Category: refugees

  • The Paul Grüninger Foundation awarded Polish refugee worker Paula Weremiuk and Kurdish politician Ayşe Gökkan, who is in prison in Turkey, the 2023 Grüninger Recognition Prize for Humanity and Courage 2023. [see: https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/awards/845EA081-C3DB-705C-E6FC-1BA88858803E]

    The award ceremony took place on at the Palace Cultural Center in St. Gallen.

    Paula Weremiuk from Narewka on the Polish-Belarusian border works as a teacher during the day and as a refugee aid worker in the Bialowieza forest at night. According to the Paul Grüninger Foundation, a refugee drama of enormous proportions has been taking place there since 2021.

    Paula Weremiuk searches for people in need in the inaccessible areas of Bialowieza, providing them with clothing, food, sleeping bags and the most basic necessities, writes the Paul Grüninger Foundation. The Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenka is forcing thousands of refugees from the Middle East and Africa across the border to Poland, where they are met with strong political rejection.

    At the border, in the primeval forest of Bialowieza, there is often brutal violence, abuse, rape and repeated deaths. The refugees, including women and small children, are helplessly abandoned to their fate in the inaccessible terrain and are chased back and forth across the border by the authorities. Refugee helpers are being harassed and criminalized, the press release continues.

    Ayşe Gökkan’s award was accepted by her lawyer, Berfin Gökkan. The lawyer read out a letter from Ayşe Gökkan written in Kurdish: “I greet you with the warmth of the sun and the enthusiasm of Jin-Jiyan-Azadî. As a member of the Movement of Free Women, I accept this award on behalf of thousands of struggling Kurdish women. There are many fighting women in prison in Turkey.”

    The foundation justified the awarding of the recognition prize of 10,000 francs to the Kurdish feminist and human rights defender Ayşe Gökkan for her civil society commitment and her criminalization:

    “Ayşe Gökkan has particularly distinguished herself as a journalist and as an activist for women’s rights. For almost forty years, she has been writing newspaper columns against racial and gender discrimination, speaking at national and international podiums and seminars, leading workshops on the topic of gender inequality and taking part in peaceful demonstrations in this context.

    From 2009 to 2014, Ayşe Gökkan was mayor of the Kurdish city of Nusaybin, which lies on the border between Turkey and Syria. When Turkey began to build a wall against refugees between Nusaybin and the neighbouring Syrian town of Qamishlo, the mayor protested against this “wall of shame” with, among other things, a sit-in strike.

    Because of her civil society commitment, Ayşe Gökkan has been arrested in Turkey more than eighty times, subjected to more than two hundred investigations and, in 2021, sentenced to more than 26 in a grotesque court case based on the statements of a single “secret witness” for membership in a “terrorist organization”.

    She is a victim of the criminalization of the political opposition in Turkey. Ayşe Gökkan is in prison, her sentence has not yet been confirmed by the Turkish Court of Cassation, and proceedings are also pending before the European Court of Human Rights.”

    https://anfenglish.com/women/jailed-kurdish-politiciangokkan-awarded-paul-gruninger-foundation-s-recognition-prize-70380

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Every Wednesday night, members of Woodbine Soccer, a collective of soccer players, haul a generator, lights and goals to a local public park in Ridgewood, Queens. About 50 regulars of varying skill levels and backgrounds trickle in and we set up the field together for a few hours’ worth of scrimmaging. Among them are friends we’ve made from Ecuador, Italy, the U.K. and Honduras — to name a few…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Downing Street says ignoring ECHR and parts of UN refugee convention could delay emergency bill

    Downing Street has ruled out a proposal by rightwing Conservatives to override international law to remove asylum seekers to Rwanda, prompting threats that rebel MPs will simply seek to amend planned legislation.

    Rishi Sunak has promised to introduce a bill to parliament to get around Wednesday’s supreme court ruling that flights to Rwanda could not take place because of the risk that people could be wrongly returned to their home countries.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Prime minister says he ‘will do whatever it takes’ as senior Tory criticises former home secretary’s hardline proposals

    Downing Street has not ruled out asking MPs to spend some of what is meant to be their Christmas break dealing with the PM’s “emergency legislation” on Rwanda.

    This is one proposal made by Suella Braverman, the former home secretary, in her Telegraph article this morning. (See 10.01am.)

    I think we are prepared to do whatever is necessary to ensure that we can get this in place and get flights off the ground.

    I wouldn’t speculate on parliamentary process but I cannot impress [enough] the importance that the prime minister places on this necessary legislation to deliver for the public on the important priority of stopping the boats.

    Sunak suggested he would blame Labour if the Lords refuses to pass his “emergency legislation” on Rwanda (see 11.40am) quickly. Asked if he would call an early election if the Lords block the law, he replied:

    It doesn’t have to take a long time to get legislation through – and that is a question for the Labour party.

    We’re determined to get this through as quickly as possible. So the real question is: is the Labour party going to stand in the way and stop this from happening, or are they going to work with us and support this bill so we can get it through as quickly as possible?

    Sunak declined to say whether favoured holding an early election on the issue of Rwanda deportations if his bill got held up. Earlier today Sir Simon Clarke suggested this. (See 10.56am.) But, for obvious reasons, the prospect might not appeal.

    Sunak claimed he was making “real progress” on stopping small boats. He said:

    I think people just want the problem fixed. That’s what I’m here to do, and this year, we’ve already got the numbers down by a third.

    That’s because I’ve got new deals with the French, a new deal with Albania. We’re working with Turkey and Bulgaria, multiple other countries. We’re tackling the criminal gangs, we’re cutting through the backlog.

    Sunak said he would “take on” people trying to stop Rwanda flights taking over, whether it was Labour or the House of Lords. He said:

    We can pass these laws in parliament that will give us the powers and the tools we need. Then we can get the flights off and whether it’s the House of Lords or the Labour party standing in our way I will take them on because I want to get this thing done and I want to stop the boats.

    He said his patience was “wearing thin” with this issue. He said:

    People are sick of this merry-go-round. I want to end it – my patience is wearing thin like everyone else’s.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Downing Street says legislation will make clear ‘Rwanda is safe’ and will address court’s concerns after policy ruled unlawful. This live blog is closed

    At his Institute for Government Q&A Sir Mark Rowley, commissioner of the Metropolitan police, refused to say what he felt about Lee Anderson, the Conservative party deputy chair, declaring yesterday that ministers should just ignore the supreme court judgment saying the Rwanda police was unlawful. Asked to respond, Rowley just said:

    Politicians hold me to account, I don’t hold them to account.

    Starmer travelled north of the border just hours after a revolt within his party over a ceasefire in Gaza resulted in the resignation of eight of his frontbenchers.

    The Labour leader highlighted what he described as the “failure” of the UK government to negotiate a trade deal with India, a key exporter for Scotch whisky.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • The High Court of Australia is not known for its zealotry in protecting human rights, and certainly not when considering the persuasive pull of international law and conventions.  The Australian Parliament is usually given a generous hand in making policies that tend to outrage such conventions, a freedom made that much easier by an absence of any bill of rights.

    A grim example of this was the 2004 High Court decision of Al-Kateb v Godwin, which gave the Commonwealth full assurance that policies on indefinitely detaining unwanted, designated “unlawful” arrivals were entirely within its power.  The case concerned the application of various provisions of the Migration Act 1958 (Cth) requiring an officer of the Commonwealth to detain those reasonably suspected to be unlawful citizens in the migration zone and held in immigration detention till their deportation or grant of a visa.

    In such provisions, a pincer movement against such “unlawful citizens” had been enshrined with stunning cynicism. Once detained and having their status determined, such individuals might be found to be refugees.  Accordingly, they might receive a visa, though not if they were those undesirables marooned in the offshore concentration camps of Nauru and Manus Island.  Since 2013, Australian governments have proclaimed that those undocumented souls seeking refuge in Australia by boat would never be given the chance to settle in the country.  Even in the event of being deemed refugees, they might still be refused a visa on character grounds or face the prospect of deportation to a third country, the latter being something of a favourite of Australian policy makers for two decades.  (A gaggle of European states have also been impressed by this formula.)

    What, then, of stateless citizens found to be refugees and without fault?  Or those who would not be accepted by a third country?  Or those who, having been convicted of an offence and served time for it, could be placed in a vicious limbo of de facto carceral administration for the rest of their natural lives, undesired by any country, and not allowed out in the Australian community for failing to meet visa requirements and deemed a threat to society?

    To answer these questions, the facts of Al-Kateb are worth recounting.  Ahmed Ali Al-Kateb was a stateless Palestinian born in Kuwait in 1976, having sought sanctuary in Australia in December 2000 without a passport or visa.  He was duly detained under the Migration Act.  Efforts to gain a protection visa proved futile.  The Refugee Review Tribunal and the Federal Court agreed with the decision makers.  With Australia having ceased to be an option, Al-Kateb informed the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs that he wished to be transferred to Kuwait or Gaza.  Those efforts also came to naught.

    Al-Kateb’s cupboard of legal options started looking increasingly threadbare.  With little else possible, he resorted to that immemorial principle of Britannic common law that he be released on habeas corpus grounds.  After all, the Australian authorities surely had no reason to continue detaining him.  He had committed no crime, and there was “no real likelihood or prospect” of Al-Kateb’s removal outside the country in the reasonably foreseeable future, a point acknowledged by the Federal Court.

    In a granite hard decision, the High Court rejected the claim. For one thing, the discretion was mandatory under the legislation, not discretionary.  Nor was the exercise of such a detention power punitive, thereby violating the separation of powers.  In Chief Justice Gleeson’s words: “A person in the position of the appellant might be young or old, dangerous or harmless, likely or unlikely to abscond, recently in detention or someone who had been there for years, healthy or unhealthy, badly affected by incarceration or relatively unaffected.  The considerations that might bear upon the reasonableness of a discretionary decision to detain such a person do not operate.”

    Justice McHugh also reiterated the view that the Migration Act required “the indefinite detention of Mr Al-Kateb, notwithstanding that it is unlikely that any country in the foreseeable future will give him entry to that country.  The words of the three sections [189, 196, 198] are too clear to read them as being subject to a purposive limitation or an intention not to affect fundamental rights.”  With Australia lacking any express constitutional protection of habeas corpus, Al-Kateb was doomed.

    Efforts to challenge this ghastly precedent over the years faltered.  In the meantime, periods of lengthy immigration detention ballooned.  Currently, the average period of time individuals held in immigration detention by Australian authorities is 708 days.  In May 2022, the detention period reached a dubious peak of 736 days, with 138 having spent time in detention for over five years.

    All this has changed.  On November 8, the High Court handed down a stunning decision in NZYQ v Minister for Immigration, Citizenship and Multicultural Affairs & Anor, thereby archiving Al-Kateb as a dark, judicial episode.

    NZYQ was a stateless Rohingya applicant who had fled Myanmar and journeyed to Australia by boat in September 2012.  He received a bridging visa in September 2014.  In January 2015, he was arrested and charged with a child sexual offence, his visa cancelled, and prison term imposed.  Despite receiving parole in May 2018, he was immediately thrown into immigration detention.  As a person regarded as stateless by Myanmar and facing a genuine risk of persecution on his return, NZYQ also faced the prospect of perennial detention for not having a visa.  On character grounds, Australian authorities could continue to refuse granting it.  It also seems that no third country option arose as a serious possibility, though this will only be known with certainty once the judgment is published.

    Much to the surprise of those present, NZYQ’s legal team received the news after two days of oral argument that it was unconstitutional to detain a person where there was no real prospect of being removed from Australia.  As a consequence, the court held that provisions under the Migration Act obliging the authorities to detain “unlawful non-citizens” for such inordinate periods should be read as beyond the immigration power of the Commonwealth.  NZYQ’s administrative detention, being deemed unlawful, necessitated his release.

    The decision immediately affects 92 people in immigration detention.  But as the Australian Human Rights Commission reminds us, the perverse cruelties of Australia’s detention system has, over the last two decades, affected “the lives of tens of thousands of people, most of whom came to this country seeking protection as refugees.”

    Panicked, the Albanese government has tried dousing the fires of concern, though some of these have been lit by a few parliamentarians prone to pyromania.  Public safety, it has been suggested, might be compromised by these reprobates newly found with their freedom in the Australian community.  Instead of acknowledging the human rights dimension of the case, the Home Secretary Claire O’Neil came close to slighting the High Court.  “If I had any legal power to do it, I would keep every one of those people in detention.”  This was irrespective of the fact that they had served time for any offences they had committed.

    A government spokesperson was also quick to point out in the immediate aftermath of the High Court decision that, “Individuals released into the community from immigration detention may be subject to certain visa conditions.”  But instead of waiting for the decision’s full publication, the government has cobbled a mash of legislative measures in a paroxysm of populism.

    On November 16, Immigration Minister Andrew Giles introduced laws applicable to 83 released detainees, among them three murderers and a number of unspecified sex offenders.  “The Australian community reasonably expects that all non-citizens in Australia will obey Australian laws.”  Some would, for instance, be electronically tagged.  Curfews could also be imposed.  Attached visa conditions could also include notification requirements for changes of address, any illegal activities or change of address. “These measures,” Giles stated, “are consistent with the legitimate objective of community safety and the rights and interests of the public.”  How these objectives square with such savage punishments as five-year prison terms in violation is hard to see.

    The opposition leader, Peter Dutton, was left unsatisfied by the proposals.  As a proud, demagogic hater of civil liberties, he feels that prolonged punishment is the preferred formula.  How this will be done constitutionally is not something that bothers his minute, vengeful imagination. But he proved enough of a fantasist to link the release of the detainees to the threat of rising antisemitism in Australia, a cavalier effort verging on the imbecilic.

    In responding to Dutton’s conflating resolution, Prime Minister Albanese thundered that linking “antisemitism with the decision of the high court, is beyond contempt.”  But the entire chapter had been beyond contempt.  Instead of respecting the central tenets of a fair judicial system, the major parties have heaped scorn upon it.  It affirms the penological fixation Australian politicians continue to suffer from when considering the plight of refugees and asylum seekers who dare arrive via unconventional channels.  They are the pseudo-criminals who pay people traffickers, the indecent queue jumpers, the unprincipled, cashed up opportunists.

    Given that Australia already has a suppressive regime of post-release control measures that effectively mock and caricature sentences served by prolonging state surveillance and control of society’s “most dangerous”, another set of legal measures seeking to achieve precisely the same purpose serves to deaden liberty that bit more.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • SNP motion calling for ceasefire in Gaza defeated 294-125

    Reed says the court has had to decide whether the Rwanda policy breaches the non-refoulement rule.

    The policy is in the Home Office’s immigration rules, he says.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • The Canary is looking back at some of its most-read content, after we reached our 20,000th article. Here, in May 2017 we looked at the then-PM breaking the law when she was home secretary. This article was read by nearly 400,000 people. 

    On 25 May 2017, the Court of Appeal ruled that Theresa May acted unlawfully when she was Home Secretary. And with just over two weeks to go until the general election, these findings are another blow to the Prime Minister. But despite the ruling, the media are barely reporting the story.

    The case

    In 1998, 75 people (including children) were washed up on the British Sovereign Base Areas (SBA) in Cyprus, after their boat got into difficulty off the coast. Initially detained for some months, they were granted refugee status under the 1951 Refugee Convention.

    But since then, they have been living in increasingly deteriorating conditions. According to a press release from the families’ solicitors Leigh Day:

    For the last 18 years the six refugee claimants and their nineteen children have had to endure deteriorating living conditions on the SBA where they are housed in ex-military accommodation which was due to be demolished in 1997. Many of the children have spent their whole lives on the SBA.

    Theresa May became involved in 2014 when, as Home Secretary, she refused to take legal responsibility for the families. And despite the fact that the families were granted refugee status, May argued that did not extend to the SBA. She therefore argued that the families had no right to resettlement in the UK.

    Acted illegally

    The case was taken to the High Court in 2016, where the government lost. And although the court agreed that the SBA was not technically covered by the convention, the UK was obliged to act in the spirit of that convention.

    But May wasn’t happy with this decision and appealed. And the Court of Appeal went further. It found that the SBA was indeed covered by the convention and that the UK had a direct responsibility for the families there. Leigh Day explains:

    In a unanimous decision the Court of Appeal has today (25 May 2017) found that Theresa May acted unlawfully by refusing to consider allowing entry to the UK to a group of refugee families stranded on the British Sovereign Base Areas (SBA) in Cyprus.

    The judgment found that:

    There can be no justification for any future decision which leaves these Claimants’ position unresolved for any further length of time. As the Judge made clear, their present conditions are quite unacceptable. That appears to be common ground… I would regard it as unreasonable and a failure of the obligations to the refugees if resettlement was not achieved rapidly.

    Awful conditions

    The lead claimant in the case, Tag Bashir, stated:

    We are delighted that the Court of Appeal has found in our favour and confirmed what we have always known: that we are the responsibility of the UK Government. For the last eighteen years the UK Government has sought to ignore us and has left us stranded on the SBA living in awful conditions. All we have ever wanted is an opportunity to work and make a future for our children. We hope that the Home Secretary will now allow us entry to the UK. We will keep fighting until she does.

    And Tessa Gregory, a partner at Leigh Day, quoted May’s own words back at her:

    Our clients have been in legal limbo for 18 years living in wholly unacceptable conditions on a British military base. They have suffered enough. Now is the time for the Government to show compassion and a ‘strong and stable’ resolve to address this situation which has festered for far too long. We hope the UK Government will not seek to pursue further costly legal proceedings and will face up to its responsibilities by allowing this small group of recognised refugees entry to the UK.

    Lack of compassion

    May acted without compassion in denying these families their right to live in the UK. And in doing so, she has forced adults and children to live in appalling conditions. May not only broke international law to deny them the right to live in the UK, she condemned them to live in accommodation that was due to be demolished some twenty years ago.

    It is a damning indictment of the Prime Minister that she was prepared to act in this way. And it is a damning indictment of the way her government treats refugees.

    Meanwhile, the BBC and other media outlets appear to be ignoring the story. And this is massively beneficial to May, as she would prefer that stories of her breaking the law didn’t make headline news.

    But on 8 June, we do have a chance to vote for compassion. To vote to do things differently and build a kinder, more compassionate society.

    Get Involved!

    – Vote on 8 June!

    – Discuss the key policy issues with family members, colleagues and neighbours. And organise! Join (and participate in the activities of) a union, an activist group, and/or a political party.

    – Also read more Canary articles on the 2017 general election.

    Featured image via Flickr

    By Emily Apple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • A victory for the immigration and asylum policy on Wednesday will come with headaches, but a defeat could split the Conservative party

    Wednesday marks a potentially pivotal moment in the government’s fortunes when the supreme court rules whether its plan to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda is lawful.

    The decision could have significant implications not just for immigration and asylum policy, but also for the future direction of Rishi Sunak’s government, and the Conservative party more widely. Here is what could follow from a government win or loss.

    Continue reading…

  • Exclusive: document tendered in high court shows more than half of the 92 have been in detention for more than a decade

    More than half of the 92 people in immigration detention the Australian government warned it would have to release if it lost a landmark high court decision had their visas cancelled by ministers due to serious concerns about criminality.

    A document tendered in the high court, seen by Guardian Australia, reveals the majority (78) are owed protection, including citizens of war-torn or authoritarian countries such as Afghanistan, Iran and Sudan. Half a dozen have been in detention for over a decade.

    Sign up for Guardian Australia’s free morning and afternoon email newsletters for your daily news roundup

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Exclusive: document tendered in high court shows more than half of the 92 have been in detention for more than a decade

    More than half of the 92 people in immigration detention the Australian government warned it would have to release if it lost a landmark high court decision had their visas cancelled by ministers due to serious concerns about criminality.

    A document tendered in the high court, seen by Guardian Australia, reveals the majority (78) are owed protection, including citizens of war-torn or authoritarian countries such as Afghanistan, Iran and Sudan. Half a dozen have been in detention for over a decade.

    Sign up for Guardian Australia’s free morning and afternoon email newsletters for your daily news roundup

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Security Force Monitor finds 64% of senior army officers led units allegedly committing killings, rapes, torture and disappearances

    New research into alleged war crimes in Myanmar has concluded that the majority of senior commanders in the Myanmar military, many of whom hold powerful political positions in the country, were responsible for crimes including rape, torture, killings and forced disappearances carried out by units under their command between 2011 and 2023.

    The research, by the Security Force Monitor (SFM), a project run by Columbia Law School’s Human Rights Institute, states that 64% – 51 of 79 – of all Myanmar’s senior military commanders are responsible for war crimes. It claims that the most serious perpetrator of human rights violations is Gen Mya Tun Oo, Myanmar’s deputy prime minister, former defence minister and a member of the ruling military council.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • A document released by Dorset Council has revealed that it and the Home Office are actively discouraging refugees they’re holding on the Bibby Stockholm from leaving. Campaign group One Life To Live has said that this amounts to “quasi-detention”.

    Bibby Stockholm: refugees effectively stuck on board

    Dorset Council, which is responsible for health and safety on board the Bibby Stockholm barge and which is a member of the multi-agency forum (MAF) for the site, released the latest joint MAF update on 7 November. This revealed that asylum-seekers accommodated there are being confined to the barge as much as possible, and should be deterred from getting off the bus which is provided to take them into local towns.

    The provision of the bus is a requirement of the contract between CTM and the Home Office. However, the latest MAF update states:

    There have also been concerns that [the bus] service means that asylum seekers are just being dropped-off and left to ‘hang out’ in Weymouth and Portland. This is not happening, nor is it in anyone’s interest for it to happen… There are also be [sic] exercise, recreational and multi-faith facilities on board to minimise the need to leave the site.”

    The update was signed off as usual by Paul Beecroft of the communications team at Dorset Council, with the words “Sent on behalf of the MAF group” – indicating the agreement of all MAF members. Besides Dorset Council these include the Home Office, Portland Port, Dorset NHS, and Dorset Police. MAF meetings are held regularly, and invitees include elected members from the local authorities (town, district and county), MPs, voluntary and community sector partners, and local businesses.

    Now, a campaign group has said this amounts to quasi-detention.

    What is quasi-detention?

    The Home Office factsheet for the Bibby Stockholm site says that it provides “non-detained accommodation”. However, many campaigners, NGOs, and immigration lawyers have long maintained that the barge represents quasi-detention.

    According to the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Immigration Detention (whose members are cross-party MPs and peers), asylum accommodation sites can be ‘accurately described’ as quasi-detention if they include:

    1. Visible security measures.
    2. Shared living quarters.
    3. Reduced levels of privacy.
    4. Isolation from the wider community.

    All of these apply at the Bibby Stockholm site.

    (1): visible security measures

    Security on board is provided by ICSA, a private contractor, which has assigned a team of “18 guards trained to military standard”. There are security cameras in all communal spaces and along the corridors on each floor. Whenever leaving or returning to the Bibby Stockholm, asylum-seekers undergo airport-style security, including x-rays of their possessions. They cannot walk to anywhere other than the small compound at the head of the barge, which is surrounded by 20-foot-high spiked metal fences and heavy metal gates. To get out of the compound, they must take a scheduled shuttle bus.

    (2) and (3): shared living quarters and reduced levels of privacy

    Cabins on board the Bibby Stockholm, designed for single occupancy, now have bunk beds and people must share with strangers. Each person’s living space is smaller than the average car-park bay.

    (4): isolation from the wider community

    To leave the port, asylum-seekers must take a shuttle bus out of the compound, across the port and out of its gates. The bus is arranged by Portland Port and paid for out of CTM’s £1.6bn contract with the Home Office. According to page 18 of Annex A to that contract, the Home Office must approve the timetables and destinations for the bus. It is understood that there are two stops on the bus route: Victoria Square on the island of Portland, and Commercial Road in Weymouth (on the mainland).

    The MAF update comment about the shuttle bus service is at odds with the way buses are generally understood to operate – which is that passengers may dismount at the appointed stops, and are then free to do as they wish (including ‘hanging around’).

    Furthermore, ‘exercise and recreational’ facilities onboard are extremely limited. Many public spaces have been converted to cabins; the gym contains just two treadmills (for an eventual cohort of 425 men); and even the basketball is not freely available but must be signed in and out – apparently because it could be used as a weapon.

    As a result, the men feel demoralised about this and rarely sign the basketball out.

    Nicola David of One Life To Live, which campaigns against the large-scale asylum containment sites, commented:

    Placing asylum-seekers away from communities, and attempting to contain them there while restricting their freedom to move about, drives a public perception that they have done something very wrong or even criminal, which inevitably and unfairly tarnishes public sentiment towards them. In fact, these asylum-seekers have done exactly what we would all do if we faced war, conflict or persecution – flee for our lives.

    The Bibby Stockholm residents are here legally and they are not criminals. Therefore there is no legal or ethical reason to segregate and contain these asylum-seekers, or to restrict their freedom. This is quasi-detention, pure and simple.

    Discrimination and segregation

    Under Section 13 of the Equality Act 2010, and specifically Section 149 (the public-sector equality duty), segregation on the grounds of race, colour, nationality, ethnic/national origin or religion is unlawfully discriminatory. Nevertheless, residents of the Bibby Stockholm have been sent to live in a contained space away from local amenities and segregated from the local population – which is overwhelmingly White British.

    Attempting to prevent them from leaving the barge, and preferring that they do not dismount from the shuttle bus contractually provided for their exclusive use, would appear discriminatory.

    Only asylum-seekers who have been in the UK since 7 March 2023, and whose asylum claims are already being processed, are eligible to be sent to the Bibby Stockholm. A high proportion of the cohort came here by plane; they also claimed asylum immediately on arrival in the UK, exactly as required. They should not be treated as if they are here illegally or as if they have committed a crime.

    In a Guardian report on 29 October, one barge resident said:

    We have exactly the feeling of being in prison. It is true that they say that this is not a prison and you can go outside at any time, but you can only go to specific stops at certain times by bus, and this does not give me a good feeling. Even to use the fresh air, you have to go through the inspection every time and go to the small yard with high fences and go through the X-ray machine again. And this is not good for our health. In short, this is a prison whose prisoners are not criminals, they are people who have fled their country just to save their lives and have taken shelter here to live.

    Featured image via Ashley Smith/Wikimedia Commons, resized to 1910×1000 under licence CC BY-SA 4.0

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • One of the Israeli military’s air raids on a residential area of Jabalia refugee camp in Gaza this week caused nearly the area of an entire football field of destruction, a new analysis finds. On Tuesday, Israeli forces launched the first of what would be a series of attacks on Jabalia, the largest refugee camp in Gaza. The military dropped five or six bombs on the area (reports vary)…

    Source

  • Israeli forces carried out yet another assault on Gaza’s largest refugee camp on Wednesday, just hours after the Israeli military dropped six bombs on a residential area of the camp on Tuesday. Al Jazeera reporters say that buildings in a heavily populated residential area of Jabalia refugee camp have been leveled and that hundreds of people are feared to be trapped under the wreckage.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The Israeli military bombed Gaza’s largest refugee camp on Tuesday, killing dozens, if not hundreds, of Palestinians. The Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza has been “completely destroyed,” Gaza’s interior ministry has reported. An Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) spokesman has confirmed that the strike was orchestrated by Israeli forces. The death count varies depending on the source and will…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • A Nigerian man attempted suicide after finding his name on a list of people being sent to the Bibby Stockholm. The case exposes the traumatic impact that the barge is having on asylum seekers in the UK.

    Bibby Stockholm transfer list

    An asylum seeker attempted to hang himself in a Colchester car park on 26 October. According to a press release by Colchester-based Refugee, Asylum Seeker and Migrant Action (RAMA), the man had just discovered he was being sent to the Bibby Stockholm. Another refugee at the hotel found him and alerted a security guard. They cut the Nigerian man down and an air ambulance later took him to Colchester Hospital, where doctors put him on life support.

    RAMA said this isn’t an isolated case, however:

    Eight other asylum-seekers at the hotel are also due to be transferred to the Bibby Stockholm. Six of them said they would rather kill themselves than be sent there, and RAMA believes that four of them are serious about intending to take their own lives.

    Moreover, one refugee attempted suicide while on the Bibby Stockholm. A letter written by some of those housed on the barge and published by Portland Global Friendship Group on Facebook on 25 August said:

    Also, in a tragic incident, one of the asylum seekers attempted suicide, but we acted promptly and prevented this unfortunate event.

    Some friends even said they wished they had the courage to commit suicide, and our personal belief is that many of these individuals might resort to this foolishness to escape from problems in the future.

    ‘Strongest possible protest against inhumanity’

    The Nigerian man who attempted to hang himself wasn’t a new arrival to the UK. RAMA said he had arrived as an unaccompanied child and lived in foster care until the age of 18. Five years later, the Home Office wanted him moved to the Bibby Stockholm.

    According to Maria Wilby of RAMA, the unnamed man’s reaction reflects anxieties widespread amongst Colchester’s asylum seekers:

    They are grieving the fact that the Home Office is closing the hotel down. While it may not be perfect, it’s been their home for up to a year. They’ve planted trees in Colchester, attended therapy here, volunteered here, made friends here. They are no problem to anyone; local police have confirmed there have been no criminal incidents arising either from the men at the hotel or from other asylum-seekers dispersed in the community. And yet they’ve been treated in a way that is beyond inhumane, and which disregards all the efforts which they have made to find community here. This suicide attempt is the strongest possible protest against that inhumanity, and also shows just how much the Bibby Stockholm is feared.

    Meanwhile, the Guardian said it had confirmed two other suicides of refugees in hotels. Afroze Fatima Zaidi recently reported for the Canary on the “inhumane” conditions that many refugees find themselves in at hotels.

    Cost of racist policies

    The Canary has repeatedly reported on the racism of the Bibby Stockholm and what it represents. This case highlights the deeply personal cost of that racism. Nicola David of refugee support group One Life To Live emphasised this in RAMA’s press release:

    This has been a horrific incident – a tragedy which was entirely preventable. Before COVID, asylum-seekers lived among us in the community. Now, they are ‘othered’: segregated away into ghettoes and deprived of respect and dignity. It never ceases to amaze me that major hotel brands and their franchisees are willing to take the government shilling and turn the other cheek to what goes on in their properties.

    Here is a young man, with his whole life ahead of him, who was treated as a number and not a human being, and for whom the prospect of the Bibby Stockholm was simply too much. The Home Office should feel deep shame – if it knows how.

    The Bibby Stockholm is little more than a prison ship for people that haven’t committed a crime. And its existence alone is enough to drive already vulnerable people to the brink.

    The Guardian said prime minister Rishi Sunak “ignored” a question about the suicide attempt mentioned in the asylum seekers’ letter. No doubt he’d ignore questions about the latest attempt too. And that, of course, about sums up the government’s attitude to the harm it is causing asylum seekers.

    Featured image via The Telegraph/YouTube

    By Glen Black

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • A migrant rights group has launched another legal challenge against the Tories’ racist asylum accommodation. This time, the non-profit has targeted the government’s abhorrent and prison-like military housing estate.

    It comes as a parliamentary committee published a report on the Home Office’s abysmal handling of asylum claims.

    Racist and inhumane asylum accommodation

    On 26 October, migrant rights and support group Care4Calais issued legal proceedings against the Home Office. Specifically, the group are bringing the challenge against its asylum accommodation at Wethersfield – a former military base in Essex.

    The asylum scheme at Wethersfield is key to the Home Office’s broader approach to holding refugees. This is designed to host migrants while they await a decision on their claims. In particular, the former military site is part of its bid to shift away from hotel accommodation.

    Hotel accommodation has presented a host of problems and bad press for the government. For one, as the Canary’s Afroze Zaidi explained in September, refugees have experienced:

    cramped living conditions, damp, mould, pest infestations, and broken or missing furniture.

    Moreover, the spiralling costs of the Home Office’s hotel stock have repeatedly hit headlines.

    RAF bases to barges

    So, the Tories have predictably responded to the mounting problems at these hotels with even less humane alternatives. Primarily, this has centred around imprisoning asylum seekers at refurbished former military bases and on repurposed barges.

    Naturally, these sites have posed a number of similar issues. Both the Bibby Stockholm and Wethersfield have been the centre of viral outbreaks. What’s more, criticisms of the poor housing conditions and safety concerns have dogged the government’s flagship asylum housing plans. Much like the use of hotels, local councils have also had little say over these schemes.

    As a result, these asylum accommodation sites have also faced a stream of legal action. Local councils and a resident have launched cases against both RAF Scampton and RAF Wethersfield, both of which hold asylum seekers. Hearings are due to take place on 31 October to 1 November respectively.

    Meanwhile, after a failed judicial review against the Home Office earlier this month, Portland’s town mayor has issued a follow-up challenge against the local authority over the de facto prison barge, the Bibby Stockholm.

    Now, Care4Calais has added its case against the RAF base-turned-asylum accommodation at Wethersfield to this growing list of legal challenges.

    Legal proceedings against racist asylum accommodation

    In a press release, the campaign group announced it had initiated legal proceedings against the Home Office. The group has called out the site’s “quasi-detention” prison-like conditions and said the surveillance, restrictions, and location amounted to “segregating” refugees from the local community. In particular, it underscored that:

    they are segregated from the mainstream population in ways that and stigmatise and degrade them, and eat away at their dignity

    It echoed accusations that Portland’s town mayor levied at the government in a recent failed legal bid over the Bibby Stockholm.

    On top of this, Care4Calais highlighted that the Home Office should not be placing survivors of torture or modern slavery, or those suffering from serious mental health conditions at the site. However, it pointed out that they are “routinely being sent to Wethersfield.”

    Ultimately, the group noted that:

    Falsely imprisoning asylum seekers behind barbed wire fences, placing them under 24/7 surveillance, restricting their liberty and separating them from any semblance of community, is now the chosen policy of this Government.

    Committee calls out government failings

    The new legal challenge comes as a House of Commons parliamentary committee released a new damning report. Specifically, the Public Accounts Committee conducted an inquiry into the government’s progress in processing asylum claims.

    The report said that, by the end of June 2023, the government had a backlog of over 175,000 unprocessed claims. The committee were told that over half of these people (91,000) had waited for at least a year for a decision.

    Notably, the report revealed that the government is failing to find appropriate housing. In particular, it detailed how the government has found less than 10% of its aimed 500 beds a week of ‘dispersal’ accommodation in local communities.

    Given this, the report stated that the government:

    seemingly has no plan for how it will acquire enough accommodation in local areas to end its reliance on hotels.

    Moreover, it criticised the government’s plans to force asylum seekers into room sharing. The committee said that they were:

    not convinced that the Home Office has considered the trauma some people seeking asylum will have faced, or the protections required to ensure it is implementing room-sharing safely.

    On 24 October, the Home Office announced its plans to move refugees out of 50 of these hotels by the end of January. It stated that it would refugees living in the hotels into:

    other parts of the UK’s asylum estate, including the Bibby Stockholm barge.

    Profits over people

    Of course, this is all part of the government’s deliberate efforts to criminalise people seeking asylum. As I previously wrote on the Bibby Stockholm, these types of carceral asylum-holding sites embody:

    the government’s hostile rhetoric, which seeks to sever asylum seekers’ connection with the surrounding community and support groups.

    In other words, the shoddy accommodation is one of the latest incarnations of the Tories ‘hostile environment’. It stems from the ever-colonial pomp that pervades the UK political class. This is exercised through a capitalist system which puts profits over people – and especially racialised communities. Because, of course, there’s big money to be made in caging human beings. Naturally, the Tories’ rancid refugee scapegoating has provided the perfect cover to do just that.

    Under the guise of purportedly sparing the taxpayer the burgeoning hotel bill, the Tories have funnelled cash into company coffers. For example, new analysis by the Labour Party found that the Bibby Stockholm is currently costing £800 per person, per night. Bibby Marine – the company leasing the barge – therefore stands to make stonking profits.

    Crucially then, as the Canary’s Joe Glenton previously explained:

    far from being about saving public cash, the policy of warehousing refugees in terrible accommodation is a function of the Tories‘ brutal anti-refugee ideology.

    Legal challenges mount against immoral asylum plans

    Moreover, alongside its infamous Rwanda policy, these sites are a core pillar of the government’s racist Illegal Migration Act. Yet communities, campaign groups, and councils are foiling both this hostile accommodation and its racist deportation plans. Repeated legal bids have exposed the racist motivations at the heart of these schemes – and sometimes proved them illegal.

    For example, in July, the High Court ruled that the Home Office was unlawfully housing unaccompanied minors in hotels. Also in July, a group of asylum seekers won a separate case against the home secretary and her department. It found that the Home Office had breached its duty to provide adequate housing and financial support to prevent destitution.

    Meanwhile, on 13 October, Right to Remain initiated a challenge against the government’s lack of legal aid for asylum seekers.

    As such, the Tories’ racist carceral asylum accommodation system looks to be rapidly coming undone. It’s high time the UK government put the lives and rights of people seeking safety – wherever they’re from – above corporate greed.

    Feature image via Channel 4 News/Youtube screengrab. 

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • World leaders are warning of the risk of a wider war in the Middle East as Israel’s assault on Gaza could spill over to other parts of the region. We speak to independent journalist Sharif Abdel Kouddous about the negligible amount of aid that Israel is allowing to trickle into Gaza from the Rafah border crossing. He also discusses Egypt’s response to Israel’s attempts to ethnically cleanse Gaza…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A report by detention centre monitoring body the Independent Monitoring Boards (IMB) has underscored the inhumane treatment refugees faced at facilities in Kent. It described conditions at the Manston location as “insanitary and unacceptable”, and criticised a lack of provisions across all three of the county’s sites.

    Manston centre: ‘insanitary and unacceptable’ conditions

    The IMB published its report on three of Kent’s short-term holding facilities on 23 October. These locations hold asylum seekers for up to 24 hours after they reach the UK, though this can be lengthened by the secretary of state. The IMB’s report covered inspections made during 2022 in the Kent Intake Unit, Western Jet Foil, and Manston.

    All three facilities have faced numerous condemnations and controversies. Manston in particular faced high-profile public condemnation in the latter half of 2022. This included a series of protests outside the facility. The outrage came after government decisions led to Manston housing more than 4000 people at one time. This is despite the facility being designed for a capacity of 1000-1600 individuals.

    The IMB’s new report said that accommodation at Manston was unfit for those held there:

    detained individuals were accommodated in marquees which we would describe as at best basic, at worst insanitary and unacceptable.

    It went on the state that:

    there were no proper sleeping facilities: there were no sleeping mats, and during monitoring visits in November we noted that some individuals were sleeping on flattened cardboard boxes, whilst others simply had a blanket…. During one monitoring visit, one set of these portaloos had overflowed and, due to torrential rain, the overflow had seeped under the wooden flooring of one of the marquees. On other occasions, the toilet and shower areas were wet underfoot and smelt.

    Moreover, refugees in Manston had to share clothing such as coats. This practice led the IMB to raise concerns over the “spread of infections such as scabies”.

    The Guardian also reported in February that local authorities had also warned the Home Office of a series of public health incidents at Manston from September to November 2022. The IMB noted that even some staff at the facilities expressed such concerns.

    However, the government’s slow response led to a public health crisis. Increasing cases of diseases led to an outbreak of diphtheria, with 50 cases recorded at Manston by the end of November. The disease appeared to have led to the death of detainee Hussein Haseeb Ahmed on 19 November that year.

    ‘Stale, unpleasant atmosphere’

    Manston wasn’t the only facility that the IMB criticised, either. The body said refugees at Western Jet Foil and Kent Intake Unit also faced difficult conditions.

    For example, some detainees at the Kent Intake Unit had to sleep on blankets on cold floors and benches. This was the result of the Home Office ordering the removal of the facility’s sleeping mats because they weren’t fire retardant. The IMB also said that some areas of the centre had a “stale, unpleasant atmosphere” due to a lack working shower facilities.

    Meanwhile, IMB inspectors noted that Western Jet Foil also had “seemed to lack fresh air” for similar reasons. Significantly, it described this facility as the “least safe” of the three. The judgement was based on the high-profile racist petrol bomb attack on Western Jet Foil in October 2022. The attack also led to the evacuation of around 1000 refugees from Western Jet Foil to Manston. This exacerbated the latter’s existing problems.

    The report also noted that, despite some attempts by staff, there were problems in providing those held at all three facilities with stimulation:

    the IMB felt that the lack of stimulation for those being detained in marquees for extended periods led to frustration and in-fighting.

    Part and parcel of our colonial outlook

    Even whilst it was aware of the increasing problems at Manston, the government claimed the facility was “resourced and equipped” to process people. However, an HM Inspectorate of Prisons report on a visit way back in July 2022 – just 6 months after the centre opened – highlighted similar problems at Manston. Problems like people sleeping on benches and overcrowded facilities were present from the very beginning.

    This isn’t a failure of the system, though – it’s working precisely as intended. Clare Moseley, who set up refugee aid group Care4Calais, wrote in October 2022 that the government chose to designate people arriving as ‘illegal immigrants’. In doing so, it intentionally fostered division and raised tensions. This political handwaving then let the government turn a blind eye to rapidly deteriorating living conditions.

    The IMB’s report clearly underlined the government’s racist and colonial attitude towards refugees. This has only gotten worse since the period of the IMB’s report. Home secretary Suella Braverman went so far as to claim in September 2023 that “nobody” crossing the Channel is a refugee. But the fact is that shouldn’t even matter – all people are deserving of basic dignity and respect, no matter how they arrived on UK shores. 

    Featured image via Sky News/YouTube

    By Glen Black

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • On 18 October climate activists from Just Stop Oil (JSO) halted the coach driving 23 asylum seekers to the Bibby Stockholm.

    Activists sporting bright orange tabards emblazoned with the JSO logo blocked the sole road into Portland, where the government have docked the floating monstrosity. An extremely irresponsible coach driver appeared to push through the protesters that lined the coach’s path:

    Ultimately, the activists failed to prevent the Home Office returning the migrants to the barge. However, this was still the singular most powerful and important action in the group’s history – and here’s why.

    Just Stop Oil’s Pride problems

    For one, the action was a laudable example of solidarity in practice. Historically, JSO hasn’t always been good at this.

    For instance, JSO’s action against Pride in June laid bare some of the group’s failings on this front. It sent a letter to the organisers of Pride, calling out its corporate sponsorship. However, the letter also issued an ‘ultimatum’. It demanded that Pride must set a public meeting to galvanise its volunteers to take direct action against new oil and gas projects. The group threatened to take action at Pride if organisers failed to respond.

    As the Canary’s Alex/Rose Cocker expressed, this ultimatum had the effect of, unintentionally of otherwise, acting in a way to:

    co-opt what should be a queer protest space.

    Moreover, Cocker highlighted the ignorance in demanding that a marginalised community take direct action:

    ‘Help us make your activists into our activists… or else’ is not a way to foster community – which isn’t even to mention the greater threat to queer people that accompanies being arrested as part of a climate protest or elsewhere.

    Bibby Stockholm action was on the right track

    This time however, the group seems to have somewhat hit the mark. JSO said that they were taking action in response to a call for support by the asylum seekers facing imprisonment on the barge. Essentially then, it listened to an oppressed community and responded to its asks.

    This distinction was important. In its Pride ultimatum, JSO forced its fears about the climate crisis onto a minoritised group already facing arguably more pressing and targeted existential threats.

    Rather than acknowledging climate as a threat multiplier, which exacerbates underlying inequality and injustice, JSO set out a hierarchy of crises and put climate at the very top – disregarding peoples very real experiences of discrimination and injustice. Instead, for its Bibby action JSO stood alongside a community in its fight for justice.

    In addition, it appears the group is beginning to build this solidarity into its broader work. The Bibby Stockholm action in Portland wasn’t the first time JSO had turned up to fight the barge. At a recent protest in Liverpool, JSO activists stood shoulder to shoulder with migrant rights groups calling out the profiteering company leasing the vessel.

    Direct action against the UK’s violent border regime

    Next up, for this action JSO actually had a tangible goal in mind. Specifically, it aimed to stop the Home Office from forcing 23 migrants onto the shoddy prison on floats. That’s a goal I can unreservedly get behind.

    Ordinarily, JSO’s protests centre round engendering public “awareness”. From slinging soup at famous works of art, to disrupting sports events and West End shows, the group’s ostensible aim veers towards maximising media attention and reaction. It’s indisputable that their tactics hit the headlines – if only because they boil the blood of the vitriolic right-wing rags.

    In so doing, the climate crisis has been all the rage in the corporate media, in more ways than one. So, even the readers of the most vile tabloid tirades have heard that we’re in a climate emergency.

    Yet, as the Canary’s John Shafthauer has pointed out: “a lack of awareness isn’t the problem.” Shafthauer argued that (and I agree):

    people are actually very informed about climate change, and the issue is they simply feel powerless to enact change.

    By contrast, in the Bibby Stockholm’s case activists took a direct stand against a violent instrument of the UK Home Office. They married JSO’s classic traffic tactics with a specific step for migrant justice.

    To some extent, I saw parallels with communities disrupting immigration raids – in a similar way, JSO were trying to halt a callous gear in the UK ‘hostile environment’. Specifically here, this is a vehicle of violence which forces people seeking safety and a new life in this country into a dilapidated and unsafe de facto floating prison, while they wait despicably long months and sometimes years for the shithole Home Office to process their asylum claims.

    Climate crisis and displacement

    For once however, I’m also prepared to eat my earlier words. Building “awareness” was actually a solid strategy in this instance. Specifically, the action drew vital attention to the significant intersections between the climate crisis and displacement.

    In particular, the climate crisis itself is a major cause of displacement. JSO noted this in its press release on the action:

    We know that our government’s plan for new oil and gas is going to lead to more people being displaced from their homes. Forced from where they have lived for generations due to the actions of our failing politicians.

    In other words, the UK government greenlighting new oil and gas will generate more planet-heating greenhouse gas emissions. In turn, this will intensify the climate crisis and its extreme weather impacts, particularly on those in the Global South. According to the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), more than 80% of refugees and internally displaced people in 2022 came from:

    countries vulnerable to climate change and live in dangerous conflict situations exacerbated by droughts, monsoon rains and floods.

    In this way then, the Tories’ energy nationalism – which is invariably centred round more fossil fuels – is yet another example of where it couldn’t give a shit about racialised communities, here or otherwise. JSO were therefore right to draw the connections.

    More than stopping oil and gas

    Evidently, JSO has taken a step in the right direction. In spite of this, I still feel it’s missing a crucial point. Its press release ended on the notion that:

    The first step is stopping new oil and gas

    Clearly, ending new oil and gas is an important goal. The newly licensed Rosebank is testament to the stark hypocrisy of the UK continuing its business-as-usual extraction in the midst of a global climate emergency.

    Ultimately however, it isn’t only about oil and gas. JSO’s protest should have illustrated to the group exactly why that is.

    The fossil fuel economy is intrinsically wrapped up in racial capitalism. Therefore, to end one you inevitably have to dismantle the other. As assistant professors Julius Alexander McGee at Portland State University and Patrick Trent Greiner of  Vanderbilt University have articulated:

    Fossil fuels are the loom that weaves the tapestry of oppression into a functioning whole, systematically influencing the lives of the enslaved, imperialized, colonized, and exploited. Fossil fuels have become the bedrock of economic growth and the basis of most social reproduction.

    Moreover, the racialised border system and racial capitalism intersect to deny the movement of people. Simultaneously, both buttress the process of colonial resource extraction and accumulation by the Global North. In turn, this process destroys the lands and livelihoods of people in the Global South. All the while of course, this continues to fuel the climate crisis.

    Given this, the deadly cycle of dehumanisation – where bordered nations render Black and Brown lives expendable – is part and parcel of this very capitalist architecture. The Bibby Stockholm is one such example of this violent apparatus in action. Naturally, this system is underpinned by, and underpins, fossil fuels at every turn.

    In short: it was never enough to just stop oil, we need to do away with the whole damn system. JSO’s action against the Bibby Stockholm should be just the start. There can be no climate justice without dismantling racial capitalism in all its callous forms.

    Feature image via the Telegraph/YouTube

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh pleaded with a visiting U.S. State Department official Tuesday to help boost food aid to them, while the U.N. refugee agency’s chief urged donor countries to reverse dwindling humanitarian assistance to the stateless Rohingya.

    The World Food Program, or WFP, twice this year has reduced its food allocation for Rohingya refugees to U.S. $8 per person per month, as more than half of the yearly support requested by the United Nations remains unmet, U.N. officials said.

    “I have a family of seven members, and due to the reduction in rations, we are starving,” said Nur Jahan, a refugee who met with Afreen Akhter, the U.S. assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asia, in Cox’s Bazar on Tuesday.

    The southeastern district along the border with Myanmar is home to sprawling camps and settlements where about 1 million Rohingya are sheltering.

    “Rohingya people are increasingly trying to go outside the camps in search of work, and many of them are being detained by police,” she said. “Others are getting involved in illicit activities because they don’t have enough food.”

    Bangladesh’s government, which has hosted hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees for years, has steadfastly rejected requests to allow them to work outside their camps, making them almost completely reliant on foreign aid.

    Jamila Akhter, a 25-year-old pregnant woman from the Ukhia refugee camp, told Akhter that she worried about her unborn child’s health.

    “I am an expectant mother. I should be able to eat better now,” she told BenarNews. “But we are not getting any nutritious food.”

    U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Afreen Akhter speaks with the media outside the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner’s office in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, Oct. 17, 2023. Credit: Tanbir Miraj/AFP
    U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Afreen Akhter speaks with the media outside the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner’s office in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, Oct. 17, 2023. Credit: Tanbir Miraj/AFP

    The U.S. official said she had witnessed the “dire conditions” in the camps, but she also emphasized the United States’ oversized role in helping the refugees.

    “The United States is the single largest donor, by far, when it comes to supporting Rohingya refugees,” she told reporters after meeting with local officials in Cox’s Bazar. “We’ve far outpaced anyone else in our support for Bangladesh in their response to this crisis.”

    The U.S. has contributed $2.2 billion in response to the humanitarian crisis since 2017 when at least 740,000 Rohingyas fled Myanmar during a military crackdown that a top U.N. official described as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing.”

    Meanwhile in Bangkok on Tuesday, Filippo Grandi, the United Nations high commissioner for refugees, urged donor nations during a high-level meeting on the regional Rohingya refugee crisis to make substantial pledges of support for the Rohingya.

    “This is a crisis that should not be forgotten … If contributions decline, we are in trouble,” Agence France-Presse quoted him as saying.

    United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi speaks during a news conference in Bangkok, Oct. 17, 2023. Credit: Sakchai Lalit/AP
    United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi speaks during a news conference in Bangkok, Oct. 17, 2023. Credit: Sakchai Lalit/AP

    A humanitarian fund for the Rohingya managed by the U.N. has so far received only 42% of the $875.9 million required for the refugees this year, according to data from the United Nations.

    At the gathering in Bangkok, the British government committed $5.5 million (£4.5 million) in fresh support, which appeared to be the only instance of a new pledge of substantial aid announced so far.

    “This decline in humanitarian assistance makes it more difficult to continuously, for example, renew the shelters,” Grandi said, according to the Reuters news agency.

    “You have to invest money all the time and that money is becoming short, so conditions are now beginning to regress.”

    BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news service.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Ahammad Foyez and Abdur Rahman for BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • It’s been a week of bad news for refugees and those fighting against the inhumane and racist barge-turned-asylum accommodation, the Bibby Stockholm.

    The London High Court has quashed a local Portland resident and mayor’s challenge against the Tories’ controversial refugee detention barge. Meanwhile, the Home Office has notified asylum seekers that they will be returned to the vessel on 19 October. Both came as i News reported that the government department has refused information requests to disclose the full cost of the floating, formerly disease-infested hell-site.

    Bibby Stockholm – a racist floating cage

    Home secretary Suella Braverman’s asylum housing barge has so far been a repeated source of embarrassment for the far-right Tory government.

    Days after the Home Office had forced 39 migrants aboard the vessel in August, tests detected the bacteria legionella within its water system. This bacteria can cause a potentially deadly respiratory condition known as Legionnaires’ disease.

    As a result, the government had to evacuate the refugees from the barge. In September, freedom of information requests (FOI) revealed that tests had identified the most deadly strain of legionella on the vessel. The Bibby Stockholm has remained vacant since 11 August.

    Meanwhile, others have highlighted the huge sums of taxpayer’s money the government has thrown at the abhorrent floating cage.

    As the Canary’s Glen Black detailed in September, a migrant solidarity group had estimated the cost of the barge at £560k in just four weeks. However, new information obtained by investigative group Corporate Watch has revealed the Bibby Stockholm’s bill to be much higher in total, revealing the weekly cost at nearly £300k. Which means that the government squandered £2.2m while the barge remained vacant due to legionella.

    Yet, as i News has reported, the Home Office is withholding the true cost of the asylum barge. It refused an FOI request made by the Liberal Democrats.

    Given all this, and the sheer callousness of the Home Office’s plan, campaigners have kept up the heat. Since the government announced its asylum barge, protests have sprung up against the barge from Cornwall and Dorset all the way to Liverpool.

    High Court dismisses local resident’s legal challenge

    On Tuesday 10 October, one Portland resident also took Braverman and the Home Office to court. Portland town councillor and Mayor Carralyn Parkes issued the challenge in a private capacity. She did so after Dorset Council decided against taking legal action over the barge.

    Parkes crowdfunded for the judicial review. Nearly a thousand people donated to her fundraiser, which quickly met its £25k target.

    On the day of the case, protesters from Stand Up to Racism turned out in solidarity outside the High Court. Parkes spoke to the crowd before entering. She lamented to the protesters that she had tried to speak out against the barge “on the grounds of humanity” but it had not been enough to stop the government’s immoral plans. Instead then, she hoped she might be able to stop them on the grounds of planning permission.

    Specifically, Parkes’ case revolved around the Home Office’s failure to seek planning permission from the local council. In a statement in advance of the hearing, Parkes said that:

    If the Home Office had applied for planning permission, they would have had to consult with local people – but we never got the right to have our say.

    I believe that planning permission would have been refused.

    However, the government’s lawyers argued that the local planning authority did not think planning permission was necessary. In particular, Dorset Council had taken the view that since the barge operated below the mean low water mark, this would place the Bibby Stockholm outside its jurisdiction.

    Parkes’ legal team disputed this. As the Canary’s Steve Topple previously explained, they argued that:

    1. Idea of a ‘low water mark’ as a boundary for planning permission should be “interpreted flexibly”. Parkes argues that in this instance, the Bibby Stockholm is in the local planning authority’s jurisdiction as it’s in the harbour.
    2. The Bibby Stockholm is attached to the land for electricity, sewage, and so on. Therefore, it is “effectively a permanent structure” like a pier, so does fall under planning rules.

    Despite this, on 11 October, the High Court rejected these as grounds for a judicial review.

    ‘Racial segregation’

    Moreover, part of the case focused on what the lawyers argued amounted to “racial segregation”. In a press release ahead of the challenge, Deighton Pierce Glynn Solicitors stated that the Equality Impact Assessment:

    conducted only days before the barge’s use commenced, is woefully inadequate as it fails to consider the impact of the barge’s operation in radicalising far-right extremism and in segregating rather than integrating asylum seekers.

    Of course, this is exactly the purpose of Braverman’s racist asylum accommodation project. As the Canary’s Afroze Fatima Zaidi wrote in September:

    Current policy regarding asylum in the UK is an extension of the ‘hostile environment’ introduced by former PM and home secretary Theresa May.

    In other words, the Bibby Stockholm sits among the government’s portfolio of racist plans designed to position the UK as unwelcoming to refugees.

    Predictably also, the barge has indeed served as a focal point in drawing out far-right fascist groups like Patriotic Alternative.

    In effect, the Bibby Stockholm embodies the government’s hostile rhetoric, which seeks to sever asylum seekers’ connection with the surrounding community and support groups.

    ‘Remote’ and ‘monstrous’ location

    And a barge in Portland harbour is the perfect place to do this. Speaking to the protesters outside the High Court, Parkes also remarked on the remoteness of the location for housing asylum seekers. She explained that Portland port:

    is a secure area – you can’t easily come in and out of it.

    As a result, she argued that:

    The whole idea of holding human beings on a barge in such a location is so monstrous

    Specifically, Portland is an island tied to the Dorset coastline by a singular access road. Between 2015 and 2017, the island was also host to the Verne immigration removal centre. A local detention centre visitor group, and even the prison inspectorate, had raised concerns about the inaccessibility of the site. Notably, the inspectorate said that:

    the remoteness of The Verne made visits very difficult for many families.

    As Open Democracy reported in 2015, the inspectorate’s survey:

    revealed that just 19 per cent of detainees had been visited by family or friends, compared with an average of 43 per cent for other immigration detention centres. Only a quarter of lawyers had managed to visit their clients.

    The site where the government has moored the barge is therefore extremely isolated.

    Back to the Bibby Stockholm

    Parkes’s loss in the High Court came as the Home Office announced it would be returning asylum seekers to the barge. The department gave notice via letter that it would move asylum seekers onto the Bibby Stockholm on a “no-choice basis” on 19 October.

    Countering the government’s hostile environment rhetoric, in August, Parkes said that:

    human beings belong in communities and need to be cared for in communities, not on barges

    Moreover, protesters have vowed to continue to fight the Home Office’s cruel asylum plans.

     

    Braverman may have fought off this legal challenge, but she won’t stop people across the UK from welcoming asylum seekers into their communities. The people seeking safety whom this callous government is forcing onto the Bibby Stockholm will be no exception.

    Feature image via Ashley Smith/Wikimedia, cropped and resized to 1910 by 1000, licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • RNZ News

    The Algerian democracy advocate Ahmed Zaoui, a New Zealand citizen, has been arrested by Algerian security forces after commenting on human rights violations at a political meeting at his home.

    His New Zealand lawyer Deborah Manning said Zaoui had been detained at a police station in the city of Medea since he was taken from his home at about 5.30pm on Tuesday (Algerian time).

    “He was arrested at gunpoint . . . by eight men in balaclavas from the special forces and the neighbourhood was surrounded, so it was a significant operation, and he’s been taken for interrogation,” she said.

    “It’s a precarious situation for anyone taken under these circumstances.”

    He had not yet been charged with anything, she said.

    Zaoui, who was recognised as a refugee in New Zealand 20 years ago after a protracted legal battle, entered Algeria on a New Zealand passport.

    “Mr Zaoui has two homes now — he has family in Algeria and New Zealand and he was wanting to find a way to live in both worlds.

    ‘Constant communication’
    “He returned to Algeria to be with family in recent years as the political situation appeared to be settling. He was planning to return to New Zealand later this year.”

    Manning remained in “constant communication” with Zaoui’s family in Algeria.

    The family was “very concerned” and was working with New Zealand consular affairs.

    There was no New Zealand consulate in Algeria but Manning said she was in touch with “the relevant authorities”.


    Selwyn Manning’s documentary on the Ahmed Zaoui case.

    The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade told RNZ it was aware of reports of a New Zealander detained in Algeria but could not provide further information due to “privacy reasons”.

    According to Amnesty International, about 300 people have been arrested in Algeria on charges related to freedom of speech since a law change in April cracking down on media freedom.

    Zaoui, a former theology professor, stood as a candidate for the Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria’s first general election in 1991.

    However, the government cancelled the election and banned his party when it appeared it was on track to win the election, forcing Zaoui and others to flee the country.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Home secretary says Tories were ‘too squeamish’ in past to deal with immigration properly from fear of being called racist. This live blog is closed

    The proceeedings in the main hall at the Conservative conference opened this morning with a speech from a member praising the party’s record on gay rights. Steve Barclay, the health secretary, is speaking now, and he will be announcing plans to ban trans women from female hospital wards. The Daily Telegraph has splashed on the story.

    On a visit this morning Suella Braverman, the home secretary, said she backed the idea. She said:

    Trans women have no place in women’s wards or indeed any safe space relating to biological women.

    And the health secretary is absolutely right to clarify and make it clear that biological men should not have treatments in the same wards and in the same safe spaces as biological women.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Braverman’s recent rhetoric around the Refugee Convention has been abhorrent – and the Conservative policies it underpins are about to wreck lives in the usual callous way. Now, a new report from the Refugee Council has laid bare the likely impact of the new Illegal Migration Act. It states that Tory asylum policies could render tens of thousands of migrants at risk of destitution.

    Illegal Migration Act

    The Refugee Council analysed new Home Office statistics on asylum applications for those who’ve made the dangerous Channel crossing. Their report found that nearly three-quarters of the estimated 14,648 people who made the journey this year would be granted asylum if the UK processed their claims.

    Notably, the new report highlighted this in light of the new Illegal Migration Act. The legislation became law on the 20 July, and will deny asylum claims from migrants crossing the Channel. Specifically, the Refugee Council found that the Act could push over 35,000 people arriving by small boat into “permanent limbo”. This estimate refers to those who would have their asylum claim deemed permanently inadmissible, yet are unable to return to their country of origin.

    When in force, the new Act will bar people from claiming asylum if they’ve entered the UK via ‘illegal’ routes. This includes those seeking asylum who have arrived via the Channel, or through perilous lorry journeys. The Refugee Council therefore spotlighted the horrendous impact the legislation could have:

    It is highly likely these people will disappear into the margins of communities and be at risk of long-term destitution, exploitation and abuse.

    By August 2023, the government had a backlog of over 175,000 unprocessed claims. In 2022, the Refugee Council calculated that over 40,000 asylum seekers had waited between one and three years for the Home Office to process their claim.

    Already, support for asylum seekers is abysmal. While they wait for claims to be processed, the UK denies them the right to work, offers pitiful living allowance, and makes vital services like healthcare all but inaccessible. None of this is even to mention the unsafe, unsanitary accommodation the government forces asylum seekers into.

    Now, many future asylum seekers will receive no state support while the government denies them the right to live and work safely in UK communities indefinitely.

    ‘Permanent limbo’

    Of course, the Illegal Migration Act’s solution to this unconscionable limbo is simply more racism. The legislation has become notorious for its policy to deport asylum seekers to a “safe third country” such as Rwanda.

    As the Canary’s Joe Glenton reported in June, the London High Court ruled the government’s Rwanda plan unlawful on multiple grounds. Notably, judges found that it breached Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights. This states that:

    No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

    After the ruling, PM Rishi Sunak pledged to contest the decision.

    The court noted that there was a “real risk” that Rwanda would return asylum seekers to their home countries, where they could face “persecution or other inhumane treatment.” Moreover, migrant rights groups have raised the issue of the country’s poor human rights record for LGBTQ+ people.

    Given all this, the Refugee Council’s new report shows that migrants will be trapped between a rock and a hard place. Essentially, the UK government will put asylum seekers at risk of re-deportation or rights violations in Rwanda, or push people into a state of perpetual precariousness and poverty in the UK.

    Breaching international law

    The report’s findings come a week after home secretary Suella Braverman attacked the United Nations (UN) Refugee Convention in a hate-filled tirade. Under the convention, all people have the right to seek asylum in another country of their choice.

    As party to the convention, both the EU and the UN refugee and human rights bodies have previously warned that the UK’s Illegal Migration Act could therefore contravene international law. On the UK parliament’s passing of the act in July, the UN high commissioner for refugees Filippo Grandi said that:

    This new legislation significantly erodes the legal framework that has protected so many, exposing refugees to grave risks in breach of international law

    Braverman’s beef with the Refugee Convention emerged in the context of this international criticism, alongside its current loss in the High Court over the legislation’s core Rwanda removal pillar. The Canary’s Alex/Rose Cocker also pointed out that Braverman’s knee-jerk reaction to these criticisms and legal challenges:

    typifies Tory responses to social issues across the board. Rather than working to find a solution, they change definitions in order to sweep a problem under the rug.

    As a result, they argued that:

    To state this simply, the home secretary appears to prefer that the UK removes itself entirely from the Refugee Convention, rather than facing up to the fact that refugees are human beings in need of help.

    Into the margins

    Ultimately then, the Refugee Council’s newest findings are more of the same from the Tories’ bigot Britain. They’re exactly what you’d expect from a government with a prodigious rap sheet of failing refugees and asylum seekers at every turn.

    Disappearing people into the margins of society has long been UK migrant policy writ large. From locking migrants up in abusive detention centres, to the Bibby Stockholm barge debacle and blatantly racist deportations, the ‘out of sight, out of mind – and not our problem’ policies highlighted by the Refugee Council are entirely on brand. The Tories can have that podium slogan for free – at least it’d be honest.

    Feature image via UK House of Lords/Wikimedia, cropped and resized to 1910 by 1000, licensed under CC BY 2.0

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • The number of Europe-bound refugees who died or went missing in the Mediterranean this summer has tripled since last year, the UN has said.

    Thousands of refugees died in 2023

    According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 2500 migrants died or went missing in the Mediterranean between 1 January and 24 September 2023. That’s 50% more than during the same period in 2022.

    Between June and August this year, at least 990 people perished or vanished trying to get to Europe from northern Africa. Meanwhile, during the same period last year, 334 people died.

    Among the migrants who arrived in Italy on makeshift boats between January and September, there were 11,600 unaccompanied children. That figure is 60% higher than it was for January to September 2022. Nicola dell’Arciprete, UNICEF’s country coordinator for Italy, said at least 289 children have died so far this year trying to cross the Mediterranean.

    Regina De Dominicis, UNICEF’s regional director for Europe and Central Asia, said:

    The Mediterranean has become a cemetery for children and their future

    ‘So-called’ coastguard

    There was a surge of people landing on the island of Lampedusa in September. The Red Cross estimated that the island hosted some 10,000 new arrivals in the second week of September. Dell’Arciprete said this number of people will likely be repeated over the coming weeks. As more people cross, more will likely find themselves in dangerous or deadly situations.

    At the time of publishing, Sea Watch International was reporting an ongoing incident involving the Libyan coastguard:

    The MV Louise Michel, an independent refugee rescue vessel that was on-site during the incident, said two “overcrowded” dinghies had got into trouble. While the Louise Michel was rescuing 58 people from one boat, a Libyan coastguard vessel allegedly “crashed” into the second:

    The boat’s crew said that it was “disgusted by this aggressive act against these people seeking a safe place”.

    In June, a fishing vessel carrying an estimated 750 refugees, including 100 children, sank off the coast of Greece. Only 104 people were rescued.

    While the Greek coastguard initially attempted to distance itself from the causes of the boat’s sinking, subsequent investigations have suggested otherwise. Research published by Greek investigative journalism unit Solomon said that:

    …the [Greek coastguard vessel] increased its speed and the fishing vessel [that it was towing] rocked to the right, then to the left, then to the right again and flipped onto its right side…

    Testimonies in this investigation support testaments presented by other journalistic investigations, as well as survivor statements included in the official case file: this action appears to have led to the capsize and eventual sinking of the ship.

    Political choices and individual actions

    Commenting on the UN’s figures for 2023, De Dominicis said:

    The tragic toll of children dying in search of asylum and security in Europe is the result of political choices and a defective migration system

    This European anti-refugee border regime is colloquially known as ‘Fortress Europe’. Its policies extend well beyond the Mediterranean. As the Canary previously reported, Fortress Europe has led to the deaths of thousands of people attempting to cross between two islands in the Indian Ocean.

    However, the two incidents involving the Libyan and Greek coastguards show that it’s not just policies harming and killing refugees. Individuals are acting in ways that threaten refugees as well.

    There are three months left in 2023, and the number of refugees killed by Europe’s racist, draconian border policies will only continue to increase. Each and every death is blood on the hands of states across Europe and the Mediterranean.

    Additional reporting by Agence France-Presse

    Featured image by Tim Lüddemann/Flickr

    By Glen Black

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Suella Braverman has made beastliness a trait in British politics. The UK Home Secretary, fed on the mush and mash of anti-refugee sentiment, has been frantically trying to find her spot in the darkness of inhumanity.

    Audaciously, and with grinding ignorance, she persists in her rather grisly attempts to kill the central assumptions of international refugee protection, flawed as they might be, elevating the role of the sovereign state to that of tormenter and high judge. In doing so Braverman shows herself to believe in the ultimate prerogative of the state to be decisively cruel rather than consistently humane. The result is a tyrant’s feast, bound to make a good impression in every country keen to seal off their borders from those seeking sanctuary.

    In her speech to the American Enterprise Institute, Braverman came up with a novel reading on how the United Nations Refugee Convention of 1951 has been applied of late. In her mind, there had been “an interpretive shift” towards generosity in awarding refugee status when, conspicuously, the opposite is true. She was particularly irked by those irritating judges who had endorsed “something more akin to a definition of ‘discrimination’”. All in all, “uncontrolled and illegal migration” posed “an existential challenge for the political and cultural institutions of the West.”

    Lip service is paid to the rights of asylum seekers, though not much. She shows a keen fondness for the term “illegal migrants” such as those who made their way to the Italian island of Lampedusa, proceeding to sleep on the streets, pilfer food and clash with police. “Where individuals are being persecuted, it is right we offer sanctuary,” she conceded. “But we will not be able to sustain an asylum system if in effect, simply being gay, or a woman, or fearful of discrimination in your own country of origin, is sufficient to qualify for protection.”

    Trust Braverman to turn universal human rights into a matter of gender or sexual politics. She further teases out the battle lines by attacking the “misguided dogma of multiculturalism” that “makes no demands of the incomer to integrate”. Such a failure had happened because “it allowed people to come to our society and live parallel lives in it.”

    A quick read of the definition of “refugee” in the Convention stipulates a number of considerations: “a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particularly social group or political opinion”; that the person is outside their country of nationality and unwilling to “avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.”

    In 2022, a mere 1.5% of the 74,751 asylum claims lodged in the UK cited sexual orientation in their applications. The countries most prominently featured as points of origin for the applicants were Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nigeria. It remains unclear how many were accepted as a direct result of mentioning sexual orientation, but these numbers hardly constitute a radical shift.

    The UNHCR was unimpressed by the Home Secretary’s AEI show, though hampered by the language of moderation. “The need is not for reform, or more restrictive interpretation, but for stronger and more consistent application of the convention and its underlying principle of responsibility-sharing.” The body suggested that expediting the backlog of asylum claims in the UK might be one way of approaching it, something Braverman has failed, rather spectacularly, to do.

    The Refugee Convention has provided fine sport for abuse and blackening for over two decades, its critics always bleating about the fact that the circumstances of its remit had changed. A list of Australian Prime Ministers (John Howard, Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Tony Abott, just to name a few) would surely have to top the league, always taking issue with a document regarded as creaky and unfit to deal with the arrival of “unlawful non-citizens”. From the implementation of the Pacific Solution to the creation of such odious categories as Temporary Protection Visas, the protective principles of the Convention became effigies to a system that was being forcibly retired.

    In Britain, New Labour’s Tony Blair, always emphasising the New over Labour, never tired of haranguing his party, and constituents, about the reforms he was making to a number of policy platforms, with processing refugees being foremost among them. During his election drive in 2001, Blair claimed that, “The UK is taking the lead in arguing for reform, not of the convention’s values, but of how it operates.” At the time, the chief executive of the Refugee Council, Nick Hardwick, gasped. “The Geneva Convention on Refugees has saved millions of lives worldwide.”

    Blair’s Home Secretary, Jack Straw, had already set the mould for Braverman in his promise in 2000 to initiate a “complete revision” of the Refugee Convention, one that would see “a two-tier system to cut the flow of asylum seekers” coming into the UK.

    At home, Braverman has made a royal mess of things. Keeping up with an obsession nurtured by the Johnson government, she has persisted in trying to outsource and defer the responsibility for processing asylum claims to third countries. The favourite choice remains distant Rwanda, a country unfathomably praised for its outstanding “modernising” credentials.

    While the government scored a legal victory in the High Court in December 2022, which saw nothing questionable about undertakings made by Kigali in the Memorandum of Understanding and Notes Verbales (NV) about how asylum claims would be processed, the Court of Appeal thought otherwise. On June 29 this year, a majority of the Court decided to give Rwanda’s human rights record a stern, rough comb over, finding it wanting on the prohibition against torture outlined in Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

    Sir Geoffrey Vos, Master of the Rolls, felt that “there were substantial grounds for thinking that asylum seekers sent to Rwanda under the MEDP [Migration and Economic Development Partnership]” at the date the decisions were made by the secretary in July 2022 “faced real risks of article 3 [European Convention on Human Rights] mistreatment.” Such a conclusion was inevitable after consulting “the historical record described by the UNHCR, the significant concerns of the UNHCR itself, and the factual realities of the current asylum process itself.”

    Lord Justice Underhill underlined the lower court’s own admission that the Rwandan government was “intolerant of dissent; that there are restrictions on the right of peaceful assembly, freedom of the press and freedom of speech; and that political opponents have been detained in unofficial detention centres and have been subjected to torture and Article 3 ill-treatment short of torture.”

    As a result, Braverman finds herself at sea, struggling to find a port, or centre, to park her own, brittle dogmas. In July, she told the House of Commons that she disagreed “fundamentally” with the view of the court “that Rwanda is not a safe place for refugees”. She went on to say that her government took their “international obligations very seriously and we are satisfied that the provisions of the Illegal Migration Bill comply with the refugee convention. The fundamental principle remains, however, that those in need of protection should claim asylum at the earliest opportunity and in the first safe country they reach.”

    And that, ultimately, is the rub: domestic politics vaulted by individual ambition. When considering the stuffing in such speeches, the international audience is less important than those listening at home. Braverman is likely to have her eyes on the prime ministerial prize, having failed to secure the Conservative leadership last summer. A troubled Tory MP, speaking to the BBC on condition of anonymity, had some advice for UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak: best get rid of the Home Secretary as soon as possible lest it “reflects poorly on him”. It’s a bit late for that.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Hopes fade of deal being struck, with one sticking point being right to occasionally breach detention centre standards

    European Union member states have failed to reach an agreement on changes to the bloc’s migration laws after Germany and Italy clashed over key proposals relating to human rights guarantees in detention centres and the role of NGOs in facilitating migrant arrivals.

    But, as hopes faded on Thursday of a deal being struck, ministers said they expected “fine tuning” in coming days to lead to a pact that would apply in the event of a sudden refugee crisis such as that of 2015 when more than 1 million people arrived from Syria and beyond.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.