Category: refugees

  • The EU has ramped up its assault on refugee rights with its latest sweep of borderisation policies. On Tuesday 14 May, the bloc gave the final greenlight for a broad overhaul of its migration and asylum policies. However, the new EU ‘Migration Pact’ is simply another extension of its racist “fortress Europe” project. Crucially, its colonial undertones were unmistakable amidst platitudes to “help people fleeing persecution”.

    EU Migration Pact

    Across a suite of ten legislative acts, the EU has reformed its framework for asylum and migration. A majority of EU countries backed these, ensuring its passage despite opposition from Hungary and Poland. The overhaul comes into effect from 2026.

    It establishes new border centres that will detain migrants while their asylum requests are vetted. Notably, the new policies will effectively accelerate deportations. Partly, it will do so through new border procedures that categorise asylum seekers. Border officials will use this new system to make quick assessments on applications.

    European politician clamoured to hail the new policies. In one breath German interior minister Nancy Faeser said the reform will help people fleeing persecution, while in the other she said that it will make:

    clear that those who do not need this protection cannot come to Germany or must leave Germany much more quickly

    Unsurprisingly then, migrant and human rights organisations have consistently slammed the EU’s new slapdash approach to asylum applications and migration in general.

    Amnesty EU called the new EU Migration Pact out on X:

    In other words, the new policies will sure up Europe’s racist borders. Meanwhile, more borderisation will put migrant lives at risk. As Amnesty previously highlighted in April:

    For people escaping conflict, persecution, or economic insecurity, these reforms will mean less protection and a greater risk of facing human rights violations across Europe – including illegal and violent pushbacks, arbitrary detention, and discriminatory policing.

    “Final nail in the coffin for human rights”

    The Europe-wide umbrella organisation the Platform for Undocumented Migrants (PICUM) also criticised the EU’s move:

    PICUM has previously articulated the multitude of ways the new EU Migration Pact will endanger migrant rights. Alongside pushing up deportations, the policies will exarcerbate racial profiling, limit access to legal representation, and remove vital safeguards.

    The UK’s Migrant Rights Network – a member of PICUM – has warned this will:

    expand the digital surveillance at Europe’s borders and further embed the mass criminalisation of migrants.

    Specifically, it explained that in practice, this will mean:

    the use of intrusive technology including surveillance and drones, in addition to the mass collection of people’s data which will be exchanged between police forces across the EU. Notably, this includes changes in the Eurodac Regulation. Eurodac is an EU database that stores the fingerprints of “international protection applicants” and migrants who have arrived irregularly.

    This will mandate the systematic collection of migrants’ biometric data including facial images which will be retained in massive databases for up to 10 years. This data can be exchanged at every step of the migration process and made accessible to police forces across the European Union for tracking and identity checks purposes.

    This means biometric identification systems will also be used to track people’s movements.

    Colonial borders

    In parallel with the sweeping reforms, the EU is stepping up its colonial ideology. Specifically, it has been negotiating deals with countries of transit and origin aimed at curbing the number of arrivals. Of course, this entails outsourcing the EU’s borders.

    In recent months, it has inked agreements with Tunisia, Mauritania and Egypt.

    Meanwhile, Italy has also struck its own accord with Albania. This will allow it to send migrants rescued in Italian waters to the country while their asylum requests are processed.

    Furthermore, a group of countries spearheaded by Denmark and the Czech Republic are laying the groundwork for a similar approach. They have been coordinating a letter to the European Commission pushing for the bloc to transfer migrants picked up at sea to countries outside the EU.

    However, Migration Policy Institute Europe Camille Le Coz said that there were “many questions” about how any such initiatives could work.

    Under EU law, immigrants can only be sent to a country outside the bloc where they could have applied for asylum, provided they have a sufficient link with that country.

    That rules out – for now – any programmes such as the UK’s abhorrent Rwanda scheme. Therefore, Le Coz said that it still needs “to be clarified” how proposals for any EU outsourcing deals would work.

    EU Migration Pact: racist apparatus

    Unsurprisingly then, entrenching its hard borders is EU’s answer to people seeking safety and community in Europe. Specifically, the EU originally launched work to reform its migration legislation off the back of the so-called 2015 “refugee crisis”.

    Now, this has culminated in a slate of racist legislation that will put migrants at greater risk of harm. Of course, outsourcing borders and criminalising migrants is entirely on brand with the colonial “fortress Europe” rhetoric.

    Invariably, this has become the intrinsic racist apparatus of colonial nations dodging responsibility for driving violence and displacement across the globe in pursuit of continued capitalist plunder. To the politicians in the halls of power, migrant lives continue to be expendable.

    Additional reporting via Agence France-Presse

    Feature image via Youtube – Channel 4 News

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Rishi Sunak says Belfast judgment will not affect his plans and the Good Friday agreement should not be used to obstruct Westminster policy

    Sunak starts with global security threats.

    The dangers that threaten our country are real.

    There’s an increasing number of authoritarian states like Russia, Iran, North Korea and China working together to undermine us and our values.

    People are abusing our liberal democratic values of freedom of speech, the right to protest, to intimidate, threaten and assault others, to sing antisemitic chants on our streets and our university campuses, and to weaponize the evils of antisemitism or anti-Muslim hatred, in a divisive ideological attempt to set Britain against Britain.

    And from gender activists hijacking children’s sex education, to cancel culture, vocal and aggressive fringe groups are trying to impose their views on the rest of us.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Not a week seems to go by without the political establishment demonising migrants in ostentatious displays of facile right-wing rhetoric. This time, it was Keir Starmer who launched Labour’s latest racist tirade against people seeking asylum. Specifically, the opposition party has announced its new reactionary scheme to “stop the boats”.

    Of course, the new vile plan should come as no surprise from a Labour lurching shamelessly to the right on everything from Gaza to welfare.

    Starmer’s ‘stop the boats’ publicity stunt

    On Friday 10 May, Starmer unveiled Labour’s new plans to tackle so-called illegal migration. Predictably, the announcement was riddled with racist political posturing. As the Telegraph reported ahead of the announcement:

    Keir Starmer will vow on Friday to use terror laws to tackle the small boats crisis, as part of plans to work more closely with Europe to combat people smugglers.

    The Labour leader will announce plans to scrap the Rwanda scheme and use the money to create a border security command with new powers to treat people smugglers like terrorists.

    Notably, Starmer broke the news during a speech in the Dover constituency of Tory defector Natalie Elphicke. However, Labour’s decision to welcome the right-winger with open arms has prompted backlash from MPs and the public alike. This is because Elphicke has a torrid history of voting for hardline, right-wing policies across the board.

    Crucially – as the Canary’s James Wright pointed out however – her racist politics are now almost indistinguishable from Starmer’s Labour:

    Elphicke and Starmer both demonise refugees. Elphicke has suggested refugees are terrorists who bring “violent protest” to British streets, while Starmer has spent Prime Minister’s Questions trying to flank Rishi Sunak from the right – pressing him on ‘stopping the boats’.

    Labour’s answer to Rwanda is just more racism

    Naturally, migrant rights campaigners have been quick to drag the Labour leader over his latest capitulation to the right.

    Migration and asylum policy researcher and advocate Zoe Gardner condemned the plan on Sky News:

    Moreover, as migrant rights writer and campaigner Minnie Rahman noted, Labour’s new immigration scheme isn’t about making the UK safer for migrants:

    Ostensibly then, Labour’s answer to Rwanda is simply more racist prevarication:

    Fueling right-wing narratives

    It also didn’t go amiss to some that Starmer also shared the announcement via his X and linked to an article from the hate-mongering corporate media tabloid the Sun:

    Of course it wouldn’t be the first time the Labour leader has dabbled with the toxic shit rag. One X poster pointed out that it’s exactly this rhetoric which is fueling right-wing hatred towards migrants:

    Safe routes to asylum

    Vitally, people on X highlighted that the terrorism and border force plans will do little to actually stop dangerous boat crossings. Instead, as Labour socialist National Executive Committee Mish Rahman explained, this requires expanding safe routes of asylum:

    Ultimately, Labour’s reticence to do just that is driving migrants to these perilous and deadly crossings:

    Meanwhile, refugee and asylum specialist Lou Calvey commended Labour’s commitment to scrap the Rwanda scheme. Conversely however, Calvey underscored the announcements lack of substance on ending the UK’s complicity in violating migrant rights:

    Starmer: saving lives or pandering to racists?

    Of course, others pointed out how Labour isn’t actually interested in ending the hostile environment for migrants and saving lives. Instead, it’s barreling into the next election with its anti-migrant rhetoric on full throttle:

    At the end of the day, Labour’s latest dogwhistle blueprint shows that it’s increasingly pointless trying to work out where they end and the Tories begin.

    As an election beckons, the two major UK parties have doubled-down on their disgusting anti-migrant racism. Be it Sunak or Starmer, Conservative or Labour, casting your ballot for either party is now meaningless if you care for any of the most marginalised groups in the UK.

    If you had any doubts where Labour stand on migrant rights, it’s abhorrent vitriol on channel crossings now makes it clear for all to see. Starmer may as well crack out the notorious Miliband anti-migration mug and be done with it. Of course, that’s the one thing he really should be smashing – and its appalling rhetoric right along with it.

    Feature image via Youtube – Guardian News

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Hunger strikes at detention centres as asylum seekers get ‘no answers’ from Home Office and fear removal on Gatwick or Heathrow flights

    Protests and hunger strikes among asylum seekers held in detention centres in preparation for deportation to Rwanda are increasing, the Guardian has learned.

    Approximately 55 detainees, including Afghans, Iranians and Kurds, are believed to have staged a 10-hour peaceful protest in the exercise yard at Brook House immigration removal centre, near Gatwick airport from 6pm Tuesday until 4am Wednesday.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • At Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs), both Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer kept the rhetoric on refugees harsh in a game of scapegoat.

    Starmer: gloating over Elphicke

    Starmer accused Sunak of adopting an “amnesty” for refugees.

    Yet the 1951 UN convention on refugees states its an international obligation to provide asylum for refugees.

    Sunak responded:

    When it comes to border control, there is a crucial difference between us – we want secure borders

    Moreover, Starmer gloated about Tory MP Natalie Elphicke defecting to Labour. He sneered at Sunak that “one week a Tory MP who’s also a doctor [Dan Poulter] says the prime minister can’t be trusted with the NHS and joins Labour”. Starmer then noted:

    And the next week the Tory MP for Dover on the front line of the small boats crisis says the prime minister cannot be trusted with our borders and joins Labour. What is the point of this failed government staggering on?

    However, Elphicke’s record speaks for itself. As SKWAWKBOX noted, she has a record of anti-refugee sentiment as the MP for Dover.

    PMQs: both leaders out of step

    According to an Ipsos 2023 poll, 56% of British people believe refugees make a “positive contribution” to the country.

    And 84% agreed with the statement that “people should be able to take refuge in other countries, to escape from war or persecution”.

    Indeed, 102,807 Ukrainian people were granted refugee status in the UK in the year 2022-23.

    Yet in April 2024, five people including a child died trying to make the crossing to the UK.

    So – like with respect to the Ukraine war – the UK could provide safe and legal routes, as well as in cooperation with other countries, to uphold its duty to refugees.

    Punching down

    Instead of the PMQs rhetoric on asylum seekers, Starmer – as Labour leader – could be focusing on issues of capitalism that have a huge impact.

    For instance, the government treats housing as an asset that people should rent or profit from- rather than what’s primarily an essential one should own for cost-price.

    Instead, social and private landlords are simply leeching profits from tenants.

    Such scams and the demonisation of refugees must end.

    Featured image via Sky News – YouTube

    By James Wright

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • What a stinking story of inhumanity.  A country intent on sending asylum seekers to one whose residents have actually applied for asylum and sanctuary in other states.  But the UK-Rwanda deal, having stalled and stuttered before various courts and found wanting for reasons of human rights, has become law with the passage of the Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Bill.

    The story of this deal has been a long one.  On April 14, 2022, the government of Boris Johnson announced the Asylum Partnership Arrangement with Rwanda, which was intended “to contribute to the prevention and combating of illegally facilitated and unlawful cross border migration by establishing a bilateral asylum partnership”. Rwanda, for a princely sum, would receive those whose asylum claims would be otherwise processed in the UK through the “Rwanda domestic asylum system” and have the responsibility for settling and protecting applicants.

    This cynical effort of deferring human rights obligations and not guarding asylum seekers and refugees from harm has been made all the more hideous by Kigali’s less than savoury reputation in the field.  Refugees have been shot for protesting over reduced food rations (twelve from the Democratic Republic of Congo died in February 2018).  Refugees have also been arrested for allegedly spreading misinformation about Rwanda’s less than spotless human rights record.  And that’s just a smidgen of a significantly blotted copybook.

    Notwithstanding this, UK home secretaries have gushed over Kigali’s seemingly falsified credentials.  Suella Braverman, who formerly occupied the post, was jaw dropping in her claim that “Rwanda has a track record of successfully resettling and integrating people who are refugees or asylum seekers”.  This is markedly ironic given that the Rwandan government has been accused of creating its own complement of refugees running into the tens of thousands.

    The UK government has a patchy legal record in trying to defend the legitimacy of the exchange with Rwanda.  The Court of Appeal in June 2023 reversed a lower court decision on the grounds that those asylum seekers sent to Rwanda faced real risks of mistreatment prohibited by Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights.  Rwanda, it was noted, was “intolerant of dissent; that there are restrictions on the right of peaceful assembly, freedom of the press and freedom of speech; and that political opponents have been detained in unofficial detention centres and have been subjected to torture and Article 3 ill-treatment short of torture.”

    The government also failed to convince the UK Supreme Court, which similarly found in November 2023 that people removed to Rwanda faced a real risk of being returned to their countries of origin in violation of the principle of non-refoulement.  That principle, by which persons are not to be sent to their countries of origin or third countries if they would be placed at risk of harm, is a cardinal rule in several instruments of international law and enshrined in British law.

    In what can only be regarded as a legal absurdity, the Safety of Rwanda bill essentially directs the home secretary, immigration officials, courts and tribunals to deem Rwanda a safe country in accordance with UK law and UK obligations to protect asylum seekers.  It also bars decision makers from considering the risk of refugees being sent by Rwanda to other countries and disallows UK courts from drawing upon interpretations of international law, including the European Convention of Human Rights.  Effectively, a sizeable portion of the UK’s own Human Rights Act 1998 has been rendered inconsequential in these determinations.

    A final, nasty feature of the legislation is the grant of power to a Minister of the Crown to decide whether to abide by interim measures made by the European Court of Human Rights regarding any removal to Rwanda.  This is astonishing on several levels, not least because it repudiates the binding nature of such interim measures.

    Michael O’Flaherty, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, could barely believe the passage of such an obnoxious bit of legislation.  Not only did it fly in the face of obligations to protect refugees, it constituted a direct interference in the judicial process. “The United Kingdom government should refrain from removing people under the Rwanda policy and reverse the Bill’s effective infringement of judicial independence.”

    Shadowing these proceedings is an unmistakable, ghoulish legacy of Australian origin.  The former Home Secretary Priti Patel openly acknowledged that elements of the “Australian model” of processing asylum claims in third countries were appealing and something to emulate.  The particularly attractive element of the plan was the refusal by Canberra to ever permit those found to be refugees to ever settle on Australian soil.  Other countries, including such European states as Denmark, have also chosen Rwanda as an appropriate destination for unwanted asylum seekers.

    The entire affair is a stunning example of political entropy, a howl from an administration marching before the firing squad.  With each failure, the Tories have tried to claw back respectability in the hope of appearing muscular in the face of irregular migration.  They have accordingly cooked up a scheme that is not merely cruel, but one of staggering cost (each asylum seeker of the current cohort promises to cost the British taxpayer £1.8 million) and ineffectualness.  Sunak, a laughably weak and unpopular prime minister, is, politically speaking, at death’s door.  Despite getting the legislation through, legal struggles from potential deportees are bound to tear into the arrangements. What Britain’s judges do will prove a true test of character.

    The post When Safety is a Fiction: Passing the UK’s Rwanda Bill first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Once again, the violence of colonial ‘fortress’ Europe is on full display as the UK ramps up its racist refugee policies. Meanwhile, across the Channel, a new report has exposed France’s abusive migrant detention regime.

    Rwanda plan: Tories set their immoral scheme in motion

    The UK government has begun its appalling assault on migrants living across the country.

    On Monday 29 April, the Home Office launched a spate of detentions. As the Guardian reported:

    Detainees will be immediately transferred to detention centres, which have already been prepared for the operation, and held until they are put on planes to Rwanda. Some will be put on the first flight due to take off this summer.

    Now, the government has confirmed that it has detained a number of these migrants ready for deportation.

    A Supreme Court ruling last year that ruled that sending migrants to Rwanda in this way would be illegal because it:

    would expose them to a real risk of ill-treatment

    Moreover, numerous rights groups, the UN Refugee Agency, and the UN’s human rights office have slammed the government’s scheme. In February, UN human rights chief Volker Türk issued a scathing statement on the plan, saying that:

    It is deeply concerning to carve out one group of people, or people in one particular situation, from the equal protection of the law – this is antithetical to even-handed justice, available and accessible to all, without discrimination.

    Immigration tyrannising migrants

    Naturally however, this hasn’t stopped the racist Tory government from ramming it through parliament. On 22 April the House of Commons passed the abhorrent new law which greenlights the Tory’s flagship asylum policy.

    So, following this, a new Home Office document has now revealed that the government plans to deport 5,700 migrants to Rwanda this year.

    Specifically, it detailed that Rwanda has “in principle” agreed to accept 5,700 migrants already in the UK.

    Under the government’s new plans, it can deem asylum claims inadmissible for migrants who arrived in the UK between January 2022 and June last year.

    So of course, it has already started its foul campaign tyrannising migrants.

    Calling it “another major milestone” in the Rwanda plan, the ministry released photographs and a video of immigration enforcement officers detaining several migrants at different residences.

    Violence in France’s detention centres

    Meanwhile, across the Channel, the violent racist architecture of colonial borderisation has also been in full swing.

    A new report by migrant rights groups including SOS Solidarity and France Terre d’Asile (“France Land of Asylum”) has revealed that migrant detention in France is also on the rise. Worse still, the report documented a rise in violence towards migrants inside these detention facilities.

    Specifically, it found that France had incarcerated more undocumented migrants in detention centres in 2023 than in 2022.

    French authorities held 46,955 migrants in the detention centres across the country and in overseas territories in 2023. This was compared to 43,565 the previous year.

    In mainland France, the large majority were men, 5% were women and 87 individuals were children accompanied by their parents. More than 120 said they were under-18 but French authorities had declared them to be adults. Most migrants were Algerian, Tunisian and Moroccan, in that order.

    On average detention centres held them 28.5 days out of a maximum allowed of 90 days. Notably, this was a week longer than the previous year. Given this, the report noted how the incarceration had impacted the mental health of the detainees. Detention had sometimes led to suicide attempts, self-mutilation, tensions and violent incidents with people working with them.

    Crucially, the report noted:

    Never have our associations witnessed so many violent acts as in 2023

    While some detainees sometimes clashed with others held with them, the report also identified police violence towards migrants.

    For example, at one centre in the Paris region, more than 40 migrants officially complained of:

    physical violence, threats or insults of racist or homophobic character, (and) sexual assaults

    Notably, this violence was specifically from police inside the facility.

    Trash ‘deterrent’ and ‘detention’ rhetoric

    Predictably, both colonial governments have bandied about bullsh*t about ‘detention’ and ‘deterrent’.

    The Tories xenophobia-fueled argument is that the threat of being deported to Rwanda will deter tens of thousands of annual cross-Channel arrivals.

    Of course, this isn’t what the official statistics show. Instead, arrivals have increased by more than a quarter in the first third of the year compared to the same period in 2023.

    Similarly, France has held up its detention scheme as a major pillar of its deportation plans.

    However, the nonprofit report found that of those held in detention centres, it had expelled 15% fewer detainees from the country last year compared to 2022, despite an increase in deportations overall.

    Ultimately, it’s all bluster and demonstrates the dangerous end point of scapegoat politics. People seeking safety from persecution, poverty, and violence should be welcomed into our communities. Instead, vile governments continue their immoral, racist colonial project without a shred of conscience.

    Additional reporting by Agence France-Presse

    Feature image via Wikimedia/Youtube/the Canary

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • There is no evidence for the government’s claim that deportations will ‘stop the boats’

    The capitulation of the House of Lords over the government’s Rwanda bill was predictable – even if some opponents had hoped against hope that peers might force a climbdown. As of now, UK law states that Rwanda is a “safe country”, making it possible for ministers to send asylum seekers there. The shameful course of action embarked on late last year, after the supreme court ruled the deportation policy unlawful, has thus concluded. Two years after Boris Johnson first announced the plan, Rishi Sunak is set to try again.

    From parliament the focus now swings back to the courts, where lawyers will try to have individuals removed from flight lists. The law allows for this if they face “real, imminent and foreseeable risk of serious irreversible harm” from being sent to Rwanda – which some undoubtedly will. Mr Sunak’s calculation is that the policy makes political sense despite this and the £1.8m estimated initial cost per deportee. Its appeal is two-pronged, and combines the fuelling of xenophobic sentiment among voters – by ensuring that irregular migration stays in the news – with papering over cracks in the Tory party between hard-right populists and what remains of the liberal centre-right.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Prime minister announces increase to UK defence spending to 2.5% of GDP by 2030 in speech about security. This live blog is closed

    Rishi Sunak has said that the deaths of five people who were crossing the Channel in the early hours of this morning underlines the need to stop the boats.

    Speaking to reporters on his plane to Poland, he argued that there was an “element of compassion” in his Rwanda policy because it is intended to stop people smuggling. He said:

    There are reports of sadly yet more tragic deaths in the Channel this morning. I think that is just a reminder of why our plan is so important because there’s a certain element of compassion about everything that we’re doing.

    We want to prevent people making these very dangerous crossings. If you look at what’s happening, criminal gangs are exploiting vulnerable people. They are packing more and more people into these unseaworthy dinghies.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Bill could become law this week as end of parliamentary ping-pong in sight

    Q: Do you think you will be able to implement this without leaving the European convention of human rights?

    Sunak says he thinks he can implement this without leaving the ECHR.

    If it ever comes to a choice between our national security, securing our borders, and membership of a foreign court, I’m, of course, always going to prioritise our national security.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • One year ago this week, a devastating conflict erupted in Sudan when a fragile alliance between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces collapsed. The war initially began around the capital city of Khartoum but quickly spread to other parts of Sudan, including Darfur, Port Sudan and the Gezira state, situated in the country’s agricultural heartland. One year on…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Exclusive: Rights groups denounce negotiations with Rapid Support Forces, accused of ethnic cleansing and war crimes

    Foreign Office officials are holding secret talks with the paramilitary group that has been waging a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Sudan for the past year.

    News that the British government and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are engaged in clandestine negotiations has prompted warnings that such talks risk legitimising the notorious militia – which continues to commit multiple war crimes – while undermining Britain’s moral credibility in the region.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Long-awaited package of measures marks victory for Europe’s centre albeit with ‘doubts and concerns’ over implementation

    Almost a decade in the making, the EU’s new migration and asylum pact suffered so many setbacks, stalemates and rewrites that when member states finally announced a deal last year, its passage through parliament seemed assured.

    That was, however, to ignore the objections of Europe’s resurgent far-right parties, who felt it was not tough enough (and, perhaps, hoped to profit at the ballot box from allowing the current chaos around migration to continue).

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • On Wednesday 10 April the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) published its provisional statistics on how the UK’s international aid budget was spent in 2023. Without irony, the FCDO admitted that around a quarter of it was spent within the UK.

    This annual publication provides an overview of the provisional UK aid spend in the calendar year 2023 and has revealed that the UK is spending more than a quarter of UK aid on costs associated with housing refugees in the UK.

    This spending by the Home Office and other departments to cover administrative and accommodation costs for housing refugees in the UK continues to hinder the ability of FCDO to scale up its spending on sustainable development.

    Gross mismanagement of the aid budget

    The UK spent £4.3bn on costs associated with refugees in the UK in 2023, compared with £3.7bn in 2022.

    The UK spent nearly 5 times as much on refugee costs in the UK as spent on bilateral support for humanitarian needs in 2023. The UK spent £888m of bilateral UK aid on humanitarian assistance in 2023, a decrease of £221m (19.9 %) from £1.1bn in 2022.

    The FCDO statistics also reveal that:

    • 27.9% of the UK aid budget was spent on refugee costs in the UK in 2023 (£4.3bn) compared to 28.9% in 2022 (£3.7bn).
    • Spending on asylum seekers and refugees in the UK has increased by 16.4% since 2022.
    • A total of £15.4bn was spent in 2023 making this 0.58% of gross national income.
    • The UK spent £4.3bn of the UK aid budget on refugee costs in the UK in 2023 compared to £4.1bn UK aid spent by the FCDO bilaterally.
    • The Home Office spent £2.9bn in 2023 (19.2% of the UK aid budget), while in 2022 this was at £2.3bn (18.7%).

    Cutting international aid budget

    Across the FCDO, spending internationally declined. The report found that the department’s spending accounted for 61.6% of the UK aid budget in 2023 (£9.4bn) compared to 59.7% in 2022 and 71.6% in 2021. While this is an increase on 2022, it remains below 2021 and years preceding. Specifically in 2023, the FCDO spent:

    • £1.05bn of its region-specific bilateral UK aid in Africa (52.4%). While this has been an increase in share from 42.9% in 2022, in total numbers this is a decrease from £1.06bn in 2022.
    • £619m in Asia (30.8%). This is a decrease in comparison to 2022 both in terms of total and percentage, £925m (37.4%).
    • £248m (12.3%), in Europe, while in 2022 this was £335m (13.5%).

    Stop spending international aid in the UK

    Gideon Rabinowitz, director of policy and advocacy at Bond, the UK network for NGOs, said:

    With over a quarter of the UK aid budget being spent right here in the UK, the government seems to have lost its grip on UK aid spending which is weakening the UK’s ability to respond to urgent global crises and support long-term sustainable development needs in lower-income countries.

    INGOs are once again seeing vital funding for emergency support programmes in Somalia, Yemen and elsewhere being cut or held back, and we suspect this is due to escalating Home Office asylum costs taking an increasing chunk of the UK aid budget.

    The government must stop seeing the UK aid budget as the primary pot for this spending given that it is legally required to support poverty reduction in lower-income countries.

    While we welcome UK aid spending increasing from 0.50% to 0.58% of gross national income, we urge the government to commit to this as the new minimum spending floor as we begin to scale up to return to 0.7%.

    Featured image via the UK government

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • It’s one year since it was revealed that the Bibby Stockholm barge would be used to contain refugees and asylum-seekers in Britain. So, Berlin-based artist Katherine Kannon and Dorset solicitor Nigel Turner have worked together to adapt Katherine’s poster of Dorset landmarks. The artwork now includes the barge, shown just off Portland and labelled “Dorset’s Shame”:

    The Bibby Stockholm: a year of opposition

    Art can be a powerful way to draw attention and invite questions. In a move reminiscent of the film Three Billboards Outside Ebbing, Missouri, the aim is to sell the posters to mark this anniversary and raise funds for displaying the Dorset print on three billboards around Weymouth and Portland.

    Turner said:

    When I first saw Katherine’s original Dorset poster, I was struck by the fact that Portland was front and centre of the image. It seemed right to adapt the poster to highlight the Bibby Stockholm as an unwelcome local landmark.

    I dealt extensively with Dorset Council last year on this case, and my impression is that they gave up the fight before it started, despite having voted against the barge in July 2023.

    On 3 April 2023, it was revealed that the Home Office intended to deploy the Bibby Stockholm as a way to contain asylum-seekers (people who are here legally because their asylum claims are already being processed).

    Even the local Conservative MP, Richard Drax, said the use of the barge would be “totally and utterly out of the question”. Since then, the vessel has been the focus of local and national anger.

    On 13 July 2023, at a full council meeting, Dorset Council passed the following motion (one councillor described the agreement with the Home Office as ‘a devil’s deal’):

    That this council condemns the commercial agreement between the Home Office and Portland Port for the mooring of the Bibby Stockholm barge to accommodate up to 500 asylum seekers at this location. That the mooring of the barge in Portland Port is an entirely inappropriate location and should be removed at the earliest opportunity…

    Portland residents objected to the Home Office’s lack of consultation ahead of the decision to place the barge there.

    An example of quasi-detention

    Nevertheless, it arrived in Portland on 18 July 2023 after months of extensive repairs in Falmouth. The Bibby Stockholm was briefly operational for five days in August 2023. However, the small on-board cohort was then evacuated due to the discovery of Legionella in the barge’s water system.

    The Bibby Stockholm has been labelled performatively cruel and a method of quasi-detention. Indeed, there have been suicide attempts on board and one Albanian man, Leonard Farruku, died apparently by suicide in December 2023. That same month, 65 charities wrote an open letter demanding the closure of the Bibby Stockholm barge.

    In August 2023, the Fire Brigades Union launched a legal challenge over fire safety concerns on board the Bibby Stockholm. And in October 2023 and February 2024, Portland mayor Carralyn Parkes asked the High Court for a judicial review of the decisions, by the Home Office and Dorset Council respectively, not to seek or enforce planning permission at the site (decision pending).

    The Bibby Stockholm: the fight continues

    The site has drawn protest visits from far-right and neo-Nazi groups. Locally, anti-immigrants have said:

    • Residents should be fed into an incinerator.
    • The Bibby Stockholm should be bombed.
    • It should be set on fire (with everyone in it).
    • The barge should be cut adrift.
    • There should be a ‘weekly death count’ of its residents.

    According to the fire risk assessment drawn up by CTM (the barge operator), the barge is now on 24/7 arson watch.

    Despite the Home Office’s claim that the barge was being used to save money on hotels, the National Audit Office has stated that it is considerably more expensive than hotels – the barge will have cost £34.8m over its 18-month initial operation.

    High-quality A3 prints of the copyrighted artwork can be purchased for £30, including P&P, by contacting nigelturner[at]westbournecreative.co.uk All proceeds will go to support the Three Billboards campaign.

    Featured image via the University of Birmingham, and additional image supplied

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • But Greens’ David Shoebridge says Labor has ‘jumped the shark’ with the legislation and it requires more scrutiny

    Foreign affairs minister Penny Wong has blamed a “Peter Dutton-Adam Bandt alliance” for the government’s failure to rush through “draconian” deportation legislation in the parliament last week.

    But Greens senator David Shoebridge, who has described the laws as “draconian”, said the Labor government was alone in supporting the laws without scrutiny, arguing it was “everybody in the parliament except for Labor” who wanted further examination of legislation “that looked like it had been drawn in crayon without any rational basis behind it”.

    Sign up for Guardian Australia’s free morning and afternoon email newsletters for your daily news roundup

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • There is still time for the government to change course and to finally give people an opportunity to rebuild their lives

    In the five months since the high court delivered its landmark ruling in NZYQ, the Albanese government has introduced a patchwork of hasty and ill-considered laws that aim to skirt around an inescapable reality: that it is unlawful for governments to punish people.

    Through increasingly elaborate means, the Albanese government has attempted to coerce, restrict and malign people released from immigration detention so that as many as possible accept removal from Australia.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • May’s family

    Latifa Najjar superimposes hearts over the faces of her children’s online photographs in the classic mother’s move to protect them. But, unfortunately, her children are in a Rafah refugee camp, and it’s the middle of the Israeli-Gaza war. So she’s unknowingly saving me from missing their beautiful faces, if I learn one day they’ve been murdered by bombs or famine. Exterminated by the bad luck of being born in Gaza, a country stripped not only of its housing and masjids (mosques), but food, water, and medical care. A country strip-searched by Israeli soldiers like they strip-search its women—taking their last bit of dignity and leaving nothing left but malnourished bodies and lips to pray with. Latifa lost almost everything—even her snow white, blue-eyed kittens Lia and Leo, for they were left behind in the misery of North Gaza, where they are sure to die.

    Latifa’s brother is dead, a cousin too, but the family she created with her husband still lives. Her eldest daughter, Farah, age seventeen, translates Facebook messages between us. Deciphering her mom’s homegrown Arabic into an English she learned a la cart from Sherlock Holmes movies, social media and online classes. Amideast, an American NGO, gave her an award for an essay she wrote about her future: The Remarkable Story of Farah Najjar. Now that future seems impossibly far away.

    Things are hard for Latifa’s family, so I take her children to the land of make believe, where they become a family of kings and queens. Why not? Latifa’s been so open with me, a total stranger. She has to tell a man she’s never met about her life and death struggles. Not a thing women usually do in Gaza. It’s a patriarchal culture, and I’m on the wrong side of history. But all that is forgotten as I entertain her children with a bedtime story.

    In a faerie tale desert by the sea, I exchange their tattered refugee clothes for luxurious silk garments. I put them on gorgeous thrones set on thick carpets in Bedouin tents instead of dirt floors under blue tarps. The little princes and princesses enjoy endless sweets, playtime and peace. No bombs detonate here, no innocent people scream.

    Years from now they will live in solace. They will forget that long ago missiles wiped out family and friends leaving half-living relatives to bury the dead. Tonight I take them to a world where children slay dragons and fear is conquered with toy swords and Aladdin’s wishes. Finally, the moonlight serenades faces as tired eyes fall asleep.

    That next day I receive a call from a young woman, Fatima, who’s somewhere that’s not Rafah. Stuck on a rooftop overlooking a fractured city block. In her arms, her two-year-old son. Scattered around her: water, garbage and shame. Gunfire argues in the distance. Every building in the background is reduced to rubble or half burned up in flames. Trapped civilians scream out for help, but no one hears them. Fatima asks for money. I send ten dollars. “Ouch,” she replies, demanding more. A Facebook friend obliges. Then Fatima makes another request. The cycle continues. It will never stop. Scam, or not? Normally, I would have never sent her money—I’m not one for double drowning. But I forgive her because, just above, I witnessed hell on a smartphone screen.

    This asking for money is the only control she has over life. She demands our charity, while facing death and being buried by debris. Regardless, she’s nearly alone, with only a few small souls for company, less in weight than they used to be, the lower echelon of refugees. Her only link to sanity is through the same technology that guides the smart bombs which kill whole families. I say goodbye. We will never talk again. She’ll be ravaged by circumstance, and I’ll write about her while sitting here, sickened by what I’ve seen.

    Latifa posts videos of her children singing, dancing, pleading. I can feel her heart beating through the interwebs. There’s nothing else to do, but mask the horror with innocence. Long before the war she was a social researcher, a young woman with a college degree helping her people. And here she is, years later, kingdom gone and trapped among the poor.

    But, she has plans. Like many Palestinians she’s had enough of the endless strife with Israel, and wants to leave Gaza. Enticed by the internet images of life outside their nation-state prison, she works at getting away by soliciting money for her Go Fund Me. With luck they will not perish in the genocide.

    Another woman-lead family messages me. Samah Ouda is far away from food in a place called Nuseirat, a suburb by the sea. The remains of Turkish coffee houses, masjids and cemeteries are all that’s left. The beaches, strewn with chunks of concrete. The streets, peppered with powdered coffee. The call to prayer, absent from the broken minarets after endless centuries. She’s more desperate than Latifa, speaking in shorter sentences, not allowing herself to dream. Her children’s survival, less likely. Her words, terse and to the point. She taught English before the war. Now, she promotes her plight through Tik-Tok and Instagram, to fund her own Go Fund Me.

    I focus on Latifa’s family and their future, not wanting to think about those who won’t make it, those whose death will have no meaning. I message her again, but she’s too busy trying to live, to listen. So I find a channel that’s live-streaming a Gaza hospital, where children play on wheelchairs amid the dying.

    The next day we talk.

    “Alhamdulillah (God help me), I’m desperate,” Latifa says. “We need a truce.”

    So I say: “You are brave. You are strong.”

    “Thanks a lot.” she replies. “We are happy to know you brother. I pray that we survive.”

    Then an anonymous young woman asks me for help. She is alone, stranded in a home housing elderly and children. Like many, she has lost touch with her friends from before the war. I hear it all the time. A fragmented people, living fragmented lives, with fragmented families waiting to die. In this case the young woman is too afraid to go outside, or even look out the window. She has stayed off evil by refusing to see, her terror limited to the sound of bombs, gunfire and drones. But even so, her food is tasteless and nothing smells good. No one hugs her either, so she’s slowly losing the sense of touch as well. A solitary life in a solitary room, but still, that’s a better existence than some.

    She is worried about what the IDF (Israeli Defense Forces) will do to her if they invade Rafah. She has heard the stories, the tales of sexual assault. At first I avoid the topic, try to steer her mind somewhere else. But there is a very good chance she will be caught and stripped searched as she tries to flee. Likely in front of male Israeli soldiers, rifles pointed in her direction, ready to kill. She will feel humiliated. A young woman who’s never shown, since puberty, an unrelated man an inch of her skin not on her face or hands. The clothing the Israelis say oppresses her will now be used to violate what little she has left.

    When I finally tell her about how to stem the anxiety and fear, my words feel like instructions for going to the gallows. Repeat this prayer in times of trouble: ‘I take refuge in the Lord of the people.’ Supposedly, the last line spoken before the Prophet’s (PBUH) death.

    I hear about an airstrike striking Nuseirat that kills many women and children. I message Samah and luckily she replies, she is not hurt. We chit-chat for once, and I learn that before the war she was a high school physics teacher.

    The next day I receive messages from two new women. Mays Astal and Maryam Hasanat are desperate. They are both eight months pregnant, in land with little medical care if anything goes wrong. One of them has a good chance of surviving, for the other everything has already gone wrong.

    Mays, Catholic Relief Services employee, Palestinian Red Crescent Society engineer, found herself with nothing but a tent, her two children named Dialah and Mohammed and a husband. Yet she still spends three hours a day as a humanitarian worker risking death at the hands of the IDF. The perfect American nuclear family, except they live in a war zone, not prosperity.

    One day the IDF decided it would be best if they burn down all the buildings in the refugee camp with incendiary munitions, then drive tanks through the tent city to run down the living. Mays and her family bury themselves in the sand, narrowly avoiding being run over. She clings to hope with another Go Fund Me, so she and her family can get out of hell and into Egypt. There she can give birth in peace.

    Maryam has a beautiful Facebook profile picture from her wedding. In it her tall, handsome husband smiles as he looks down at her. Like nearly everyone else, they lost everything, and left their home as soon as Israel littered their living area with leaflets exalting doom and destruction for all who remain. Within a few weeks their apartment was bombed, and her brother-in-law was shot to death by the IDF as he drove back to his young wife and child.

    A day after she contacted me, she sends me a message: “Today my best friend, Haia, and her baby died.”

    “From a bomb?” I ask.

    “No, Haia was pregnant, and she had to have a cesarean section.”

    “What went wrong?”

    “They cut her womb open with no anesthesia, and couldn’t stop the bleeding. Neither mother nor child survived.”

    Then I find out why Maryam’s so desperate. She’ll need a c-section as well, because her pelvis is too narrow. That’s why she needs twenty-five thousand dollars to get to Egypt, so she and her baby won’t die in a hospital in Rafah that has no supplies. So she won’t become one of the thousands of women who have lost their lives between the barbed wire and the sea.

    The following fundraisers will help bring hope to these families. They are listed in order of appearance in this story.

    Latifa’s Go Fund Me Campaign

    Samah’s Go Fund Me Campaign

    Mays Go Fund Me Campaign

    Maryam’s Go Fund Me Campaign

    Maryam and husband

    Pregnant Maryam and her son

    Latifah’s daughter

    • Please message the author at moc.liamgnull@erotavlassore if you want to inquire about helping refugees in Gaza.

    •• First published in Z

    The post The Women Who Live Between the Barbed Wire and the Sea first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    A leader of one of New Zealand’s main Palestine solidarity groups today called on the government to expel the Israeli ambassador and call for an immediate ceasefire in the genocidal war on Gaza.

    “We know what the crimes are — occupation. Land theft. Ethnic cleansing. Apartheid. Genocide. All crimes against humanity,” Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) secretary Neil Scott told a cheering protest rally in Auckland’s Te Komititanga (Britomart) Square.

    “My challenge to the politicians of Aotearoa is stand up for international law. Oppose Israeli crimes against humanity. Speak up.”

    Expressing a frequently cited epithet, “Silence is complicity”, Scott gave a brief rundown on the months of protest since the deadly Hamas attack on southern Israel on October 7, pointing out that the struggle really began after the Second World War with the Naqba (“Catastrophe”) forced expulsions of Palestinians in 1948.

    “Another week. Another rally. Another month! Another rally,” Scott began.

    “Another year. Another decade. And another decade. Another rally . . .

    “This didn’t start on October 7 last year. It started in 1948.”

    Heavy Israeli attacks
    Scott’s condemnation of the New Zealand government for its “silence” followed news reports today that Israeli forces had launched “violent” ground and air attacks on Khan Younis and bombed homes in Rafah and Deir el-Balah, killing at least 14 Palestinians.

    Mediation efforts to end the bloodshed in Gaza appear to be struggling, reports Al Jazeera, with a Hamas official saying Israeli negotiators had rejected their latest proposals for a ceasefire and claiming Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was “not interested” in negotiating peace.

    PSNA secretary Neil Scott
    PSNA secretary Neil Scott . . . “Throughout those years, we knew that extreme racism and Jewish supremacy was baked into the core of Zionist ideology.” Image: David Robie/APR

    Scott said that “many long term campaigners” would know that “Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa stalwart, Janfrie Wakim, her husband [David] and a whole bunch of Palestine supporters were pivotal in setting up these [Auckland] rallies”.

    “Monthly rallies. They were set up in 1981,” he said.

    “Forty-three years ago. Forty-three long damn years ago . . .  silence from [New Zealand] governments.

    “Throughout those years, we knew that extreme racism and Jewish supremacy was baked into the core of Zionist ideology.”

    "The New Zealand Genocide"
    “The New Zealand Genocide” aka The New Zealand Herald . . . New Zealand news media have been consistently condemned at the Palestine rallies for months for their alleged bias in favour of Israel. Image: David Robie/APR

    Turning to the systematic theft of Palestinian land, Scott asked: “Who here knew about the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestine — the Israeli theft of Palestinian land.

    “The Israeli ethnic cleansing of millions of Palestinians from their homes and lands.”

    The Israeli apartheid had treated Palestinians as second class humans, if Zionist Israel had thought of Palestinians as humans at all.

    “We took on South African apartheid back in the day,” he said about the 1981 anti-aterheid Springbok rugby tour protests which were inspirational in forcing eventual change to the minority white-ruled regime in Pretoria.

    “But [with] the Israeli apartheid of Palestinians. . . Our governments have done nothing.

    “All of those breaches of international law! Laws Aotearoa has signed up to. All crimes against humanity,” Scott said.

    “You. I. And most people with a simple interest in know was happening in Palestine know the facts. The truth.

    "Stop the Zionist bloodshed"
    “Stop the Zionist bloodshed” . . . getting ready for today’s Palestine solidarity rally in Auckland. Image: David Robie/APR

    “For decades, we have been taking action shouting the issues from the roof tops. Almost begging successive governments to take action.

    “Not to spout silly, petty words and then look the other way but take real action.”

    Scott said PSNA had written to ministers, taken delegations to Wellington, and visited local MPs in their offices as well as holding rallies.

    “Successive governments knew. They all knew about these crimes against humanity.”

    But for more than 85 years of Israel committing crimes against humanity, successive New Zealand governments had taken “no real action”.

    “They have never sent the Israeli ambassador home to show our displeasure of those crimes against humanity,” Scott said.

    A young girl at the Auckland rally holds a placard in a tribute for a Gazan nurse
    A young girl at the Auckland rally holds a placard in a tribute for a Gazan nurse who adopted Malak when she was left with no parents, bombed by the Israelis. Image: David Robie/APR

    He said New Zealand governments had allowed 200 young Israelis to come to Aotearoa to “rest and relax” after enforcing a vicious deadly occupation of Palestine.

    “A dehumanising apartheid. And now, to rest and relax after committing genocide.

    “What the hell are the politicians thinking? Where are their moral compasses? Israelis committing genocide,” Scott said.

    “With a warm smile — welcome to Aotearoa and thanks for bringing your blood stained money with you. Feel free to walk among us, free from consequences.

    “We must sanction genocidal Israel. Send the ambassador home. End the Israeli working holiday visa! Ban ZIM shipping agents from our lands.

    “Silence is complicity — to the politicians: End your silence.”

    Green MP Ricardo Menéndez March
    Green MP Ricardo Menéndez March . . . praised the crowd for providing the solidarity momentum for their work in Parliament for justice over Gaza. Image: David Robie/APR

    Green MP Ricardo Menéndez March praised he crowd for protesting week after week and applying pressure on the government — “it’s thanks to you,” he said to resounding cheers.

    He explained the moves the Green Party was taking to persuade the government to grant humanitarian visas for members of Palestinian families in New Zealand impacted on by the brutal ethnic cleansing in Gaza.

    A Palestinian campaigner, Billy Hania, was also among many speakers. He broadcast a series of outspoken messages, including a Tiktok rundown on NZ government ministers’ support for Israel and from Michael Fakhri, the UN’s Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food.

    He also praised many of the regular protesters for their perseverance and solidarity, naming several in the crowd.

    Meanwhile, Hanan Ashrawi, a former member of the Palestine Legislative Council, has told Al Jazeera’s Inside Story that the US should support a “straightforward” resolution in the UN Security Council instead of using “using evasive tactics”.

    UN Security Council members are expected to vote on a new resolution put forward by the elected “E10” members calling for an immediate ceasefire on Monday.

    Israel is reported to have killed more than 32,070 people in the war on Gaza arrested more than 7350 Palestinians in West Bank so far during the war.

    Visiting the Egyptian side of the Rafah crossing into the Gaza Strip, UN Secretary-General Antònio Guterres said a line of blocked aid trucks stuck on Egypt’s side of the border while Palestinians faced starvation on the other side was a “moral outrage”.

    "Bombing children is not self-defence"
    “Bombing children is not self-defence” . . . placards in Auckland’s Te Komititanga Square today. Image: David Robie/APR

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By A Firenze in Gadigal/Sydney

    Palestinians fleeing war-ravaged Gaza for safety in Australia were left stranded when the Labor government abruptly cancelled their visas.

    The “subclass 600” temporary visas were approved between last November and February for Palestinians with close and immediate family connections.

    Families of those fleeing Gaza, and organisations assisting Palestinians to leave Gaza, began to receive news of the visa cancellations on March 13.

    The number of people affected by the sudden visa cancellations was unclear, however there were at least 12 individuals who had had visas cancelled while in transit.

    The stories of those affected have been shared over social media. They included the 23-year-old nephew of a Palestinian-Australian, stranded in Istanbul airport for four nights after having his visa cancelled mid-transit, unable to return to Gaza and unable to legally stay in Istanbul.

    A mother and her four young children were turned around in Egypt, when their visas were cancelled, meaning they were unable to board an onwards flight to Australia.

    A family of six were separated, with three of the children allowed to board flights, while the mother and youngest child were left behind.

    2200 temporary visas
    The Department of Home Affairs said the government had issued around 2200 temporary subclass 600 visas for Palestinians fleeing Gaza since October 2023.

    Subclass 600 visas are temporary and do not permit the person work or education rights, or access to Medicare-funded health services.

    Israelis have been granted 2400 visitor visas during the same time period.

    The visa cancellations for Palestinians have been condemned by the Palestinian community, Palestinian organisations and rights’ supporters.

    The Palestine Australia Relief and Action (PARA) started an email campaign which generated more than 6000 letters to government ministers within 72 hours.

    Nasser Mashni, president of the Australia Palestine Advocacy Network (APAN), called on Labor to “follow through on its moral obligation to offer safety and certainty” to those fleeing, pointing to Australia’s more humane treatment of Ukrainian refugees.

    The Refugee Action Collective Victoria (RAC Vic) called a snap action on March 15, supported by Socialist Alliance and PARA.

    ‘Shame on Labor’
    David Glanz, on behalf of RAC Vic, said the cancellations had effectively marooned Palestinians in transit countries to the “shame of the Labor government which has supported Israel in its genocide”.

    Samah Sabawi, co-founder of PARA, is currently in Cairo assisting families trying to leave Gaza.

    She told ABC Radio National on March 14 about the obstacles Palestinians face trying to leave via the Rafah crossing, including the lack of travel documents for those living under Israeli occupation, family separations and heavy-handed vetting by the Israeli and Egyptian authorities.

    Sabawi said the extreme difficulties faced by Palestinians fleeing Rafah were compounded by Australia’s visa cancellations and its withdrawal of consular support.

    She also said Opposition leader Peter Dutton had “demonised” Palestinians and pressured Labor into rescinding the visas on the basis of “security concerns”.

    Labor said there were no security concerns with the individuals whose visas had been cancelled. It has since been suggested by those working closely with the affected Palestinians that their visas were cancelled due to the legitimacy of their crossing through Rafah.

    PARA said the government had said it had extremely limited capacity to assist.

    Some visas reinstated
    It is believed that some 1.5 million Palestinians are increasingly desperate to escape the genocide and are waiting in Rafah. Many have no choice but to pay brokers to help them leave.

    Some of those whose visas had been cancelled received news on March 18 that their visas had been reinstated.

    A Palestinian journalist and his family were among those whose visas were reinstated and are currently on route to Australia.

    Graham Thom, Amnesty International’s national refugee coordinator, told The Guardian that urgent circumstances needed to be taken into account.

    “The issue is getting across the border . . .  The government needs to deal with people using their own initiative to get across any way they can.”

    He said other Palestinians with Australian visas leaving Gaza needed more information about the process.

    It is not known how many other Palestinians are waiting for their visas to be reinstated.

    Republished from Green Left magazine with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Katie Scotcher, RNZ News political reporter

    The New Zealand government is being urged to create a special humanitarian visa for Palestinians in Gaza with ties to this country.

    More than 30 organisations — including World Vision, Save the Children and Greenpeace — have sent an open letter to ministers, calling on them to step up support.

    They also want the government to help evacuate Palestinians with ties to New Zealand from Gaza, and provide them with resettlement assistance.

    Their appeal is backed by Palestinian New Zealander Muhammad Dahlen, whose family is living in fear in Rafah after being forced to move there from northern Gaza.

    His ex-wife and two children (who have had visitor visas since December) were now living in a garage with his mother, sisters and nieces who do not have visas.

    “There is no food, there is no power . . .  it is a really hard situation to be living in,” he told RNZ Morning Report.

    If his family could receive visas to come to New Zealand “it literally can be the difference between life and death”.

    ‘Everyone susceptible to death’
    With Israel making it clear it still intended to send ground forces into Rafah “everyone is susceptible to death and at least we would be saving some lives”.

    Dahlen said New Zealand had a tradition of accepting refugees from areas of conflict, including Sudan, Ukraine, Afghanistan and Syria.

    “So why is this not the same?”

    He appealed to Immigration Minister Erica Stanford and Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters to intervene and approach the Egyptian government.

    “We need these people out,” he said.

    “Please give them visas; this is a first step. This is something super super difficult and huge and requires ministerial intervention.”

    Border permission needed
    At the Gaza-Egypt border potential refugees needed to gain the permission of officials from both Israel and Egypt.

    Egypt had concerns about taking in too many refugees from Gaza so the New Zealand government would need to provide assurances flights had been organised.

    If the government offered a charter flight to bring refugees to this country, “that would be amazing”.

    World Vision spokesperson Rebekah Armstrong said the government had responded with immigration support in other humanitarian emergencies.

    “We provided humanitarian visas for Ukrainians when their lives were torn apart by war, and we assisted Afghans to leave and resettle in this country when the Taliban returned to power. The situation for vulnerable Palestinians is no different.

    “Palestinians are living in a perilous environment, with hundreds of thousands of people displaced from their homes; children and families starving with literally nothing to eat; and healthcare and medical treatment nearly impossible to access,” Armstrong said.

    Several hundred
    The organisations did not know exactly how many people would qualify for such a visa, but estimated it could be several hundred.

    “We know there’s around 288 Palestinian New Zealanders in New Zealand, and they have estimated that there would be around 300-400 people that are their family members that they’d like to bring here,” Armstrong said.

    “That’s a very small number and as we’ve seen, in the case of Ukraine . . . the actual number of people that have probably come here would be significantly less than that, it’s not like they’re asking for the world. I think it’s quite a conservative number myself.”

    She told Morning Report similar visas for Ukrainians and Afghans had been organised within days or weeks.

    “It would be New Zealand’s response to this catastrophic situation that is unfolding. We want to be on the right side of history and this is one way we could help.”

    She said embassies in the region would need to assist with the logistics of people leaving Gaza.

    NZ government ‘monitoring’
    Stanford said in a statement the government was monitoring the situation in Gaza.

    “The issue in Gaza is primarily a humanitarian and border issue, not a visa issue, as people are unable to leave.

    “People who have relatives in Gaza can already apply for temporary or visitors’ visas for them,” Stanford said.

    But Armstrong said: “If there is the political will, the government can do this.

    “Other countries are doing this . . .  Canada and Australia are getting people out. It’s tricky, but it’s not impossible.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • DefendDefenders in January 2024 has chosen as HRDs of the Month Pamela Angwech from Uganda.

    For most of her life, Pamela Angwech’s existence has always been a defiant and simultaneous act of survival and resistance.  In 1976 when she was born, the anti-Amin movement was gathering pace, and her family was one of the earliest victims in Northern Uganda. Her father, a passionate educationist in Kitgum district was one of the most vocal critics of the dictatorship’s human rights excesses, which made him an obvious target of the state’s marauding vigilantes.  Fearing for his life and that of his young family, he escaped North, to Sudan, leaving behind his wife, then pregnant with Pamela, to follow him as soon as she could. It was on the treacherous journey to rejoin her father that Pamela was born, somewhere between Uganda and Sudan, and named Angwench, an Acholi word to mean “on the run,” in keeping with the circumstances of her birth.

    Unfortunately, those precarious circumstances would continue to define most of Angwech’s childhood. Although Amin was eventually overthrown, paving way for her family’s return home, the immediate post-Amin years were equally tumultuous, and when President Museveni’s National Resistance Army took power in 1986, Northern Uganda was immediately engulfed in a civil war by the Lord’s Resistance Army(LRA) rebels that would rage on for the next 20 years, bringing wanton anguish and suffering to the region’s people and communities.

    Angwench navigated those precarious circumstances to pursue an education, convinced that only then could she impact her community for the better. At University, she studied Gender and Women Studies and immediately returned home to seek work with the UN’s World Food Program Office in Gulu, determined to join the relief effort to alleviate the suffering of her people in Internally Displaced People’s (IDP)Camps.

    Initially, they told me there was no job. But I was determined to work with the UN and nowhere else. So, I camped at their office for 14 straight days. Sometimes, I would volunteer as a gatekeeper when the substantive gatekeeper was away, and other times, I would sit at the front patch of the Office Head the whole day. When they realized I was determined not to leave, they allowed me to start officially volunteering with them. “I would go with them to distribute food in the IDP camps, until later, I was formally integrated as official staff.

    Yet, despite her dogged stubbornness and resilience, she was not prepared for the heart-rending experience of life in the IDPs, particularly the plight of women and girls.

    I started to notice that after picking their food rations, women and children would start picking residue beans from the floor, to take for either their little children or their elderly parents who could not queue. One other time, I noticed a visibly tired woman carrying a baby on her back, being pushed out of the queue by others. I called her to the front and assured her that I would give her a special ration but asked her to first untie her baby from the back, so she could protect her from the sun and breastfeed her. When she untied her baby, I noticed that the baby’s neck was twisted – it had suffocated and died! That changed me, forever,

    From Humanitarian to Human Rights Activist

    Angwech realized that like a balm, humanitarian work could only soothe the suffering of her people but fell short of tackling the root causes of the same suffering. “So I decided that someone had to speak up about the heartbreaking indignity and human rights violations surrounding the conflict in Northern Uganda. I turned full scale, from a humanitarian to a human rights activist, particularly championing the rights of women who were most vulnerable “she says.  

    Angwech would move on the streets rallying women to stand up for their rights, holding placards signaling injustices against women in IDP camps like molestation and rape. Overtime, she won followers: Emboldened by her courage and audacity, other women started to show up and speak up against the conflict and related violence. Angwech mobilized grassroot women groups to pursue LRA leader Joseph Kony in Congo’s Garamba forest, to dramatize their cries for peace, under UN resolution 13/25 which provides for women’s participation in peace processes. 

    In 2004, Angwech started Gulu Women’s Economic Development & Globalization (GWED-G) to rehabilitate victims of the war, from victims of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence to those physically harmed by the conflict.  Since then, Angwech says GWED-G has rehabilitated over 1700 war victims through physical rehabilitation projects, giving them prosthesis, among other forms of support. It has also continued to sensitise and organise grassroot women into human rights defenders’ groups, through which they can report and address GBV cases, issues of women economic rights among others. Today, Angwech says there are about 600 of these groups across Gulu, Lamwo, Amuru and Kitgum, each with a membership of 30 -40 members.    

    Today, GWED-G is arguably the largest grassroots human rights organisation in Northern Uganda. It has also expanded to cover other social and economic causes, including environmental protection advocacy. Angwech says the environment is the local communities’ last refugee, and yet deforestation and charcoal burning are threatening it.  “For post-conflict communities like us in Northern Uganda, land is our primary resource. It is the land from which people make an income to feed their families, send their children to school, and access medical care. War destroyed everything else. So, if we don’t protect the environment, our land will be degraded, rainy seasons will begin to change which will affect food production and bring back hunger,” she says.

    https://defenddefenders.org/human-rights-defender-of-the-month_pamela_angwench_judith

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Lorenzo Tondo in Palermo reported in the Guardian of 22 February 2024 that people and groups who assist asylum seekers are reporting a disturbing trend of escalating intimidation, with aid workers facing direct threats including being held at gunpoint and having their phone communications monitored by government authorities, according to a report from the Council of Europe’s commissioner for human rights.

    Dunja Mijatović has warned of increasing harassment and in some cases criminalisation of people and groups who assist refugees, especially in Hungary, Greece, Lithuania, Italy, Croatia and Poland. [see e.g. https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2021/11/17/greeces-mistaken-deterrence-migrants-and-aid-workers-facing-heavy-prison-sentences/ and https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2020/10/09/mary-lawlor-condemns-criminalization-of-those-saving-lives-in-the-mediterranean/]

    “Organisations and people assisting refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants have been subjected to beatings, had their vehicles or equipment destroyed, or have been targeted by vandalism of their property, and even by arson or bomb attacks,” she wrote.

    A recent example was the bombing on 5 January of the office of Kisa, an NGO assisting refugees, asylum seekers and migrants in Cyprus. [see: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/01/19/attack-against-cypriot-anti-racism-ngo-kisa/]

    Mijatović said she had observed in certain member states how authorities had engaged with human rights defenders in an aggressive or intimidating manner. During the humanitarian crisis at the Poland-Belarus border, thousands of refugees from the Middle East were offered a route by the Lukashenko regime to try to reach the EU from Belarus, highlighting the restrictions by Poland on access to the border zone for people and organisations providing humanitarian assistance and legal aid.

    The commissioner noted how “the emergence of an approach in which migration issues are increasingly addressed by member states from a security perspective” had led to the building of fences and deployment of military personnel, equipment and surveillance in border areas that has also affected NGOs.

    “These physical obstacles deny asylum seekers the chance to seek protection and the right to a fair and efficient asylum procedure [and] this approach has also created an extremely difficult environment for human rights defenders,” she wrote.

    “Those who assist refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants may be seen by states as an obstacle to the implementation of asylum and migration policies focused on deterrence and security, and therefore are faced with hostility. The rolling back of human rights, which is often part of states’ policies in this area, also leads to measures explicitly or implicitly targeting those helping.”

    NGO rescue boats have also faced violence, including the use of firearms, from non-European countries with which Council of Europe member states cooperate on external migration control. NGO workers on some of these vessels have documented how often the Libyan coastguard has fired gunshots and endangered crew members and people in distress in the central Mediterranean. [see e.g. https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2019/12/18/international-migrants-day-the-story-of-the-ocean-viking/]

    Mijatović also noted the growing use of surveillance technologies. “During discussions for the preparation of this document concerns were raised that, in some member states, pervasive surveillance activities created mounting challenges for human rights defenders, including lawyers and journalists,” she wrote.

    “Governments, in the name of national security concerns, often employ advanced surveillance tools to intercept communications and monitor online activities, including human rights defenders’ social media.”

    In 2022, the Greek journalists Thanasis Koukakis and Stavros Malichudis were allegedly targeted for investigating sensitive topics such as financial crime cases and migration. The Italian justice minister in 2021 dispatched inspectors to Sicily after revelations that prosecutors had intercepted hundreds of telephone conversations involving no fewer than 15 journalists and covering migration issues and aid workers in the central Mediterranean.

    Mijatović wrote: “Invasive surveillance practices, whether through physical surveillance, phone and internet tapping or by using spyware not only infringes on the personal security and privacy of individual human rights defenders, but also threaten the confidentiality between human rights defenders and the refugees, asylum seekers and migrants they assist, which is often crucial to working effectively.”

    She added that people helping refugees, asylum seekers and migrants often experience extremely high levels of online hate and even death threats. Human rights defenders who are themselves refugees or from an ethnic minority background may also receive racist abuse, online and offline.

    https://www.theguardian.com/law/2024/feb/22/people-helping-asylum-seekers-in-europe-face-rising-violence-report-warns

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Mothers seeking asylum, who were forced to leave their children behind when they fled from their home countries, are joining forces with mothers fighting to stop their children being taken by the family courts or to get them back. They are coming together after International Women’s Day (IWD) to share their experiences of the state taking their children – in the hope of ultimately affecting change.

    IWD: mothers fighting back

    A public meeting on Tuesday 12 March, 12pm at the Crossroads Women’s Centre, London NW5 2DX, has been organised by the All African Women’s Group (as part of the coalition Global Women Against Deportations), Support Not Separation (SNS), and Disabled Mothers’ Rights Campaign.

    It will hear from mothers about how they succeeded in reuniting their family, often against horrendous obstacles.

    Faith, who escaped life-threatening violence in Nigeria and fought for 18 years to be reunited with her children, said:

    I thought of my children every day that we were separated. It was not my choice to leave them. Women are fleeing because of war, rape and other violence. We run so that we can stay alive and then fight to bring our children to us.

    Mothers fear that without their protection, their children are vulnerable to every abuse of power by state institutions and violent predators.

    Immigration officials, social services, the Home Office, and the family courts routinely disregard the precious bond between mother and child and the harm caused to children by separating them from their mother.

    Forced adoption: not a thing of the past

    For example, the Canary has documented how fostering and ultimately adoption has become an industry in recent years.

    However, not all mothers and caregivers are subject to social services taking their children from them. This is because the state is disproportionately targeting women the system marginalises – be it due to ethnicity, class, disability, or chronic illness.

    It shows that systemic racism, ableism and classism pervades a service that is supposed to support children, not snatch them from their mothers. And the driver for all this is private profit.

    In the articles, we looked at how:

    IWD: still more work to be done

    So, at the meeting mothers will speak of how they are disparaged and the discrimination they face especially if they are poor, single, of colour, disabled, and/or report domestic/sexual violence from the father.

    Hawa overturned an extremely restrictive contact order after losing her children to an abusive father. She said:

    Women facing domestic violence, including physical, psychological emotional, sexual and financial abuse, are very often victim blamed, and even punished by the family courts. With the help of SNS I got more time and overnight staying contact with my children.

    The event is online and in person. For more information, email aawg02[at]gmail.com or sns[at]legalactionforwomen.net You can also find out more here and here.

    Featured image via Disabled Mothers’ Rights Campaign

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • If it wasn’t for the generosity of Malaysia’s refugee community, things could have been a lot worse for Rohingya man Rashid Ahmad Abdul Kadir.

    In January, the 35-year-old was struggling with pain so bad from gallstones that he could barely breathe. 

    “I was scolded by the doctor because he said I came too late and my organs had been damaged,” said Rashid Ahmad, who arrived in Malaysia from Myanmar’s Rakhine state in 2012.

    The cash-strapped father of two only got through the ordeal after his friends raised 3,800 Malaysian ringgit (U.S. $800) for his operation at a public hospital.

    “I could not afford the amount for surgery on my own,” he told BenarNews.

    Malaysia’s nearly 200,000 refugees already have it tough because they are not legally allowed to work, many live in appalling conditions, and their children are often denied education. But a little talked about concern is their access to affordable healthcare, which could make the difference between life and death.

    Because Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, refugees are viewed as illegal migrants and must pay much higher foreigners’ rates at government hospitals and clinics.

    That puts an enormous financial strain on people like Rashid Ahmad, who earns a meager living working odd jobs such as washing dishes or cutting grass, with no rights or social security benefits. 

    After being discharged from hospital in February, Rashid Ahmad had to skip the daily dressing of his wounds at a nonprofit medical clinic because, even at a subsidized price, he could not afford it.

    “I cannot move on my own. Trips to the clinic also need money,” said Rashid Ahmad, who lives in Ampang near Kuala Lumpur.

    Debbie Stothard, founder of the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, an advocacy group, described Malaysia’s policy of denying refugees access to affordable public healthcare as “illogical and irresponsible.”

    “We are preventing Rohingya and other refugees from contributing to Malaysian society,” she told BenarNews. “To ensure they can contribute, they must be healthy enough. It is just that basic.”

    MY-refugee-health-2.jpeg
    Rohingya refugee Rashid Ahmad Abdul Kadir, who recently had an operation for severe gallstones, is cared for by his wife at home in Ampang, Malaysia, Feb. 13, 2024. [Ahmad Mustakim Zulkifli/BenarNews]

    Some 186,490 refugees, most of whom are ethnically Rohingya from Myanmar, are registered in Malaysia with U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, or UNHCR. 

    Healthcare is the No. 1 concern for most of them, said U.S.-based Rohingya activist Norhayati Ali during a recent visit to Malaysia.

    Refugees and asylum seekers with UNHCR cards are charged 50% of the foreigners’ rate at public healthcare facilities. But for those who are undocumented, the fees can be 40 times the cost charged to Malaysians, according to advocacy groups.

    Otherwise, refugees have access to subsidized care at 15 nonprofit health clinics across the country. However, these offer only basic healthcare that does not require hospitalization or specialist treatment.

    Ahmad Ikram, general manager of a nonprofit clinic in Kuala Lumpur, said it was not uncommon to hear of cases where refugees could not pay for treatment.

    “Some refugees have had to stay in the hospital even though they should have been discharged because they could not pay the medical costs. In one case, a patient ran away because he could not afford to pay before being discharged,” he told BenarNews.

    At his clinic, Ikram said he most commonly saw refugees for conditions like diabetes, hypertension and skin diseases. He offers only general treatment, vaccinations and family planning consultations. 

    Typically, his referrals to hospital were cases involving preterm births, respiratory diseases, infections, gastrointestinal issues and surgical procedures.

    “The number of refugees seeking help at the clinic is normally between 70-80 per day, but when authorities conduct raids around here, those numbers could halve,” he said.

    “When we ask why, they say they are afraid of getting caught while seeking treatment and being sent back home.”

    MY-refugee-health-3.jpg
    Refugees wait for a check up at the Qatar Fund for Development Clinic in Selayang, Kuala Lumpur, Feb. 25, 2024. [S. Mahfuz/BenarNews]

    Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail told Parliament in June last year that Malaysia was establishing a comprehensive database on the number of refugees and asylum seekers in the country. 

    This would help the government tailor policies towards them, including for healthcare, he said.

    In the meantime, Rohingya community leaders like Rafik Shah Mohd Ismail are calling on Malaysians to show compassion.

    “Everyone gets sick. For refugees, whether registered with UNHCR or not, hospital bills are expensive,” he told BenarNews.

    “A deposit is required before surgery is performed; these can range from around 1,500 ($317) ringgit to 5,500 ringgit ($1,160).”

    While the community tries to help out with hospital fees when possible, it is often too expensive, said Ismail, who is based in Selayang, Selangor state.

    “We’ve encountered situations where babies remained hospitalized because their parents couldn’t afford the bills,” he said.

    BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Ahmad Mustakim Zulkifli for BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • After Keji lost her parents to the violent, ongoing conflict in South Sudan, she and her siblings fled to Arua, Uganda — a city near the border that has become a major hub for refugees looking for a better life. But Keji and her brothers and sisters needed help rebuilding their lives after losing everything. …

    Source

    This post was originally published on American Jewish World Service – AJWS.

  • If only we could say that Peter Dutton, Australia’s federal opposition leader and curator of bigoted leanings, was unusual in assuming that granting humanitarian visas to Palestinians might be problematic.  But both he, and his skew-eyed spokesman on home affairs, James Patterson, have concluded that votes are in the offing.  Refugees may be accepted from the Ukrainian-Russian War, as long as they are Ukrainian, but anything so much as a whiff of a Palestinian fleeing the Israel-Hamas conflict is bound to be concerning.  Ukrainians are noble victims; the latter might be terrorist sympathisers or Hamas militants.

    This view started being floated in November last year, when Dutton began warning the public that visitor visas for Palestinians could result in a calamity.  (At that point, 860 visas had been issued to Palestinians.)  “The inadequacy of these checks could result in a catastrophic outcome in our country,” he foamed.  “Taking people out of a war zone without conducting the checks, particularly those that are available to us in the US, is reckless.”

    No concern was voiced about the possibility that Israelis, who had also been offered 1,793 visas, might pose a problem to the heavenly idyll of Australian security.  It is also worth mentioning that Dutton, when home affairs minister, approved over 500 visas a week to Syrians fleeing the civil war.  Ditto the granting of 5,000 visas to Afghans the month the Taliban resumed control of Kabul in the aftermath of retreating Western armies.

    Dutton’s arithmetic is that of the typical copper: simple, direct, amateurish.  Among the Palestinians, “one person, or could be 10 people, I don’t know” might be of concern.  His concerns are feverishly listed: “Have interviews been conducted, do we know people’s ideologies, do we know their interest in the west, why they want to come to Australia.”  This template would be applicable to every group of visitors or migrants seeking to come to Australia at any one point.  No one is likely to say on their visa application: “I come to see your new country and hope to commit atrocities.”

    Given the number of conflict zones on Planet Earth, Dutton was offering an obtuse statement calculated to boost flagging popularity.  It was also timed within a matter of hours after the declaration of a four-day ceasefire in Gaza.  While proving, at times, sketchy in her role as Home Affairs Minister, Clare O’Neil was close to the mark in stating that, “Dutton is a reckless politician who will do and say anything to score political points – even if it puts the national security of Australians at risk.”

    But Dutton did not want to be dismissed as a paranoid former police officer who sees criminals everywhere and innocence as a constipated afterthought.  “The prime minister here needs to hit the pause button – I’m not saying people shouldn’t come at some point – but people should come when all the checks are conducted.”

    Again, a strange sentiment, given that visa applicants tend to face a series of tests that are more demanding than most when seeking to visit the Down Under Paradise where perfection is assumed.  “If a visa applicant is assessed as posing a risk to the health, safety or good order of the Australian community, their visa may be considered for refusal,” were the dull words of a government spokesperson.

    With the arrival of irregular migrants on the shores of Western Australia this month, cockeyed bigotry again assumed its role on the podium of Australian politics.  Seeking to tie the arrivals as connected with shoddy security credentials, the opposition fanned out the implications of granting up to 2,000 visas for Palestinians, a fact seen as particularly galling to the shadow home affairs minister.  “In the middle of an unprecedented antisemitism crisis, the government should be taking much greater care in granting visas to people from a war zone run by a terrorist organisation,” bleated Patterson.  “How can they possibly assure themselves there is not one Hamas supporter among them?  And how will it help social cohesion if they manage to slip through?”

    By this logic, no one should ever leave a war zone, an area of devastation, a territory blighted by terror.  You just might be a regime supporter, a sympathiser, despite suffering possible harm, even death.  But there is an inadvertent slant coming through in Patterson’s mangled world view: Palestinians, having been maimed, murdered and traumatised, might wish to take out their grievance on a foreign power, possibly one sympathetic to Israel.  Ignore the survival imperative, the desire to find, rather than abandon, security; focus, instead, on the motivation for vengeance. Even this view suffers for one obvious point: those wishing to avenge their families and friends are bound to wish to stay in Gaza and the West Bank, rather than flee and plot from afar.

    With the current arrivals from Gaza – some 340 or so have managed to drip themselves from the Palestinian territories – the bedwetting fantasies of terror being induced by the opposition seem absurd and callous.  But absurdity is a proven calculus for electoral success – at least sometimes.

    The post A Copper’s Skewed Logic: Politicising Palestinian Visas first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • A federal court in Washington, D.C., heard arguments Thursday in a lawsuit accusing the Biden administration of racial discrimination and rights violations of Haitian asylum seekers. The suit was brought on behalf of 11 Haitian asylum seekers who were abused by U.S. border agents as more than 15,000 people, mostly from Haiti, were forced to stay in a makeshift border encampment on the banks of the…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.