-immigration sentiment, has drawn criticism from both the Australian Greens and the Coalition. Why does a Labor government insist on negotiating with the Coalition, which consistently opposes Labor’s proposals, rather than a favourable crossbench? It doesn’t make sense and these are missed opportunities to achieve meaningful reform.

    We look the controversial Deportation Powers bill, which introduces draconian measures for refugee policy. This is Labor attempting to outdo the Coalition on tough immigration stances, perpetuating a 26-year trend of harmful refugee policies.

    Finally, we explore the double-standards in the Senate censure of Senators Lidia Thorpe and Ralph Babet. Thorpe’s protest against King Charles drew disproportionate media attention compared to Babet’s racist, homophobic, and violent rhetoric. This imbalance reflects systemic biases in media coverage, which tend to target Indigenous voices challenging the status quo while minimising the actions of far-right figures.

    #auspol

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    The post Money, power and politics: Who really wins in Australia’s democracy? appeared first on New Politics.

    This post was originally published on New Politics.

  • In closed hearing, Alison Battisson says country has a ‘terrifying’ record of detaining people unlawfully for indefinite periods

    An Australian human rights lawyer and a former long-term immigration detainee have given private testimony to the United Nations on Australia’s detention and consular practices, condemning successive governments for “criminalising immigration” and alleging inadequate support for victims of hostage diplomacy.

    Alison Battisson, from the charitable law firm Human Rights for All, and the former detainee Said Imasi addressed the UN working group on arbitrary detention in Geneva this week, in special closed sessions marking the group’s 30th anniversary.

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    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Pact hailed as EU migration breakthrough in tatters after judges rule asylum seekers must be transferred to Italy

    A multimillion-dollar migration deal between Italy and Albania aimed at curbing arrivals was presented by the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, as a new model for how to establish processing and detention centres for asylum seekers outside the EU.

    The facilities in Albania were supposed to receive up to 3,000 men intercepted in international waters while crossing from Africa to Europe. But it seems neither von der Leyen nor Italy’s far-right prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, had taken existing law into account.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • An image of a boat full of people has been shared in Korean-language social media posts that claim it shows people fleeing South Vietnam after its defeat by communist forces of then North Vietnam in 1975.

    But the claim is false. The image in fact shows asylum seekers rescued by the Italian navy off the coast of north Africa.

    The image was shared on Facebook on Sep. 30, 2024. The image was later taken down.

    “People fleeing after the demise of South Vietnam. This is what happens when you follow leftwings,” reads the clam.

    Screenshot of the false post on Facebook.
    Screenshot of the false post on Facebook.

    In 1975, the city of Saigon, then the capital of South Vietnam, fell to North Vietnamese forces, marking the end of the Vietnam War and the unification of the country. This also triggered a mass exodus of refugees from the south.

    But the claim shared in the September post is false. The image in fact shows asylum seekers rescued by the Italian navy off the coast of north Africa.

    A reverse image search found the original photo on the website of Italian photographer Massimo Sestini, alongside other photos of the same scene from different angles.

    Screenshot of Massimo Sestini’s website.
    Screenshot of Massimo Sestini’s website.

    The caption of the image, dated June 7, 2014, reads: “20 miles off the Libyan coast”.

    A further reverse image search found the same photo was published in reports by multiple international media outlets, including the Wall Street Journal in a report here on March, 26, 2015.

    The caption of the photo, credited to Sestini, reads:

    “Immigrants attempting to cross the Mediterranean to seek asylum in Europe have disrupted shipping. Above, the Italian navy rescued shipwrecked immigrants off the coast of Africa in June.”

    Edited by RFA Staff.

    Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Taejun Kang for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Sheffield-based border abolition project Give Over has put together an abolitionist journalism toolkit for editors and journalists reporting on immigration. Crucially, it challenges Western legacy media outlets’ institutionally racist and colonial approach to journalism.

    It provides a one-stop-shop style guide for approaching immigration reporting in a way that’s actively anti-racist, decolonial, and abolitionist. In following Give Over’s guide, journalists can contribute to dismantling the violent systems of oppression dehumanising and denigrating Black, Brown, and other racially minoritised communities.

    In other words, it’s a vital new style guide that all newsrooms committed to this should take up.

    Abolitionist journalism: a vital new toolkit

    Give Over has published a vital report to hold an abolitionist lens over what it means to be a journalist in today’s grossly unjust, unequal world.

    In October, the project published its work under the title:

    JOURNALIST AS SUBJECT: Using an abolitionist lens to report on borders

    It challenges the inherent assumption in traditional Western corporate media that journalists must always be neutral, unbiased, and objective. Moreover, it moves beyond a model of media that venerates reporters removed from the injustices they’re reporting on.

    Instead, its report calls for a solidarity reporting approach, grounded in lived experience and active participatory citizenship. It explains that its toolkit is:

    an exploration of the type of journalism that is possible when the journalist is considered as a subject; a live, heart-beating, trembling part of life as much as anybody else. To pretend otherwise is to close one’s journalism off from the history of critical approaches to anti-racism, colonialism, and abolition that define the Western project.

    Writer and researcher on Islamophobia and former Canary journalist and editor Dr Maryam Jameela (she/he) lead the project and authored the report. Together with four other members of the Give Over team, she has worked for three years to examine racist reporting on immigration.

    In that time, Give Over has hosted a series of community events, including workshops, panel discussions, art curation and exhibitions. These formed a key part of producing its vital new journalism toolkit. The Canary previously reported on one of these. This was its ‘Conditional Western Solidarity and Palestinian Journalism’ panel in March 2024. You can read more about it, and watch the full event here.

    Lived experience and community voices

    In fact, the report itself made a point of emphasising the crucial role these events played in building the toolkit. It underscored that:

    Whilst it may seem unorthodox for a project about journalism to host discussion spaces for local community members this has been a core part of Give Over. Our work in commissioning guest authors, in compiling this report as a guide for journalists and editors would not have been possible without a sustained interest and passion for the communities we belong to. Journalists are as active members of society as anybody else. To pretend otherwise is to reduce journalists to stenographers of history and, frankly, such a thing is wildly unnecessary.

    In other words, journalists’ own lived experience, and role in communities should not be relegated by traditional conventions of journalism committed to centring whiteness.

    And this is a big part of what the toolkit calls on newsrooms to encourage and embed in their reporting too. It proposes that media outlets could also host workshops that bring together diverse groups to tackle envisioning solutions for the future.

    A toolkit to take traditional media to task

    Significantly, the report acts as a style guide for reporters. These guidelines aim to challenge the racist status quo the Western media routinely perpetuates on refugees and migration.

    It advocates that to work towards border abolition, journalists should consider the following as key tenets of a more ethical media landscape. The report divides these into multiple categories for ease of use.

    Firstly, it puts across key language and terminology considerations, which include:

    • Using humanising language that respects migrants’ dignity and rights. By the same reasoning, this also means avoiding dehumanising language.
    • Writing in active voice. Journalists should do so to “clearly identify the systems and policies responsible for border violence”.
    • Make sure to acknowledge the diverse and complex identities of migrants with inclusive narratives that avoid homogenisation and oversimplification.

    Next, it implores journalists to embed the following when thinking of the story focus and framing:

    • Centre lived experiences – whether the journalist’s own or the communities’ they’re reporting on.
    • Interrogate Western narratives that relegate refugees worth to their utility, and make solidarity conditional.
    • Reframe the narrative from reactive to proactive storytelling.

    Abolitionist journalism: a style guide for a just and equitable future

    Besides these, the abolitionist journalism toolkit challenges journalists to think critically on where and who it’s sourcing its stories from. Alongside this, it emphasises the importance of ensuring appropriate contributor attribution. With all that in mind, it says that journalists should:

    • Elevate marginalised voices of people the border regime is impacting, and “particularly those from the global majority.”
    • Make sure to fact-check with care by consulting trusted sources and experts.
    • Acknowledge all contributors collaborating, and credit appropriately.

    The style guide also brings up key visual and multimedia considerations that put dignity and rights at the heart of journalism, including:

    • Using respectful imagery that “respect the dignity and agency of those depicted” and avoid reductive stereotypes.
    • Captioning and context for images.
    • Wherever possible, use creative approaches that involves commissioning artwork to help contest “traditional visual narratives of migration”.

    Give Over’s abolitionist journalism framework also centres on journalists contributing to the work imagining more just and equitable futures too. It means recognising that future migration and border scenarios are interconnected with other global crises, such as the climate crisis for instance.

    What’s more, in envisioning future narratives, journalists should ensure these are inclusive. This means giving over space to historically marginalised communities and:

    ensuring that their lived experiences shape the story of what is possible.

    The toolkit offers other vital guidance for journalists around crafting intersectional, multi-layered, and nuanced narratives and scenarios.

    Gaza: a case and point of media complicity

    Of course, Give Over constructed its toolkit in the midst of Israel’s unending brutal genocide in Gaza. It therefore couldn’t facilitate journalists engaging in meaningful introspection without drawing attention to how Western media’s purposeful failure to do the above is perpetuating this abhorrent violence towards Palestinians.

    Specifically, Western media reporting on this is exemplar of the way in which this journalistic approach denigrates the freedoms, journalism, and lived realities of Black, Brown, and other racially minoritised people.

    That is, Western corporate media has failed to call out Israel as it intentionally, unconscionably, murders Palestinian journalists. It has shown that its ideals of journalistic freedom doesn’t apply equally, or in fact, at all to Palestinian reporters. In short, Western media solidarity with Palestine is conditional.

    Unsurprisingly then, Western media reporting on Gaza has flouted every rule in the Give Over handbook.

    For instance, passive voice persistently rears its head. Who did the killing? As Give Over points out, news outlets have repeatedly omitted Israel from the headlines. Meanwhile, Western media whiteness is on full display in its rank double standards. Russia for instance, regularly features as the perpetrator in attacks on Ukraine in sharp contrast.

    It also regularly uses language to dehumanise Palestinians. In one example, it shows a Guardian news piece that calls young Israeli hostages “children”. In the same sentence, it describes young Palestinian hostages as:

    people aged 18 and younger

    Instead of amplifying Palestinian voices, news outlets also regularly act as propagandist mouthpieces for Israeli officials. Or in other words, the very people perpetrating the genocide.

    A lens to challenge Western media white supremacy

    When Give Over speaks of abolition, this isn’t solely the physical borders in and of themselves. In reality, structures of white supremacy, institutional racism, and colonialism maintain borders in many aspects of society. In other words, it’s concerned with the violent impulses and practices of the state. For instance, examples of this it identifies would be detention and deportation, disappearing people to maintain borders, overseas wars, and militarisation.

    Moreover, the report draws on the idea of borders involving the state manufacturing consent for the borderisation of societal spaces. It unpacks how the state expropriates everyday people in professional public service roles as willing, complicit agents of this. Of course, this invariably applies to journalists too.

    Now, Give Over’s unflinching project is calling on reporters to take up its tools of anti-racist, decolonial, and abolitionist liberation in their own work. It subverts the legacy media notions of impartiality and objectivity. Instead, it offers up a journalism lens that serves racially minoritised and other marginalised communities. Specifically, those that these tired traditional media notions have consistently sidelined.

    And crucially, it’s a powerful, poignant reminder to reporters that journalism should always challenge the oppressors, while centring and amplifying the voices that it has traditionally marginalised. Because ultimately, what is journalism for, if not precisely that?

    Every journalist that cares about building a better world should read it, and put its principles at the heart of all they do.

    Featured image supplied

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Sheffield-based border abolition project Give Over has put together an abolitionist journalism toolkit for editors and journalists reporting on immigration. Crucially, it challenges Western legacy media outlets’ institutionally racist and colonial approach to journalism.

    It provides a one-stop-shop style guide for approaching immigration reporting in a way that’s actively anti-racist, decolonial, and abolitionist. In following Give Over’s guide, journalists can contribute to dismantling the violent systems of oppression dehumanising and denigrating Black, Brown, and other racially minoritised communities.

    In other words, it’s a vital new style guide that all newsrooms committed to this should take up.

    Abolitionist journalism: a vital new toolkit

    Give Over has published a vital report to hold an abolitionist lens over what it means to be a journalist in today’s grossly unjust, unequal world.

    In October, the project published its work under the title:

    JOURNALIST AS SUBJECT: Using an abolitionist lens to report on borders

    It challenges the inherent assumption in traditional Western corporate media that journalists must always be neutral, unbiased, and objective. Moreover, it moves beyond a model of media that venerates reporters removed from the injustices they’re reporting on.

    Instead, its report calls for a solidarity reporting approach, grounded in lived experience and active participatory citizenship. It explains that its toolkit is:

    an exploration of the type of journalism that is possible when the journalist is considered as a subject; a live, heart-beating, trembling part of life as much as anybody else. To pretend otherwise is to close one’s journalism off from the history of critical approaches to anti-racism, colonialism, and abolition that define the Western project.

    Writer and researcher on Islamophobia and former Canary journalist and editor Dr Maryam Jameela (she/he) lead the project and authored the report. Together with four other members of the Give Over team, she has worked for three years to examine racist reporting on immigration.

    In that time, Give Over has hosted a series of community events, including workshops, panel discussions, art curation and exhibitions. These formed a key part of producing its vital new journalism toolkit. The Canary previously reported on one of these. This was its ‘Conditional Western Solidarity and Palestinian Journalism’ panel in March 2024. You can read more about it, and watch the full event here.

    Lived experience and community voices

    In fact, the report itself made a point of emphasising the crucial role these events played in building the toolkit. It underscored that:

    Whilst it may seem unorthodox for a project about journalism to host discussion spaces for local community members this has been a core part of Give Over. Our work in commissioning guest authors, in compiling this report as a guide for journalists and editors would not have been possible without a sustained interest and passion for the communities we belong to. Journalists are as active members of society as anybody else. To pretend otherwise is to reduce journalists to stenographers of history and, frankly, such a thing is wildly unnecessary.

    In other words, journalists’ own lived experience, and role in communities should not be relegated by traditional conventions of journalism committed to centring whiteness.

    And this is a big part of what the toolkit calls on newsrooms to encourage and embed in their reporting too. It proposes that media outlets could also host workshops that bring together diverse groups to tackle envisioning solutions for the future.

    A toolkit to take traditional media to task

    Significantly, the report acts as a style guide for reporters. These guidelines aim to challenge the racist status quo the Western media routinely perpetuates on refugees and migration.

    It advocates that to work towards border abolition, journalists should consider the following as key tenets of a more ethical media landscape. The report divides these into multiple categories for ease of use.

    Firstly, it puts across key language and terminology considerations, which include:

    • Using humanising language that respects migrants’ dignity and rights. By the same reasoning, this also means avoiding dehumanising language.
    • Writing in active voice. Journalists should do so to “clearly identify the systems and policies responsible for border violence”.
    • Make sure to acknowledge the diverse and complex identities of migrants with inclusive narratives that avoid homogenisation and oversimplification.

    Next, it implores journalists to embed the following when thinking of the story focus and framing:

    • Centre lived experiences – whether the journalist’s own or the communities’ they’re reporting on.
    • Interrogate Western narratives that relegate refugees worth to their utility, and make solidarity conditional.
    • Reframe the narrative from reactive to proactive storytelling.

    Abolitionist journalism: a style guide for a just and equitable future

    Besides these, the abolitionist journalism toolkit challenges journalists to think critically on where and who it’s sourcing its stories from. Alongside this, it emphasises the importance of ensuring appropriate contributor attribution. With all that in mind, it says that journalists should:

    • Elevate marginalised voices of people the border regime is impacting, and “particularly those from the global majority.”
    • Make sure to fact-check with care by consulting trusted sources and experts.
    • Acknowledge all contributors collaborating, and credit appropriately.

    The style guide also brings up key visual and multimedia considerations that put dignity and rights at the heart of journalism, including:

    • Using respectful imagery that “respect the dignity and agency of those depicted” and avoid reductive stereotypes.
    • Captioning and context for images.
    • Wherever possible, use creative approaches that involves commissioning artwork to help contest “traditional visual narratives of migration”.

    Give Over’s abolitionist journalism framework also centres on journalists contributing to the work imagining more just and equitable futures too. It means recognising that future migration and border scenarios are interconnected with other global crises, such as the climate crisis for instance.

    What’s more, in envisioning future narratives, journalists should ensure these are inclusive. This means giving over space to historically marginalised communities and:

    ensuring that their lived experiences shape the story of what is possible.

    The toolkit offers other vital guidance for journalists around crafting intersectional, multi-layered, and nuanced narratives and scenarios.

    Gaza: a case and point of media complicity

    Of course, Give Over constructed its toolkit in the midst of Israel’s unending brutal genocide in Gaza. It therefore couldn’t facilitate journalists engaging in meaningful introspection without drawing attention to how Western media’s purposeful failure to do the above is perpetuating this abhorrent violence towards Palestinians.

    Specifically, Western media reporting on this is exemplar of the way in which this journalistic approach denigrates the freedoms, journalism, and lived realities of Black, Brown, and other racially minoritised people.

    That is, Western corporate media has failed to call out Israel as it intentionally, unconscionably, murders Palestinian journalists. It has shown that its ideals of journalistic freedom doesn’t apply equally, or in fact, at all to Palestinian reporters. In short, Western media solidarity with Palestine is conditional.

    Unsurprisingly then, Western media reporting on Gaza has flouted every rule in the Give Over handbook.

    For instance, passive voice persistently rears its head. Who did the killing? As Give Over points out, news outlets have repeatedly omitted Israel from the headlines. Meanwhile, Western media whiteness is on full display in its rank double standards. Russia for instance, regularly features as the perpetrator in attacks on Ukraine in sharp contrast.

    It also regularly uses language to dehumanise Palestinians. In one example, it shows a Guardian news piece that calls young Israeli hostages “children”. In the same sentence, it describes young Palestinian hostages as:

    people aged 18 and younger

    Instead of amplifying Palestinian voices, news outlets also regularly act as propagandist mouthpieces for Israeli officials. Or in other words, the very people perpetrating the genocide.

    A lens to challenge Western media white supremacy

    When Give Over speaks of abolition, this isn’t solely the physical borders in and of themselves. In reality, structures of white supremacy, institutional racism, and colonialism maintain borders in many aspects of society. In other words, it’s concerned with the violent impulses and practices of the state. For instance, examples of this it identifies would be detention and deportation, disappearing people to maintain borders, overseas wars, and militarisation.

    Moreover, the report draws on the idea of borders involving the state manufacturing consent for the borderisation of societal spaces. It unpacks how the state expropriates everyday people in professional public service roles as willing, complicit agents of this. Of course, this invariably applies to journalists too.

    Now, Give Over’s unflinching project is calling on reporters to take up its tools of anti-racist, decolonial, and abolitionist liberation in their own work. It subverts the legacy media notions of impartiality and objectivity. Instead, it offers up a journalism lens that serves racially minoritised and other marginalised communities. Specifically, those that these tired traditional media notions have consistently sidelined.

    And crucially, it’s a powerful, poignant reminder to reporters that journalism should always challenge the oppressors, while centring and amplifying the voices that it has traditionally marginalised. Because ultimately, what is journalism for, if not precisely that?

    Every journalist that cares about building a better world should read it, and put its principles at the heart of all they do.

    Featured image supplied

    By Hannah Sharland

  • Read RFA coverage of this story in Burmese

    Authorities in the eastern Indian state of Manipur are warning thousands of Myanmar nationals who fled conflict in the Sagaing region that they have one month to return home, despite the ongoing threat of junta airstrikes that wiped out many of their villages.

    Sagaing has seen some of the fiercest fighting between junta troops and the armed opposition since the military‘s February 2021 coup d’etat, which has forced around 5,000 residents of the region to seek shelter in neighboring India’s Manipur state.

    Late last month, Manipur authorities met with the displaced in the state‘s Kamjong and Ukhrul districts, across the border from Sagaing region’s Tedim township, and told them they would have to return home in the coming weeks, one of the Myanmar refugees told RFA Burmese.

    “It remains unclear what is happening in other districts [of Manipur],” said the refugee who, like others interviewed for this report, spoke on condition of anonymity due to security concerns. “The head of Kamjong district met with [the displaced] on Oct. 23 and told them to return home by Dec. 10. The [refugees] there are now preparing to go back.”

    Of around 5,000 Myanmar war refugees in Manipur state, approximately 3,000 are sheltering in the two districts, according to aid workers.

    Families with schoolchildren are allowed to stay until March 2025, when exams are over, they said.

    Threats back home

    While towns like Kham Pat and Myo Thit in Sagaing are now under the control of the armed opposition forces, many homes were destroyed in junta arson attacks and rebuilding will be tough, another displaced person told RFA.

    “In the upper area of Sagaing, Nan Aung Maw village was completely burnt down, while all the houses in Su Thar Yar ward of Aung Zeya town were also destroyed,” he said. “The refugees from these areas are preparing to return home this month. They will have to build makeshift bamboo houses, and they will face difficulties.”

    Those displaced from Sagaing’s Tamu township dare not return, as the area remains under the control of junta forces and allied Pyu Saw Htee militias, he added.

    RELATED STORIES

    Closed borders with India cause food, fuel shortages in western Myanmar

    Jailed Myanmar activists in India in danger of deportation: rights groups

    India repatriates 151 junta soldiers who fled fighting

    An official from the Burma Refugee Committee in Sagaing’s Kabaw area who also declined to be named told RFA that the refugees were asked to return home “to prevent armed conflict at the border” and “address ethnic issues.”

    “These Manipur districts have ties to Naga rebels [fighting for independence in India’s Nagaland], who entered Myanmar through the border with Tamu township to join junta troops in armed conflict,” he said.

    “Some of them were killed or arrested [in Myanmar] … So, the Manipur authorities might have decided to force Myanmar refugees to return home to prevent ethnic conflicts,” he added.

    Attempts by RFA to contact the U.N. refugee agency, the Myanmar Embassy in India, and the Indian Embassy in Yangon for comment on the deadline set by Manipur authorities went unanswered Friday.

    Porous shared border

    India shares a 1,600-kilometer (1,000-mile) border with Myanmar along its far-eastern states of Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh.

    Junta attacks against ethnic minority insurgents and pro-democracy militias that emerged in the wake of Myanmar’s coup have forced hundreds of thousands of people from their homes in Chin state and neighboring Sagaing region, with thousands seeking refuge across the porous Indian border.

    Among those who have slipped into India are supporters of those fighting to end military rule and they could be in grave danger if forced back into the arms of the junta, activists say.

    People from Paletwa town in Myanmar are seen at the Kakiswa Refugee Camp in the Longtharai district of India on June 2, 2024.
    People from Paletwa town in Myanmar are seen at the Kakiswa Refugee Camp in the Longtharai district of India on June 2, 2024.

    Attempts by India to stem the flow of refugees from Myanmar have affected people on both sides of the border.

    In August, people in western Sagaing region said their supplies of rice, cooking oil, salt, fuel and medicine were dwindling because of trade disruptions caused by Indian border gate closures.

    Indian authorities cited the need to check the flow of illegal goods from Myanmar as the reason for the closures, but a diplomat at India’s Embassy in Yangon told RFA that the Indian government permits movement through designated border crossing points and any restrictions were likely imposed by Myanmar or local authorities.

    India has also repatriated scores of junta troops who fled across the border to escape armed opposition offensives in recent months.

    Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Comprehensive coverage of the day’s news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice.

    The post UN relief chief urged global support this week as Israeli legislation threatens aid to Palestinian refugees – November 8, 2024 appeared first on KPFA.


    This content originally appeared on KPFA – The Pacifica Evening News, Weekdays and was authored by KPFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Between 1 and 2 November Mexico marks the Día de Muertos, or Day of the Dead. Its focus is celebrating the memory of loved ones who are no longer with us. The tradition is a mixture of ancient Mesoamerican indigenous culture and the Catholicism of Spanish colonisers. This year, the Biden-Harris White House tweeted that it was celebrating the day.

    Day Of The Dead

    But its tweet backfired, with award-winning journalist Aura Bogado responding:

    Indeed, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris would likely need to fill the White House with altars in order to remember the hundreds of people who have died at the US-Mexican border under their administration’s watch.

    “Competing over who can appear tougher on immigration”, at the expense of human life

    In 2022, the number of refugees dying on the US border with Mexico reached a record high. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) confirmed that the frontier had become “the world’s deadliest land migration route”. Combining the number of deaths and disappearances, the Biden administration also has the worst statistics.

    As Human Rights Watch (HRW) explains, the US government has pushed a ‘Prevention Through Deterrence’ policy since 1994. The Border Patrol says there have been around 10,000 refugee deaths during that time. Human rights groups in the area, however, think there may have been up to 80,000. The idea of the policy was to make crossing the US-Mexican border “so dangerous that people are discouraged from even trying”. This strategy has “proven ineffective at reducing migration”, though.

    Nonetheless, Biden’s government has sought to appear tough on immigration. And Harris is no different, which she’s made crystal clear during her electoral match-up with Donald Trump. As HRW’s Vicki B. Gaubeca wrote in October, “both parties are competing to see who can keep propping up the same old failed myths about immigration”. In short, they’re “competing over who can appear tougher on immigration”. As DemocracyNow reported in July, Harris:

    defended her support for harsher immigration and border enforcement policies. Harris compared her record to Donald Trump’s and blamed the Republican presidential nominee for tanking a bipartisan bill that would have further militarized the southern border.

    She even boasted that:

    Some of the most conservative Republicans in Washington, D.C., supported the bill. Even the Border Patrol endorsed it.

    Why do people still try to get to the US?

    The US remains the world’s biggest economy. And in the Americas, most of the other countries suffer instability and immense inequality, largely as a result of US imperialism systematically terrorising their people for many decades. Whether that has been via Washington’s support for brutal right-wing dictators, devastating civil wars, or a combination of coups, terror, sanctions, and invasions, the US has provided people throughout the hemisphere with a very good reason to emigrate.

    Having the biggest economy on the planet, meanwhile, creates significant demand for workers. That’s why businessman Steven Kopits stressed in a 2017 CNBC article that immigration will continue as long as there is demand. Because the government provided “only about one third as many visas as needed by U.S. businesses”, despite them being “unable to find Americans to fill these jobs”, illegal immigration was bound to happen. Issuing enough visas, Kopits said, would help to cover domestic labour needs and make illegal immigration even less attractive.

    There are many benefits of welcoming immigrants, as academic research has shown. And the need for immigrants will only keep growing. Economists insisted earlier this year that the US economy, and in particular its Social Security system, “depend on a growing immigrant workforce”. This is partially to do with the growing number of people in retirement, and the falling number of births.

    The White House: a bastion of social murder

    In short, immigration is a complex issue. But both Democrats and Republicans continue to treat it simply as a propaganda tool to show how tough they are on some of the most vulnerable people in the region. And we should never stop holding them to account for the loss of human life that results from their inhumane policies.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By Ed Sykes

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • By Victor Mambor in Jayapura

    Just one day after President Prabowo Subianto’s inauguration, a minister announced plans to resume the transmigration programme in eastern Indonesia, particularly in Papua, saying it was needed for enhancing unity and providing locals with welfare.

    Transmigration is the process of moving people from densely populated regions to less densely populated ones in Indonesia, Southeast Asia’s most populous country with 285 million people.

    The ministry intends to revitalise 10 zones in Papua, potentially using local relocation rather than bringing in outsiders.

    The programme will resume after it was officially paused in Papua 23 years ago.

    “We want Papua to be fully united as part of Indonesia in terms of welfare, national unity and beyond,” Muhammad Iftitah Sulaiman Suryanagara, the Minister of Transmigration, said during a handover ceremony on October 21.

    Iftitah promised strict evaluations focusing on community welfare rather than on relocation numbers. Despite the minister’s promises, the plan drew an outcry from indigenous Papuans who cited social and economic concerns.

    Papua, a remote and resource-rich region, has long been a flashpoint for conflict, with its people enduring decades of military abuse and human rights violations under Indonesian rule.

    Human rights abuses
    Prabowo, a former army general, was accused of human rights abuses in his military career, including in East Timor (Timor-Leste) during a pro-independence insurgency against Jakarta rule.

    Simon Balagaize, a young Papuan leader from Merauke, highlighted the negative impacts of transmigration efforts in Papua under dictator Suharto’s New Order during the 1960s.

    “Customary land was taken, forests were cut down, and the indigenous Malind people now speak Javanese better than their native language,” he told BenarNews.

    The Papuan Church Council stressed that locals desperately needed services, but could do without more transmigration.

    “Papuans need education, health services and welfare – not transmigration that only further marginalises landowners,” Reverend Dorman Wandikbo, a member of the council, told BenarNews.

    Transmigration into Papua has sparked protests over concerns about reduced job opportunities for indigenous people, along with broader political and economic impacts.

    Apei Tarami, who joined a recent demonstration in South Sorong, Southwest Papua province, warned of consequences, stating that “this policy affects both political and economic aspects of Papua.”

    Human rights ignored
    Meanwhile, human rights advocate Theo Hasegem criticised the government’s plans, arguing that human rights issues are ignored and non-Papuans could be endangered because pro-independence groups often target newcomers.

    “Do the president and vice-president guarantee the safety of those relocated from Java,” Hasegem told BenarNews.

    The programme, which dates to 1905, has continued through various administrations under the guise of promoting development and unity.

    Indonesia’s policy resumed post-independence on December 12, 1950, under President Sukarno, who sought to foster prosperity and equitable development.

    It also aimed to promote social unity by relocating citizens across regions.

    Transmigration involving 78,000 families occurred in Papua from 1964 to 1999, according to statistics from the Papua provincial government. That would equal between 312,000 and 390,000 people settling in Papua from other parts of the country, assuming the average Indonesian family has 4 to 5 people.

    The programme paused in 2001 after a Special Autonomy Law required regional regulations to be followed.

    20241104-ID-PHOTO-TRANSMIGRATION FIVE.jpg
    Students hold a rally at Abepura Circle in Jayapura, the capital of Indonesia’s Papua Province, yesterday to protest against Indonesia’s plan to resume a transmigration programme, Image: Victor Mambor/BenarNews

    Legality questioned
    Papuan legislator John N.R. Gobay questioned the role of Papua’s six new autonomous regional governments in the transmigration process. He cited Article 61 of the law, which mandates that transmigration proceed only with gubernatorial consent and regulatory backing.

    Without these clear regional regulations, he warned, transmigration lacks a strong legal foundation and could conflict with special autonomy rules.

    He also pointed to a 2008 Papuan regulation stating that transmigration should proceed only after the Indigenous Papuan population reaches 20 million. In 2023, the population across six provinces of Papua was about 6.25 million, according to Indonesia’s Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS).

    Gobay suggested prioritising local transmigration to better support indigenous development in their own region.

    ‘Entrenched inequality’
    British MP Alex Sobel, chair of the International Parliamentarians for West Papua, expressed concern over the programme, noting its role in drastic demographic shifts and structural discrimination in education, land rights and employment.

    “Transmigration has entrenched inequality rather than promoting prosperity,” Sobel told BenarNews, adding that it had contributed to Papua remaining Indonesia’s poorest regions.

    20241104-ID-PAPUA-PHOTO TWO.jpeg
    Pramono Suharjono, who transmigrated to Papua, Indonesia, in 1986, harvests oranges on his land in Arso II in Keerom regency last week. Image: Victor Mambor/BenarNews]

    Pramono Suharjono, a resident of Arso II in Keerom, Papua, welcomed the idea of restarting the programme, viewing it as positive for the region’s growth.

    “This supports national development, not colonisation,” he told BenarNews.

    A former transmigrant who has served as a local representative, Pramono said transmigration had increased local knowledge in agriculture, craftsmanship and trade.

    However, research has shown that longstanding social issues, including tensions from cultural differences, have marginalised indigenous Papuans and fostered resentment toward non-locals, said La Pona, a lecturer at Cenderawasih University.

    Papua also faces a humanitarian crisis because of conflicts between Indonesian forces and pro-independence groups. United Nations data shows between 60,000 and 100,000 Papuans were displaced between and 2022.

    As of September 2024, human rights advocates estimate 79,000 Papuans remain displaced even as Indonesia denies UN officials access to the region.

    Pizaro Gozali Idrus in Jakarta contributed to this report. Republished with the permission of BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • When Koko (cuteness for Kareem) and Momo (cuteness for Mohammad) hear the bombs explode over eastern Rafah they are filled with joy. They don’t know any better, for they are not yet three years old and their father, Omar, tells them the bombs are fireworks.

    “The people are celebrating,” he says. So now, when the explosions illuminate their bedroom at night like lanterns in the sky, his children get excited.

    “It’s better than them being scared,” he tells me over video chat. “Besides, if the bombs fall on our house, we will all die instantly, so they’ll never know what hit them.” We both laugh. Omar can make a joke about anything.

    He’s inspired by his children, especially the newest addition to the family, eighteen-month-old Mimi (cuteness for Maryam). Her joy is infectious, and the family is happy, or at least as happy as any family could be under the circumstances. And the circumstances are the complete eradication of life as they knew it before October 7, 2023.

    “Here’s a video I took when our apartment building in Gaza City was bombed,” Omar says. “We barely escaped.”

    Omar Latifa and Children

    Omar set the scene. “It was the beginning of November. My family including my brothers and parents lived in a ten-story apartment building. We had been watching the bombing of other neighborhoods, then the war came to us. The first rocket blew up the front of the building, knocking me unconscious. When I came to, my leg was injured and a neighbor dragged me back to my apartment. Then another rocket hit the place where I had just been, killing the family of one of my best friends. Bodies lay everywhere, but there was no time to grieve. I gathered up my family, and we had to walk down the stairs stepping over the dead.”

    I watched in silence as first responders strapped a corpse to a stretcher on the ground floor and guided the wounded into the foyer. Those who can walk on their own decide to take their chances in the street. Omar begs them to stay inside, but they won’t listen.

    “We have white shirts to wave,” they reassure him. “We’ll be okay.”

    Halfway down the block a couple of Israeli tanks finish them off.

    Omar waits for the tanks to leave the area, and then leads his extended family past his fallen neighbors to his uncle’s house. On the way, they cover themselves with wet sheets to protect against the white phosphorus dropped by the IDF (Israeli Defense Forces). Like a snowstorm of evil, white phosphorus fills the sky with trails of deadly pale smoke that, on contact, can burn human flesh down to the bone. Luckily, Israel denies they use white phosphorus on civilians, so any suffering must be imaginary.

    Omar’s family makes its way to the new house without incident, but times are hard. The utilities fail. They have to walk several kilometers in one direction to get water. And several kilometers more in another to charge their smartphones—their lifeline for information about humanitarian aid and the fate of loved ones.

    Then the IDF drops leaflets telling them they will be safe in Rafah. Omar and his family, though skeptical, decide to go and begin the long trek south to supposed safety. A third of the way into their trip by taxi, they encounter a roadblock and have to walk. Omar pushes his sick mother in a shopping cart along the street while his father follows behind, limping with a cane. Omar’s wife and two brothers each carry one of the children.

    For agonizing hours they travel through a desolate land pockmarked by craters and unexploded ordnance. On occasion, they are force-marched between rows of Israeli soldiers, who make everyone hold a white shirt in one hand and their identification cards in the other. Those with backpacks keep their belongings. Those without, keep nothing. Dropped items are lost forever. Bend over to pick them up and get shot. For the lucky, to be called out of line is to be made to strip naked and stand for hours while looking down the barrel of a gun. The unlucky are never seen again.

    In Rafah, the people are crammed together in endless rows of tents. A Palestinian ghetto is formed. Reminiscent of the Warsaw Ghetto in World War II, scabies, dysentery and lice multiple. Like its distant relative, the Rafah Ghetto will grow smaller and smaller with each new phase of occupation, until little remains to do for the refugees but be expelled to the next hopeless piece of land. If Gaza had been large enough, the Palestinians would have been put into cattle cars and herded to camps surrounded by barbed wire. But Gaza is small and already fenced in.

    Without a tent, Omar’s family meanders from mosque to mosque. At least they have a roof over their head. Inside they are protected from wind and rain. But winter is coming, and during the night, without blankets, they shiver relentlessly. Then the IDF starts bombing the mosques, and Omar’s family grows increasingly desperate. Finally, in one of the few remaining houses of prayer, a good Samaritan notices Omar’s immobile parents and young children and offers them a room in his house. Relief.

    In February I started to write about refugees and messaged an Indonesian photographer named Kawan. She curated photographs of the genocide in Gaza on social media. “How can you handle seeing all the death and destruction?” I asked.

    She replied with a link to Omar’s Facebook profile and the words: “Omar has a story he wants to tell.”

    So I contacted him. Gregarious, upbeat and confident, Omar is the most positive person I’ve ever met. He laughs when he recalls how he was paralyzed as a teenager.

    “The doctors didn’t know what to do,” he says. “But I didn’t care what they knew. I just kept on living until I began to walk again.”

    Koko and bandage

    Shortly after our first talk, Omar spills boiling water on Koko while heating it on a jerry-rigged stove. Luckily, the nearest hospital was still open. Omar sends me a video of him bandaging the toddler at home. Burns: second-degree. Screams: heartbreaking.

    The only way to deal with the pain is to welcome the suffering. Omar evaporates horror with a happy-go-lucky attitude. He also gets along with everyone, so it’s no surprise that his best friend is a Palestinian Christian named Fahmi. Christians have inhabited Gaza since the first century. The IDF shoots them. Hamas protects them. Strange bedfellows. Long ago the Israelis waged war on the various tribes of the land of Canaan, now they seek to destroy the Palestinians. History repeats itself. This land was always someone else’s. What would Jesus do?

    It was Israeli threats that separated them. Fahmi sought refuge with his family in the Church of Saint Porphyrius—the third oldest Christian church in the world. The IDF instructed the Christians to seek safety in Rafah, but there was no church there. So they stayed where they were. If God decided it was their time to die, they would accept it. Fahmi would leave the Earth surrounded by those bonded by faith and blood. Besides, Israel would bomb them wherever they went. There has always been a deep Zionist hatred of Arabs, whether Muslim, Jewish or Christian. They had already eradicated the Arabic language and customs among Palestinian Jews. Now, all they had to do was annihilate the remaining Gentiles. ‘Innocent civilians be damned!’, ‘Let them starve, let them rot!’ were typical comments I saw on Israeli social media.

    Omar and Fahmi lived in the old way. “Bonds of brotherhood, respect and love unite us. I was there when Fahmi wedded his wife Vivian, and he drove me to deliver the dowry for my then bride-to-be Alaa. Israel doesn’t like it when they see Palestinian Christians cooperate with Muslims. But we have so much in common, how could we not? Both of our wives are pharmacists, and our children are as adorable as ever. Fahmi was a project coordinator for the YMCA, and I was employed as the head of customer support for an Internet Service Provider. We owned our own homes and bought our cars. We served Gaza.”

    It was the American Dream in Palestine. The difference? Our dreams are safe. Theirs had been exterminated. Now, they lived increasingly isolated from each other and the world, and with no Internet at the church, they lost contact. Omar’s messages and calls to Fahmi had gone unanswered. Then he heard the news that the IDF had bombed St. Porphyrius. Omar feared the worst.

    I tried to contact the Christian community in Gaza and met Rami. He had done interviews with the international press, as well as written a story about the Gaza genocide for America Media, a Catholic magazine. He and his wife Maryan had an infant daughter named Kylie who was born just before the start of the war. She had spent her brief life getting acquainted with baptisms, killer drones and missiles. They were just like the first Christians who had been persecuted and crucified by the Romans two thousand years ago. I messaged Rami on social media and told him about Fahmi and Omar.

    “What a coincidence,” Rami said. “I’m Fahmi’s brother-in-law and Omar’s friend.”

    The Church’s Internet had just been restored, and soon they had a joyous online reunion. They reminisced about old times. Before Gaza was bombed to pieces, all three men would go to the beach to barbecue seafood and smoke shisha late into the night. Back then the world was a half-decent place for families with young children, and war was so far over the horizon that those young enough came to believe it had never existed. There had never been any suffering, and childhood memories of the intifada were just thoughts in storage, nightmares to be forgotten. Each man was pious, generous and loving. They were all People of the Book. They all worshiped the same God. Now, they were together again, if only online. Their friendship had survived.

    Then came Ramadan. In years past Omar invited Fahmi over for Iftar, the evening Ramadan feast. This year they would be apart, but the holiday would still serve them. I met Hassan at a local Iftar feast and told him about my stories on refugees. I hadn’t seen him in years. Hassan was a reverted Jewish Muslim. As a young man, he had fully believed in Zionism. Then he ‘saw the light’, in his words. He and his wife Latifa, also a Muslim revert with a Jewish background, wanted to meet one of the refugees over Zoom. So I introduced them to Omar. He was his usual cheerful self and filled us in on the new developments in his life, his wife beside him, his children asleep.

    “I have a new volunteer job,” he said. “A local charity has hired me to distribute money to the poor.”

    Omar began navigating war-torn Gaza in a taxi while the IDF hunted humans from high above. The taxi could be blown up at any moment. Still, he was as enthusiastic as ever.

    “There are those who love Allah and those who hide behind religion,” Hassan told me when the meeting was over. “I am humbled by Omar’s humility and his ability to endure the horrible tragedy we call war.”

    Hassan and Latifa wanted to chat with Omar again. “Is it okay if we invite friends and relatives?” they asked.

    “Sure,” I replied. And just like that, we had weekly Sunday meetings attended by Muslims, Jews and Christians.

    Omar was our Gaza host. He learned English through an eight-year friendship with Cassandra, an American woman he met in an online chat group. The world could not be a stranger place, with this woman from a one-light town in the land of freedom, and a devout Muslim from an urban war zone in the land of hospitality. Omar embodies Sumood—the Palestinian word for a man of great composure, determination and perseverance—mixed with the energetic joy of a child. And Cassandra is his first-world counterpart.

    To help raise money for Omar’s family, Cassandra set up an Instagram account full of video clips of Omar and his family. Please Donate To Save Their Lives!!! echoes through my consciousness as I watch the daily uploads. The contrast between their life now and that of the past is palpable. They had a beloved Siamese cat who was martyred when their apartment building collapsed after they fled. Now, they have a mourning dove whose coos soften the harshness of war. Grandmother was a respected embroiderer in times past. Now, she mends what little clothing they have left. Sometimes Cassandra does TikTok live streams where rude people hurl insults at her as she gathers donations. In America, the war of words never ends.

    One day, as I watch a video of Mimi taking her first steps, Omar sends me a photograph of a missile exploding nearby. The next day he sends me a video clip of all the dead and wounded from the building it demolished.

    Rami, Omar, and Fahmi

    As the weeks go by, the Zoom meetings grow to include other refugees, starting a cascade of donations to their GoFundMe campaigns. The world seems like a better place. Fahmi and Rami finish raising the money they need to evacuate from Gaza. They have to bribe Egyptian officials with five thousand US dollars, a rate set by the Egyptian government, for every family member who wants to cross the border. It’s state-sanctioned human trafficking. On May 5th, Omar meets Fahmi and Rami at the Rafah border crossing and sends me photographs. Smiles abound. Later that day Omar gets more good news: Mark Hoffman, an American who I had recruited to help with refugee fundraisers, donates the rest of the money Omar’s family needs to leave Gaza.

    That night I watched a video of Fahmi decorating a Christmas tree before the war. All is calm, all is bright. Then comes the war machine. Hamas has accepted a cease-fire deal, but despite Palestinian celebrations, it turns out not to be. In the early morning hours of May 6th, the IDF bombs a house a block away from Omar’s home. Then another. The charade is over. Kareem and Mohammad are crying. There are no fireworks, just enemies. There is no safe place; it was all an illusion Israel conjured up to appease its international partners and UN charities.

    In the morning the IDF drops leaflets again, this time with evacuation orders for eastern Rafah: We are here to save you from the terrorists. You must leave this zone immediately and migrate to the safe havens that are being prepared for you. Do not listen to the humanitarian aid agencies. Rebel against Hamas. If you die, you can file a complaint. Maryam has taken a bite out of the leaflet. Even small children can see the lies. Omar and his family make preparations to flee. By the end of the day, Alaa and the children have migrated to her parent’s house. Omar’s parents had already left the previous week. His brothers follow.

    I watch more Instagram videos to pass the time. Koko plays with the family cat. Momo bangs on a keyboard. Mimi giggles as she somersaults off a bed. Omar poses in front of a demolished building with a smile like he is having fun at the beach. Alaa cooks flatbread atop meager sticks of firewood. I cry as clips of the entire family move across the screen and You Are My Sunshine plays in the background. Momo and Koko roam a tiny olive orchard behind their house in Rafah, as quaint Lavender drones hover above them, rifles locked and loaded. It’s rumored they’re controlled by AI. A premonition of things to come? At any moment, these memories may become all that remains of Omar and his family.

    In a panic, I call Omar. His family is safe, but he doesn’t want to leave Rafah. Now, it’s too late. The bombs are falling too fast for the taxi drivers to risk going to pick him up. He’s stuck at the house with his cousin. He wants to run, but during the night they’re trapped by drones that shoot anything that moves. I hear rockets exploding in the background, but Omar’s not afraid. He’s joking about how even the stray dogs knew the IDF was coming, for they left eastern Rafah with the refugees. We laugh as the explosions get closer. Eventually, he hangs up to make a run for it as the sun rises. He wants to take a solar panel someone had donated, but the owner of the house said no, and it’s too heavy to run with anyway.

    Omar runs past burning homes and empty streets. People’s lives, whole family’s lives, lie in smoldering ruins with nothing but twisted metal and charred remains to mark the occasion. He stumbles over motionless bodies and prays that the dead have found peace. Then, as the explosions fade in the distance, the smoke dissipates and the air becomes cool and clean. Everything is silent. The drones are long gone. A Palestinian Sunbird with glossy blue-green feathers whistles in the stillness, looking for a mate. Later that day, I found out that Omar was safe.

    Days after the IDF had come and gone, Omar ventured back to see what was left of the house. To no surprise, it had been flattened by a bomb, and the solar panels were crushed to pieces.

    Omar relocates to Al Mawasi, a beach town that overlooks the Mediterranean. As the invasion continues, the rest of Rafah empties of civilians. Soon over a million people crowd Omar’s space. His family is one of the lucky ones who have a tent, but he’s depressed nonetheless. The internet is not working. I can only reach him by phone, a sketchy proposition since Israel only allows 2G in Gaza. 2G!!! That means practically no cellular data. The IDF has to stop the truth from getting out.

    Omar continues working for the charity. It’s not registered, so I can’t name them. They’re trying to avoid the authorities. Which ones? I never ask. All governments are the same: they have a mountain of red tape that costs money and a lawyer just to navigate. The Jordanians register NGOs in conjunction with the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, but they don’t have any power in Gaza. Of course, Gaza has no working government, so there’s no way anyone can register there. The charity is run by local people and funded by donors outside of Gaza. The workers are like Omar—everyday people who have stepped up to help when conditions call for action. The donors include Palestinian emigres from the left and the right, religious or not, who can’t stand to watch their country be destroyed.

    Omar gets promoted. Now, he’s setting up a camp for pregnant women and widows with children. I send refugees his way. Omar gives food to a family eating animal feed. He gets medication for a one-year-old whose face is rotting off as recorded in my story Gaza’s Last Fairytale. But not everything is easy. They give away tents to the needy, but some of the recipients try to sell them. They rent an apartment for Omar in Deir al-Balah, but the families on either side of him have a shootout. Corruption and lawlessness grow as Israel kills more and more police and aid workers, part of their plan to cause chaos and strife. Eventually, the pressure will be too much and Omar will take a break from volunteering, but for now, he’s doing the best he can.

    One day I told Omar about a refugee who sent me a video of someone collecting human body parts for burial. I told her never to send a video like that to any of the donors I work with. I’m afraid she’ll scare them away.

    “That’s quite funny,” Omar tells me with a smile. “I can imagine the look on your face when you opened up the video thinking it was some nice plea for donations by an innocent young woman in a hijab, only to see human flesh and bones.”

    “Omar, you’re crazy,” I say, shaking my head in disbelief.

    “I’m crazy?” he replies. “Think about the people who are bombing us!” And the greatest man in Gaza bursts out laughing.

    You can find out more about Omar here

    If you want to attend Omar’s Zoom meetings, please email the author at moc.liamgnull@erotavlassore.

    The post The Greatest Man in Gaza first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Every year, people from around the world take part in Amnesty International’s Write for Rights campaign. It’s a really easy way to make a big difference by doing something “little”. It doesn’t take much time – all you need to do is write a letter, send a post or sign a petition.

    Since Write for Rights started in 2001, millions of people have changed the lives of those whose human rights have been taken away. In fact, over the past 20 years more than 56 million actions have been taken, while over 100 people featured in our campaign have seen a positive outcome in their case. For this years toolkit see:

    https://www.amnesty.org.au/write-for-rights-2024-activist-toolkit/

    This year’s campaign will feature nine individuals and groups from all around the world. From a TikToker in Angola to a women’s rights defender in Saudi Arabia, these inspiring people are connected because their human rights have been violated.

    For results from the recent past: Meet three incredible people whose lives have been changed for the better and find out what people power means to them.

    After huge public campaigning, artist and anti-war activist Aleksandra (Sasha) Skochilenko was freed in a historic prisoner swap in August 2024. The deal was brokered between Russia and Belarus on the one hand and Germany, Norway, Poland, Slovenia and the USA on the other.

    Woman in rainbow tie-dye tshirt smiles and makes a v / peace hand gesture.
    Aleksandra Skochilenko on the day of sentencing, November 16, 2023.

    Rita Karasartova is a human rights defender and expert in civic governance from Kyrgyzstan. For over a decade she dedicated her life to providing independent legal advice, helping people whose rights had been violated. Charged with attempting to “violently overthrow the government”, which carries a maximum sentence of 15 years’ imprisonment, Rita and 21 other defendants were acquitted on 14 June 2024.   

    In August 2017, Myanmar’s military unleashed a deadly crackdown on Rohingya Muslims – an ethnic minority who have faced decades of severe state-sponsored discrimination in Myanmar. Over 620,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh after security forces unleashed a campaign of violence, killing an unknown number of Rohingya; raping Rohingya women and girls; laying landmines; and burning entire Rohingya villages.  

    Fearing for their lives, then 17-year-old Maung Sawyeddollah and his family walked 15 days to Bangladesh, where they reached Cox’s Bazar refugee camps. Fuelled by his desire to become a lawyer, Sawyeddollah wanted to seek justice for the suffering around him.

    Alongside his studies, he started a campaign calling for Facebook’s owner, Meta, to take responsibility for the way its algorithms amplified anti-Rohingya incitement on the Facebook platform, fuelling the Myanmar military’s violence.  

    In 2023 Sawyeddollah was facing serious security risks in the refugee camps. Together with partners Victim Advocates International and Dev.tv, Amnesty International put together resources to help ensure Sawyeddollah’s safety. Through Amnesty’s Global Relief Team he was provided with urgent financial assistance to support his security needs throughout the year. In August 2024, Sawyeddollah was granted a student visa and moved to the USA to study. He landed in New York City on 19 August 2024, and he is now an international student at New York University.

    Young person wearing a backpack taking a selfie in a US airport.
    Maung Sawyeddollah, in New York, USA, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Inquiry preceded controversial migration deal linked to claims of abuse in increasingly authoritarian country

    The European Commission is refusing to publish the findings of a human rights inquiry into Tunisia it conducted shortly before announcing a controversial migration deal with the increasingly authoritarian north African country.

    An investigation by the EU ombudsman found that the commission quietly carried out a “risk management exercise” into human rights concerns in Tunisia but will not disclose its results.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • A Brazilian nun who has helped refugees and migrants for 40 years on Wednesday won the Nansen prize awarded every year by the U.N. High Commission for Refugees for outstanding work to protect internally displaced and stateless people.

    Sister Rosita Milesi, 79, is a member of the Catholic order of the Scalabrini nuns, who are renowned for their service to refugees worldwide. Her parents were poor farmers from an Italian background in southern Brazil, and she became a nun at 19.

    As a lawyer, social worker and activist, Milesi championed the rights and dignity of refugees and migrants of different nationalities in Brazil for four decades.

    https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/awards/CC584D13-474F-4BB3-A585-B448A42BB673

    She is the second Brazilian to receive the award. Former Sao Paulo Archbishop Dom Paulo Evaristo Arns won the prize in 1985.

    Milesi leads the Migration and Human Rights Institute (IMDH) in Brasilia, through which she has helped thousands of forced migrants and displaced people access essential services such as shelter, healthcare, education and legal assistance.

    She coordinates RedeMIR, a national network of 60 organizations that operates throughout Brazil, including in remote border regions, to support refugees and migrants.

    https://www.unhcr.org/news/press-releases/five-trailblazing-women-win-unhcr-s-nansen-refugee-awards-their-life-changing

    https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/brazilian-nun-awarded-un-refugee-prize-work-with-migrants-2024-10-09/

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Every bit of news of every attack trivialises everything else here. Dreams, plans, ‘achievements’

    I grew up and spent most of my life in Beirut before migrating to Australia just over a decade ago. I had to leave and I cannot go back. I have come to terms with the reality that I am a forced migrant.

    Forced migrants and refugees flee to seek safety. I watch photographs and videos of as many as a million Lebanese people internally displaced since September, living on streets, in schools and even in a nightclub. It appears to me that safety is a moving scale, and evidently not everyone is owed safety. That my people, and I, cannot access the safety promised in the refugee convention. Or that the safety we are owed looks very different.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • More than 60 NGOs including Holocaust memorial group tell Donald Tusk region’s volatility ‘doesn’t exempt us from humanity’

    Human rights and a Holocaust memorial group have urged the Polish prime minister to shelve plans to temporarily suspend the right to asylum, telling him that the region’s volatility “doesn’t exempt us from humanity”.

    The intervention from more than 60 NGOs including Amnesty International and the Auschwitz-Birkenau Foundation comes after Donald Tusk told his party of plans to introduce a new migration strategy.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Concerns are growing that funds from the migration deal are connected to abuses by the repressive regime in Tunis

    The EU will be unable to claw back any of the €150m (£125m) paid to Tunisia despite the money being increasingly linked to human rights violations, including allegations that sums went to security forces who raped migrant women.

    The European Commission paid the amount to the Tunis government in a controversial migration and development deal, despite concerns that the north African state was increasingly authoritarian and its police largely operated with impunity.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • To mark the centenary of the rights of the child, Save the Children has partnered with children from Indonesia, Syria and Ukraine to produce a unique and creative photo series reflecting their identities, rights and hopes for the future. Working with photographers Ulet Ifansasti (in Indonesia), Kate Stanworth (in Jordan), and Oksana Parafeniuk (in Romania), children were invited to create photo montages and write poems expressing who they are, what matters to them and how they feel about their rights

    *Some names have been changed

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • On Wednesday 18 September, over 100 leaders of the UK international development, humanitarian and peacebuilding sector have come together ahead of the Autumn Budget, to urge the Labour Party government to take immediate action to prevent further cuts to the UK aid budget.

    UK aid budget: lowest since 2007

    122 leaders of the UK’s largest NGOs including ActionAid UK, Oxfam GB, CARE International UK, International Rescue Committee UK, and Save the Children UK, have signed a statement warning that the spending plans the new government has inherited from the previous government will cut UK aid to its lowest levels since 2007, (including under recent Conservative governments), unless the government takes action in the Autumn Budget.

    The statement warns:

    If these plans are not urgently revised, the Prime Minister and his government will be withdrawing vital services and humanitarian support from millions of marginalised people globally and turning up empty-handed to global forums over the coming months.

    Urgent action for UK aid budget needed

    Leaders call for the government to take immediate and bold action in the autumn budget to:

    • Maintain UK aid at current levels (0.58% of GNI) and prevent further cuts due to high spending within the UK on refugees and asylum seekers.
    • Reduce the amount of UK aid being spent within the UK on refugees and asylum seekers, while still ensuring adequate support for this vulnerable group.
    • Urgently set out new plans for how and when the government will return to 0.7% by introducing fair and transparent fiscal tests and scale-up UK aid as progress is made towards meeting them.

    A private letter signed by NGO leaders has also been sent to the prime minister, outlining these asks in detail and warning that with upcoming global summits and forums like the UN General Assembly, G20, and COP29, the UK cannot afford to show up empty-handed as it seeks to rebuild its reputation and restore relations with lower-middle-income countries.

    The statement and private letter follow Bond’s recent briefing on the state of UK aid which reveals that without any action in the autumn budget, UK aid spending outside of the UK (on development and humanitarian programmes) is expected to fall to £9.8 billion in 2024, equivalent to just under 0.36% of GNI.

    Sarah Champion MP, re-elected Chair of the Select Committee for International Development, said:

    It is right that we support refugees and asylum seekers, but the reckless spending of the UK aid budget to pay for extortionate hotel bills for this vulnerable group in the UK not only mismanages taxpayer money but also deprives millions of marginalised people around the world of the vital humanitarian support they need to stay safe in their own countries.

    In the short term, we need the UK government to top up the UK aid budget to cover these additional costs, so we don’t see further cuts to programmes.

    The UK aid budget is meant to tackle global poverty and instability, not to cover the costs of a broken asylum system at home. In the long-term, we need humane solutions for this vulnerable group that doesn’t come at the expense of marginalised communities globally.

    ‘Deeply concerned’

    Romilly Greenhill, CEO of Bond, the UK network for NGOs, said:

    We are deeply concerned that more cuts to the UK aid budget are on the way. The government must urgently act in the autumn budget to provide additional funding for vital humanitarian support and services for millions of marginalised people worldwide.

    With UK aid spending on refugee and asylum accommodation in the UK at extremely high levels, the government needs to urgently find alternative funds from other government budgets to support this vulnerable group instead of counting this as UK aid.

    The decisions the UK chooses to take now will heavily shape judgments on its global development ambitions and ability to rebuild trust with low- and middle-income countries.

    Halima Begum, CEO of Oxfam GB, said:

    If the government doesn’t act swiftly to protect UK aid, the consequences will be devastating and far-reaching. With the world facing crucial challenges such as climate change and a growing food insecurity crisis, the new government must restore the UK aid budget.

    They must stop diverting it to prop up the UK’s broken asylum system, and instead support vulnerable groups already in the UK through alternative Home Office funding.

    These steps are essential to ensure that millions of people worldwide can still access life-saving services. Failure to do so would undeniably put the UK at risk of further diminished credibility as a dependable agent in addressing urgent global crises.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.