radiofree.asia

Category: saudi arabia

  • Why Saudi Arabia Must Restore a Moratorium On Drug Executions

    The number of executions for drug crimes in Saudi Arabia is reaching staggering numbers. Since the beginning of 2025, at least 111 individuals have been sentenced to death in Saudi Arabia, and 68 of these were executed for drug-related crimes. As well as causing concern, these recent developments demonstrate how Saudi Arabia continues to renege on its promise to limit executions for these types of crimes.

    As part of his reform programme, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman announced a moratorium to suspend executions for drug-related crimes in 2020. This reform had a major impact on the number of executions in the country, bringing it down to 85% in the same year. This change had raised hopes that the country would permanently suspend this type of punishment for crimes that are not serious enough to be punished with the death sentence. At the same time, however, this announcement had not been accompanied by a real change in policy, thus making it possible for these executions to begin again at any moment.

    In November 2022, Saudi Arabia resumed applying the death penalty for drug offences. This ended a period of almost three years that had raised hopes of a real change of course within the country. In November 2022 alone, 20 people were sentenced to death for drug crimes. These executions added up to a total number of 148 in the same year.

    Today, these numbers continue to rise, and there are many people facing the death penalty for this type of crime. Moreover, those most at risk are foreign nationals, for whom greater legal protection is needed. Among the first sentenced in 2022, in fact, only eight were Saudi citizens while the others were foreigners from Syria, Jordan, Nigeria and Pakistan. Much discussed was the case of Hussein Abo al-Kheir, who had been in prison since 2014, accused of transporting drugs while crossing the border into Jordan. During the time before his trial, Hussein had been tortured and forced to sign a false confession. However, his death sentence for the drug crime did not come until 2022, when he was taken to a ‘death cell’ on 18 November. Finally, he was executed in March 2023.

    There are many other cases of foreigners who have suffered the same fate. One example is Essam Shazly Ahmed Mohamed, an Egyptian fisherman arrested in 2022 on the Saudi maritime border. The accusation against him was that he was trying to smuggle a large quantity of narcotics. After his arrest, he was sentenced to death by the Tabuk Criminal Court, but the date of his execution is still unknown.

    There are also examples of people arrested long ago on similar charges but still awaiting their execution date. Mohamed Kamel Salah Kamel is among them. Also an Egyptian citizen, he was arrested in 2014 in a hotel in the city of Duba. Mohamed was allegedly found with a quantity of drugs and was immediately taken to Tabuk General Prison. In 2017, he was sentenced to death for drug-related offences, but to this day remains on death row without knowing when his sentence will be carried out.

    These incidents demonstrate not only an unfavourable situation for all foreigners arrested in Saudi Arabia, but also how the promises made by the government should be taken with caution. The moratorium that halted executions for drug crimes in 2020 was merely a strategy by the Saudi government to demonstrate progress that, in reality, does not exist. This is not exclusively limited to this field but could be extended to others as well. Just think of the many reforms for women’s rights that the Saudi government has highly publicised, which, in the end, have not changed much.

    Saudi Arabia continues to want to show itself as a country in the process of renewal and to promise reforms that are not really reflected in reality. The continuous promises made by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to decrease the use of the death penalty for drug crimes have yet to be implemented in practice, and the numbers continue to rise. This is why Saudi Arabia must re-adopt the 2020 moratorium. This time, however, it must be accompanied by concrete and tangible reforms. This is the only way to end executions for these non-serious crimes.

    The post Why Saudi Arabia Must Restore a Moratorium On Drug Executions appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • US-Saudi AI Deal and the Dangers of AI Surveillance in Saudi Arabia

    This month, President Trump announced a deal with Saudi Arabia that would provide the country with advanced artificial intelligence (AI) chips. The deal sees industry leader Nvidia provide Humain, a sovereign wealth fund-owned AI startup, with 18,000 of its new GB300 Blackwell chips. The massive deal makes Saudi Arabia a potential leader in AI data centers within the region and offers the opportunity to become a high-tech economic powerhouse.The deal comes as a reversal of former-president Biden’s policy that limited the spread of advanced AI chips out of fears of unchecked AI diffusion.

    The AI market of Saudi Arabia remains unregulated in its nascency, with the authorities preferring a laissez-faire approach. Saudi Arabia has yet to pass any legislation or regulations that limit the use of AI in an effort to attract investment in its burgeoning AI economy. Instead, the country merely issued unenforceable guidelines on the topic. This, in turn, does far too little to protect citizens’ privacy rights.

    The deal highlights ongoing concerns about the power of AI in the hands of authoritarians. Saudi Arabia is already known to use other digital technologies to spy on dissidents. This willingness to violate citizens’ privacy rights coupled with the possibility of a more robust understanding of AI, due to the new deal, offers Saudi authorities with more advanced means of spying on its citizens.

    One such application of the technology comes in the form of facial recognition technologies. The technology allows for AI to determine an individual’s identity by simultaneously scanning an individual’s face and comparing their features to others in a database. AI performs these actions much faster and efficiently than law enforcement officers can. This technology is already being used in cities throughout the world. A greater familiarity with the technology would allow Saudi authorities to not only identify individuals through surveillance cameras but also to use the technology to be used in the digital sphere to identify individuals through other means, such as social media posts.

    Saudi Arabia has proven through its pervasive surveillance of its own people that it is not a responsible actor and should not be allowed access to cutting-edge AI chips. The authorities refuse to regulate the market in an effort to attract investment into its AI market; a gamble that has apparently worked given the new US-Saudi partnership. Without proper regulations, Saudi authorities will undoubtedly use their country’s advancing  expertise with the technology as a means of further suppressing dissent and violating the privacy of its citizens.

    The post US-Saudi AI Deal and the Dangers of AI Surveillance in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Erased by Law: Sectarian Repression and the Shia Struggle for Equality in Saudi Arabia

    Introduction

    The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia continues to systematically violate the rights of its Shia citizens amid a complete absence of structural reforms to address entrenched sectarian discrimination. Despite the official promotion of “Vision 2030” as a path toward modernization and openness, Shia communities remain subject to restrictive policies that limit their rights in religion, expression, and economic and political participation.

    Five Fronts of Systematic Discrimination

    1. Legal and Institutional Discrimination
      The legal framework in Saudi Arabia provides no protection for freedom of religion or belief and grants judges absolute discretionary powers, opening the door to arbitrary rulings influenced by sectarian affiliation. Anti-terrorism and cybercrime laws are used to prosecute Shia activists under vague charges that criminalize religious practices.

    2. Restrictions on Religious Freedom
      The state imposes strict restrictions on building Shia places of worship and demolishes mosques and religious centers in predominantly Shia areas. The official religious establishment issues takfiri fatwas that entrench hatred and discrimination.

    3. Discrimination in Education
      The educational curriculum contains content that incites hatred against Shia and portrays their beliefs as “misguided” or “polytheistic.” Shia talents face systematic marginalization in higher education, where they are barred from holding senior academic or teaching positions.

    4. Economic Exclusion
      Shia citizens suffer clear discrimination in employment opportunities and career advancement, especially in sensitive sectors such as security, judiciary, and energy. Shias are often excluded from leadership positions even when qualified.

    5. Discriminatory Urban Policies
      The state uses urban planning tools as a means of forced displacement and pressure on the Shia community, including demolishing homes and places of worship, denying building permits, and neglecting infrastructure in their areas.

    Conclusion and Recommendations

    Evidence confirms that discriminatory policies against Shias in Saudi Arabia are not isolated incidents but systematic practices that violate the state’s obligations under international human rights law. Amid international complicity that prioritizes economic interests over human rights concerns, these violations continue without accountability.

    Read the full report: Erased by Law- Sectarian Repression and the Shia Struggle for Equality in Saudi Arabia.

    The post Erased by Law: Sectarian Repression and the Shia Struggle for Equality in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • How the Saudi Grand Prix Fuels a Broader Sportswashing Strategy

    From the roar of Formula 1 engines to the elegance of international tennis, Saudi Arabia has been pouring billions into sports—not just for the love of the game, but to rebrand its image. This isn’t about athletic excellence. It’s about sportswashing: using high-profile events to distract from a long and painful record of repression. Whether it’s hosting the 2034 FIFA World Cup, investing heavily in tennis, or staging the Italian Super Cup, the Saudi government has made global sport a tool for public relations. And nowhere is this more visible than in the Formula 1 Grand Prix, held each year in Jeddah since 2021.The 2025 edition took place on April 20th at the Jeddah Corniche Circuit, drawing the world’s attention to a spectacle carefully crafted to outshine the country’s human rights crisis.

    While the world watches the spectacle trackside or on screens, a very different story is unfolding just beyond the spotlight. In 2024, Saudi authorities carried out 345 executions—a staggering figure, more than twice the number from the year before. Among those killed were at least 138 foreign nationals, many of them convicted through rushed trials with no real chance to defend themselves. A disturbing number were sentenced to death for drug-related offenses, in blatant disregard of international law, which prohibits capital punishment for such crimes. In late 2022, the Kingdom lifted a moratorium on these executions—and the numbers have only surged since. In the meantime,the crackdown on peaceful dissent has continued, with activists, journalists, and critics regularly thrown into prison or forced into silence.

    Yet in March 2025, the headlines weren’t about executions or arbitrary detentions. They were about Jeddah’s race weekend: the blinding lights, luxury sponsorships, and high-speed thrills of the Saudi Arabian Grand Prix. The Formula 1 event has become a glittering centerpiece in the Kingdom’s image campaign—one that projects modernity, excitement, and global engagement, while shielding the regime from scrutiny. This isn’t accidental. As The Guardian warned back in 2020, the F1 Grand Prix runs the risk of becoming a distraction tactic, papering over the daily reality of repression. By 2021, the pressure had grown, with rights groups calling on Formula 1 to break its silence and address the abuses. But F1 chose business as usual.

    It’s not an isolated case. In a recent analysis, human rights advocates pointed to a broader trend: major sporting institutions willingly partnering with authoritarian governments despite clear warnings and red flags. Formula 1 has shown no signs of implementing meaningful human rights due diligence in Saudi Arabia. Corporate sponsors keep lining up, and the sport’s governing bodies remain silent—despite mounting evidence of complicity.

    And this isn’t the first time. Back in 2014, during Bahrain’s violent crackdown on pro-democracy protests, Formula One Management Ltd. was the subject of a formal complaint filed with the UK National Contact Point under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. The complaint, brought by Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain, accused F1 of enabling abuses by going ahead with races despite the violence. It also highlighted the organization’s failure to assess or mitigate harm linked to its presence. While Formula 1 eventually promised to adopt a human rights policy, nothing concrete was ever implemented. More than a decade later, the races continue—but the safeguards still don’t exist.

    This is the real cost of silence. As sports fans cheer from grandstands and lounges, the people most affected by these events—those imprisoned, silenced, or executed—remain invisible. The Saudi regime has mastered the art of distraction, and Formula 1 has become a willing partner in that illusion. If F1 and other global sports bodies are serious about ethical responsibility, they must act now. That means enforcing human rights due diligence, listening to the voices of civil society, and being willing to walk away when basic freedoms are at stake. Until then, the track in Jeddah won’t just echo with the sound of engines—it will echo with everything the world chooses to ignore.

    The post How the Saudi Grand Prix Fuels a Broader Sportswashing Strategy appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Dismay as UK prepares to sign ‘values-free’ £1.6bn trade deal with Gulf states

    Exclusive: Trade unions and human rights organisations fear environment and human rights being pushed aside

    The UK is on the brink of signing a £1.6bn trade agreement with Gulf states, amid warnings from rights groups that the deal makes no concrete provisions on human rights, modern slavery or the environment.

    The deal with the Gulf Cooperation Council – which includes the countries Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates – is within touching distance, making it a fourth trading agreement by Keir Starmer after pacts were struck with the US, India and the EU.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Revealed: Saudi Arabia’s secretive rehabilitation ‘prisons’ for disobedient women

    Girls and young women describe facing flogging and abuse in so-called ‘care homes’ after arguing with their fathers or husbands

    A young woman wearing a black abaya is pictured in a city in north-west Saudi Arabia standing precariously on a second-floor window ledge. A second photograph shows a group of men escorting her down with the help of a crane.

    The woman’s identity is unknown, but she was allegedly being held at one of Saudi Arabia’s notoriously secretive “jails” for women banished by their families or husbands for disobedience, extramarital sexual relations or being absent from home.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Rising Political Executions in Saudi Arabia

    The use of the death penalty is on the rise in Saudi Arabia. One person was executed every 25 hours in the country with a staggering 345 people executed in 2024. This is in spite of international calls for an end to the practice.

    Normally, the death penalty is reserved internationally for the “most serious” crimes. Saudi authorities have disregarded this threshold for the death penalty and apply it arbitrarily to political dissidents. Take the case of Abdulmajeed al-Nimr. In 2024, Abdulmajeed al-Nimr, a retired traffic police officer, was sentenced to death for charges relating to terrorism. Court documents tell a different story – the Specialized Criminal Court found al-Nimr guilty of charges not concerning terrorism but instead related to political demonstrations such as chanting slogans against the state and its rulers.

    Unfortunately, Abdulmajeed al-Nimr’s case is not a unique one. Yousif al-Manasif was arrested when he was 14 years old. After arrest, the young Yousif was repeatedly beaten and abused by authorities. After years of ill-treatment at the hands of Saudi authorities, the Saudi court of appeals has reinstated his death penalty. He now faces the death penalty for crimes related to demonstrating  against the Saudi government when he was a minor.

    As the international community continues to build relationships with the Saudi government and as international sports become more comfortable with hosting events in the country, the international community must decide if cooperation with Saudi Arabia is more important than the rights of the Saudi people. The Saudi authorities are charging peaceful protestors with crimes related to terrorism in an attempt to justify the blatant execution of political dissenters. The use of the death penalty should be condemned by the international community and its increased frequency should be reversed. It’s now time for the international community to call on the Saudi government to instate an immediate moratorium on the death penalty.

    The post Rising Political Executions in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Lockheed Martin, AIC Steel Celebrate THAAD Launcher Production Milestone

    Lockheed Martin Missiles and Fire Control President Tim Cahill, along with the General Authority for Military Industries (GAMI) Assistant Deputy Nawaf Albawardi, and Wasim Attieh President of Arabian International Company for Steel Structures (AIC) recently met at AIC’s Jeddah facility to review the shared progress towards AIC’s efforts to produce locally-sourced components for the Terminal […]

    The post Lockheed Martin, AIC Steel Celebrate THAAD Launcher Production Milestone appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Al-Sharaa, Trump, and Sanctions

    Contrary to the propaganda of moral upstarts, terrorism pays. It proves rewarding. It establishes states and reconstitutes others. It encourages change, for ill or otherwise. The stance taken, righteously pitiful, on not negotiating with those who practise it, is as faulty as battling gravity. The case of Syria’s interim president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, is a brilliant example of this. While seen as a new broom that did away with the government of President Bashar al-Assad in such stunning fashion, al-Sharaa’s bristles remain blood speckled.

    The scene says it all: a meeting lasting 37 minutes in Riyadh with a US President holding hands in communal machismo with a bearded Jihadi warrior who once had a $10 million bounty on his head. Present was the delighted Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammad bin Salman, with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan joining by telephone.

    It proved most rewarding for al-Sharaa, who has become a salesman for the new Syria, scrubbing up for appearances. His main message: remove crushing sanctions barring access to investment and finance. It also proved rewarding for the efforts made by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in convincing the Trump administration that a new approach towards Damascus was warranted. “The sanctions,” reflected Trump, “were brutal and crippling and served as an important, really, an important function nevertheless at the time, but now it’s their time to shine.” But lifting sanctions would offer Syria “a chance at greatness”. This signalled a striking volte face from the stance taken in December 2024, when Trump expressed the view that Syria was “a mess”, not a friend of the United States and not deserving of any intervention from Washington.

    In remarks made by Trump to journalists keeping him company, the US President expressed admiration for the strongman, the brute, the resilient survivor. “Tough guy, very strong past.” And what a past, one marked by links to al-Qaeda via the affiliate Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group that were only severed in 2017. HTS’s predecessor, Jabhat al-Nusra, was commanded by al-Sharaa, then known by his nom de guerre, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. In January 2017, HTS was born as a collective of Salafi jihadists comprising Harakat Nour al-Din al-Zinki, Liwa al-Haq, Jaysh al-Sunna and Jabhat Ansar al-Din.

    Even at present, a shadow lingers over al-Sharaa’s interim government. In March, over 100 people were butchered in the coastal city of Banias. These atrocities were directed against the Alawite minority and instigated by militias affiliated with the new regime, ostensibly as part of a response to attacks in Latakia and Tartous from armed groups affiliated with the deposed Assad regime. According to Amnesty International’s Secretary General Agnès Callamard, “the authorities failed to intervene to stop the killings. Once again, Syrian civilians have found themselves bearing the heaviest cost as parties to the conflict seek to settle scores.”

    The announcement by Trump on lifting US sanctions sent officials scurrying. While the plan to bring Syria out of the cold had been on the books for some months, the timing, as with all things with the US president, was fickle. Presidential waivers on sanctions do, after all, only go so far and the more technically minded will have to pour over the details of repeal.

    The Secretary of State Marco Rubio offered a dose of clarification some 24 hours after the announcement. “If we make enough progress, we’d like to see the law repealed, because you’re going to struggle to find people to [invest] in a country when [at any point] in six months, sanctions could come back. We’re not there yet. That’s premature.”

    Progress is in the works, with Rubio meeting his Syrian counterpart, Foreign Minister Asad Hassan al-Shaibani in Antalya on May 15. In comments from State Department spokesman, Tammy Bruce, the Secretary “welcomed the Syrian government’s calls for peace with Israel, efforts to end Iran’s influence in Syria, commitment to ascertaining the fate of US citizens missing or killed in Syria, and elimination of all chemical weapons.”

    In answers to a press gathering, Rubio revealed how much of a success al-Sharaa has been in wooing Washington. “We have governing authorities there now who have expressed, not openly and repeatedly, that they do – that this is a nationalistic movement designed to building their country in a pluralistic society in which all the different elements of Syrian society are able to live together.” There had also been an interest in normalising ties with Israel and “driving out foreign fighters and terrorists and others that would destabilize the country and are enemies of this transitional authority.”

    While no mention is made of al-Sharaa’s own colourful, bloodied past, the previous ruler, Assad, comes in for scathing mention. His rule was “brutal”, one characterised by gassing and murdering “his own people”. It was Assad who sowed the seeds that would allow foreign fighters to take root in Syria’s soil. How curious that HTS would have attracted those very same fighters.

    Things have come full circle. The Assad dynasts, who kept a watchful eye on fundamentalist Islamists, are gone. The Islamists, with their various backers, Turkey and Saudi Arabia being most prominent, are now nominally in charge. The rest is a confidence trick that might, given al-Sharaa’s recent performance, just work.

    The post Al-Sharaa, Trump, and Sanctions first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • FIFA face human rights questions over upcoming world cups in Saudi Arabia and the US

    FIFA, the governing body for world football, is facing serious allegations about human rights abuses. A group of lawyers have sent an official complaint to FIFA alleging that the organisation has breached its own human rights rules in allowing Saudi Arabia to host the 2034 men’s world cup. And, Human Rights Watch (HRW) have also written to FIFA to express concern over the US’ record on human rights with North American countries the US, Canada, and Mexico set to host.

    Both the 2018 world cup in Russia and the 2022 world cup in Qatar faced similar protests over human rights. However, the last world cup in 2022 saw racist and lazy journalism from Western outlets who were all too eager to sleepwalk into caricatures of Arab nations as backwards and uncivilised.

    It’s entirely possible – and, in fact, necessary – to criticise Arab nations for human rights violations without veering into racist reporting. And, in a similar vein, HRW’s attention on the US is an important part of the ongoing discussion over how FIFA allocates world cup hosting duties.

    Questions for FIFA

    In their letter to FIFA, HRW set out their assessment of the impact of Donald Trump’s horrific immigration policies. They write:

    Since its return to office, the administration of President Donald Trump has implemented or is planning policies that fundamentally undermine the inclusive spirit of the World Cup and the non-discrimination policies under FIFA’s Statutes.

    In a damning list of immigration concerns HRW explain that the US’ travel restrictions could affect people “from as many as 43 countries.” And, transphobic immigration policies mean that:

    New visa practices require applicants—including athletes and tourists—to disclose their sex assigned at birth and only recognize binary sex categories, discriminating against and erasing transgender identities and leaving gender non-binary individuals without appropriate options.

    HRW also cite the US’ detainment of international students, the wrongful deportation of legal US residents, and the hostile environment for refugees. HRW find that:

    These policies would directly affect the World Cup in ways that contravene FIFA’s human rights responsibilities.

    Crucially, even if people trying to enter the US for the world cup – including fans and players – they may still be stopped:

    Even with proper visa documentation and tickets to attend World Cup events, players and fans face potential detention, interrogation, and humiliation at US borders, including being screened for social media posts or even denied entry for expressing opinions on Trump administration policies in private messages. This would be a violation of the right to free expression.

    Migrants rights

    HRW have also set out damning evidence of the deterioration of migrant workers rights in Saudi Arabia, who are currently preparing to host the FIFA 2034 world cup. HRW found that:

    Scores of migrant workers in Saudi Arabia have died in gruesome yet avoidable workplace-related accidents, including falling from buildings, electrocution, and even decapitation.

    These workers are largely South Asian and African.

    The deputy Middle East director at HRW, Michael Page, said:

    The gruesome workplace accidents killing migrant workers in Saudi Arabia should be a huge red flag for businesses, football fans, and sports associations seeking to partner with FIFA on the 2034 Men’s World Cup and other Saudi ‘giga-projects.

    Page is referring to the huge number of migrant workers deaths in Saudi Arabia which are not investigated or categorised as ‘natural.’ So much so that Fairsquare, another rights organisation, have found that:

     there is a critical absence of effective policies and processes to determine the cause of migrant worker deaths in Saudi Arabia, and concluded that the surge of construction associated with projects such as NEOM and the 2034 men’s World Cup will in all likelihood lead to thousands of unexplained deaths of low-paid foreign workers in the country.

    Now, a group of layers have filed an official complaint which, as the Guardian reported, highlights five particular areas of concern:

    The five areas outlined relate to freedom of expression and association; arbitrary arrests, mistreatment and the death penalty; judicial independence; migrants’ rights; and women’s rights.

    The complaint also alleges that FIFA have already been warned about the degradation of human rights and have done nothing:

    To date there is no evidence that such steps have been initiated, let alone that FIFA has any intention of doing so. This complaint highlights these failings so that they can be rectified without delay.

    Dismissed

    Similarly, FIFA have not publicly responded to HRW’s letter on its concerns over rights in the US. However, POLITICO have seen descriptions of FIFA president Gianni Infantino addressing the claims. POLITICO report:

    In his remarks to FIFA’s top brass, described to POLITICO, Infantino went on to disparage the media for its coverage of a World Cup organizing summit in Washington this week attended by Trump and senior members of the U.S. government.

    Infantino said he was amused at press reports of the taskforce meeting that questioned whether the White House’s strict border rules would be eased for traveling supporters.

    Infantino’s response is typical of FIFA: dismissive and not concerned about rights as much as they are about money. In 2015 nine FIFA officials and five corporate executives were indicted by the US Department of Justice for:

    racketeering, wire fraud and money laundering conspiracies, among other offenses.

    Football writer Martin Samuel had a blistering indictment of FIFA and Infantini’s greed:

    They do not care. That’s the nub of it. Not about the game, not about the consequences, not even about the show, given how they will corrupt it for money.
    Every now and then, FIFA conducts some public travesty like the supine award of the World Cup to Saudi Arabia and, momentarily, the world takes notice. Yet these sell-outs, this corruption, unfolds daily just as the order of business.
    FIFA has no concern for fan or player safety. Nor do they care about human rights concerns that place money and profit over people. As usual, it’s migrant workers and other people from the Global South who will be on the sharp end of FIFA and the host countries recklessness.
    Featured image via the Canary

    By Maryam Jameela

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Nvidia, AMD secure huge AI deals in Middle East

    A number of US technology firms including chip makers announced artificial intelligence deals in the Middle East as President Donald Trump secured $600 billion in commitments from Saudi Arabia to US companies during a tour of Gulf states. Among the biggest deals, Nvidia said it will sell hundreds of thousands of AI chips in Saudi…

    The post Nvidia, AMD secure huge AI deals in Middle East appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.

  • Trump Says He’s Ending US Sanctions on Syria as He Cozies Up to Saudi Arabia

    President Donald Trump announced on Tuesday that he is ordering the “cessation” of U.S. sanctions on Syria, seemingly bringing an end to the U.S.’s decades-long economic suppression of the country as he cozies up to Saudi Arabian leaders. “I will be ordering the cessation of sanctions against Syria in order to give them a chance at greatness,” Trump said in a speech at an investment forum in…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Trump Is “Unrestrained” in Use of Presidency for Pursuit of Personal Wealth

    As President Donald Trump meets with leaders in the Middle East this week, we look at how his administration and family have opened wide to foreign powers and wealthy interests willing to spend big to gain influence. Top buyers of Trump’s novelty cryptocurrency have spent millions as part of a contest to have dinner with the president. Trump’s sons Donald Jr. and Eric have also signed a number of…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Unequal Before the Law: How Saudi Arabia Executes Foreign Nationals in Silence

    In 2024, Saudi Arabia executed 345 people—the highest number recorded in recent history. This staggering figure more than doubled the executions carried out in 2023 and reflects a dramatic escalation in the Kingdom’s use of capital punishment. On average, one person was executed every 25 hours. Despite global calls to restrict the death penalty to only the “most serious crimes,” Saudi Arabia continues to apply it to non-lethal offenses such as drug-related charges and political dissent. Human rights groups have raised alarm over the opaque nature of the Saudi judicial process and the increasing use of the death penalty as a tool of repression.

    Among those executed in 2024, 138 were foreign nationals—a sharp increase from 38 in 2023—accounting for 31% of all executions. The nationalities of those executed included Egyptians, Yemenis, Syrians, Pakistanis, Ethiopians, Nigerians, Jordanians, and others. The rising number of foreign nationals executed comes amid growing concerns about severe violations faced by migrant workers. Many of these individuals were sentenced under deeply flawed judicial procedures without access to translators, lawyers, or consular support.

    A disturbing number of these executions were tied to drug-related offenses. International human rights law prohibits the death penalty for crimes that do not meet the “most serious” threshold. Yet, Saudi Arabia resumed drug-related executions after lifting its unofficial moratorium in November 2022, following a 21-month suspension. No legal reforms accompanied this reversal. According to OHCHR, 75% of all drug-related executions in 2024 involved foreign nationals. Among them were 33 Egyptian nationals tried under procedures that fell short of international standards for due process and fairness.

    Foreign nationals face multiple layers of disadvantage in Saudi Arabia’s opaque judicial system. Defendants are frequently denied legal representation and consular access throughout their proceedings. Moreover, Saudi judges regularly apply the Taazir system, a discretionary legal category under Islamic jurisprudence reserved for crimes or offenses that are not explicitly defined in Sharia as requiring specific punishments. Under Taazir, judges are granted wide discretion to impose sentences—including the death penalty—based on their personal interpretation of the offense and its context. This system is frequently used to prosecute non-lethal crimes such as drug possession or political dissent. In 2024, 141 executions (40% of the total) were carried out under Taazir—a stark increase from 54 in 2023—demonstrating the Saudi judiciary’s expanding reliance on arbitrary and opaque legal mechanisms

    Despite mounting evidence of systemic abuses, many governments whose nationals were executed in 2024 remained silent. In most cases, the identities of those executed were never publicly disclosed. UN experts criticized this secrecy, urging states to uphold their consular protection obligations and condemn unfair executions. Yet, many states have chosen to turn a blind eye—maintaining diplomatic, economic, and even cultural partnerships that help legitimize the Saudi government at the international level. This includes awarding Saudi Arabia the 2034 FIFA World Cup despite widespread human rights violations, including the executions of minors.

     Saudi Arabia’s continued execution of foreign nationals for crimes that do not meet international legal thresholds reflects a deeper pattern of systemic injustice. The use of the death penalty against vulnerable populations—often without due process, transparency, or adequate defense—demands urgent international attention. States must break their silence, demand a moratorium on the death penalty, and hold Saudi Arabia accountable under international human rights and consular protection laws. Inaction enables abuse. Justice requires a voice, especially for those silenced at the end of a noose.

    The post Unequal Before the Law: How Saudi Arabia Executes Foreign Nationals in Silence appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Post-Release Restrictions in Saudi Arabia: How Persecutions Continue Even After Serving the Sentence

    Between December 2024 and February 2025, Saudi Arabia released about 44 prisoners. Many of these are human rights activists or people arrested in the wake of restrictions on the right to expression in the country. As much as this event may seem a step forward for Saudi Arabia, another aspect must be considered – many times, released people are still subjected to restrictions that lengthen their sentence outside prison.

    The Saudi government imposes different types of restrictions on recently released persons. The most used restrictions are travel bans, often extended to their family members. The use of this measure appears worrying as it is used arbitrarily. Moreover, even when these travel bans expire, they are still not removed, and any attempt by people to appeal this is blocked.

    This happened to Loujain al-Hathloul, a women’s rights activist, on whom a travel ban has been imposed since her release in February 2021. Her ban was scheduled to expire in November 2023, but was not lifted. In December 2023, she filed a complaint against the Presidency of State Security, demanding that her travel restrictions be removed. Nine months later, her case came before the Diwan al-Mazalem (an administrative court), which could not address the case. When questioned about al-Hathloul’s complaint, State Security stated that it had not received the documents relating to the case. The judge, therefore, declared himself incompetent and dropped the case. To this day, al-Hathloul continues to be subjected to this measure.

    Saudi Arabia’s use of travel bans is, however, controversial. The Arab Charter on Human Rights, to which Saudi Arabia is a party, states in Art. 27: “No one may be arbitrarily or unlawfully prevented from leaving any country, including his own […]” Furthermore, the Saudi Travel Document Law also states in Art. 6 that a travel ban can only be imposed for specific security reasons and only for a limited period. Therefore, the way this type of restriction is used shows how arbitrary its application is. Indeed, it serves more as a means to control critical government voices and restrict their activities.

    Travel restrictions are not the only means used by the Saudi government against recently released persons. Some had to sign pledges prohibiting them from discussing public affairs, especially online. Some were also banned from receiving home visits. Many former inmates were also required to wear an electronic bracelet to monitor their movements. Others were threatened with re-arrest if they talked about the conditions in which they lived in prison.

    This type of restrictive measure places newly released persons in a new restrictive condition. As if this were not enough, such measures indirectly, and sometimes directly, affect their families. This can lead many families to live in great insecurity and fear. Moreover, the use of certain restrictions does not help the reintegration of former prisoners into society, leading them to drift away from it.

    Saudi Arabia is a country that wants to appear more open and progressive. For this reason, such an arbitrary use of restrictive measures on recently released persons is controversial. A country should help these people reintegrate into society and protect them, not impose further restrictions on them. The way the Saudi government silences dissidents and activists even after they have served their sentences is worrying. Therefore, these kinds of cases must be brought to light because this is the only way to keep the Saudi government accountable. This would also support all those activists and dissidents who must be free to express their opinions without fear of retaliatory acts.

    The post Post-Release Restrictions in Saudi Arabia: How Persecutions Continue Even After Serving the Sentence appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Saudi Arabia’s New INTERPOL Office: A Dangerous Expansion of Transnational Repression

    On 30 January 2025, Saudi Arabia and the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) announced an agreement to open a regional office in Saudi Arabia to support law enforcement efforts across the Middle East and North Africa. This included plans for the new office to cooperate with regional structures such as the Arab Interiors Ministers’ Council (AIMC). While framed as a step toward regional security, this decision raises grave concerns about human rights in a region where Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and institutions like AIMC follow flawed legal frameworks that repress freedom of expression, extradite dissidents, and impose lengthy prison terms that risk inhumane treatment. In such an environment, establishing an INTERPOL office risks politicizing law enforcement activities and facilitating the misuse of the organization’s resources for repression.

    INTERPOL, as the world’s largest international policing body, facilitates cross-border collaboration among 196 member states by sharing and providing access to data on crimes and criminals. However, despite its potential for security, INTERPOL has long faced criticism for enabling human rights abuses through its mechanisms, particularly Red Notices and diffusions. These concerns have intensified under the leadership of its current president, Emirati General Ahmed Naser Al Raisi, who faces allegations of overseeing torture and political repression in the UAE. His election, along with growing financial contributions from Gulf states, has heightened fears over INTERPOL’s vulnerability to political influence.

    INTERPOL’s Red Notices and diffusions were designed to help locate and apprehend serious criminals. Red Notices are formal alerts issued by a country’s National Central Bureau (NCB) to facilitate the arrest or restriction of a wanted individual’s movement, leading to their eventual extradition to the requesting country. Diffusions are less formal alerts circulated directly among NCBs without oversight by INTERPOL’s General Secretariat, making them easier to abuse. Both systems face due process violations by GCC states, which often refrain from disclosing information regarding Red Notice requests, leaving individuals unaware until they are detained abroad. Diffusions are even more secretive; individuals may never learn they are listed unless they face detention, making it nearly impossible to challenge their cases. Investigations by Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) uncovered secret files on individuals, many of which were easily deleted once contested, suggesting they lacked a substantial legal basis. Despite this, engagement with INTERPOL was described as cumbersome and slow, prolonging uncertainty for those affected.

    Concrete cases illustrate the severe repercussions of abusing INTERPOL’s instruments. In 2021, Saudi-Australian dual national Osama al-Hasani was detained in Morocco under a Saudi-issued Red Notice and extradited to Saudi Arabia, despite the fact that his charges, relating to a car theft, had already been cleared. Similarly, Bahraini political dissident Ahmed Jaffer Muhammad was extradited from Serbia to Bahrain in 2022 based on a Red Notice, to serve a life sentence issued in his absence, despite the risk of torture he had previously endured at the hands of Bahraini authorities. These cases highlight how INTERPOL’s systems are increasingly weaponized to facilitate political persecution and violate the principle of non-refoulement under international human rights law.

    The decision to establish an INTERPOL office in Saudi Arabia underscores how international policing mechanisms risk being co-opted to serve authoritarian interests, rather than global security and justice. Without substantial reforms to strengthen transparency, human rights protections, and oversight, INTERPOL’s expansion in the Gulf could further enable transnational repression, undermining the organization’s credibility and contributing to the erosion of international human rights norms.

    The post Saudi Arabia’s New INTERPOL Office: A Dangerous Expansion of Transnational Repression appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Saudi Arabia’s Sportswashing and the Italian Super Cup

    Saudi Arabia has emerged as a central player in the global sports arena—not for athletic achievement,  but for its calculated use of high-profile events to rebrand its international image. This practice,  known as sportswashing, refers to the strategic deployment of sporting partnerships and events to  divert attention from ongoing human rights violations and bolster a reputation of progress and  modernity. Saudi Arabia’s rapid expansion into sports has included investments in tennis, the  acquisition of the 2034 FIFA World Cup, and hosting Formula 1 races in Jeddah, with the next Grand  Prix set for April 2025. These initiatives form part of a broader state-led strategy to reshape  international perception while repression continues at home.

    The urgency of scrutinizing this strategy is underscored by Saudi Arabia’s deeply troubling human  rights record. In 2024, the Kingdom carried out 330 executions, the highest number recorded in 30  years. Many of those executed were convicted in trials that lacked transparency or due process, and  some for charges related to political dissent. The legal infrastructure that enables this repression  includes the 2014 Penal Law of Crimes of Terrorism and its Financing, which criminalizes vaguely  defined acts such as “disrupting public order” or “harming the reputation of the state.” These  provisions are routinely used to silence peaceful dissent. The Specialized Criminal Court (SCC),  originally created to handle terrorism cases, now frequently targets activists and online critics. Even  digital expression is criminalized: individuals have received decades-long prison sentences for social  media posts. This systemic repression contrasts sharply with the kingdom’s efforts to portray itself as  a modern, tolerant society through international sport.

    One of the most telling examples of this disconnect is the Italian Super Cup, which returned to Riyadh  in January 2025. This match featured four of Italy’s top clubs—Inter Milan, AC Milan, Juventus, and  Atalanta—with AC Milan ultimately winning the tournament. The presence of Italy’s most celebrated  football teams in Saudi Arabia was not coincidental, but the result of a long-term commercial  agreement. The original deal, signed in 2018 between Serie A and the Saudi Ministry of Sport, brought  the Super Cup to Riyadh in 2019 and 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the following two  editions were held in Italy, delaying the full execution of the agreement. In 2023, the agreement was  renewed: four additional editions are now set to be played in Saudi Arabia over the course of six  seasons. With the 2024 and 2025 editions already hosted in Riyadh, two more Super Cups will be  held there in the next four years. The updated deal is worth €92 million, with €23 million paid by  Riyadh for each edition. Of that, €6.8 million goes to Serie A, and the remaining €16.2 million is  divided among the four participating clubs.

    The political justification for this partnership has been controversial. Italy’s Minister of Sport, Andrea  Abodi, defended the deal by claiming it contributed to “democracy and respect.” His remarks were  widely criticized, especially when weighed against Saudi Arabia’s documented repression. The  contradiction is even more glaring when viewed in light of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s past  criticism: while in opposition, she referred to the original 2018 agreement as “a shame.” Since taking  office, however, her government has not only remained silent on the renewed deal but has also lifted  a ban on arms sales to Saudi Arabia, authorizing €363 million in weapons exports in 2023 alone,

    Beyond a few critical voices in civil society and isolated political figures, Italy’s institutional response  to this partnership has been alarmingly muted. The normalization of Saudi Arabia as a commercial  partner and host country for major European sports events reflects a broader European trend. Spain

    has already hosted several editions of its “Supercopa” in Riyadh, and other leagues are increasingly  pursuing similar agreements. The appeal is simple: lucrative deals with little scrutiny. But this comes  at a cost. These partnerships lend international legitimacy to a regime that systematically silences  dissent and violates fundamental rights. They allow Saudi Arabia to craft an image of openness and  modernity, while the reality—mass executions, repression of expression, and gender-based  discrimination—remains largely unchallenged by its new European partners.

    Saudi Arabia’s hosting of the Italian Super Cup is more than a sporting event; it is a calculated move  in a broader strategy of reputation laundering. As football becomes an instrument of political soft  power, the silence of democratic institutions becomes more than passive—it becomes complicit. The  matches may last ninety minutes, but the consequences for human rights and credibility last much  longer.

    The post Saudi Arabia’s Sportswashing and the Italian Super Cup appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Executions at 10-year high after huge increases in Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia

    Amnesty International confirms 1,518 people executed in 2024 but says real total is likely to be thousands more

    More people were executed in 2024 than in any other year over the past decade, mainly reflecting a huge increase in executions in Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia, according to Amnesty International’s annual report on the use of the death penalty.

    The human rights NGO said that although the number of countries carrying out executions was the lowest on record, it had confirmed 1,518 executions globally in 2024, a 32% increase over the previous year and the highest since the 1,634 carried out in 2015.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Saudi Arabia’s Death Penalty: A Tension Between Reform and Repression

    Saudi Arabia is one of the few countries in the world that still actively enforces the death penalty. The kingdom’s justice system, rooted in Islamic Sharia law, mandates capital punishment for a range of offenses, including murder, terrorism, drug trafficking, apostasy, and sorcery.

    Although in 2022 the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has proposed changes to modernize laws, including reducing the use of the death penalty for non-violent offenses and forbidding the execution of individuals who committed crimes as minors, overall use of the death penalty remains high. In 2024, Saudi authorities carried out at least 338 executions, the highest number of executions recorded in the country since 1990. This event highlighted the ongoing tension between the kingdom’s reformist image and its adherence to strict legal punishments.

    Individuals convicted of terrorism-related activities are frequently executed, with Saudi authorities asserting that harsh penalties serve as a deterrent. Yet, this charge is often used against those who have participated in anti-government protests. For instance, in April 2024 Saudi Arabia’s court of appeal approved death sentences for two Saudi men, Yousif al-Manasif and Ali al-Mabyook, for protest-related crimes allegedly committed when they were between the ages of 14 and 17.

    Moreover, the country is planning to execute six Shia citizens, including five who were minors during the 2011-2012 pro-democracy protests and one businessman. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention found their imprisonment violated multiple human rights categories, including lack of legal basis, unfair trials, and discrimination against the Shia minority. Some were prosecuted under Saudi Arabia’s controversial counter-terrorism law.

    Many executions are mainly related to alleged drug smuggling with Saudi Arabia maintaining a strict zero-tolerance policy on drug trafficking and smuggling. In 2024, Saudi authorities executed around 50 individuals solely for drug-related offences compared to two executions for the same crime were documented in the country in 2023.

    Moreover, this practice disproportionately affects the disadvantaged and the victims of discrimination such as foreign workers and women. Indeed, an increase in the executions of foreign nationals and women has been reported. Most of the women were foreign, including four Nigerians, all of whom were executed for drug-related offences. Executions of foreign nationals also rose, with 138 killed, up from 38 in 2023.

    Sentences are often handed down by judges who have broad discretionary powers, leading to concerns over the consistency and fairness of rulings. Also, many capital offenses do now follow clear defining guidelines.

    At the same time, Saudi authorities are spending billions to transform the country’s reputation and present a more modern, progressive image to the world. As part of these efforts, the kingdom has hosted major sporting events, music festivals, and cultural exhibitions, attracting global celebrities and investors to distract the international community from ongoing human rights violations such as the mass executions.

    ADHRB denounces the persistence of the death penalty, especially when the individuals were minors at the time of the crime. Also, the executions reflect systemic discrimination, particularly against the Shia minority, who are disproportionately targeted under vague anti-terrorism laws. Finally, ADHRB calls on Saudi authorities to immediately halt executions, implement judicial reforms ensuring fair trials, and comply with international conventions prohibiting capital punishment for minors. It also urges the global community to hold Saudi Arabia accountable for these human rights violations.

    The post Saudi Arabia’s Death Penalty: A Tension Between Reform and Repression appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Strange case of inter-arab feud by using HRDs in Geneva

    Watan News on 30 March 2025 came with a rather remarkable story about the UAE’s covert efforts to damage Qatar and Saudi Arabia’s reputations through paid campaigns using African NGOs Human rights sources in Geneva. Whether this is all true or not I cannot say, but it is worth reporting on.

    Watan writes that “human rights circles in Geneva’ have revealed the United Arab Emirates’ involvement in leading coordinated incitement campaigns against its adversaries, using African organizations in exchange for financial bribes to attack Abu Dhabi’s opponents and whitewash its own dire human rights record. According to the source, Abu Dhabi’s campaign aims to bring in so-called “victims,” such as migrant workers, to testify before the UN Human Rights Council in an effort to damage Qatar’s international reputation.

    Reliable reports indicate that the UAE has continuously funded this campaign over the past three years. Several human rights organizations and active institutions in Geneva have reportedly received large sums of money to support anti-Qatar activities. The funds are reportedly channeled through the UAE Embassy in Geneva and a key intermediary, Issa Al-Arabi, a Bahraini national who acts as a liaison for the UAE in supporting various rights groups at the UN.

    According to the source, the campaign is being executed by the Rencontre Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (African Meeting for the Defense of Human Rights) under the leadership of Nishkarsh Singh, along with the Tomoko Development and Cultural Union (TACUDU) led by Fazal-ur-Rehman, and the International Network for Human Rights (INHR).

    Another UN source said that the UAE’s campaign is coordinated by key figures within the diplomatic and human rights community in Geneva and Washington, primarily operating within the INHR network.

    This organization plays a major role in organizing human rights events at the UN, with a team of participating legal and diplomatic experts.

    Notable individuals involved include:

    • Biro Diawara – A veteran human rights activist in Geneva for over 20 years, representing African civil society including journalists, parliamentarians, religious leaders, and human rights defenders. He has strong ties to African delegations in New York, Geneva, and the continent, with a focus on Sudan, West Africa, and his native Guinea.
    • Clément N. Voule – Former UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association. After completing his term in the summer of 2024, he joined the Geneva Human Rights Institute in September. A Togolese international lawyer, he specializes in human rights and security sector reform and holds multiple roles within Geneva’s human rights community.
    • Jane Galvão – Director of Resource Mobilization at INHR and Global Health Advisor. With over 20 years of experience managing health programs, she has worked on infectious diseases and women’s and children’s health, managing over $750 million in funding for organizations like UNITAID and WHO.
    • Eric N. Richardson – Founding President of INHR. A former U.S. diplomat and attorney, he led the U.S. team at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva from 2013 to 2016. With experience in countries like China, North Korea, Libya, Tunisia, New Zealand, and Israel, he now focuses on mediation efforts with Amnesty International and teaches law at the University of Michigan and UC Berkeley.
    • John Shyamana – Expert in Social and Economic Rights, New York. With over 30 years of experience, he specializes in child policy, labor rights, and social welfare, having worked with the U.S. Congress and state legislatures on legislative and advocacy efforts.
    • Kumar – Senior Human Rights Advisor, Washington D.C. Former Advocacy Director for Amnesty International USA. With more than two decades of experience, he has championed human rights and humanitarian causes worldwide, particularly in Asia, Afghanistan, and Myanmar.
    • Jeff Landsman – Managing Director and Treasurer at INHR. A certified financial planner and seasoned international buyer, he oversees the institute’s financial operations and strategic planning.
    • Asel Alimbayeva – Program Officer and Director, INHR Geneva. Fluent in English, French, Russian, and Kazakh. She has worked at the UN Office in Geneva and Kazakhstan’s Permanent Mission, leading social media and HR operations at the institute.
    • Pedro Cherinos Terrones – Legal Advisor, Lima. A Peruvian lawyer specializing in international trade, business law, human rights, and compliance with international law.
    • Sean Wessing – AI and Innovation Specialist, Bologna. Holds dual Master’s degrees from SAIS–Johns Hopkins and Bologna Business School. Leads fundraising and AI governance projects at INHR.
    • Zaf Haseem – Videographer and Reconciliation Specialist, Asia. A conflict mediator who has worked in Sri Lanka, Burma, Indonesia, and the Central African Republic, using film as a training tool for peacebuilding.

    UAE’s Smear Campaign Targeting Qatar and Saudi Arabia

    Diplomatic sources indicate that the UAE is recruiting African civil society organizations to conduct media and human rights attacks against Qatar. These efforts are expected to intensify during the UN Human Rights Council sessions in June and September 2025, with a major campaign planned for the September session. Additionally, the UAE is reportedly preparing similar activities within the African Union Commission, targeting both Qatar and Saudi Arabia as part of its escalating geopolitical rivalry in Africa.

    These developments underscore rising regional tensions in Africa, where the UAE is leveraging human rights tools and diplomatic influence to advance its political agenda.

    They also raise serious concerns about the independence of some Geneva-based human rights organizations, which are increasingly being used as instruments of political influence rather than neutral advocacy.

    https://www.watanserb.com/en/2025/03/30/uae-accused-of-funding-smear-campaigns-through-african-ngos/?amp=1

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • An Overview of ADHRB’s Participation in the 58th Session of the Human Rights Council

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) participated in the 58th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), held from 24 February to 4 April 2025.

    During this session, ADHRB delivered 13 oral interventions across four items, highlighting various human rights violations in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE.

    ADHRB delivered 11 interventions on Bahrain’s human rights situation under items 2, 3, 4, and 5. Under item 3, a 12th intervention highlighted Saudi Arabia’s religious persecution of Shia. Under item 5, a 13th intervention addressed the UAE’s crackdown on human rights defenders, highlighting the case of detained activist Ahmed Mansoor. Additionally, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the Annual Debate on the Rights of Disabled People and another intervention at the Annual Discussion on Children’s Rights.

    Item 2

    Under Item 2, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the General Debate on 4 March 2025, highlighting Bahrain’s ongoing retaliatory measures against political prisoners in Jau Prison. Prisoners face beatings, 24-hour handcuffing, isolation, medical neglect, and denial of basic rights. The intervention noted the severe health deterioration of prisoners like Rajaie Ali Baddaw, who is denied medical care despite serious heart and respiratory issues. ADHRB urged the international community to take immediate action to pressure Bahrain to end these abuses and uphold international human rights standards.

    Item 3

    Under Item 3, ADHRB delivered four interventions on 4, 17, and 21 March 2025, during the General Debate and Interactive Dialogues (ID) with the Special Rapporteurs on minority issues and on torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.

    In an intervention delivered on 3 March during the ID with the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, ADHRB drew the council’s attention to ongoing torture in Bahrain’s prisons, where political prisoners, particularly minors, face beatings, humiliation, prolonged isolation, and medical neglect. The intervention exposed Bahraini authorities’ systematic use of torture to extract confessions and silence dissent, in blatant violation of international law. It also cited cases like Abbas Muslem Juma, arbitrarily arrested and beaten during interrogation, and Mohammed Isa Khatam, punished with isolation and communication deprivation simply for speaking loudly.

    In an intervention delivered during the General Debate under Item 3 on 17 March 2025, ADHRB highlighted the continued detention of senior Bahraini opposition leaders and human rights defenders since 2011, despite repeated UN calls for their immediate release and urgent medical care. The intervention highlighted the ongoing suffering of 77-year-old opposition leader Hasan Mushaima, who suffers from chronic illnesses and faces life-threatening medical neglect. It also addressed the case of AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, subjected to serious violations, including prolonged solitary confinement and medical neglect, resulting in health deterioration.

    On 17 March 2025, during the General Debate under Item 3, ADHRB delivered an intervention exposing Bahrain’s continued detention of political prisoners convicted on terrorism charges based on confessions extracted under torture. The intervention highlighted ongoing violations against prisoners like AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, who continue to face serious violations, including prolonged isolation and medical neglect, endangering their lives. It also raised the case of Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji, sentenced to life imprisonment in an unfair trial relying on coerced confessions extracted under torture.

    On 21 March 2025, during the ID under Item 3 with the Special Rapporteur on minority issues, ADHRB delivered an intervention highlighting Saudi Arabia’s systematic discrimination against Shia Muslims. The intervention highlighted the prohibition on building mosques, restrictions on religious freedom, and the promotion of hate speech in school curricula. It also exposed the continued marginalization of Shias, their exclusion from senior positions despite promises of reform, and the widespread repression of Shia activists, who face arbitrary arrests and unfair sentences, including the death penalty, for participating in peaceful protests.

    Item 4

    During the Item 4 General Debate on 20 and 21 March 2025, ADHRB delivered three interventions.

    On 20 March 2025, ADHRB delivered an intervention under Item 4, highlighting Bahrain’s ongoing retaliation against human rights defenders, citing the case of released defender Naji Fateel and the re-arrest of activist Ali AlHajee. The intervention highlighted the ongoing arbitrary restrictions imposed on Naji Fateel after his release, hindering his reintergration into society, and emphasized that Ali AlHajee’s re-arrest for his human rights activism reflects Bahrain’s continued use of laws to silence and punish peaceful dissent.

    On March 20, under Item 4, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention highlighting the escalating degrading treatment of political prisoners in Jau Prison in violation of the Nelson Mandela Rules. The intervention highlighted worsening medical neglect, with prisoners denied necessary healthcare despite suffering from serious illnesses. It also stressed that these arbitrary practices are intended to suppress demands for improved prison conditions, in blatant violation of international human rights standards.

    In its intervention under Item 4 on 21 March 2025, ADHRB urged Bahrain to end the systematic religious repression of Shia political prisoners, guarantee their right to worship, and cease all forms of collective punishment based on their beliefs. The intervention highlighted that prisoners seeking to exercise their religious rights face increasing reprisals, including threats of solitary confinement and arbitrary transfer to harsher conditions. It also noted that authorities are imposing arbitrary restrictions on religious books and copies of the Quran, attempting to deprive Shia prisoners of any means to express their beliefs.

    Item 5

    On 21 March 2025, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council under Item 5, expressing deep concern over Bahrain’s targeting of human rights defenders. The intervention highlighted the imprisonment of defenders for extended periods and the retaliation against those released, such as activist Ali AlHajee. ADHRB emphasized that Bahrain’s continued targeting of human rights defenders marks a dangerous escalation of repressive measures aimed at silencing dissenting voices and intimidating activists. It also noted that these practices violate Bahrain’s international obligations and call for urgent international intervention to protect human rights and halt all forms of reprisals against activists.

    On 21 March, under Item 5, ADHRB delivered an intervention drawing the council’s attention to the continued detention and ill-treatment of prominent elderly human rights defenders in Bahrain, imprisoned since 2011 for their activism and engagement with UN mechanisms. The intervention cited cases like Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, who suffers from chronic illnesses and is denied medical care, and AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, whose health is deteriorating due to medical neglect. ADHRB stressed that the continued detention and mistreatment of prominent elderly human rights defenders, including Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, Hasan Mushaima, and AbdulWahab Husain Ismaeel, reflects Bahrain’s blatant disregard for international human rights standards. It urged the council to take immediate action to pressure Bahrain to provide necessary medical care and secure their immediate release.

    On March 21, under Item 5, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Emirati human rights defender Ahmed Mansoor. The intervention highlighted that Mansoor has been held in harsh conditions since his arrest in 2017, where he was subjected to an unfair trial on fabricated charges linked to his peaceful activism and engagement with UN mechanisms. It also noted his physical torture, denial of healthcare, and denial of contact with his family, all constituting blatant human rights violations.

    Annual debates

    During the annual debates, ADHRB delivered two interventions at the 58th session of the Human Rights Council: one during the Annual Debate on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and another during the Annual Discussion on the Rights of the Child.

     On 10 March 2025, during the Annual Debate on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, ADHRB condemned Bahrain’s medical neglect of political prisoners with disabilities, highlighting the case of Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace. The intervention expressed grave concern over Bahrain’s continued denial of healthcare and reasonable accommodations to political prisoners, particularly those with physical disabilities. It highlighted the case of Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, an activist suffering from post-polio syndrome who has been in detention for 14 years. Despite suffering from severe joint pain and a lack of adequate medical care, Bahraini authorities refuse to provide him with the necessary care, including appropriate crutches and medical slippers.

    On 13 March 2025, during the Annual Discussion on the Rights of the Child, ADHRB expressed deep concern over Bahrain’s blatant violations against minors in detention centers, which contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The intervention highlighted the arbitrary arrest of minors on political charges without warrants, their prolonged pretrial detention, and enforced disappearance. It also exposed their torture and denial of education, jeopardizing their futures.

    Through its participation in HRC58, ADHRB raised international awareness of ongoing human rights violations in Bahrain and the region. Its interventions shed light on critical issues, including political repression, torture, religious discrimination, and the dire conditions of political prisoners and detained children. These interventions serve as an urgent call for the international community to take concrete action to uphold human rights, pressure the concerned governments, and strengthen accountability to achieve justice for victims.

    The post An Overview of ADHRB’s Participation in the 58th Session of the Human Rights Council appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • ADHRB at HRC58 calls for Action on Discrimination Against Shia Muslims in Saudi Arabia

    On March 21, 2025, Americans for Democracy and human rights in Bahrain delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council. In its intervention under Item 4, ADHRB highlighted the systematic discrimination against Shias in #SaudiArabia, including restrictions on mosques, religious freedom, exclusion from senior positions, & school curriculums promoting hate speech.

    We draw the Council’s attention to the systematic discrimination against Shia Muslims in Saudi Arabia.

    Despite the Kingdom’s reform pledges, discriminatory policies persist. Shias are barred from building mosques and religious centers, and their freedom to worship and practice rituals is restricted. Competent Shia individuals are excluded from senior government and security roles, and they face economic and developmental marginalization, despite the wealth generated by their regions. Additionally, school curriculums promote hate speech against their beliefs, entrenching a culture of discrimination against this minority.

    Shia activists and human rights defenders face extensive repression, with arbitrary arrests and trials that lack the most basic standards of justice. Recently, death sentences were handed down to five young Shia men and a businessman – some arrested as minors – on charges related to their participation in peaceful protests.

     In light of these ongoing violations, what concrete actions can the international community and the Human Rights Council take to hold Saudi authorities accountable and ensure the protection of Shia minority rights?

    The post ADHRB at HRC58 calls for Action on Discrimination Against Shia Muslims in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • US and EU Supported al-Qaeda in Syria

    The key decision was when Barack Obama finally decided in December 2012 to arm al-Qaeda in Syria so as to bring down Syria’s Government. That culminated a U.S. policy since 1949, which was aimed against Russia and against Palestinians.

    It is an established fact that U.S. President Obama, Hillary Clinton, Chuck Hagel, and the rest of Obama’s Administration, were seeking to replace the non-sectarian Assad Government in Syria, by a government that would please the fundamentalist-Sunni, or “Salafist,” Saud family, who own Saudi Arabia. Throughout the U.S.-and-allied media, the only problem in Syria was Bashar al-Assad, who led that country, and therefore regime-change was supposed to be the solution for Syria, though the only Syrians who supported overthrowing Assad were a small minority, jihadists led by Syria’s al-Qaeda, and in Syria’s northeast, separatist Kurds also supported overthrowing Assad, because they wanted to create a Kurdistan, which would be the first Kurdish nation. The press throughout the U.S. empire hid from the public the fact that the U.S. was supporting al-Qaeda in Syria. For example, on 13 January 2017, the BBC, one of the U.S. Government’s most reliable propaganda agencies (though not from the U.S. Government), headlined “Obama’s Syria legacy: Measured diplomacy, strategic explosion“, and opened:

    How did a man who took office espousing a new era of engagement with the world end up a spectator to this century’s greatest humanitarian catastrophe? …

    Despite the pressing moral imperative, Obama remained convinced a military intervention would be a costly failure.

    He believed there was no way the US could help win the war [a civil war there, which he himself had helped to produce] and keep the peace without a commitment of tens of thousands of troops. The battlefield was too complex: fragmented into dozens of armed groups and supported by competing regional and international powers.

    However, on 12 August 2012, Obama was warned by the Defense Intelligence Agency that “THERE IS THE POSSIBILITY OF ESTABLISHING A DECLARED OR UNDECLARED SALAFIST PRINCIPALITY IN EASTERN SYRIA (HASAKA AND DER ZOR), AND THIS IS EXACTLY WHAT THE SUPPORTING POWERS TO THE OPPOSITION [to Syria’s Government] WANT, IN ORDER TO ISOLATE [actually replace] THE SYRIAN REGIME.” Then in December 2012, Obama settled upon his policy of arming the jihadists in Syria under al-Qaeda’s leadership, and using circuitous ways of getting to the jihadists weapons from around the world, so as to hide America’s involvement as the chief coordinator and funder. The world’s largest Embassy, America’s in Iraq, was running this operation. Each year, the main decisions for this operation were being made not only by Obama but at the annual private Bilderberg conferences, which bring together over a hundred top aristocrats from each NATO country so as to provide the coming year’s guidance to NATO’s Secretary General. Although some of the attendees there were currently holding a public office in their country, many did not but instead were multibillionaires or otherwise top consultants to billionaires; so, the Bilderberg conferences are officially private, not at all public; and, in the United States and its allied countries, there is nothing illegal about major decisions concerning war and peace and other major Governmental policies being determined entirely in secret and off-the-record, in these ‘democracies’. From a policy-standpoint in the collective West — this bastion of ‘democracies’ against ‘tyrannies’ — the U.S.-and-allied countries have developed a very efficient system that essentially no longer needs the public, who are no longer real participants to be informed but have become instead mere subjects to be deceived and pay taxes so as to fund these Governments to do the work that those masters (U.S.-and-allied billionaires) want to be done (even if for ONLY private reasons).

    On March 11, I headlined “America won in Syria and continues to win there; the massacres are now accelerating.” Because Obama-Biden-Trump got their Syrian al-Qaeda proxy-army to final victory and it is doing there what al-Qaeda does, this is an American-Government success-story that America’s Government DON’T want to brag about nor even to acknowledge publicly. We slaughtered madly in Korea and in Vietnam and in Iraq and in Afghanistan and in Libya, and by using coups and proxy-armies in Ukraine and in so many other countries; but America’s victory in Syria is one that ‘our’ ‘news’-media are NOT reporting, because they don’t want us to know about it.

    The post US and EU Supported al-Qaeda in Syria first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Yemen is a microcosm of why Labour foreign aid vs defence spending strategy is so wrong

    Mahra, a 31-year-old mother of four who was expecting her fifth child, is one of 4.5 million people displaced by the ongoing conflict in Yemen, which has been heavily fomented by international powers, particularly the UK. The country faces extreme famine and drought, leaving 21 million people in dire need of humanitarian aid.

    While attempting to fetch water, Mahra collapsed, highlighting the daily struggles faced by those in war-torn regions. Fortunately, she received medical care funded by the United Nations, but tragically, her unborn child did not survive.

    This incident underscores the severe consequences of the conflict, which has intensified over the years.

    Yemen: a war waged by Saudi Arabia – with complicity from the UK

    In the UK parliament, MPs recently defended an increase in military spending by the government, without reflecting on the implications of such funding. This was in tandem with a cut to the foreign aid budget.

    Since 2015, more than half of the combat aircraft used by Saudi Arabia in bombing campaigns against Yemen have been supplied by the UK, with British arms companies earning over £6 billion from these sales. These military actions have killed over 150,000 people and set off widespread crises of disease and famine.

    Criticism has arisen regarding the government’s decision to cut foreign aid in favour of military spending. This decision is not only detrimental to those suffering from conflict, such as people in Yemen, but also perpetuates the very conditions that lead to war.

    Around 80% of the world’s poorest countries either are currently experiencing or have recently faced violent conflict. A comprehensive approach to foreign policy would aim to address the causes of war, rather than deepen existing insecurities.

    The government has also taken steps to target “illegal” migrants (even though there’s no such thing), showcasing a strategy that appears to neglect the plight of vulnerable individuals, both domestically and abroad. Cuts to essential support systems often affect the poorest members of society, raising questions about governmental priorities.

    The right focus for the rich – the wrong focus for the rest of us

    As the anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine arrives, the devastation caused by war is called into question. Amid ongoing tragedies, there is an urgent need to emphasise peace over militarism. The effects of violent conflict go beyond the battlefield, impacting mothers and families worldwide, leading to loss and grief.

    Simultaneously, the looming threat of climate crisis disaster remains largely unaddressed. Individuals are dying from the consequences of droughts and flooding, yet their struggles receive little attention in political discourse.

    The UK government’s focus seems reserved for those who benefit economically from warfare, with assertions from officials likening military expenditure to economic growth. This perspective raises concerns about the prioritisation of military funding over sustainable solutions that could genuinely foster safety and stability.

    Critics argue that governments should rethink their approach to safety and security. For every pound spent on military solutions, there are pressing needs for investment in renewable energy and resources that could preserve life and promote a healthier planet. To build a secure and equitable society, prioritising a collaborative approach rather than militarisation could pave the way for a more peaceful world.

    As conflicts around the globe, such as in Yemen and Ukraine, rage on, the focus of political leaders must shift to ensure they consider the profound impacts of their policies on the lives of those caught in turmoil.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • End In Sight For Ukraine War After Riyadh Meeting

    The Ukrainian war, which began in 2014 as a civil conflict and led to Russia’s intervention eight years later in February 2022, appeared headed to a resolution after top U.S. and Russian officials met in the Saudi capital Riyadh on Tuesday, incensing European and Ukrainian leaders who were excluded.

    Speaking to reporters after meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov on Tuesday, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio laid out what was accomplished in Riyadh.

    He said four principles had been agreed to: restoring ties by reopening diplomatic missions; the U.S. would appoint a high-level team to achieve “the end of the conflict in Ukraine” that is “enduring” and acceptable to all parties; the countries would work together towards economic cooperation; and the participants at the Tuesday meeting to remain engaged.

    The post End In Sight For Ukraine War After Riyadh Meeting appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Young people occupy Barclays over its financing of genocide and climate breakdown

    A group of half a dozen young activists staged a third peaceful sit-in at the Bristol Broadmead branch of Barclays Bank. It follows similar protests against the bank in October and December last year.

    Barclays: wrecking the planet

    Activists from Extinction Rebellion Youth Bristol (XRYB) entered the bank branch at around 10am on Saturday 15 February with the aim of engaging customers about what they see as the problems with Barclays, and to encourage them to stop banking there:

    Barclays

    Barclays

    The protests staged by XRYB previously drew significant public attention and customer interest.

    The action by XRYB coincided with a vigil by Cristian Climate Action Bristol (CCA) in protest against the bank, resulting in a significant activist presence both inside and outside the Bristol branch.

    Rather than making demands of Barclays who are a global financial superpower, ranking in the top five largest European banks, the XRYB activists are seeking to increase customer awareness of how the bank invests its money, and of alternative banks that XRYB consider preferable.

    Barclays are a significant global investor in fossil fuels, at a time when a rapid transition to renewable energy is essential in the face of the climate crisis. Barclays is ranked the number one investor in fossil fuels in Europe, and seventh biggest in the world, having financed around $167 billion in fossil fuels between 2015 and 2021. It is also the 4th biggest financer of Arctic fossil fuel extraction.

    As well as its destructive fossil fuel funding, Barclays is a major financer of the global arms trade. This includes funding the sale of weapons to be used in Yemen and major investment in arms companies whose technologies are being used for genocide in Palestine.

    According to Palestine Solidarity Campaign, Barclays bank now holds over £2 billion in shares, and provides £6.1 billion in loans and underwriting to companies used by Israel against Palestine.

    Close your accounts

    A young person from XRYB expressed their concern over Barclays’ investment policies:

    Barclays is a major investment bank and currently has over a billion pounds of investments in companies whose weapons, components, and military tech have been used in unlawful violence against Palestinians. They are also a significant investor in fossil fuels, so are not only funding the deaths of Palestinian people but are also sacrificing our planet’s future for profit.

    Bella, another XRYB member, appealed to those who bank there:

    You have the power to make a difference. Historically boycott, divest, and sanction tactics work to make change, such as in the cases of racist practices in Bristol bus networks and against South African apartheid. Barclays are using your money to fund genocide and using the profits to make themselves richer. They are not your friends. There are numerous alternative banks such as Triodos, Nationwide, and Monzo who will use your money more responsibly and even offer better value!.

    Featured image and additional images supplied

    By The Canary

  • Discrimination Against Migrant Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia: Passport Confiscation and Denial of Citizenship

    Saudi Arabia, home to millions of migrant workers, heavily relies on foreign labor for domestic work, primarily women working as housemaids, nannies, and caregivers, which are a significant part of the country’s labor force. However, despite their essential role in the country’s households, migrant domestic workers, primarily from Southeast Asia and Africa, face widespread discrimination, exploitative working conditions, and legal barriers that strip them of fundamental rights.

    The Saudi labor system, particularly the kafala system, places an extraordinary amount of power in the hands of employers, leaving domestic workers vulnerable to abuse. Many workers find themselves subjected to passport confiscation, preventing them from leaving abusive workplaces or even returning home. Furthermore, unlike other foreign residents in Saudi Arabia who may qualify for long-term residency, migrant domestic workers are completely barred from obtaining Saudi citizenship, no matter how long they have lived and worked in the country.

    Despite Saudi laws prohibiting employers from holding workers’ passports, the practice remains common. Many migrant workers arrive in Saudi Arabia under the assumption that they will be able to retain their personal identification documents, yet they have their documents seized once they arrive in the country. Without identification or travel documents, these workers are left powerless, unable to escape exploitative conditions or seek legal protection, trapping them in their employer’s household.

    The passport confiscation leads to severe consequences such as an increased vulnerability to abuse, limited access to justice, and restriction of movement. In some cases, passport confiscation leads to conditions of forced labor and modern slavery.

    For example, Kenyan single mothers in Saudi Arabia face significant challenges as their children are denied birth certificates, thus they cannot obtain medical care, education, and exit visas. Hence, The mothers, many of whom fled abusive employers, find themselves trapped, unable to secure their children’s rights or return home. This situation highlights the broader issues of migrant workers’ rights and the legal hurdles faced by children born outside of marriage in Saudi Arabia

    Saudi Arabia does not grant citizenship to migrant domestic workers, no matter how long they have lived or worked in the country. Without citizenship, migrant workers remain subject to restrictive labor laws and cannot access key rights, such as social security, health care, or legal representation. Also, workers must constantly renew their visas, leaving them at the mercy of employers or facing the threat of deportation.

    In 2021, Saudi Arabia introduced the Premium Residency Program, which allows certain skilled foreign workers to obtain long-term residency, yet this option is largely inaccessible to domestic workers due to high fees and strict eligibility requirements.

    While Saudi authorities have made efforts to abolish some elements of the kafala system, enforcement remains weak and meaningful reforms are not implemented, leaving many domestic workers without passports nor citizenship. Domestic workers who report abuse often find themselves punished or deported instead of receiving justice.

    ADHRB calls on Saudi authorities to apply strict enforcement of laws against passport confiscation and pathways to permanent residency or citizenship. Also, ADHRB urges the Kingdom to abolish discriminatory policies that deny domestic migrant workers basic human rights and take immediate action to ensure they are treated with dignity and respect.

    The post Discrimination Against Migrant Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia: Passport Confiscation and Denial of Citizenship appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Foreign Office whistleblower’s testimony shows UK government is rotten to the core

    The testimony of Mark Smith, former diplomat and policy adviser at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, published in the Guardian on 10 February 2025, confirms exactly what Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) has argued for decades: the UK’s arms export control system is rotten to its core.

    Mark Smith exposed a system rotten to the core

    Mark Smith’s testimony raises fundamental questions about why the system works in this way and why successive governments have bent over backwards to justify selling arms despite knowing they’ll be used to commit or facilitate horrific war crimes. CAAT argues that the answer lies in the power and influence of the arms trade.

    In August 2024, Smith resigned over the UK government’s refusal to halt arms sales to Israel amid the bombardment of Gaza, following a year of internal lobbying and whistleblowing.

    As an official responsible for assessing Saudi Arabia’s compliance with International Humanitarian law (IHL) in Yemen, Mark Smith was repeatedly told to revise or “rebalance” his reports to make them less damning of Saudi’s conduct, and to give an appearance of “progress”.

    Officials were told to delete correspondence that gave a more negative picture. Ministers employed delaying tactics and repeated requests for “more evidence”, even when the picture of serious violations was clear.

    CAAT’s 2024 report on political influence revealed the disturbing level of access and influence the arms industry has on the UK government. This included BAE Systems having more meetings with ministers, and more with prime ministers, than any other private company.

    On average, between 2009-19, senior government officials and ministers met with their arms industry counterparts 1.64 times a day. This level of influence buys government complicity and makes a mockery of international law in order to safeguard arms dealers’ profits.

    Racism and colonialism in action

    CAAT further argues that underpinning this is the racism and colonialism that is still at the heart of UK foreign policy. It doesn’t matter if this means arming human rights abusing dictators and genocidal regimes – and it doesn’t matter if Black and Brown people are murdered with UK supplied weapons and parts – if this helps pursue a supposed ‘stability’ that promotes US/UK interests.

    CAAT’s media coordinator Emily Apple said:

    Thousands of campaigners across the UK have been vindicated, but it’s too late for tens of thousands of Palestinian and Yemeni people killed with weapons and components exported from the UK.

    Successive governments have manipulated evidence to knowingly and willingly facilitate war crimes and genocide to safeguard arms dealers’ profits. This has to stop.  This has to be the wake up call to take action, reduce the power of the arms trade lobby, and demand a systemic change in our arms export licensing system.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Systemic Discrimination and Religious Repression: The Shia Struggle for Equality in Saudi Arabia

    In Saudi Arabia, the Shia Muslim community, constituting around 12 percent of the population, has long faced systemic discrimination and restrictions on religious freedom. This marginalization permeates various aspects of life, including religious practices, education, employment, and the justice system. Also, the community has been excluded from certain public sector jobs, and has suffered from economic neglect by Saudi state institutions.

    The Saudi government’s strict interpretation of Sunni Islam often results in limitations on Shia religious practices. Indeed, a royal decree issued in 2014 imposes prison sentences of up to 20 years for atheism and places restrictions on the religious activities of Shiite and Sufi Muslims. The construction of Shia mosques is heavily regulated through licensing requirements and is only permitted in the Eastern Province, where the Shia population is concentrated. Also, authorities have demolished Shia religious structures and restricted communal religious observances. For instance, in December 2020, the government ordered the demolition of a mosque in al-Awamiyah, a town with a significant Shia population.

    Furthermore, the national education curriculum in Saudi Arabia has been criticized for promoting an anti-Shia narrative. Shia religious seminaries are absent and the publication and distribution of Shia religious material is forbidden within Saudi borders. Shia students face discrimination within the educational system, and Shia educators are frequently excluded from teaching religious subjects or attaining leadership positions in schools.

    Employment discrimination against Shia Muslims is prevalent, particularly in government and security sectors. Shia individuals often find it challenging to secure or advance in government positions, and they are notably underrepresented in high-ranking roles within the military and police forces. This systemic exclusion limits economic opportunities and perpetuates social disparities.

    The Saudi judicial system, grounded in Sunni interpretations of Islamic law, exhibits bias against Shia Muslims. Shia defendants frequently receive disproportionately harsh sentences, and their testimonies may be undervalued or dismissed in court proceedings. For instance, religious discussions involving religious topics can result in severe punishment.

    In extreme cases, social discrimination escalated in violent attacks against Shia Muslims. For example, between 2015 and 2016, several attacks targeted Shia mosques and religious gatherings in the Eastern Province, resulting in numerous fatalities and injuries.

    Despite the Kingdom’s Vision 2030 initiative, which aims to modernize the country and improve its global image, the systemic discrimination against the Shia community persists. In 2024, Saudi Arabia executed 330 people, the highest number in decades, with many executions related to non-lethal offenses such as drug smuggling and dissent. Human rights organizations have raised concerns that these executions disproportionately affect Shia Muslims and individuals expressing dissenting views.

    ADHRB calls on the Saudi authorities to amend the 1992 Basic Law which establishes the Quran and the Sunnah as the foundation of the country’s legal framework and rather introduce reforms to promote inclusivity, protect religious diversity, and uphold the rights of all citizens, regardless of their sectarian affiliation. Also, ADHRB urges the international community to further investigate the lawfulness of arrests and detention and pressure Saudi Arabia to respect freedom of worship.

    The post Systemic Discrimination and Religious Repression: The Shia Struggle for Equality in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Wollongong hydrogen pioneer links with Saudi energy giant

    Wollongong manufacturer Hysata will build a commercial-scale demonstration hydrogen production system with its ultra efficient electrolysers in Saudia Arabia in a tie up with an energy giant powering the Kingdom’s ambitious urban and industrial development. Hysata announced this week it has reached an agreement with ACWA Power to deliver commercial scale demonstrations of its high-efficiency…

    The post Wollongong hydrogen pioneer links with Saudi energy giant appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.