Super-hawk Elliot Abrams is back in the news again, worrying that Donald Trump lacks “clarity” about what he intends to do in Venezuela. Abrams recommends that the president eliminate all doubts and ambiguities in his mind and directly attack Venezuelan territory in order to bring down the “dictator” Nicolas Maduro.
Abrams, U.S. special envoy to Venezuela during Trump’s first term, said in a recent Foreign Affairs article that the president’s advisors should promptly persuade him that the point of no return has already been passed in Venezuela, and that the only possible outcomes are that either Trump or Maduro will win the contest that is now well underway. Forthrightly titled, “How To Topple Maduro,” Abrams calls for doing more than blowing up “narco-trafficking boats” (i.e., Caribbean fishing vessels), though he does not go so far as to advocate the deployment of U.S. ground troops in the South American nation.
According to the Mexican daily La Jornada, Abrams wants Washington to destroy Venezuela’s air defense systems, the F-16s at the air base of Palo Negro, and the Sukhoi jets at the air base in La Orchila, an island one hundred miles off the coast of Venezuela. He also desires to see U.S. attacks against bases in western Venezuela used by the Army of National Liberation (ELN), a Colombian Marxist group allied with Maduro.
Abrams worries that after a prolonged show of massive U.S. force off the coast of Venezuela, Washington may end up leaving Maduro in power, sending a signal to the world that it has declined from superpower status to the “pitiful helpless giant” that Richard Nixon feared the U.S. was becoming by not being aggressive enough in Vietnam. Such an outcome, he feels, would only benefit the Venezuelan “regime”, as well as irrationally hostile countries (presumably) like China, Russia, Cuba, and Iran.
Abrams nowhere takes note of the huge risks U.S. military escalation necessarily carries with it, namely, that it might provoke a Vietnam-style bloodbath or worse, after uniting all of Latin America against Washington’s unprovoked aggression. Even Colombia, which regards the Marxist ELN affiliated with Maduro as a drug-trafficking terrorist group, has made it very clear it will not tolerate a U.S. attack on Venezuela. If Washington overthrows Maduro and Venezuela turns to prolonged popular resistance via guerrilla war and sabotage, expect a large number of Americans to return home in body bags.
Instead of facing this sobering prospect, Abrams indulges the usual imperial fantasy that regime change will lead Venezuela promptly to democracy, broad prosperity, and national reconciliation under the enlightened tutelage of its friendly occupiers, who are said by many experts on democracy to be on the path to civil war at home.
Of course, all of this is only to be expected from Abrams, who is a former senior Middle East adviser on the National Security Council for George W. Bush, in which position he promoted the 2003 invasion of Iraq (with similarly rosy results predicted), and a disastrous coup against the democratically elected Hamas government in Gaza, which eventually produced the genocidal horror show we have been watching on our live feeds for the last two-plus years.
Before these ghastly events, Abrams was Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights under Ronald Reagan (1981-1989). During those years, he staunchly defended U.S. support for a death squad client regime in El Salvador that tortured and murdered staggering numbers of peasants struggling to gain their most basic human rights, a “democracy” campaign that ended with an estimated 70,000 dead and the country devastated almost beyond repair. Abrams rated it a “fabulous achievement.”
He did the same with respect to Guatemala, where another U.S. client state was carrying out a scorched earth campaign that was determined to be genocide by the United Nations and a Guatemalan court of law, with entire villages razed to the ground. He whitewashed the El Mozote massacre, in which hundreds of Guatemalans were beheaded, shot, raped, and burned alive, including children. Confronted on live TV in 1995 by journalist Allan Nairn about his role in covering up the torture, rape, and murder of Guatemalan human rights leader Rosario Godoy (her baby had his fingernails torn out), Abrams shamelessly stuck to the official story that “they died in a traffic accident.”
Throughout the eighties, Abrams worked diligently to destroy the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua, which had overthrown the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza, whose long record of human rights crimes rivaled those in El Salvador and Guatemala. Ex-Somoza National Guardsmen, famous for torture, rape, and murder, formed themselves into a mercenary army financed by Washington, spending the decade attacking civilian infrastructure like schools, farming cooperatives, medical clinics, and electricity-generating plants, killing roughly thirty thousand Nicaraguans to punish them for having carried out a popular revolution.
Later tried for lying to Congress about the Iran-Contra scandal, Abrams called the prosecutors “filthy bastards” and denounced members of the U.S. Intelligence Committee as “pious clowns” who asked “abysmally stupid” questions. When journalist Terry Allen told him that much of the world considered him a war criminal, he called her a “rotten bitch.” In 1991, he actually pled guilty to two counts of lying to Congress, but this was apparently only because he “wasn’t authorized to tell the truth,” as he put it.
After hearing Abrams testify, Missouri Senator Thomas Eagleton remarked, “I want to puke,” a common enough sentiment among those subjected to the neo-con’s perverse rationalizations for unspeakable crimes.
The aforementioned Allan Nairn, a rare journalist who actually covered the truth rather than allowing it to be covered up, had the following exchanges with Abrams on the Charlie Rose show on March 31, 1995.
Nairn: . . . in the face of this systematic policy of slaughter by the Guatemalan military, more than 110,000 civilians killed by that military since 1978, what Amnesty International has called a “government program of political murder,” the U.S. has continued to provide covert assistance to the G-2 and they have continued, especially during the time of Mr. Abrams, to provide political aid and comfort. For example . . . .
Abrams: Uh, Charlie.
Rose: One second.
Nairn: . . . during the Northwest Highland massacres of the [early] 80s, when the Catholic Church said: “Never in our history has it come to such grave extremes. It has reached the point of genocide.” President Reagan went down, embraced [General] Rios-Montt, the dictator who was staging these massacres, and said he was getting “a bum rap on human rights.” In ’85, when human rights leader Rosario Godoy was abducted by the army, raped, and mutilated, her baby had his fingernails torn out, the Guatemalan military said: “Oh, they died in a traffic accident.” Human rights groups contacted Mr. Abrams, asked him about it, he wrote back – this is his letter of reply – he said: yes, “there’s no evidence other than that they died in a traffic accident.” Now this is a woman raped and mutilated, a baby with his fingernails torn out. This is a long-standing policy.
Rose: . . . these are specific points raised by Allan having to do with your public conduct.
Abrams: . . . I’m not here to refight the Cold War. I’m glad we won. . .
Nairn: Won against whom? Won against those civilians the Guatemalan army was massacring?
Abrams: Wait a minute. Wait a minute. Wait a minute. Wait a minute. We’re not here to refight the Cold War . . . If Mr. Nairn thinks we should have been on the other side in Guatemala, that we should have been in favor of a guerrilla victory, I disagree with him.
Nairn: So you’re admitting that you were on the side of the Guatemalan military!
Abrams: I am admitting that it was the policy of the United States, under Democrats and Republicans, approved by Congress repeatedly, to oppose a Communist guerrilla victory anywhere in Central America, including in Guatemala.
Nairn: “A Communist guerrilla victory!” Ninety-five percent of these victims are civilians – peasant organizers, human rights leaders, priests – assassinated by the U.S.-backed Guatemalan army.
Rose: I’m happy to invite both of you back to review Reagan and Bush (Senior) administration policy. Right now I want to stick to this point . . . .
Nairn: Let’s look at reality here . . . We’re talking about more than a hundred thousand murders, an entire army, many of its top officers, employees of the U.S. government. We’re talking about crimes, and we’re also talking about criminals; not just people like Guatemalan Colonels but also the U.S. agents who’ve been working with them, and the higher-level U.S. officials. I mean, I think you have to apply uniform standards. President Bush [Senior] once talked about putting Saddam Hussein on trial for crimes against humanity – Nuremberg style tribunal. I think that’s a good idea. But if you’re serious, you have to be even-handed. If you look at a case like this, I think we have to start talking about putting Guatemalan and U.S. officials on trial. I think someone like Mr. Abrams would be a fit subject for such a Nuremberg-style inquiry.
Abrams: [laughs]
Nairn: . . . but I agree with Mr. Abrams that Democrats would have to be in the dock with him.
Rose: Well, well I . . . again, I invite you and Elliot Abrams back to discuss what he did, but right now . . . .
Abrams: No thanks, Charlie, but . . . .
Rose: Elliot, go ahead Elliot, to repeat the question, do you want to be in the dock?
Abrams: It is ludicrous, it is ludicrous to respond to that kind of stupidity. This guy thinks we were on the wrong side in the Cold War.
Nairn: Mr. Abrams, you were on the wrong side in supporting the massacre of peasants and organizers and anyone who dared speak. Absolutely. And that’s a crime. That’s a crime, Mr. Abrams, for which people should be tried. It’s against the law.
Abrams: (sarcastically) All right, we’ll put all the American officials who won the Cold War in the dock.
Rose: . . . Allan Nairn is a distinguished reporter who won the George Polk Award last year. So, I mean, you know, I don’t want him characterized on this broadcast as a crackpot. I mean, you can have a personal argument about what he says about you specifically, but . . .
Abrams: Well, Charlie, Charlie, Charlie, when a guy tells me he thinks the entire U.S. leadership during the Cold War needs to have a Nuremberg trial, he’s a crackpot.
Rose: OK, I mean, I, I wouldn’t, point well taken.
Nairn: Well, it’s Mr. Abrams’s right to say whatever he wants, but the facts speak for themselves. And in the case of Guatemala, you have this ongoing pattern of murder which has been public record – the Catholic Church in Guatemala has documented it, all the human rights groups have documented it. And on the public level, not even talking about the covert level, year after year the U.S. has continued to provide all different kinds of aid to the Guatemalan military. . .
Abrams did indeed say whatever he wanted, which in the case of Guatemala was that General Ríos Montt, later convicted of genocide, had “brought considerable progress” to the “war” against defenseless civilians.
Sources:
Carlos Fazio, “Elliot Abrams Pressures Trump,” La Jornada (Spanish), November 24, 2025
Jim Cason and David Brooks, “Officials Present Trump Options For Military Action Against Venezuela,” La Jornada, (Spanish) November 14, 2025
Jim Lobe, “Elliot Abrams returns promoting a Caracas cakewalk,” Responsible Statecraft, November 21, 2025
Leigh Binford, The El Mozote Massacre, (University of Arizona, 1996) pp. 18-22
Terry J. Allen, Public Serpent, www.InTheseTimes.com, August 2001
Abrams confronted on Charlie Rose March 31, 1995
The post Mass Murder As “Public Service” In “Our Democracy” first appeared on Dissident Voice.This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

