Category: Russia

  • Moscow wants to ramp up foreign production of its Sputnik V COVID-19 vaccine after it was deemed safe and effective according to advanced trial data provided by Russia and published in The Lancet, a British medical journal. The vaccine was initially criticized for being hastily rolled out in August before any large-scale trials had begun. But now that those trials have started and are getting positive reviews, the Kremlin hopes to bolster the vaccine’s use around the world.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A bipartisan group of U.S. senators has introduced legislation to impose fresh targeted sanctions on Russian officials found to be complicit in the poisoning of opposition leader Aleksei Navalny.

    The bill was introduced on February 3, one day after a Moscow court sentenced Navalny to nearly three years in prison for violating the terms of parole while in Germany where he was recovering from nerve-agent poisoning that he and his supporters say was ordered by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

    Backing the legislation were Marco Rubio (Republican-Florida), Chris Coons (Democrat-Delaware), Ben Cardin (Democrat-Maryland), Mitt Romney (Republican-Utah), Chris Van-Hollen (Democrat-Maryland), and Dick Durbin (Democrat-Illinois).

    “Following yesterday’s outrageous sentencing of Russian opposition leader Aleksei Navalny, I’m proud to join Senator Coons in standing with the Russian people,” Rubio said. “The Holding Russia Accountable for Malign Activities Act will impose a cost on Putin, and his thugs, for their corruption and targeting of opponents.”

    The bill directs the administration to determine if the Kremlin has violated U.S. laws prohibiting the use of chemical and biological weapons.

    Navalny fell ill in Siberia in late August and was put in an induced coma and evacuated to Berlin. Within days, German doctors and military scientists determined that he had been targeted with a substance related to Novichok, a powerful military-grade nerve agent first developed by the Soviet Union. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) confirmed blood and urine samples from Navalny contained a chemical agent from the banned Novichok group.

    The bill also requires a report on the assassination of Russian opposition politician Boris Nemtsov, who was shot dead at close range on the Bolshoi Moskvoretsky Bridge, near the Kremlin in central Moscow, on February 27, 2015.

    In June 2017, a Russian court sentenced a former Chechen battalion leader Zaur Dadayev to 20 years in prison for killing Nemtsov.

    Four other Chechens were found guilty of involvement in the killing and sentenced to prison terms ranging from 11 to 19 years.

    Critics, including relatives and colleagues of Nemtsov, say Russian authorities failed to determine who ordered the killing.

    “Putin’s government has a long and sordid history of using murder and attempted murder to silence Russian citizens at home and abroad who have called attention to the regime’s corrupt and abusive practices,” Coons said.

    “The Russian people are now demonstrating against the imprisonment of Aleksei Navalny through peaceful protests across their country. Instead of listening to their real grievances, Putin’s security forces have responded with unbridled brutality and arrested thousands. This bipartisan bill seeks to hold Putin and his inner circle accountable, while sending a clear message that the Russian government should immediately release Navalny and halt its repressive actions.”

    More than 1,400 people across the country, including more than 1,100 in Moscow, were detained in protests following the court decision, according to the independent monitoring group OVD-Info.

    Russian Police Crack Down On Protests After Navalny Sentencing

    Russian Police Crack Down On Protests After Navalny Sentencing Photo Gallery:

    Russian Police Crack Down On Protests After Navalny Sentencing

    Thousands of Russians took to the streets to protest the sentencing of opposition leader Aleksei Navalny to a prison term of nearly three years on February 2. Russian security forces cracked down hard, detaining more than 1,400 of them, according to independent monitoring group OVID-Info.

    Russia experienced some of the largest anti-government protests in a decade over the past two weekends with hundreds of thousands assembling in more than 100 cities around the country. Police at times used violence as they detained some 10,000 people.

    “Strong leaders do not have to jail their adversaries to maintain power,” Romney said. “Putin and his cronies first poisoned Aleksei Navalny and when they were unsuccessful at that, they set up a sham trial and sentenced him to several years in prison. We must hold the Putin regime accountable for these acts, which are a shameless attempt to silence the voice of the Russian people fighting against corruption and for freedom and truth.”

    “Russia will continue to use the tools of government to violently repress the opposition until the United States and the world say enough is enough. Poisoning or otherwise attempting to kill your critics and putting them in prison are not acceptable behaviors in any country,” Cardin said.

    The current legislation is similar to an earlier effort by nearly the same group of senators in October.

    The EU in December imposed sanctions on six Russians and a state scientific research center over the Navalny poisoning.

    On February 3, the German government said further sanctions against Russia could not be ruled out following the Moscow court verdict against Navalny and after police used force against opposition protesters.

    Chancellor Angela Merkel said the February 2 decision against Navalny was “far from any rule of law standards” and she demanded an end to violence against peaceful protesters in Russia.

    Putin has denied that the authorities tried to poison Navalny and said Russian agents would have finished the job if they had wanted him dead.

    He said in December that reports the Russian state had poisoned Navalny were part of a U.S.-backed plot to try to discredit him.

    With reporting by Reuters

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russia and Iran are among the top authoritarian states extending their tentacles of repression abroad to target exiles, a new report by Freedom House says.

    The report, published on February 4, says the Russian government “conducts highly aggressive” transnational repression activities abroad, relying “heavily” on assassination as a tool to target former insiders and other individuals perceived as threats by the Kremlin.

    The Russian campaign accounts for seven of 26 assassinations or assassination attempts identified globally by the U.S.-based nongovernmental organization between 2014 and 2020.

    The group says the Iranian regime has been linked to five assassinations or assassination attempts in three countries, and plots were thwarted in at least two others. The campaign targeted dissidents and journalists the authorities often labelled “terrorists.”

    Pakistan, Azerbaijan, and all five Central Asian republics — Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan — are also among countries that target their nationals abroad, using tactics such as assaults, detentions, and unlawful deportations.

    According to the report, titled Out Of Sight, Not Out Of Reach, human rights activists, dissidents, as well as their families “face a worldwide pattern of violence and intimidation perpetrated by the authoritarian regimes they hoped to avoid by fleeing abroad.”

    Freedom House says there have been at least 608 cases of direct, physical transnational repression since 2014 against victims in 79 host countries.

    China “conducts the most sophisticated, global, and comprehensive campaign of transnational repression in the world,” the report says. Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey are also identified as leading states targeting their nationals abroad.

    “The scale and violence of these attacks underscore the danger that people face even after they flee repression,” Freedom House President Michael Abramowitz said in a statement, adding that putting an end to the practices is “vital to protecting democracy and rolling back authoritarian influence.”

    The report says the Kremlin commonly uses assassination in its transnational repression efforts. It cites the case of former intelligence officer Alexander Litvinenko, who died following radiation poisoning in London in 2006, while a nerve agent was used in the attempted assassination of former intelligence officer Sergei Skripal and his daughter in England in 2018.

    “At a minimum, in Ukraine, Bulgaria, Germany, and the United Kingdom, the Kremlin has shown a willingness to kill perceived enemies abroad,” it says, adding that these attacks “also come against the backdrop of numerous unexplained deaths of high-profile Russians in exile, their business partners, and other potential targets of the Russian state.”

    The Russian government is also responsible for “assaults, detentions, unlawful deportations, and renditions in eight countries, mostly in Europe.”

    Russia is responsible for 38 percent of all public Red Notices in the world, making it the “most prolific abuser” of the Interpol notice system that Freedom House says the Kremlin uses to harass and detain exiles.

    Russians abroad who are engaged in political opposition also face “surveillance and sophisticated hacking campaigns,” which are paired with control over key cultural institutions operating abroad, including the Russian Orthodox Church, in an effort to exert influence over the Russian diaspora.

    Meanwhile, Ramzan Kadyrov, the Kremlin-backed leader of Russia’s North Caucasus region of Chechnya, employs “a brutal direct campaign to control the Chechen diaspora” in what Freedom House describes as “a unique example of a subnational regime operating its own transnational repression campaign.”

    Of the 32 documented physical cases of Russian transnational repression, “a remarkable 20 have a Chechen nexus,” according to the report, which notes that three Chechen exiles have been murdered in Europe over the last two years.

    Freedom House says Tehran has resumed assassinations of exiles in Europe and Turkey in recent years following a lull in the 2000s.

    It cited the case of former Iranian intelligence officer Masud Molavi, who was gunned down in Istanbul in November 2019, a killing ascribed by Turkish and U.S. officials to the Iranian government.

    In Belgium, an Iranian diplomat charged with plotting to bomb an exiled opposition group’s gathering is currently standing trial.

    Meanwhile, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) has led “operations to kidnap exiles from other countries and forcibly repatriate them,” with Freedom House citing the “particularly outrageous” case of opposition journalist Ruhollah Zam, who was executed in Iran in December 2020 after being “abducted” from Iraq.

    Tehran has used in some cases “a combination of bilateral pressure and co-optation of other countries’ institutions to achieve detentions and deportations,” it says, adding that Iranian authorities also used Interpol to harass exiles “even though the clear lack of judicial independence in the country should limit the credibility of its notices.”

    The Iranian state uses other tactics to pressure those involved in opposition politics or independent journalism, including smear campaigns such as the creation of fake news websites that mirror real ones and falsification of statements by journalists in order to discredit them.

    In January 2020, Reporters without Borders (RSF) counted 200 Iranian journalists living overseas who had been threatened, including 50 who had received death threats.

    These threats are frequently paired with coercion by proxy in which family members within Iran are threatened or detained in order to silence exiles.

    Iranian authorities also run highly “sophisticated” spyware campaigns, with Iranians abroad receiving “complex spear-phishing attempts.”

    In Central Asia, Freedom House says Tajik exiles have “faced the largest wave of transnational repression” in the former Soviet Union during the period under study spanning between January 2014 through November 2020, as the government of President Emomali Rahmon “consolidated power at home and targeted the opposition that fled abroad.”

    “Thirty-eight of 129 coded incidents from the region originated from Tajikistan, showing extensive detentions as well as unlawful deportations, renditions, an assault, an unexplained disappearance, and one assassination,” it says.

    Azerbaijani authorities also “aggressively target” opposition figures and journalists abroad, having conducted five renditions — from Ukraine, Georgia, and Turkey — since 2014. In four of those cases, the victim was a journalist or a journalist’s spouse.

    Kazakhstan’s transnational repression has focused on political opposition figures and former insiders, especially Mukhtar Ablyazov, a fugitive former banking official and outspoken critic of the government, his family, and associates.

    Freedom House counted five cases of transnational repression by Kyrgyz authorities, including four involving the targeting of ethnic Uzbeks who fled Kyrgyzstan following clashes in southern Kyrgyzstan in 2010. The four were detained at Bishkek’s requests in Russia but eventually released following legal challenges.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell is due to begin a three-day visit to Moscow on February 4 amid strong criticism from Western countries over the jailing of opposition politician Aleksei Navalny and a crackdown on protesters.

    Russia’s treatment of Navalny, whose arrest and imprisonment sparked thousands of people across Russia to demonstrate, and the crackdown on those demonstrations are the topics expected to dominate Borrell’s talks with Russian officials.

    Borrell insists he will deliver “clear messages” to the Kremlin during the visit, the first to Russia by a top EU envoy since 2017.

    “It is when things are not going well that you must engage,” he said earlier this week.

    Moscow has ignored calls to release Navalny, who on February 2 was sentenced to jail for almost three years for violating the terms of parole while recovering in Germany from a nerve-agent poisoning in August that the Kremlin critic accuses President Vladimir Putin of ordering.

    Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov on February 3 accused the West of “going overboard” in its reaction to the ruling.

    “The hysterics that we’ve heard over the judicial proceedings in Navalny’s case is definitely going overboard,” Lavrov was quoted as saying by TASS.

    The Kremlin already has made clear where it stands on any effort to pressure Moscow into freeing Navalny.

    Moscow stands “ready to do everything” to develop ties with Brussels, but the Kremlin is “not ready to listen to advice” on the issue of Navalny, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said.

    Borrell, for his part, put Moscow on notice in a statement ahead of his visit, saying the EU would discuss “implications and possible further action” at an upcoming foreign ministers meeting.

    European officials previously said they would wait for the court decision to make any move, including further sanctions on top of those imposed following Navalny’s poisoning.

    Calls are growing for the EU to boost travel bans and asset freezes it slapped on six Russian officials and one entity in October over the poisoning of Navalny.

    Relations between the European Union and Russia deteriorated over Moscow’s illegal annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea in 2014 and its ongoing support to separatists in eastern Ukraine. There are other concerns about its involvement in Belarus and conflicts in Syria, Libya, and other countries.

    With reporting by AFP and Tass

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Ahead of a ruling that would land him behind bars for more than two years, Aleksei Navalny stood behind the glass of a courtroom cage on February 2 to address the thousands who took the streets in his support for two consecutive weekends and denounce the government he says orchestrated his prosecution after it failed to ensure his silence through assassination.

    “This is happening to intimidate large numbers of people. They’re imprisoning one person to frighten millions,” said the 44-year-old Navalny, President Vladimir Putin’s most prominent critic in Russia for the past decade. “This isn’t a demonstration of strength — it’s a show of weakness.”

    Since 2011, Navalny and his Anti-Corruption Foundation have needled the Kremlin with investigations into high-level corruption and electoral campaigns that threatened to shake up Russia’s centralized political system with help from his growing, committed network of regional activists.

    Now, with the opposition politician sentenced to 2 years and 8 months, the movement he nurtured and led is beginning to take stock of his absence and consider how to go on.

    “We were ready for this,” Ivan Zhdanov, the director of the Anti-Corruption Foundation, told RFE/RL in a phone interview. “But we’ve endured great pressure before and can do so again.”

    Ivan Zhdanov (file photo)

    Ivan Zhdanov (file photo)

    Zhdanov said the organization Navalny inspired and founded will go on, since its employees know their roles and “Navalny doesn’t need to be replaced.” The task going forward, he said, is to continue the work of bringing to account corrupt officials and exposing the sins of Putin’s government. It’s a campaign Navalny’s network has largely continued without his supervision since August, when the Kremlin critic was poisoned on a trip in Siberia and transferred for emergency treatment in Germany.

    “I don’t have an envelope that I must open and follow steps written by Aleksei,” Leonid Volkov, the director of Navalny’s network of regional offices, wrote on Facebook. “But of course the Navalny team and the Anti-Corruption Foundation understand what we must do now. We understand that everything is only just beginning. We understand what our job is.”

    Watershed Moment

    Navalny’s prison term marks a watershed moment in the Putin era, on par with the 2003 arrest and jailing of Russia’s then-richest man Mikhail Khodorkovsky, an oil tycoon whose prosecution accelerated a Kremlin campaign to bring the country’s oligarchs to heel and stamp out their involvement in politics.

    It also cleared the way for Putin to assert control over the media — a process he began shortly after his first election in 2000 — and oversee the development of a centralized political system that brooks increasingly little dissent.

    Navalny claims that his poisoning in August was approved by Putin personally, a charge dismissed by the Kremlin. It sent shockwaves through the opposition and intensified the soul-searching that had already begun against the backdrop of growing state repression after a wave of protests in summer 2019. Since Navalny’s return to Russia on January 17, police have arrested more than 10,000 people and unleashed violence at protests in his support.

    ‘Enormous Moral Superiority’

    Of four Navalny coordinators in different parts of Russia contacted on Feb 3 by RFE/RL, only one commented on the record. Andrei Fateyev of Navalny’s office in Tomsk, the Siberian city where the Kremlin critic was poisoned, told RFE/RL in October that the his poisoning “was like a red flag to a bull. It motivated us.” This time, asked about his reaction, he answered in a text message with an angry emoji, adding only: “We’re taking stock.”

    Leonid Volkov (right) with Aleksei Navalny in 2015.

    Leonid Volkov (right) with Aleksei Navalny in 2015.

    Volkov is adamant that Navalny’s movement “is not going anywhere.”

    “We find ourselves in a position of enormous moral superiority,” he said. “The whole country has witnessed Putin’s fear. The whole country has seen how pitiful and weak he is, what he’s ready to do with the courts, with justice, and with common sense.”

    Even in his absence, Navalny’s teams across Russia had been busy preparing for elections to the national parliament and local legislatures in September, looking to tap a protest vote that has led to unlikely victories not only for their own candidates in Tomsk and Novosibirsk but for others who represent an alternative to United Russia, the ruling party that backs Putin.

    “The current situation is a pivotal moment for Putin’s regime,” political scientist Tatiana Stanovaya wrote on Twitter. “For the first time in 20 years it faces a completely new situation. This is the first time the Kremlin is unable to channel public discontent in a controllable direction.”

    Navalny’s “Smart Voting” strategy, launched in 2019 with the aim of breaking United Russia’s political monopoly, will be key to this process. So will a series of new corruption investigations, Zhdanov said, targeted at driving home for Russians the contrast between the lifestyles they lead, after years of falling wages, and the lifestyles of those who rule over them.

    “Putin has shown that he is incensed by Navalny, because he wasn’t able to kill him,” Zhdanov said. “He now looks afraid and angry. And that’s how people will perceive him, in Russia and abroad.”

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  •  

    NYT: The Daily: Who Is Aleksei Navalny

    The New York Times headline (2/1/21) asks a good question that the accompanying story completely fails to answer.

    “Who Is Aleksei Navalny?” was the headline over the “Inside the Times” column (New York Times print edition, 2/1/21)–which is a good question, given that the Russian activist has been mentioned more than 300 times in the paper, and has become the undisputed poster child for opposition to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

    Lauren Jackson, an editor at a Times podcasting project, wrote:

    Most of the New York Times‘ audio team knew the Russian opposition leader Aleksei A. Navalny for his near-death experience—a cinematic story that included a suspected state-sanctioned poisoning, a diverted plane and an airlift to a German hospital. From following the news, we also knew about his dissidence, including criticism of the Kremlin. But we didn’t know who he was beyond these headlines.

    So in January, when Mr. Navalny voluntarily returned to Russia, where he was promptly imprisoned, an editor on our team asked: Who is Aleksei Navalny?

    Another Times podcaster said, “We were interested in diving into this character to understand how he got to be a powerful figure internationally.” But when they called the paper’s Moscow correspondent, Anton Troianovski, they were told that “the defining moment in Navalny’s life had yet to happen, and that it would happen on Saturday.” Would people turn out for protests against Navalny’s arrest? “The protests on Saturday were going to tell us a lot about how Navalny’s legacy endured,” said one team member, while another asked: “The protests that he called for, would they happen or wouldn’t they? And what would be the repercussions?”

    NYT depiction of Russian protests

    The fact that there were protests against the arrest of Aleksei Navalny (New York Times, 1/29/21) tells us nothing about who Navalny is.

    “After recording most of the episode on Friday, we were left with a cliffhanger, not knowing how the episode would end,” Jackson related. Spoiler: They saw large crowds, despite freezing temperatures.

    Of course, the fact that there were people who turned out in support of Navalny doesn’t really tell you anything at all about who he actually is. For that, the Times audio team would have been better off going to the Times archives, where they would have found a profile of Navalny from 2011. After telling readers that he has “Nordic good looks, a caustic sense of humor and no political organization,” Troianovski’s predecessor Ellen Barry (12/9/11) related some rather more relevant background:

    He has appeared as a speaker alongside neo-Nazis and skinheads, and once starred in a video that compares dark-skinned Caucasus militants to cockroaches. While cockroaches can be killed with a slipper, he says that in the case of humans, “I recommend a pistol.”

    It’s not much of a cliffhanger, but the Times turns out to have known who Navalny is for almost 10 years.


    ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to the New York Times at letters@nytimes.com (Twitter:@NYTimes). Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.

     

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • Photo: navalny.com (Official website)

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The European Union has questioned a move by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy to sanction three television stations nominally owned by a member of a pro-Russian faction.

    In a written statement on February 3, the spokesperson of EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell, said that “while Ukraine’s efforts to protect its territorial integrity and national security, as well as to defend itself from information manipulation are legitimate, in particular given the scale of disinformation campaigns affecting Ukraine including from abroad, this should not come at the expense of freedom of media and must be done in full respect of fundamental rights and freedoms and following international standards.”

    The statement added that “any measures taken should be proportional to the aim” and that Brussels would be in touch with Ukrainian authorities to receive more information on the issue.

    Zelenskiy on February 2 signed off on the sanctions proposed by his national-security team.

    Although Taras Kozak, a member of the pro-Russian Opposition Platform For Life (OPZZh), is listed as the owner to the three outlets, Ukrainian media claim that the broadcasters – Ukrainian television channels112, NewsOne, and ZIK — are actually owned by Vicktor Medvedchuk, the head of OPZZh’s political council and one of the richest and most influential individuals in the country.

    The EU statement contrasts with the response from the United States, which said that “the US supports Ukraine’s effort to counter Russia’s malign influence in line with Ukrainian law, in defense of its sovereignty & territorial integrity.”

    Medvedchuk, who heads the Opposition Platform For Life’s political council, was sanctioned by the United States in March 2014 following the overthrow of pro-Moscow President Viktor Yanukovych for his role in undermining democracy in Ukraine. He has denied that he owns the TV stations.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • MOSCOW — A Moscow court’s decision to sentence Russian opposition politician Aleksei Navalny to 2 years and 8 months in prison has sparked a strong reaction from Western countries and immediate protests in Russia, while analysts say it is meant to crush growing dissent.

    Judge Natalya Repnikova on February 2 ordered a suspended 3 1/2 year sentence Navalny received in 2014 to be changed to time in a penal colony, cutting it to 2 years and 8 months for time already served.

    The decision outraged his supporters, hundreds of whom took to the streets to protest. Washington demanded Russia release Navalny and others detained during recent protests.

    Navalny’s lawyer, Olga Mikhailova, said the ruling will be appealed.

    The 44-year-old has become the nation’s most influential opposition figure after years of skillfully harnessing social media to channel growing discontent over a host of issues ranging from falling living standards to perceptions of corruption against President Vladimir Putin and his ruling elite.

    That has made him a potential threat to the Kremlin, which appears to want to make an example of him, analysts said.

    Putin opted for such a harsh sentence “to make Navalny — and others — realize that they face the prospect of spending the rest of their lives behind bars,” Tatiana Stanovaya, a founder of the think tank R. Politik, said in a tweet.

    She warned that other groups, including liberal media, nongovernmental organizations, and opposition-minded activists, will face increased pressure as the Kremlin seeks to quell protests that have grown in number over the years.

    The Kremlin has already been cracking down on the opposition and rights groups through new repressive laws passed by a compliant parliament.

    Vladimir Ryzhkov, a Kremlin critic and former Duma member, warned that Navalny’s arrest could lead to a new wave of emigration among the nation’s most politically active citizens.

    Navalny has been held since his high-stakes return on January 17 from Germany, where he had been recovering from a nerve-agent poisoning he claims Putin ordered.

    The Russian Federal Penitentiary Service (FSIN) had accused Navalny of parole violations relating to a suspended sentence he had been serving in a 2014 embezzlement case he calls trumped up.

    Speech In Court

    In a statement to the court earlier on February 2, Navalny repeatedly mocked Putin while stressing the aim of the hearing was to try to intimidate anyone who stood up to the Kremlin.

    “The main thing in this whole trial isn’t what happens to me. Locking me up isn’t difficult,” he told the court.

    “What matters most is why this is happening. This is happening to intimidate large numbers of people. They’re imprisoning one person to frighten millions,” Navalny said as he faced the court in a glass-enclosed holding cell.

    LISTEN To Excerpts Of Navalny’s Speech In Court

    The activist demonstrated his considerable national political influence when tens of thousands of people — despite threats of arrest — heeded his calls on January 23 and January 31 to protest against his detention.

    The rallies were the largest anti-government protests in Russia in a decade with people assembling in more than 100 cities around the country. Police at times used violence as they detained some 10,000 participants.

    Navanly’s jailing comes as the Kremlin prepares for key parliamentary elections in September. Putin controls the parliament through the ruling United Russia party, which rubber-stamps his legislation.

    However, the party’s ratings are slumping as the economy and wages stagnate. Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation is seeking to chip away at Kremlin control through a campaign to encourage voters to reject United Russia candidates at the ballot box.

    “Putin needs Navalny in jail during Russia’s next round of elections. That is obvious. He fears Navalny,” Michael McFaul, the former U.S. ambassador to Russia and a Kremlin critic, said in a tweet.

    After the verdict, Navalny’s team immediately called for further demonstrations, hoping to capitalize on the momentum of the past two weekends.

    However, the government deployed a large force of riot police in Moscow and closed down many streets, including those around the court complex.

    More than 1,300 people in 10 cities across the country, including more than 1,100 in Moscow, had been detained by the early hours of February 3, according to the independent monitoring group OVD-Info.

    Western Criticism

    The February 2 decision sparked strong criticism in the West, with the United States, Britain, Canada, and the European Union issuing statements denouncing the decision.

    The West’s relationship with Russia had already been tense following a host of malign activities that the EU, the United States, and other countries have pinned on the Kremlin, including election interference, state-sponsored hacks, and the use of chemical weapons.

    The jailing of Navalny could trigger yet more sanctions against the Kremlin as the West, with new leadership in Washington, seeks to show greater resolve on human rights abuses in Russia.

    U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Washington was “deeply concerned” by Navalny’s jailing and called on Russia to release the activist and “the hundreds of other Russian citizens wrongfully detained in recent weeks for exercising their rights.”

    He said that Washington and its Western partners would react if Russia did not live up to its international obligations to respect freedom of assembly and expression.

    “Even as we work with Russia to advance U.S. interests, we will coordinate closely with our allies and partners to hold Russia accountable for failing to uphold the rights of its citizens,” he said in a statement.

    U.K. Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab agreed, saying the Moscow court’s decision “shows Russia is failing to meet the most basic commitments expected of any responsible member of the international community.”

    EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell, who is expected in Moscow from February 4-6 to meet with top Russian officials and members of civil society, called the jailing “arbitrary and unreasonable.”

    Navalny’s detention and poisoning is expected to be high on his agenda.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Thousands of protesters risked arrest in Moscow and St. Petersburg on Tuesday, defying a heavy police presence to voice their fury at the sentencing of Alexey Navalny, the anticorruption activist who survived an assassination attempt and then tricked a Russian intelligence agent into confessing that he had poisoned him with a nerve agent.

    Despite a security crackdown in the wake of mass demonstrations across Russia since Navalny was arrested, during which thousands have been beaten or detained, an estimated 2,000 protesters marched through central Moscow, chanting for the release of the opposition leader, the resignation of President Vladimir Putin and demanding a “Russia without Putin.”

    A feed on the Russian messaging app Telegram called “Live From the Paddy Wagon,” documented the wave of arrests which exceeded 800 in Moscow alone, according to the human rights group OVD-Info.

    The Russian news app Baza collected video evidence of police brutality against dissenters, including one cornered group that was beaten while chanting “We are not armed.”

    Reporters who filmed the assaults were also clubbed.

    The crackdown by the riot police in Moscow had started outside the court even before the verdict was delivered. Among those detained for merely standing there on Tuesday was Dmitry Markov, a popular iPhone photographer who documented his time in the police station on Instagram.

    The mass detentions and brutality were clearly intended to act as a deterrent, and many of those arrested at a protest for Navalny on Sunday, including journalists, have been forced to endure harsh conditions in detention.

    Reporters outside the country following live streams of the protests on Tuesday night noticed that some men detained as protesters were suddenly released by the police, at least one after uttering what appeared to be a pass phrase likely indicating that he was an undercover agent.

    Navalny, whose meticulously researched investigations of corruption allegations against Putin and his allies have enraged the Kremlin, was sentenced to more than two and a half years in a penal colony on the astounding charge of violating his parole by not reporting to the authorities in person while he was receiving life-saving treatment in Berlin following the poisoning.

    The European Court of Human Rights previously ruled that Navalny’s original conviction for fraud in 2014, for which he was on parole, was “fundamentally unfair” and politically motivated, since it was intended “to silence a government critic and prevent him from engaging in political activities.” Navalny was barred from running for president in 2018 because of the conviction.

    As the Human Rights Watch lawyer Damelya Aitkhozhina noted, Navalny argued in court that, until he was poisoned, he had diligently reported twice a month, in compliance with the terms of his probation, and sent notification of his whereabouts in Germany as soon as he came out of a coma.

    As he recovered abroad, Navalny embarrassed the Kremlin by placing a prank call to a Russian intelligence agent who had been identified as his poisoner by the investigative group Bellingcat and tricked the man into detailing the botched effort to kill him. The agent, who thought he was speaking to a superior officer rather than his victim, explained that he had broken into Navalny’s hotel room and coated his underwear with novichok, a neurotoxin developed in the Soviet Union. The same nerve agent was used by Russian intelligence agents to poison a former spy and his daughter in Britain in 2018.

    After he was arrested on his return to Moscow last month, Navalny’s anticorruption foundation released a new documentary in which he presented evidence that a $1.3 billion palace intended for Putin’s retirement had been built with pilfered state funds, featuring drone video of the compound and a computer visualization of its lavish interior.

    While state-controlled television channels refuse to air Navalny’s charges, the documentary (with English subtitles that can be turned on by clicking the closed-caption icon) has been viewed more than 100 million times on YouTube in just two weeks.

    One of the most striking features of the film is the frequently sardonic and relentlessly upbeat tone with which Navalny lays out the case against Putin, refusing to betray any fear, even as the lingering effects of the poison can be seen on his wizened face and in the visible scar on his throat from the ventilator that helped him breathe while comatose.

    It was with that same tone that he delivered a scathing denunciation of Putin in a 16-minute statement to the court on Tuesday. Some of his remarks were posted on Twitter with English subtitles by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, a news service financed by the United States Congress to promote democracy abroad.

    His arrest, Navalny told the court, was illegal, and entirely motivated by Putin’s “hatred and fear,” according to an English translation of Navalny’s complete remarks by Meduza, a Russian exile news site.

    “I mortally offended him by surviving. I survived thanks to good people, thanks to pilots and doctors. And then I committed an even more serious offense: I didn’t run and hide,” Navalny said. “Then something truly terrifying happened: I participated in the investigation of my own poisoning, and we proved, in fact, that Putin, using Russia’s Federal Security Service, was responsible for this attempted murder. And that’s driving this thieving little man in his bunker out of his mind. He’s simply going insane as a result.”

    Calling Putin as “just a bureaucrat who was accidentally appointed to his position,” Navalny described the president as a man terrified of facing him in a fair election. “He’s never participated in any debates or campaigned in an election. Murder is the only way he knows how to fight,” Navalny said.

    Contrasting Putin with two of Russia’s most famous rulers, Navalny added: “He’ll go down in history as nothing but a poisoner. We all remember ‘Alexander the Liberator’ and ‘Yaroslav the Wise.’ Well, now we’ll have ‘Vladimir the Underpants Poisoner.’”

    The activist then urged his fellow citizens to refuse to be afraid of their ruler. “I’m standing here, guarded by the police, and the National Guard is out there with half of Moscow cordoned off. All this because that small man in a bunker is losing his mind,” Navalny said. “The main thing in this whole trial isn’t what happens to me. Locking me up isn’t difficult. What matters most is why this is happening. This is happening to intimidate large numbers of people. They’re imprisoning one person to frighten millions.”

    “I hope very much that people won’t look at this trial as a signal that they should be more afraid,” he added. “This isn’t a demonstration of strength — it’s a show of weakness. You can’t lock up millions and hundreds of thousands of people. I hope very much that people will realize this. And they will. Because you can’t lock up the whole country.”

    After Navalny was sentenced and taken from the courtroom, Michael McFaul, who served as the United States ambassador to Russia during the Obama Administration, drew attention to a letter his foundation sent to President Joe Biden last week. The letter was sent “to encourage the United States to sanction corrupt Russian allies of President Putin,” and included a detailed list of 35 prominent Russian officials and businessmen.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Thousands of protesters risked arrest in Moscow and St. Petersburg on Tuesday, defying a heavy police presence to voice their fury at the sentencing of Alexey Navalny, the anticorruption activist who survived an assassination attempt and then tricked a Russian intelligence agent into confessing that he had poisoned him with a nerve agent.



    Despite a security crackdown in the wake of mass demonstrations across Russia since Navalny was arrested, during which thousands have been beaten or detained, an estimated 2,000 protesters marched through central Moscow, chanting for the release of the opposition leader, the resignation of President Vladimir Putin and demanding a “Russia without Putin.”




    A feed on the Russian messaging app Telegram called “Live From the Paddy Wagon,” documented the wave of arrests which exceeded 800 in Moscow alone, according to the human rights group OVD-Info.


    The Russian news app Baza collected video evidence of police brutality against dissenters, including one cornered group that was beaten while chanting “We are not armed.”



    Reporters who filmed the assaults were also clubbed.


    The crackdown by the riot police in Moscow had started outside the court even before the verdict was delivered. Among those detained for merely standing there on Tuesday was Dmitry Markov, a popular iPhone photographer who documented his time in the police station on Instagram.


    The mass detentions and brutality were clearly intended to act as a deterrent, and many of those arrested at a protest for Navalny on Sunday, including journalists, have been forced to endure harsh conditions in detention.



    Reporters outside the country following live streams of the protests on Tuesday night noticed that some men detained as protesters were suddenly released by the police, at least one after uttering what appeared to be a pass phrase likely indicating that he was an undercover agent.



    Navalny, whose meticulously researched investigations of corruption allegations against Putin and his allies have enraged the Kremlin, was sentenced to more than two and a half years in a penal colony on the astounding charge of violating his parole by not reporting to the authorities in person while he was receiving life-saving treatment in Berlin following the poisoning.


    The European Court of Human Rights previously ruled that Navalny’s original conviction for fraud in 2014, for which he was on parole, was “fundamentally unfair” and politically motivated, since it was intended “to silence a government critic and prevent him from engaging in political activities.” Navalny was barred from running for president in 2018 because of the conviction.

    As the Human Rights Watch lawyer Damelya Aitkhozhina noted, Navalny argued in court that, until he was poisoned, he had diligently reported twice a month, in compliance with the terms of his probation, and sent notification of his whereabouts in Germany as soon as he came out of a coma.

    As he recovered abroad, Navalny embarrassed the Kremlin by placing a prank call to a Russian intelligence agent who had been identified as his poisoner by the investigative group Bellingcat and tricked the man into detailing the botched effort to kill him. The agent, who thought he was speaking to a superior officer rather than his victim, explained that he had broken into Navalny’s hotel room and coated his underwear with novichok, a neurotoxin developed in the Soviet Union. The same nerve agent was used by Russian intelligence agents to poison a former spy and his daughter in Britain in 2018.

    After he was arrested on his return to Moscow last month, Navalny’s anticorruption foundation released a new documentary in which he presented evidence that a $1.3 billion palace intended for Putin’s retirement had been built with pilfered state funds, featuring drone video of the compound and a computer visualization of its lavish interior.

    While state-controlled television channels refuse to air Navalny’s charges, the documentary (with English subtitles that can be turned on by clicking the closed-caption icon) has been viewed more than 100 million times on YouTube in just two weeks.

    One of the most striking features of the film is the frequently sardonic and relentlessly upbeat tone with which Navalny lays out the case against Putin, refusing to betray any fear, even as the lingering effects of the poison can be seen on his wizened face and in the visible scar on his throat from the ventilator that helped him breathe while comatose.

    It was with that same tone that he delivered a scathing denunciation of Putin in a 16-minute statement to the court on Tuesday. Some of his remarks were posted on Twitter with English subtitles by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, a news service financed by the United States Congress to promote democracy abroad.


    His arrest, Navalny told the court, was illegal, and entirely motivated by Putin’s “hatred and fear,” according to an English translation of Navalny’s complete remarks by Meduza, a Russian exile news site.

    “I mortally offended him by surviving. I survived thanks to good people, thanks to pilots and doctors. And then I committed an even more serious offense: I didn’t run and hide,” Navalny said. “Then something truly terrifying happened: I participated in the investigation of my own poisoning, and we proved, in fact, that Putin, using Russia’s Federal Security Service, was responsible for this attempted murder. And that’s driving this thieving little man in his bunker out of his mind. He’s simply going insane as a result.”

    Calling Putin as “just a bureaucrat who was accidentally appointed to his position,” Navalny described the president as a man terrified of facing him in a fair election. “He’s never participated in any debates or campaigned in an election. Murder is the only way he knows how to fight,” Navalny said.

    Contrasting Putin with two of Russia’s most famous rulers, Navalny added: “He’ll go down in history as nothing but a poisoner. We all remember ‘Alexander the Liberator’ and ‘Yaroslav the Wise.’ Well, now we’ll have ‘Vladimir the Underpants Poisoner.’”

    The activist then urged his fellow citizens to refuse to be afraid of their ruler. “I’m standing here, guarded by the police, and the National Guard is out there with half of Moscow cordoned off. All this because that small man in a bunker is losing his mind,” Navalny said. “The main thing in this whole trial isn’t what happens to me. Locking me up isn’t difficult. What matters most is why this is happening. This is happening to intimidate large numbers of people. They’re imprisoning one person to frighten millions.”

    “I hope very much that people won’t look at this trial as a signal that they should be more afraid,” he added. “This isn’t a demonstration of strength — it’s a show of weakness. You can’t lock up millions and hundreds of thousands of people. I hope very much that people will realize this. And they will. Because you can’t lock up the whole country.”

    After Navalny was sentenced and taken from the courtroom, Michael McFaul, who served as the United States ambassador to Russia during the Obama Administration, drew attention to a letter his foundation sent to President Joe Biden last week. The letter was sent “to encourage the United States to sanction corrupt Russian allies of President Putin,” and included a detailed list of 35 prominent Russian officials and businessmen.

    The post Russia Moves to Stifle Dissent After Poisoned Putin Critic Alexey Navalny Is Sentenced appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • A judge in Moscow has ordered a suspended 3 1/2 year sentence that opposition politician Aleksei Navalny received in 2014 to be changed to time in a penal colony, adding that time previously spent under house arrest in the sentence would count as time served, thus reducing his incarceration to 2 years and 8 months.

    The following are reactions to the February 2 court ruling from around the world:

    U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken

    “The United States is deeply concerned by the Russian authorities’ decision to sentence opposition figure Aleksei Navalny to two years and eight months imprisonment, replacing his suspended sentence with jail time.”

    “We reiterate our call for his immediate and unconditional release as well as the release of all those wrongfully detained for exercising their rights.”

    British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab

    “Today’s perverse ruling, targeting the victim of a poisoning rather than those responsible, shows Russia is failing to meet the most basic commitments expected of any responsible member of the international community,” Raab said in a statement.

    German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas

    “Today’s verdict against Aleksei Navalny is a bitter blow against fundamental freedoms & the rule of law in Russia,” Maas said on Twitter.

    French President Emmanuel Macron

    “The condemnation of Aleksei Navalny is unacceptable. Political disagreement is never a crime. We call for his immediate release,” Macron said on Twitter.

    EU Foreign Policy Chief Joseph Borrell

    “The sentencing of Aleksei Navalny runs counter to Russia’s international commitments on rule of law and fundamental freedoms,” Borrell wrote on Twitter, adding that the prison sentence goes against a ruling by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR).

    Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis

    “The dialogue between the European Union and Russia is now possible only in the language of sanctions,” Landsbergis said. “If the community doesn’t hurry, Lithuania will consider its own national sanctions,” he added.

    Amnesty International

    The London-based rights group said in a statement that the February 2 court ruling “is the latest indication that the Russian authorities are spiraling out of control in their desperation to silence their critics.”

    “In their vendetta against Aleksei Navalny and his supporters, the Russian authorities have shredded any remaining veneer of justice and respect for human rights. The politically motivated sentencing of Aleksei Navalny shows the true face of the Russian authorities, who seem intent on locking up anyone who dares to speak out against their abuses and repression of human rights,” Natalya Zviagina, Amnesty International’s Moscow Office Director, was quoted as saying in the statement.

    Former U.S. Ambassador to Moscow Michael McFaul

    “Putin’s decision to jail Navalny today is not surprising, but still tragic and depressing. Putin’s level of autocratic repression, including now this absurd show trial that we witnessed today, shows that he has more in common with Stalin than any recent Soviet/Russian leader,” McFaul said on Twitter.

    Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights Dunja Mijatovic

    “With this decision, the Russian authorities not only further exacerbate human rights violations as already established by the European Court of Human Rights, they also send a signal undermining the protection of the rights of all Russian citizens and affecting the integrity of the European system of human rights protection. The Russian authorities should restore a climate of respect for human rights based on the international standards by which the Russian Federation is bound.”

    Czech Foreign Minister Tomas Petricek

    “Sentence for #Navalny is no surprise with a clear motivation of the regime to silence the opposition. Czechia demands his immediate release as this is a show trial. Unfortunately, we remember a number of those from our own history. The #EU should return to the issue of sanctions.”

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russian opposition leader mocked Russian President Vladimir Putin as ‘Vladimir the Underpants Poisoner,’ shortly before he was sent to prison in a verdict immediately condemned in the West as politically motivated. Navalny was referring to extensive evidence that Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) tried to poison him by putting a Novichok nerve agent in his underpants. Listen to excerpts of his impassioned courtroom speech here.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) says it has decided not to appeal the Court of Arbitration for Sport’s (CAS) ruling that halved Russia’s international ban for doping offenses to the Swiss federal court.

    WADA made the announcement in a statement on February 2, saying an appeal to the Swiss Federal Tribunal would be restricted to procedural matters and could not interfere with the CAS panel’s assessment of the proportionality of Russia’s punishment.

    “As a result, and following unanimous advice from in-house and external legal counsels, WADA strongly believes an appeal would have served no useful purpose and decided to refrain from doing so,” the global anti-doping watchdog said.

    In December 2020, the CAS halved an original four-year doping ban imposed by WADA on Russia for manipulating lab samples and doping test data.

    The ban prevents the country from competing as a nation at major sporting events for two years, including the Tokyo Olympics and Paralympics, which were delayed this year, and the 2022 World Cup in Qatar.

    However, Russian athletes are able to compete under a neutral flag if they prove no connection to doping.

    On January 25, Russia’s anti-doping agency, RUSADA, said it regarded the CAS decision as “flawed” but decided not to appeal the ruling.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The total number of nuclear weapons both Russia and the US could possess was limited by New START, signed between the two countries in 2010. The treaty would have expired on 5 February 2021, had the Biden administration not agreed to extend it for another five years.

    Peter Kuznick is a professor of history at American University, where he founded the Nuclear Studies Institute. He has authored and co-authored numerous books, including The Untold History of the United States, Rethinking the Atomic Bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki: Japanese and American Perspectives and Nuclear Power and Hiroshima: The Truth Behind the Peaceful Use of Nuclear Power.

    The post US-Russia Nuclear Treaty Only First Step In Ensuring ‘Future Existence’ Of Humanity appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Video of Russian police brutally beating peaceful protesters has caused outrage around the world, but pro-Kremlin media have presented them as kindly guardians of public order handing out free hot tea and face masks. One report even said that officers in Siberia “offered” protesters to come and “warm themselves up in the bus for detainees.”

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • MOSCOW — Authorities in Russia have been at pains to portray participants in two waves of mass protests in support of opposition politician Aleksei Navalny as unruly hooligans with whom it was only possible to deal forcefully.

    “We are talking about illegal events,” President Vladimir Putin’s spokesman, Dmitry Peskov, told reporters on February 1. “There can obviously be no negotiations with hooligans and provocateurs.”

    But witnesses to the January 31 rallies, at which more than 5,600 people were detained by security forces in cities across the country, tell a different story of police who were primed in advance to put the protests down harshly despite the fact that protesters were overwhelmingly peaceful and nonconfrontational.

    “The police had been set the task of putting down the protest at any price,” said Yevgeny Stupin, a member of the Moscow city legislature who was detained at the demonstration in the capital. “And that is the way they have been acting. I think that they were given the green light to use any cruelty. And this decision, I believe, was made at the level of the national leadership. The protests are being held across the country, so the decision about how to cope with them was made personally by Putin.”

    Stupin said that, when he went to the center of Moscow on January 31 to observe the protest, he found all of the streets blocked off by police. He decided to take the metro to Sukharev Square, where he’d heard demonstrators were gathering.

    “As soon as we left the metro station, police approached me and one of my assistants and escorted us immediately to a police van,” he told RFE/RL’s Russian Service.

    “Legal Nonsense”

    “The van was already overcrowded. They pushed us in, and the van headed toward Severnoye Tushino,” he said, referring to a district on Moscow’s outskirts. “After about half an hour, they asked if Stupin was there [in the van]. Apparently someone had called them. I responded and the van just stopped in the middle of the street… and they let me out. The others were driven away.”

    Stupin said that he made his way to the detention center anyway in order to help the other detainees. He said most of them were charged with creating an obstacle to pedestrians and other traffic, an accusation that he describes as “legal nonsense.”

    “They didn’t obstruct anything,” he said.

    A bloodied protester at a rally in support of Russian opposition leader Aleksei Navalny in St. Petersburg on January 31.

    A bloodied protester at a rally in support of Russian opposition leader Aleksei Navalny in St. Petersburg on January 31.

    Prominent journalist Nikolai Svanidze, who is a member of Putin’s advisory Human Rights Council, and his wife were also detained during the Moscow protest.

    “I was detained on the square across from the Sklifosovsky Hospital,” he said. “My wife and I had only just arrived and we were met by Aleksandr Verkhovsky, a colleague on the Human Rights Council. He was also with his wife. We were there as observers from the Human Rights Council.”

    “We were standing there chatting when suddenly two large men approached us,” Svanidze said. “They were in riot gear, so-called space suits, with indecipherable insignias. They didn’t introduce themselves and politely, but insistently took me by the arms and led me toward a police van…. I tried to identify myself, but they didn’t listen and took me to the van. I ended up in a police van in the very pleasant company of some young people.”

    After about 20 minutes, Svanidze said, his wife managed to explain to one of the officers who he was.

    “Immediately as if rising up out of the ground, there appeared a man in plainclothes,” he said.

    Nikolai Svanidze

    Nikolai Svanidze

    “It turned out that this man in plainclothes was in charge, and he ran quickly over to have me released. So, everything ended OK for me, except that I never learned why I was detained at all. Not only did they fail to identify themselves, they also refused to explain why they were detaining me.”

    “Neither in the police van nor on the street did I see a single drunk person or hear any of the young people swearing,” Svanidze added. “Everyone was acting politely. There were some very sharply worded anti-presidential slogans, but no swear words were used, nothing personally offensive. I personally did not see any cases of police brutality, although I read about many. I only saw an enormous number of people who had been detained or were being detained…. Based on my own experience, I can only ask – were all these people really detained for cause?”

    ‘Perfectly Innocent Civilians’

    In Kazan, the capital of the Volga River region of Tatarstan, journalist Maksim Shevchenko, who is also a deputy in the Vladimir Oblast legislature, was detained as he was conducting a livestream on YouTube.

    “The police behaved very aggressively, sometimes even brutally,” Shevchenko said. “I saw some elderly people and the police quite suddenly pounced on them and began chasing them, and me as well. I had been just standing there talking to people, broadcasting a livestream. Suddenly two men in green uniforms with a badge that just said ‘police’ in a sort of military khaki – not at all like (civilian) police, which are gray or dark blue. They grabbed me firmly and began leading me away.”

    “But I’m fairly well known in Tatarstan and some man in plainclothes ran up and ordered them to release me,” Shevchenko continued. “But the others were not so lucky. Later, with horror, I saw a video of how police in Kazan were throwing people face down on the snow.”

    “I don’t know why the security forces were acting like this,” he said. “Why would the police just beat perfectly innocent civilians? Most likely someone at their bases was prompting them. They were probably told that the protesters were some sort of villains, cursed enemy-liberals or Navalny-istas. But I didn’t see a single Navalny-ista. Everyone told me they came out because they were sick of corruption, arbitrariness, and lawlessness. The real agenda of the protests was not about Navalny. It was about huge social inequalities and a whole host of local and regional problems.”

    He added that a recent film by Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation alleging that Putin controls a huge palace complex on the Black Sea coast, which has been viewed more than 100 million times on YouTube, helped the public to “finally recognize” their own discontent and “as they say, a gestalt emerged.”

    Stupin, the Moscow lawmaker, said the crackdown probably frightened some opposition-minded citizens, but many others were more “radically oriented.”

    “Those people, I think, were outraged and next time, they might behave differently,” he said. “There might be fewer people, but they will act more aggressively.”

    Written by RFE/RL senior correspondent Robert Coalson based on reporting from Moscow by RFE/RL Russian Service correspondent Lyubov Chizhova

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russian security forces arrested more than 200 people outside a Moscow court on February 2, according to OVID-Info, while a hearing with opposition leader Aleksei Navalny was taking place inside. The court heard arguments on whether to convert Navalny’s suspended sentence to real prison time for a years-old conviction widely seen as politically motivated. People took to the streets across Russia on January 31 and January 23, demanding that Navalny be freed and protesting government-connected corruption.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russian scientists say the country’s Sputnik-V vaccine appears safe and effective against COVID-19, according to early results of an advanced study published in a British medical journal.

    Researchers say that, based on their trial, which involved about 20,000 people in Russia last fall, the vaccine is about 91 percent effective in preventing people from developing COVID-19. The study was published online on February 2 in the journal, The Lancet.

    Scientists not linked to the research acknowledged that the speed at which the Russia vaccine was made and rolled out was criticized for “unseemly haste, corner cutting and an absence of transparency.”

    “But the outcome reported here is clear,” British scientists Ian Jones and Polly Roy wrote in an accompanying commentary. “Another vaccine can now join the fight to reduce the incidence of COVID-19.”

    The Sputnik-V vaccine was approved by the Russian government with much fanfare on August 11. At the time, the vaccine had only been tested in several dozens of people.

    Some early results were published in September, but participants had only been followed for about 42 days and there was no comparison group.

    The data release comes as Europe scrambles to secure enough shots for its 450 million citizens due to production cuts by AstraZeneca and Pfizer while the U.S. roll-out has been hampered by the need to store shots in ultracold freezers and uneven planning across states.

    With reporting by AFP, Reuters, and AP

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • On January 22, 2021, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) became international law for the 122 states who signed the agreement in July 2017. Article 1a of TPNW states: “Each State Party undertakes never under any circumstances to… Develop, test, produce, manufacture, otherwise acquire, possess or stockpile nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.”

    Initiated by a cross-regional group comprising Austria, Brazil, Ireland, Mexico, Nigeria and South Africa, the TPNW was approved by the United Nations General Assembly by a vote of 122-1. The treaty required that 50 signatory nations officially ratify it before it could become international law. That happened on October 24, 2020, when Honduras became the fiftieth country to do so. And then 90 days had to pass, which occurred on January 22.

    Disregard for World Peace

    The nuclear nine – the United States, Russia, China, the UK, France, India, Pakistan, Israel and North Korea – boycotted the vote. In October 2020, the US government circulated a letter asking those governments who signed the treaty to withdraw from it. The US ambassador to the United Nations in 2017 – Nikki Haley – said that the TPNW threatens the security of USA. She asked those governments who had joined TPNW: “do they really understand the threats that we have?”

    The nuclear powers are in violation of the 50-year-old Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, which requires them to negotiate to reduce and eventually eliminate all nuclear weapons. Instead, the nuclear powers are developing new nuclear weapons. The US is spending $494 billion over the next ten years, and more than $1.7 billion in the next 30 years to “upgrade” its arsenal of nuclear weapons. Powerful corporations will be making billions of dollars from the nuclear programs over the next decade.

    The US has withdrawn from one nuclear weapons treaty after another. Whether it is the Iran nuclear deal, Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty or the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty – USA has tried its hardest to undermine the idea of a world free from nuclear weapons. The last bilateral nuclear weapons treaty between the US and Russia, the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) concerning strategic nuclear forces, expires February 5, 2021.

    As a US Senate condition for ratifying New START in 2010, the US administration carelessly initiated a multi-trillion-dollar nuclear weapons modernization program. Russia and China have responded with their own nuclear modernization programs. The new strategic arms are hypersonic – six times faster. Modernization also deploys more tactical nukes in conventional forces with the dangerous military doctrine of “escalate to de-escalate.”

    The allies of nuclear-armed nations, including all NATO members, have also opposed TPNW.  These powers lack nuclear weapons but are relieved that their guardians do. The notion of an “umbrella of extended nuclear deterrence”  provides them comfort. For that reason Japan, despite advocating for the non-use and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons, has refused to endorse the weapons ban.

    Nuclear Annihilation

    In January 2020, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists set the Doomsday Clock to 100 seconds to midnight – the closest it has ever been. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, founded by Albert Einstein and students from the University of Chicago in 1945, created the “Doomsday Clock” as a symbol to represent how close the world is to a possible apocalypse.

    It is set annually by a panel of scientists, including 13 Nobel laureates, based on the threats that the world faced in that year. When it was first created in 1947, the hands of the clock were placed based on the threat posed by nuclear weapons. Over the years, they have included other threats, such as climate change and technologies like artificial intelligence.

    As is evident from the Doomsday Clock, human civilization is moving closer toward possible destruction. One of things which can be done to avert such a scenario is for nuclear-armed nations to completely abolish nuclear weapons. The US and Russia have more than 90% of all the 13,410 warheads. Four countries – the US, Russia, the UK and France – have at least 1,800 warheads on high alert, which means that they can be fired at very short notice. A situation like this carries the threat of nuclear annihilation. Major nuclear powers should comply with TPNW to prevent such an occurrence.

    The post Building a Nuclear Weapon-Free World first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • RT’s Murad Gazdiev reports on new evidence of links between MI6 and Russian opposition figure and activist Alexei Navalny. Then author and professor of international human rights Dan Kovalik joins Rick Sanchez to discuss the role of the US and UK in fomenting political discord in Russia and other countries.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • RT’s Murad Gazdiev reports on new evidence of links between MI6 and Russian opposition figure and activist Alexei Navalny. Then author and professor of international human rights Dan Kovalik joins Rick Sanchez to discuss the role of the US and UK in fomenting political discord in Russia and other countries.

    The post Explosive Video Exposes MI6 Links to Alexei Navalny first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • As Russia braced for a second weekend of protests on January 31 and the opposition reeled from consecutive days of law enforcement raids and arrests, a pro-Kremlin YouTube channel published a dispatch from inside a Moscow training base for riot police officers tasked with dispersing demonstrators on the streets of Russia’s capital.

    Two lines of blue-uniformed members of the OMON force are shown standing before an archway flanked by the Russian eagle and the Moscow coat of arms, heads bowed as they receive instructions from a superior.

    “The country is watching you,” the man says, his voice echoing through the long corridor. “It’s not proud of them,” the protesters, he says. “It’s proud of you.”

    What follows is a video montage showing the coordinated police operation that unfolded across Moscow on January 31, the frantic clips playing out against a soundtrack of hard-rock music and laudatory commentary by presenter Semyon Pegov.

    But the protesters themselves would witness very different scenes across Russia. On a day that saw a record of more than 5,600 arrests, videos taken in multiple cities would attest to a brutal crackdown and a level of seemingly wanton violence that few Russians have seen during President Vladimir Putin’s 21 years in power.

    In footage from Kazan, people cower on the snow-covered ground before law enforcement officers who scream orders at them. In Moscow, a journalist is tased and beaten by several men as he’s led away to a waiting police van. In St. Petersburg, an unconscious man is dragged into a police van not long after OMON members march a column of detained activists, hands over heads, through the city’s streets.

    The men who executed the violent operation to clear Russia’s streets wore helmets and metal shields and came equipped with batons, stun guns, and other punitive equipment. The protesters they took on were largely peaceful, sometimes flinging snow or resisting arrest.

    The level of force deployed on January 31 appeared to signal an escalation in the authorities’ campaign to stamp out the protest movement, which was sparked by the jailing of opposition politician Aleksei Navalny following his return to Russia and was fueled by authorities’ rejection of demands that he be released.

    Apparently fearing a repeat of the large turnout on January 23, police set up checkpoints and cordoned off parts of Russia’s main cities, significantly undermining protesters’ ability to gather in a single place. A chunk of Moscow close to the Kremlin was inaccessible, with barriers up and subway stations closed.

    When tens of thousands of people nonetheless came out, law enforcement moved to pick off activists one by one, frequently using truncheon blows and electric shock batons to incapacitate detainees.

    “The political instruments the Kremlin traditionally uses have stopped working. Propaganda is losing its effect,” Putin’s former speechwriter Abbas Gallyamov, now a political analyst, told RFE/RL. “They have no strategy.”

    In neighboring Belarus, when autocratic leader Alyaksandr Lukashenka claimed a landslide victory in an August election many voters contend was rigged, an unprecedented wave of protests was met with a similar response.

    Extreme police violence, thousands of arrests, and the alleged torture of numerous detainees have not quelled the protests, but Lukashenka remains in power almost six months after the bitterly disputed vote. Leading opponents who were not forced out of the country are in jail.

    But the price, analysts say, was a further drop in Lukashenka’s legitimacy and his further ostracization by the West, even as Russia helped shore up his position. Now, with the growing influence in Russia of the Internet, which enables open debate in contrast to one-sided coverage on television, Putin’s government may have opted for intimidation as a way of stopping events from spiraling out of its control.

    “Something important is happening before our eyes,” analyst Andrei Kolesnikov, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center, wrote on Twitter about Russia’s protests. “The regime is overreacting and in the process it is undermining the foundations of its authority over and support within society as a whole. That is the key lesson of what happened in Belarus last year.”

    To the extent that Russian authorities have justified the use of violence to disperse demonstrators, it has been with reference to the law, which forbids any form of political street gathering not authorized in advance by the state.

    Navalny and his allies have balked at filing requests for permission to protest, having been repeatedly rebuffed in the past, and rights activists say the state abuses the permit system in order to muzzle opponents, violating the freedom of assembly. But people who take to the streets despite that face arrest and hefty fines just for participating.

    “We’re talking of illegal events,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters on February 1. “There can obviously be no negotiations with hooligans and provocateurs.”

    Further restrictive legislation has raised the stakes of opposition in recent months and significantly narrowed the space for dissent, handing the Kremlin the upper hand even as Russians complain about falling real wages and a worsening economic outlook.

    Caught between the prospect of suffering police beatings on the streets or hoping for things to stabilize, many are opting for the former. But the increasingly harsh methods appear calibrated to make sure they stay home.

    “Our patience is limited, but we’re willing to listen. If that doesn’t work then we will increase the dose of our vaccine,” an officer tells Pegov in the pro-Kremlin video, in a euphemistic reference to the use of violence. “And some people will get a stronger injection than others.”

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • On the eve of a second wave of national mass protests in support of jailed opposition leader Aleksei Navalny, Russian police detained Sergei Smirnov, editor in chief of the independent news outlet Mediazona, outside his Moscow home as he left to take a walk with his small son.

    In a widely shared video, the boy can be seen watching stoically, even smiling, as Smirnov asks the arresting officer in plainclothes to put on a mask against the coronavirus and telephones his wife to come and take care of the child.

    By the time the January 31 protests were over, at least 82 journalists had been detained in cities across the country, according to the Open Media website, which is funded by exiled opposition businessman Mikhail Khodorkovsky, citing the nonstate Union of Journalists and Media Workers.

    The union said 21 of the journalists were detained in Moscow and 10 in St. Petersburg. In all, the union documented 104 violations of the rights of journalists in connection with the January 31 protest, including 16 cases in which police visited journalists ahead of the demonstration to “warn” them against covering the event.

    “The arrest and detention of Smirnov and dozens of other journalists is an attempt to intimidate and silence Russia’s independent media during a moment of national upheaval,” Polina Sadovskaya, Eurasia program director of PEN America, said in a statement condemning the detentions by the government of President Vladimir Putin. “In attempting to intimidate and silence the press, Putin’s government exposes its own fear of those who report the truth.”

    The detentions came in the wake of a similar sweep during the first wave of protests on January 23, during which the Union of Journalists and Media Workers and the Russian Union of Journalists documented 52 violations of the rights of journalists in 17 different cities. Sixteen journalists were reported detained in St. Petersburg.

    The International Press Institute on January 25 condemned those detentions and said they were “yet another stain on the Russian government’s dismal press freedom record and a stark example of the tactics used by the security forces to suppress media coverage of protests critical of the Kremlin.”

    The crackdown on journalists during the Navalny protests follows a pattern developed by the authorities in response to a wave of demonstrations that broke out last summer in the Far Eastern city of Khabarovsk, said local journalist Tatyana Khlestunova. Those protests, which continue to the present, aim to support arrested former Khabarovsk regional Governor Sergei Furgal, a popular figure who many locals believe was removed at the behest of the ruling United Russia party.

    Khabarovsk was hit particularly hard in the latest preemptive sweep of journalists. Two journalists were detained on January 22. Two others got the knock on January 29 and two more the following day. On January 31 itself, at least five journalists were detained covering the protest in Khabarovsk — Daniil Kulikov, Roman Lazukov, Yekaterina Ishchenko, Aleksandra Teplyakova, and Maria Nuikina.

    However, Khlestunova noted in an interview with the Siberia Desk of RFE/RL’s Russian Service, local journalists have faced detention and administrative charges since the Furgal protests began in July.

    “Now we can speak of a ‘carousel’ here,” Khlestunova said. “They are detained; then there is a hearing while they are held in pretrial detention; then the court gives them a fine or a jail term; then as soon as they are released, they are grabbed again and placed back on the carousel — more case reports, more pretrial detention, another hearing. This has happened to me.”

    Police detain a man during a protest against the jailing of opposition leader Aleksei Navalny in Khabarovsk on January 23.

    Police detain a man during a protest against the jailing of opposition leader Aleksei Navalny in Khabarovsk on January 23.

    Officers from the Interior Ministry’s notorious Center E anti-extremism division are constantly monitoring the Internet, Khlestunova said.

    “As far as I can tell, since they can’t find the organizers of the [Furgal] protests because there weren’t any, they just began looking for the most active people. But they arrested them and still the protests continued…. So they start detaining anyone carrying signs and that doesn’t help. So they set their sights on journalists. If you are wearing a press card, you are automatically on the list of people to be watched.”

    Khlestunova connects the crackdown with the upcoming elections to the State Duma, Russia’s lower parliament chamber, to be held by mid-September, which are seen as a major test of the legitimacy of Putin’s continued rule.

    “Preparations for the September elections are under way,” she said. “They are getting ready to push all the active people — activists or journalists — aside if they present a danger for their election campaign. Once we have been convicted administratively several times, we can now be put away for several years or, at the very least, subjected to intimidation measures.”

    Shortly before her arrest on November 7, Khlestunova called on social media for more citizen’s journalism.

    “It is crucial that people know what is going on,” she wrote. “If journalists are under pressure, then everyone must learn how to do livestreams and post information. Post a livestream from wherever you are — from the window of your house or from the sidewalk. If you see a demonstration, post about it on social media so that the country will know. We are being arrested — so everyone must become a blogger.”

    With reporting by RFE/RL’s Russian Service and Current Time

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russian police gave protesters electric shocks and beatings, grabbed bystanders off the streets, and detained a record number of people — more than 5,000 — during nationwide protests on January 31. Russian police have been brutal in their response to anti-Kremlin demonstrators in the past, but their methods this time reached a new level.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has said the Biden administration is considering possible action against Russia, a day after police used batons and tasers against protesters demanding the release of jailed opposition politician Aleksei Navalny.

    In a TV interview aired on February 1, Blinken said he was “deeply disturbed by the violent crackdown.”

    He also said in the wide-ranging interview that China acted “egregiously” to undermine Hong Kong and warned Iran was months away from the ability to produce the fissile material needed for a nuclear weapon.

    Russia’s Foreign Ministry claimed that Washington was behind the protests, alleging a “gross intervention in Russia’s affairs.”

    “The Russian government makes a big mistake if it believes that this is about us,” he said in the interview with NBC News. “It’s about them. It’s about the government. It’s about the frustration that the Russian people have with corruption, with autocracy, and I think they need to look inward, not outward.”

    In the interview, taped on January 31, Blinken did not commit to specific sanctions against Moscow. He said he was reviewing a response to the actions against Navalny, as well as Russian election interference in 2020, the Solar Wind hack, and alleged bounties for U.S. soldiers in Afghanistan.

    “The president could not have been clearer in his conversation with President [Vladimir] Putin,” Blinken said of Joe Biden’s telephone call last week with the Russian leader.

    On Iran, Blinken warned that Tehran was months away from being able to produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon, saying it could be only “a matter of weeks” if Iran continued to lift restraints in the nuclear deal.

    He said the United States was willing to return to compliance with the 2015 nuclear deal if Iran does and then work with U.S. allies and partners on a “longer and stronger” agreement including other issues. Pressed about whether the release of detained Americans, which was not part of previous negotiations, would be an absolute condition for an expanded nuclear treaty, he did not commit.

    “Irrespective of…any deal, those Americans need to be released. Period,” he said. “We’re going to focus on making sure that they come home one way or another.”

    Regarding China, Blinken said that despite World Health Organization inspectors on the ground in Wuhan, Beijing is “falling far short of the mark” when it comes to allowing experts access to the sites where the coronavirus was discovered.

    He called China’s lack of transparency a “profound problem” that must be addressed.

    Blinken said the Biden administration would be looking to see whether the U.S. tariffs imposed on Chinese imports by the previous Trump administration were doing more harm to the United States than to their target.

    He also criticized Chinese actions in Hong Kong, where he said China had acted “egregiously” to undermine its commitments to the semiautonomous island.

    Under a sweeping national security law criminalizing secession and subversion, pro-democracy demonstrators have been swept up in waves of arrests.

    With reporting by Reuters

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russians have taken to the streets from Kamchatka to Kaliningrad for the first time in years, braving freezing temperatures and lines of police with truncheons and body armor. Here are five things you should know about the nationwide protests sparked by the jailing of opposition leader Aleksei Navalny — and the steps the government is taking to suppress them.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russian riot police were out in large numbers across the country on January 31 to prevent and break up unsanctioned rallies called for by anti-corruption activist Aleksei Navalny and his team. Navalny’s wife, Yulia Navalnaya, was among more than 840 people detained in Moscow, where the opposition leader has been jailed for 30 days on charges he says are fabricated. (RFE/RL’s Russian service)

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Police in Russia used heavy force in detaining more than 3,000 people nationwide as demonstrators took to the streets for a second-straight weekend to demand the release of jailed opposition politician and anti-corruption activist Aleksei Navalny. This is how events played out in the cities of Ufa and Samara. (Current Times TV and RFE/RL’s Tatar-Bashkir service)

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Protesters rallied across Russia on January 31 in support of jailed opposition leader and anti-corruption activist Aleksei Navalny. As people marched through the streets chanting “Freedom for Navalny!” in Yekaterinburg, demonstrators were blocked and detained in Novosibirsk. In Yakutsk, protesters braved temperatures as low as -43 degrees Celsius to hold a demonstration, while in Vladivostok the protest started with a dance on the frozen sea.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.