Category: saudi arabia

  • Between December 2024 and February 2025, Saudi Arabia released about 44 prisoners. Many of these are human rights activists or people arrested in the wake of restrictions on the right to expression in the country. As much as this event may seem a step forward for Saudi Arabia, another aspect must be considered – many times, released people are still subjected to restrictions that lengthen their sentence outside prison.

    The Saudi government imposes different types of restrictions on recently released persons. The most used restrictions are travel bans, often extended to their family members. The use of this measure appears worrying as it is used arbitrarily. Moreover, even when these travel bans expire, they are still not removed, and any attempt by people to appeal this is blocked.

    This happened to Loujain al-Hathloul, a women’s rights activist, on whom a travel ban has been imposed since her release in February 2021. Her ban was scheduled to expire in November 2023, but was not lifted. In December 2023, she filed a complaint against the Presidency of State Security, demanding that her travel restrictions be removed. Nine months later, her case came before the Diwan al-Mazalem (an administrative court), which could not address the case. When questioned about al-Hathloul’s complaint, State Security stated that it had not received the documents relating to the case. The judge, therefore, declared himself incompetent and dropped the case. To this day, al-Hathloul continues to be subjected to this measure.

    Saudi Arabia’s use of travel bans is, however, controversial. The Arab Charter on Human Rights, to which Saudi Arabia is a party, states in Art. 27: “No one may be arbitrarily or unlawfully prevented from leaving any country, including his own […]” Furthermore, the Saudi Travel Document Law also states in Art. 6 that a travel ban can only be imposed for specific security reasons and only for a limited period. Therefore, the way this type of restriction is used shows how arbitrary its application is. Indeed, it serves more as a means to control critical government voices and restrict their activities.

    Travel restrictions are not the only means used by the Saudi government against recently released persons. Some had to sign pledges prohibiting them from discussing public affairs, especially online. Some were also banned from receiving home visits. Many former inmates were also required to wear an electronic bracelet to monitor their movements. Others were threatened with re-arrest if they talked about the conditions in which they lived in prison.

    This type of restrictive measure places newly released persons in a new restrictive condition. As if this were not enough, such measures indirectly, and sometimes directly, affect their families. This can lead many families to live in great insecurity and fear. Moreover, the use of certain restrictions does not help the reintegration of former prisoners into society, leading them to drift away from it.

    Saudi Arabia is a country that wants to appear more open and progressive. For this reason, such an arbitrary use of restrictive measures on recently released persons is controversial. A country should help these people reintegrate into society and protect them, not impose further restrictions on them. The way the Saudi government silences dissidents and activists even after they have served their sentences is worrying. Therefore, these kinds of cases must be brought to light because this is the only way to keep the Saudi government accountable. This would also support all those activists and dissidents who must be free to express their opinions without fear of retaliatory acts.

    The post Post-Release Restrictions in Saudi Arabia: How Persecutions Continue Even After Serving the Sentence appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • On 30 January 2025, Saudi Arabia and the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) announced an agreement to open a regional office in Saudi Arabia to support law enforcement efforts across the Middle East and North Africa. This included plans for the new office to cooperate with regional structures such as the Arab Interiors Ministers’ Council (AIMC). While framed as a step toward regional security, this decision raises grave concerns about human rights in a region where Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and institutions like AIMC follow flawed legal frameworks that repress freedom of expression, extradite dissidents, and impose lengthy prison terms that risk inhumane treatment. In such an environment, establishing an INTERPOL office risks politicizing law enforcement activities and facilitating the misuse of the organization’s resources for repression.

    INTERPOL, as the world’s largest international policing body, facilitates cross-border collaboration among 196 member states by sharing and providing access to data on crimes and criminals. However, despite its potential for security, INTERPOL has long faced criticism for enabling human rights abuses through its mechanisms, particularly Red Notices and diffusions. These concerns have intensified under the leadership of its current president, Emirati General Ahmed Naser Al Raisi, who faces allegations of overseeing torture and political repression in the UAE. His election, along with growing financial contributions from Gulf states, has heightened fears over INTERPOL’s vulnerability to political influence.

    INTERPOL’s Red Notices and diffusions were designed to help locate and apprehend serious criminals. Red Notices are formal alerts issued by a country’s National Central Bureau (NCB) to facilitate the arrest or restriction of a wanted individual’s movement, leading to their eventual extradition to the requesting country. Diffusions are less formal alerts circulated directly among NCBs without oversight by INTERPOL’s General Secretariat, making them easier to abuse. Both systems face due process violations by GCC states, which often refrain from disclosing information regarding Red Notice requests, leaving individuals unaware until they are detained abroad. Diffusions are even more secretive; individuals may never learn they are listed unless they face detention, making it nearly impossible to challenge their cases. Investigations by Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) uncovered secret files on individuals, many of which were easily deleted once contested, suggesting they lacked a substantial legal basis. Despite this, engagement with INTERPOL was described as cumbersome and slow, prolonging uncertainty for those affected.

    Concrete cases illustrate the severe repercussions of abusing INTERPOL’s instruments. In 2021, Saudi-Australian dual national Osama al-Hasani was detained in Morocco under a Saudi-issued Red Notice and extradited to Saudi Arabia, despite the fact that his charges, relating to a car theft, had already been cleared. Similarly, Bahraini political dissident Ahmed Jaffer Muhammad was extradited from Serbia to Bahrain in 2022 based on a Red Notice, to serve a life sentence issued in his absence, despite the risk of torture he had previously endured at the hands of Bahraini authorities. These cases highlight how INTERPOL’s systems are increasingly weaponized to facilitate political persecution and violate the principle of non-refoulement under international human rights law.

    The decision to establish an INTERPOL office in Saudi Arabia underscores how international policing mechanisms risk being co-opted to serve authoritarian interests, rather than global security and justice. Without substantial reforms to strengthen transparency, human rights protections, and oversight, INTERPOL’s expansion in the Gulf could further enable transnational repression, undermining the organization’s credibility and contributing to the erosion of international human rights norms.

    The post Saudi Arabia’s New INTERPOL Office: A Dangerous Expansion of Transnational Repression appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Saudi Arabia has emerged as a central player in the global sports arena—not for athletic achievement,  but for its calculated use of high-profile events to rebrand its international image. This practice,  known as sportswashing, refers to the strategic deployment of sporting partnerships and events to  divert attention from ongoing human rights violations and bolster a reputation of progress and  modernity. Saudi Arabia’s rapid expansion into sports has included investments in tennis, the  acquisition of the 2034 FIFA World Cup, and hosting Formula 1 races in Jeddah, with the next Grand  Prix set for April 2025. These initiatives form part of a broader state-led strategy to reshape  international perception while repression continues at home.

    The urgency of scrutinizing this strategy is underscored by Saudi Arabia’s deeply troubling human  rights record. In 2024, the Kingdom carried out 330 executions, the highest number recorded in 30  years. Many of those executed were convicted in trials that lacked transparency or due process, and  some for charges related to political dissent. The legal infrastructure that enables this repression  includes the 2014 Penal Law of Crimes of Terrorism and its Financing, which criminalizes vaguely  defined acts such as “disrupting public order” or “harming the reputation of the state.” These  provisions are routinely used to silence peaceful dissent. The Specialized Criminal Court (SCC),  originally created to handle terrorism cases, now frequently targets activists and online critics. Even  digital expression is criminalized: individuals have received decades-long prison sentences for social  media posts. This systemic repression contrasts sharply with the kingdom’s efforts to portray itself as  a modern, tolerant society through international sport.

    One of the most telling examples of this disconnect is the Italian Super Cup, which returned to Riyadh  in January 2025. This match featured four of Italy’s top clubs—Inter Milan, AC Milan, Juventus, and  Atalanta—with AC Milan ultimately winning the tournament. The presence of Italy’s most celebrated  football teams in Saudi Arabia was not coincidental, but the result of a long-term commercial  agreement. The original deal, signed in 2018 between Serie A and the Saudi Ministry of Sport, brought  the Super Cup to Riyadh in 2019 and 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the following two  editions were held in Italy, delaying the full execution of the agreement. In 2023, the agreement was  renewed: four additional editions are now set to be played in Saudi Arabia over the course of six  seasons. With the 2024 and 2025 editions already hosted in Riyadh, two more Super Cups will be  held there in the next four years. The updated deal is worth €92 million, with €23 million paid by  Riyadh for each edition. Of that, €6.8 million goes to Serie A, and the remaining €16.2 million is  divided among the four participating clubs.

    The political justification for this partnership has been controversial. Italy’s Minister of Sport, Andrea  Abodi, defended the deal by claiming it contributed to “democracy and respect.” His remarks were  widely criticized, especially when weighed against Saudi Arabia’s documented repression. The  contradiction is even more glaring when viewed in light of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s past  criticism: while in opposition, she referred to the original 2018 agreement as “a shame.” Since taking  office, however, her government has not only remained silent on the renewed deal but has also lifted  a ban on arms sales to Saudi Arabia, authorizing €363 million in weapons exports in 2023 alone,

    Beyond a few critical voices in civil society and isolated political figures, Italy’s institutional response  to this partnership has been alarmingly muted. The normalization of Saudi Arabia as a commercial  partner and host country for major European sports events reflects a broader European trend. Spain

    has already hosted several editions of its “Supercopa” in Riyadh, and other leagues are increasingly  pursuing similar agreements. The appeal is simple: lucrative deals with little scrutiny. But this comes  at a cost. These partnerships lend international legitimacy to a regime that systematically silences  dissent and violates fundamental rights. They allow Saudi Arabia to craft an image of openness and  modernity, while the reality—mass executions, repression of expression, and gender-based  discrimination—remains largely unchallenged by its new European partners.

    Saudi Arabia’s hosting of the Italian Super Cup is more than a sporting event; it is a calculated move  in a broader strategy of reputation laundering. As football becomes an instrument of political soft  power, the silence of democratic institutions becomes more than passive—it becomes complicit. The  matches may last ninety minutes, but the consequences for human rights and credibility last much  longer.

    The post Saudi Arabia’s Sportswashing and the Italian Super Cup appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Amnesty International confirms 1,518 people executed in 2024 but says real total is likely to be thousands more

    More people were executed in 2024 than in any other year over the past decade, mainly reflecting a huge increase in executions in Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia, according to Amnesty International’s annual report on the use of the death penalty.

    The human rights NGO said that although the number of countries carrying out executions was the lowest on record, it had confirmed 1,518 executions globally in 2024, a 32% increase over the previous year and the highest since the 1,634 carried out in 2015.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Saudi Arabia is one of the few countries in the world that still actively enforces the death penalty. The kingdom’s justice system, rooted in Islamic Sharia law, mandates capital punishment for a range of offenses, including murder, terrorism, drug trafficking, apostasy, and sorcery.

    Although in 2022 the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has proposed changes to modernize laws, including reducing the use of the death penalty for non-violent offenses and forbidding the execution of individuals who committed crimes as minors, overall use of the death penalty remains high. In 2024, Saudi authorities carried out at least 338 executions, the highest number of executions recorded in the country since 1990. This event highlighted the ongoing tension between the kingdom’s reformist image and its adherence to strict legal punishments.

    Individuals convicted of terrorism-related activities are frequently executed, with Saudi authorities asserting that harsh penalties serve as a deterrent. Yet, this charge is often used against those who have participated in anti-government protests. For instance, in April 2024 Saudi Arabia’s court of appeal approved death sentences for two Saudi men, Yousif al-Manasif and Ali al-Mabyook, for protest-related crimes allegedly committed when they were between the ages of 14 and 17.

    Moreover, the country is planning to execute six Shia citizens, including five who were minors during the 2011-2012 pro-democracy protests and one businessman. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention found their imprisonment violated multiple human rights categories, including lack of legal basis, unfair trials, and discrimination against the Shia minority. Some were prosecuted under Saudi Arabia’s controversial counter-terrorism law.

    Many executions are mainly related to alleged drug smuggling with Saudi Arabia maintaining a strict zero-tolerance policy on drug trafficking and smuggling. In 2024, Saudi authorities executed around 50 individuals solely for drug-related offences compared to two executions for the same crime were documented in the country in 2023.

    Moreover, this practice disproportionately affects the disadvantaged and the victims of discrimination such as foreign workers and women. Indeed, an increase in the executions of foreign nationals and women has been reported. Most of the women were foreign, including four Nigerians, all of whom were executed for drug-related offences. Executions of foreign nationals also rose, with 138 killed, up from 38 in 2023.

    Sentences are often handed down by judges who have broad discretionary powers, leading to concerns over the consistency and fairness of rulings. Also, many capital offenses do now follow clear defining guidelines.

    At the same time, Saudi authorities are spending billions to transform the country’s reputation and present a more modern, progressive image to the world. As part of these efforts, the kingdom has hosted major sporting events, music festivals, and cultural exhibitions, attracting global celebrities and investors to distract the international community from ongoing human rights violations such as the mass executions.

    ADHRB denounces the persistence of the death penalty, especially when the individuals were minors at the time of the crime. Also, the executions reflect systemic discrimination, particularly against the Shia minority, who are disproportionately targeted under vague anti-terrorism laws. Finally, ADHRB calls on Saudi authorities to immediately halt executions, implement judicial reforms ensuring fair trials, and comply with international conventions prohibiting capital punishment for minors. It also urges the global community to hold Saudi Arabia accountable for these human rights violations.

    The post Saudi Arabia’s Death Penalty: A Tension Between Reform and Repression appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Watan News on 30 March 2025 came with a rather remarkable story about the UAE’s covert efforts to damage Qatar and Saudi Arabia’s reputations through paid campaigns using African NGOs Human rights sources in Geneva. Whether this is all true or not I cannot say, but it is worth reporting on.

    Watan writes that “human rights circles in Geneva’ have revealed the United Arab Emirates’ involvement in leading coordinated incitement campaigns against its adversaries, using African organizations in exchange for financial bribes to attack Abu Dhabi’s opponents and whitewash its own dire human rights record. According to the source, Abu Dhabi’s campaign aims to bring in so-called “victims,” such as migrant workers, to testify before the UN Human Rights Council in an effort to damage Qatar’s international reputation.

    Reliable reports indicate that the UAE has continuously funded this campaign over the past three years. Several human rights organizations and active institutions in Geneva have reportedly received large sums of money to support anti-Qatar activities. The funds are reportedly channeled through the UAE Embassy in Geneva and a key intermediary, Issa Al-Arabi, a Bahraini national who acts as a liaison for the UAE in supporting various rights groups at the UN.

    According to the source, the campaign is being executed by the Rencontre Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (African Meeting for the Defense of Human Rights) under the leadership of Nishkarsh Singh, along with the Tomoko Development and Cultural Union (TACUDU) led by Fazal-ur-Rehman, and the International Network for Human Rights (INHR).

    Another UN source said that the UAE’s campaign is coordinated by key figures within the diplomatic and human rights community in Geneva and Washington, primarily operating within the INHR network.

    This organization plays a major role in organizing human rights events at the UN, with a team of participating legal and diplomatic experts.

    Notable individuals involved include:

    • Biro Diawara – A veteran human rights activist in Geneva for over 20 years, representing African civil society including journalists, parliamentarians, religious leaders, and human rights defenders. He has strong ties to African delegations in New York, Geneva, and the continent, with a focus on Sudan, West Africa, and his native Guinea.
    • Clément N. Voule – Former UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association. After completing his term in the summer of 2024, he joined the Geneva Human Rights Institute in September. A Togolese international lawyer, he specializes in human rights and security sector reform and holds multiple roles within Geneva’s human rights community.
    • Jane Galvão – Director of Resource Mobilization at INHR and Global Health Advisor. With over 20 years of experience managing health programs, she has worked on infectious diseases and women’s and children’s health, managing over $750 million in funding for organizations like UNITAID and WHO.
    • Eric N. Richardson – Founding President of INHR. A former U.S. diplomat and attorney, he led the U.S. team at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva from 2013 to 2016. With experience in countries like China, North Korea, Libya, Tunisia, New Zealand, and Israel, he now focuses on mediation efforts with Amnesty International and teaches law at the University of Michigan and UC Berkeley.
    • John Shyamana – Expert in Social and Economic Rights, New York. With over 30 years of experience, he specializes in child policy, labor rights, and social welfare, having worked with the U.S. Congress and state legislatures on legislative and advocacy efforts.
    • Kumar – Senior Human Rights Advisor, Washington D.C. Former Advocacy Director for Amnesty International USA. With more than two decades of experience, he has championed human rights and humanitarian causes worldwide, particularly in Asia, Afghanistan, and Myanmar.
    • Jeff Landsman – Managing Director and Treasurer at INHR. A certified financial planner and seasoned international buyer, he oversees the institute’s financial operations and strategic planning.
    • Asel Alimbayeva – Program Officer and Director, INHR Geneva. Fluent in English, French, Russian, and Kazakh. She has worked at the UN Office in Geneva and Kazakhstan’s Permanent Mission, leading social media and HR operations at the institute.
    • Pedro Cherinos Terrones – Legal Advisor, Lima. A Peruvian lawyer specializing in international trade, business law, human rights, and compliance with international law.
    • Sean Wessing – AI and Innovation Specialist, Bologna. Holds dual Master’s degrees from SAIS–Johns Hopkins and Bologna Business School. Leads fundraising and AI governance projects at INHR.
    • Zaf Haseem – Videographer and Reconciliation Specialist, Asia. A conflict mediator who has worked in Sri Lanka, Burma, Indonesia, and the Central African Republic, using film as a training tool for peacebuilding.

    UAE’s Smear Campaign Targeting Qatar and Saudi Arabia

    Diplomatic sources indicate that the UAE is recruiting African civil society organizations to conduct media and human rights attacks against Qatar. These efforts are expected to intensify during the UN Human Rights Council sessions in June and September 2025, with a major campaign planned for the September session. Additionally, the UAE is reportedly preparing similar activities within the African Union Commission, targeting both Qatar and Saudi Arabia as part of its escalating geopolitical rivalry in Africa.

    These developments underscore rising regional tensions in Africa, where the UAE is leveraging human rights tools and diplomatic influence to advance its political agenda.

    They also raise serious concerns about the independence of some Geneva-based human rights organizations, which are increasingly being used as instruments of political influence rather than neutral advocacy.

    https://www.watanserb.com/en/2025/03/30/uae-accused-of-funding-smear-campaigns-through-african-ngos/?amp=1

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) participated in the 58th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), held from 24 February to 4 April 2025.

    During this session, ADHRB delivered 13 oral interventions across four items, highlighting various human rights violations in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE.

    ADHRB delivered 11 interventions on Bahrain’s human rights situation under items 2, 3, 4, and 5. Under item 3, a 12th intervention highlighted Saudi Arabia’s religious persecution of Shia. Under item 5, a 13th intervention addressed the UAE’s crackdown on human rights defenders, highlighting the case of detained activist Ahmed Mansoor. Additionally, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the Annual Debate on the Rights of Disabled People and another intervention at the Annual Discussion on Children’s Rights.

    Item 2

    Under Item 2, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the General Debate on 4 March 2025, highlighting Bahrain’s ongoing retaliatory measures against political prisoners in Jau Prison. Prisoners face beatings, 24-hour handcuffing, isolation, medical neglect, and denial of basic rights. The intervention noted the severe health deterioration of prisoners like Rajaie Ali Baddaw, who is denied medical care despite serious heart and respiratory issues. ADHRB urged the international community to take immediate action to pressure Bahrain to end these abuses and uphold international human rights standards.

    Item 3

    Under Item 3, ADHRB delivered four interventions on 4, 17, and 21 March 2025, during the General Debate and Interactive Dialogues (ID) with the Special Rapporteurs on minority issues and on torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.

    In an intervention delivered on 3 March during the ID with the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, ADHRB drew the council’s attention to ongoing torture in Bahrain’s prisons, where political prisoners, particularly minors, face beatings, humiliation, prolonged isolation, and medical neglect. The intervention exposed Bahraini authorities’ systematic use of torture to extract confessions and silence dissent, in blatant violation of international law. It also cited cases like Abbas Muslem Juma, arbitrarily arrested and beaten during interrogation, and Mohammed Isa Khatam, punished with isolation and communication deprivation simply for speaking loudly.

    In an intervention delivered during the General Debate under Item 3 on 17 March 2025, ADHRB highlighted the continued detention of senior Bahraini opposition leaders and human rights defenders since 2011, despite repeated UN calls for their immediate release and urgent medical care. The intervention highlighted the ongoing suffering of 77-year-old opposition leader Hasan Mushaima, who suffers from chronic illnesses and faces life-threatening medical neglect. It also addressed the case of AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, subjected to serious violations, including prolonged solitary confinement and medical neglect, resulting in health deterioration.

    On 17 March 2025, during the General Debate under Item 3, ADHRB delivered an intervention exposing Bahrain’s continued detention of political prisoners convicted on terrorism charges based on confessions extracted under torture. The intervention highlighted ongoing violations against prisoners like AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, who continue to face serious violations, including prolonged isolation and medical neglect, endangering their lives. It also raised the case of Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji, sentenced to life imprisonment in an unfair trial relying on coerced confessions extracted under torture.

    On 21 March 2025, during the ID under Item 3 with the Special Rapporteur on minority issues, ADHRB delivered an intervention highlighting Saudi Arabia’s systematic discrimination against Shia Muslims. The intervention highlighted the prohibition on building mosques, restrictions on religious freedom, and the promotion of hate speech in school curricula. It also exposed the continued marginalization of Shias, their exclusion from senior positions despite promises of reform, and the widespread repression of Shia activists, who face arbitrary arrests and unfair sentences, including the death penalty, for participating in peaceful protests.

    Item 4

    During the Item 4 General Debate on 20 and 21 March 2025, ADHRB delivered three interventions.

    On 20 March 2025, ADHRB delivered an intervention under Item 4, highlighting Bahrain’s ongoing retaliation against human rights defenders, citing the case of released defender Naji Fateel and the re-arrest of activist Ali AlHajee. The intervention highlighted the ongoing arbitrary restrictions imposed on Naji Fateel after his release, hindering his reintergration into society, and emphasized that Ali AlHajee’s re-arrest for his human rights activism reflects Bahrain’s continued use of laws to silence and punish peaceful dissent.

    On March 20, under Item 4, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention highlighting the escalating degrading treatment of political prisoners in Jau Prison in violation of the Nelson Mandela Rules. The intervention highlighted worsening medical neglect, with prisoners denied necessary healthcare despite suffering from serious illnesses. It also stressed that these arbitrary practices are intended to suppress demands for improved prison conditions, in blatant violation of international human rights standards.

    In its intervention under Item 4 on 21 March 2025, ADHRB urged Bahrain to end the systematic religious repression of Shia political prisoners, guarantee their right to worship, and cease all forms of collective punishment based on their beliefs. The intervention highlighted that prisoners seeking to exercise their religious rights face increasing reprisals, including threats of solitary confinement and arbitrary transfer to harsher conditions. It also noted that authorities are imposing arbitrary restrictions on religious books and copies of the Quran, attempting to deprive Shia prisoners of any means to express their beliefs.

    Item 5

    On 21 March 2025, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council under Item 5, expressing deep concern over Bahrain’s targeting of human rights defenders. The intervention highlighted the imprisonment of defenders for extended periods and the retaliation against those released, such as activist Ali AlHajee. ADHRB emphasized that Bahrain’s continued targeting of human rights defenders marks a dangerous escalation of repressive measures aimed at silencing dissenting voices and intimidating activists. It also noted that these practices violate Bahrain’s international obligations and call for urgent international intervention to protect human rights and halt all forms of reprisals against activists.

    On 21 March, under Item 5, ADHRB delivered an intervention drawing the council’s attention to the continued detention and ill-treatment of prominent elderly human rights defenders in Bahrain, imprisoned since 2011 for their activism and engagement with UN mechanisms. The intervention cited cases like Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, who suffers from chronic illnesses and is denied medical care, and AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, whose health is deteriorating due to medical neglect. ADHRB stressed that the continued detention and mistreatment of prominent elderly human rights defenders, including Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, Hasan Mushaima, and AbdulWahab Husain Ismaeel, reflects Bahrain’s blatant disregard for international human rights standards. It urged the council to take immediate action to pressure Bahrain to provide necessary medical care and secure their immediate release.

    On March 21, under Item 5, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Emirati human rights defender Ahmed Mansoor. The intervention highlighted that Mansoor has been held in harsh conditions since his arrest in 2017, where he was subjected to an unfair trial on fabricated charges linked to his peaceful activism and engagement with UN mechanisms. It also noted his physical torture, denial of healthcare, and denial of contact with his family, all constituting blatant human rights violations.

    Annual debates

    During the annual debates, ADHRB delivered two interventions at the 58th session of the Human Rights Council: one during the Annual Debate on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and another during the Annual Discussion on the Rights of the Child.

     On 10 March 2025, during the Annual Debate on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, ADHRB condemned Bahrain’s medical neglect of political prisoners with disabilities, highlighting the case of Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace. The intervention expressed grave concern over Bahrain’s continued denial of healthcare and reasonable accommodations to political prisoners, particularly those with physical disabilities. It highlighted the case of Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, an activist suffering from post-polio syndrome who has been in detention for 14 years. Despite suffering from severe joint pain and a lack of adequate medical care, Bahraini authorities refuse to provide him with the necessary care, including appropriate crutches and medical slippers.

    On 13 March 2025, during the Annual Discussion on the Rights of the Child, ADHRB expressed deep concern over Bahrain’s blatant violations against minors in detention centers, which contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The intervention highlighted the arbitrary arrest of minors on political charges without warrants, their prolonged pretrial detention, and enforced disappearance. It also exposed their torture and denial of education, jeopardizing their futures.

    Through its participation in HRC58, ADHRB raised international awareness of ongoing human rights violations in Bahrain and the region. Its interventions shed light on critical issues, including political repression, torture, religious discrimination, and the dire conditions of political prisoners and detained children. These interventions serve as an urgent call for the international community to take concrete action to uphold human rights, pressure the concerned governments, and strengthen accountability to achieve justice for victims.

    The post An Overview of ADHRB’s Participation in the 58th Session of the Human Rights Council appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • On March 21, 2025, Americans for Democracy and human rights in Bahrain delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council. In its intervention under Item 4, ADHRB highlighted the systematic discrimination against Shias in #SaudiArabia, including restrictions on mosques, religious freedom, exclusion from senior positions, & school curriculums promoting hate speech.

    We draw the Council’s attention to the systematic discrimination against Shia Muslims in Saudi Arabia.

    Despite the Kingdom’s reform pledges, discriminatory policies persist. Shias are barred from building mosques and religious centers, and their freedom to worship and practice rituals is restricted. Competent Shia individuals are excluded from senior government and security roles, and they face economic and developmental marginalization, despite the wealth generated by their regions. Additionally, school curriculums promote hate speech against their beliefs, entrenching a culture of discrimination against this minority.

    Shia activists and human rights defenders face extensive repression, with arbitrary arrests and trials that lack the most basic standards of justice. Recently, death sentences were handed down to five young Shia men and a businessman – some arrested as minors – on charges related to their participation in peaceful protests.

     In light of these ongoing violations, what concrete actions can the international community and the Human Rights Council take to hold Saudi authorities accountable and ensure the protection of Shia minority rights?

    The post ADHRB at HRC58 calls for Action on Discrimination Against Shia Muslims in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • The key decision was when Barack Obama finally decided in December 2012 to arm al-Qaeda in Syria so as to bring down Syria’s Government. That culminated a U.S. policy since 1949, which was aimed against Russia and against Palestinians.

    It is an established fact that U.S. President Obama, Hillary Clinton, Chuck Hagel, and the rest of Obama’s Administration, were seeking to replace the non-sectarian Assad Government in Syria, by a government that would please the fundamentalist-Sunni, or “Salafist,” Saud family, who own Saudi Arabia. Throughout the U.S.-and-allied media, the only problem in Syria was Bashar al-Assad, who led that country, and therefore regime-change was supposed to be the solution for Syria, though the only Syrians who supported overthrowing Assad were a small minority, jihadists led by Syria’s al-Qaeda, and in Syria’s northeast, separatist Kurds also supported overthrowing Assad, because they wanted to create a Kurdistan, which would be the first Kurdish nation. The press throughout the U.S. empire hid from the public the fact that the U.S. was supporting al-Qaeda in Syria. For example, on 13 January 2017, the BBC, one of the U.S. Government’s most reliable propaganda agencies (though not from the U.S. Government), headlined “Obama’s Syria legacy: Measured diplomacy, strategic explosion“, and opened:

    How did a man who took office espousing a new era of engagement with the world end up a spectator to this century’s greatest humanitarian catastrophe? …

    Despite the pressing moral imperative, Obama remained convinced a military intervention would be a costly failure.

    He believed there was no way the US could help win the war [a civil war there, which he himself had helped to produce] and keep the peace without a commitment of tens of thousands of troops. The battlefield was too complex: fragmented into dozens of armed groups and supported by competing regional and international powers.

    However, on 12 August 2012, Obama was warned by the Defense Intelligence Agency that “THERE IS THE POSSIBILITY OF ESTABLISHING A DECLARED OR UNDECLARED SALAFIST PRINCIPALITY IN EASTERN SYRIA (HASAKA AND DER ZOR), AND THIS IS EXACTLY WHAT THE SUPPORTING POWERS TO THE OPPOSITION [to Syria’s Government] WANT, IN ORDER TO ISOLATE [actually replace] THE SYRIAN REGIME.” Then in December 2012, Obama settled upon his policy of arming the jihadists in Syria under al-Qaeda’s leadership, and using circuitous ways of getting to the jihadists weapons from around the world, so as to hide America’s involvement as the chief coordinator and funder. The world’s largest Embassy, America’s in Iraq, was running this operation. Each year, the main decisions for this operation were being made not only by Obama but at the annual private Bilderberg conferences, which bring together over a hundred top aristocrats from each NATO country so as to provide the coming year’s guidance to NATO’s Secretary General. Although some of the attendees there were currently holding a public office in their country, many did not but instead were multibillionaires or otherwise top consultants to billionaires; so, the Bilderberg conferences are officially private, not at all public; and, in the United States and its allied countries, there is nothing illegal about major decisions concerning war and peace and other major Governmental policies being determined entirely in secret and off-the-record, in these ‘democracies’. From a policy-standpoint in the collective West — this bastion of ‘democracies’ against ‘tyrannies’ — the U.S.-and-allied countries have developed a very efficient system that essentially no longer needs the public, who are no longer real participants to be informed but have become instead mere subjects to be deceived and pay taxes so as to fund these Governments to do the work that those masters (U.S.-and-allied billionaires) want to be done (even if for ONLY private reasons).

    On March 11, I headlined “America won in Syria and continues to win there; the massacres are now accelerating.” Because Obama-Biden-Trump got their Syrian al-Qaeda proxy-army to final victory and it is doing there what al-Qaeda does, this is an American-Government success-story that America’s Government DON’T want to brag about nor even to acknowledge publicly. We slaughtered madly in Korea and in Vietnam and in Iraq and in Afghanistan and in Libya, and by using coups and proxy-armies in Ukraine and in so many other countries; but America’s victory in Syria is one that ‘our’ ‘news’-media are NOT reporting, because they don’t want us to know about it.

    The post US and EU Supported al-Qaeda in Syria first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Mahra, a 31-year-old mother of four who was expecting her fifth child, is one of 4.5 million people displaced by the ongoing conflict in Yemen, which has been heavily fomented by international powers, particularly the UK. The country faces extreme famine and drought, leaving 21 million people in dire need of humanitarian aid.

    While attempting to fetch water, Mahra collapsed, highlighting the daily struggles faced by those in war-torn regions. Fortunately, she received medical care funded by the United Nations, but tragically, her unborn child did not survive.

    This incident underscores the severe consequences of the conflict, which has intensified over the years.

    Yemen: a war waged by Saudi Arabia – with complicity from the UK

    In the UK parliament, MPs recently defended an increase in military spending by the government, without reflecting on the implications of such funding. This was in tandem with a cut to the foreign aid budget.

    Since 2015, more than half of the combat aircraft used by Saudi Arabia in bombing campaigns against Yemen have been supplied by the UK, with British arms companies earning over £6 billion from these sales. These military actions have killed over 150,000 people and set off widespread crises of disease and famine.

    Criticism has arisen regarding the government’s decision to cut foreign aid in favour of military spending. This decision is not only detrimental to those suffering from conflict, such as people in Yemen, but also perpetuates the very conditions that lead to war.

    Around 80% of the world’s poorest countries either are currently experiencing or have recently faced violent conflict. A comprehensive approach to foreign policy would aim to address the causes of war, rather than deepen existing insecurities.

    The government has also taken steps to target “illegal” migrants (even though there’s no such thing), showcasing a strategy that appears to neglect the plight of vulnerable individuals, both domestically and abroad. Cuts to essential support systems often affect the poorest members of society, raising questions about governmental priorities.

    The right focus for the rich – the wrong focus for the rest of us

    As the anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine arrives, the devastation caused by war is called into question. Amid ongoing tragedies, there is an urgent need to emphasise peace over militarism. The effects of violent conflict go beyond the battlefield, impacting mothers and families worldwide, leading to loss and grief.

    Simultaneously, the looming threat of climate crisis disaster remains largely unaddressed. Individuals are dying from the consequences of droughts and flooding, yet their struggles receive little attention in political discourse.

    The UK government’s focus seems reserved for those who benefit economically from warfare, with assertions from officials likening military expenditure to economic growth. This perspective raises concerns about the prioritisation of military funding over sustainable solutions that could genuinely foster safety and stability.

    Critics argue that governments should rethink their approach to safety and security. For every pound spent on military solutions, there are pressing needs for investment in renewable energy and resources that could preserve life and promote a healthier planet. To build a secure and equitable society, prioritising a collaborative approach rather than militarisation could pave the way for a more peaceful world.

    As conflicts around the globe, such as in Yemen and Ukraine, rage on, the focus of political leaders must shift to ensure they consider the profound impacts of their policies on the lives of those caught in turmoil.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • The Ukrainian war, which began in 2014 as a civil conflict and led to Russia’s intervention eight years later in February 2022, appeared headed to a resolution after top U.S. and Russian officials met in the Saudi capital Riyadh on Tuesday, incensing European and Ukrainian leaders who were excluded.

    Speaking to reporters after meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov on Tuesday, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio laid out what was accomplished in Riyadh.

    He said four principles had been agreed to: restoring ties by reopening diplomatic missions; the U.S. would appoint a high-level team to achieve “the end of the conflict in Ukraine” that is “enduring” and acceptable to all parties; the countries would work together towards economic cooperation; and the participants at the Tuesday meeting to remain engaged.

    The post End In Sight For Ukraine War After Riyadh Meeting appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • A group of half a dozen young activists staged a third peaceful sit-in at the Bristol Broadmead branch of Barclays Bank. It follows similar protests against the bank in October and December last year.

    Barclays: wrecking the planet

    Activists from Extinction Rebellion Youth Bristol (XRYB) entered the bank branch at around 10am on Saturday 15 February with the aim of engaging customers about what they see as the problems with Barclays, and to encourage them to stop banking there:

    Barclays

    Barclays

    The protests staged by XRYB previously drew significant public attention and customer interest.

    The action by XRYB coincided with a vigil by Cristian Climate Action Bristol (CCA) in protest against the bank, resulting in a significant activist presence both inside and outside the Bristol branch.

    Rather than making demands of Barclays who are a global financial superpower, ranking in the top five largest European banks, the XRYB activists are seeking to increase customer awareness of how the bank invests its money, and of alternative banks that XRYB consider preferable.

    Barclays are a significant global investor in fossil fuels, at a time when a rapid transition to renewable energy is essential in the face of the climate crisis. Barclays is ranked the number one investor in fossil fuels in Europe, and seventh biggest in the world, having financed around $167 billion in fossil fuels between 2015 and 2021. It is also the 4th biggest financer of Arctic fossil fuel extraction.

    As well as its destructive fossil fuel funding, Barclays is a major financer of the global arms trade. This includes funding the sale of weapons to be used in Yemen and major investment in arms companies whose technologies are being used for genocide in Palestine.

    According to Palestine Solidarity Campaign, Barclays bank now holds over £2 billion in shares, and provides £6.1 billion in loans and underwriting to companies used by Israel against Palestine.

    Close your accounts

    A young person from XRYB expressed their concern over Barclays’ investment policies:

    Barclays is a major investment bank and currently has over a billion pounds of investments in companies whose weapons, components, and military tech have been used in unlawful violence against Palestinians. They are also a significant investor in fossil fuels, so are not only funding the deaths of Palestinian people but are also sacrificing our planet’s future for profit.

    Bella, another XRYB member, appealed to those who bank there:

    You have the power to make a difference. Historically boycott, divest, and sanction tactics work to make change, such as in the cases of racist practices in Bristol bus networks and against South African apartheid. Barclays are using your money to fund genocide and using the profits to make themselves richer. They are not your friends. There are numerous alternative banks such as Triodos, Nationwide, and Monzo who will use your money more responsibly and even offer better value!.

    Featured image and additional images supplied

    By The Canary

  • Saudi Arabia, home to millions of migrant workers, heavily relies on foreign labor for domestic work, primarily women working as housemaids, nannies, and caregivers, which are a significant part of the country’s labor force. However, despite their essential role in the country’s households, migrant domestic workers, primarily from Southeast Asia and Africa, face widespread discrimination, exploitative working conditions, and legal barriers that strip them of fundamental rights.

    The Saudi labor system, particularly the kafala system, places an extraordinary amount of power in the hands of employers, leaving domestic workers vulnerable to abuse. Many workers find themselves subjected to passport confiscation, preventing them from leaving abusive workplaces or even returning home. Furthermore, unlike other foreign residents in Saudi Arabia who may qualify for long-term residency, migrant domestic workers are completely barred from obtaining Saudi citizenship, no matter how long they have lived and worked in the country.

    Despite Saudi laws prohibiting employers from holding workers’ passports, the practice remains common. Many migrant workers arrive in Saudi Arabia under the assumption that they will be able to retain their personal identification documents, yet they have their documents seized once they arrive in the country. Without identification or travel documents, these workers are left powerless, unable to escape exploitative conditions or seek legal protection, trapping them in their employer’s household.

    The passport confiscation leads to severe consequences such as an increased vulnerability to abuse, limited access to justice, and restriction of movement. In some cases, passport confiscation leads to conditions of forced labor and modern slavery.

    For example, Kenyan single mothers in Saudi Arabia face significant challenges as their children are denied birth certificates, thus they cannot obtain medical care, education, and exit visas. Hence, The mothers, many of whom fled abusive employers, find themselves trapped, unable to secure their children’s rights or return home. This situation highlights the broader issues of migrant workers’ rights and the legal hurdles faced by children born outside of marriage in Saudi Arabia

    Saudi Arabia does not grant citizenship to migrant domestic workers, no matter how long they have lived or worked in the country. Without citizenship, migrant workers remain subject to restrictive labor laws and cannot access key rights, such as social security, health care, or legal representation. Also, workers must constantly renew their visas, leaving them at the mercy of employers or facing the threat of deportation.

    In 2021, Saudi Arabia introduced the Premium Residency Program, which allows certain skilled foreign workers to obtain long-term residency, yet this option is largely inaccessible to domestic workers due to high fees and strict eligibility requirements.

    While Saudi authorities have made efforts to abolish some elements of the kafala system, enforcement remains weak and meaningful reforms are not implemented, leaving many domestic workers without passports nor citizenship. Domestic workers who report abuse often find themselves punished or deported instead of receiving justice.

    ADHRB calls on Saudi authorities to apply strict enforcement of laws against passport confiscation and pathways to permanent residency or citizenship. Also, ADHRB urges the Kingdom to abolish discriminatory policies that deny domestic migrant workers basic human rights and take immediate action to ensure they are treated with dignity and respect.

    The post Discrimination Against Migrant Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia: Passport Confiscation and Denial of Citizenship appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • The testimony of Mark Smith, former diplomat and policy adviser at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Officepublished in the Guardian on 10 February 2025, confirms exactly what Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) has argued for decades: the UK’s arms export control system is rotten to its core.

    Mark Smith exposed a system rotten to the core

    Mark Smith’s testimony raises fundamental questions about why the system works in this way and why successive governments have bent over backwards to justify selling arms despite knowing they’ll be used to commit or facilitate horrific war crimes. CAAT argues that the answer lies in the power and influence of the arms trade.

    In August 2024, Smith resigned over the UK government’s refusal to halt arms sales to Israel amid the bombardment of Gaza, following a year of internal lobbying and whistleblowing.

    As an official responsible for assessing Saudi Arabia’s compliance with International Humanitarian law (IHL) in Yemen, Mark Smith was repeatedly told to revise or “rebalance” his reports to make them less damning of Saudi’s conduct, and to give an appearance of “progress”.

    Officials were told to delete correspondence that gave a more negative picture. Ministers employed delaying tactics and repeated requests for “more evidence”, even when the picture of serious violations was clear.

    CAAT’s 2024 report on political influence revealed the disturbing level of access and influence the arms industry has on the UK government. This included BAE Systems having more meetings with ministers, and more with prime ministers, than any other private company.

    On average, between 2009-19, senior government officials and ministers met with their arms industry counterparts 1.64 times a day. This level of influence buys government complicity and makes a mockery of international law in order to safeguard arms dealers’ profits.

    Racism and colonialism in action

    CAAT further argues that underpinning this is the racism and colonialism that is still at the heart of UK foreign policy. It doesn’t matter if this means arming human rights abusing dictators and genocidal regimes – and it doesn’t matter if Black and Brown people are murdered with UK supplied weapons and parts – if this helps pursue a supposed ‘stability’ that promotes US/UK interests.

    CAAT’s media coordinator Emily Apple said:

    Thousands of campaigners across the UK have been vindicated, but it’s too late for tens of thousands of Palestinian and Yemeni people killed with weapons and components exported from the UK.

    Successive governments have manipulated evidence to knowingly and willingly facilitate war crimes and genocide to safeguard arms dealers’ profits. This has to stop.  This has to be the wake up call to take action, reduce the power of the arms trade lobby, and demand a systemic change in our arms export licensing system.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • In Saudi Arabia, the Shia Muslim community, constituting around 12 percent of the population, has long faced systemic discrimination and restrictions on religious freedom. This marginalization permeates various aspects of life, including religious practices, education, employment, and the justice system. Also, the community has been excluded from certain public sector jobs, and has suffered from economic neglect by Saudi state institutions.

    The Saudi government’s strict interpretation of Sunni Islam often results in limitations on Shia religious practices. Indeed, a royal decree issued in 2014 imposes prison sentences of up to 20 years for atheism and places restrictions on the religious activities of Shiite and Sufi Muslims. The construction of Shia mosques is heavily regulated through licensing requirements and is only permitted in the Eastern Province, where the Shia population is concentrated. Also, authorities have demolished Shia religious structures and restricted communal religious observances. For instance, in December 2020, the government ordered the demolition of a mosque in al-Awamiyah, a town with a significant Shia population.

    Furthermore, the national education curriculum in Saudi Arabia has been criticized for promoting an anti-Shia narrative. Shia religious seminaries are absent and the publication and distribution of Shia religious material is forbidden within Saudi borders. Shia students face discrimination within the educational system, and Shia educators are frequently excluded from teaching religious subjects or attaining leadership positions in schools.

    Employment discrimination against Shia Muslims is prevalent, particularly in government and security sectors. Shia individuals often find it challenging to secure or advance in government positions, and they are notably underrepresented in high-ranking roles within the military and police forces. This systemic exclusion limits economic opportunities and perpetuates social disparities.

    The Saudi judicial system, grounded in Sunni interpretations of Islamic law, exhibits bias against Shia Muslims. Shia defendants frequently receive disproportionately harsh sentences, and their testimonies may be undervalued or dismissed in court proceedings. For instance, religious discussions involving religious topics can result in severe punishment.

    In extreme cases, social discrimination escalated in violent attacks against Shia Muslims. For example, between 2015 and 2016, several attacks targeted Shia mosques and religious gatherings in the Eastern Province, resulting in numerous fatalities and injuries.

    Despite the Kingdom’s Vision 2030 initiative, which aims to modernize the country and improve its global image, the systemic discrimination against the Shia community persists. In 2024, Saudi Arabia executed 330 people, the highest number in decades, with many executions related to non-lethal offenses such as drug smuggling and dissent. Human rights organizations have raised concerns that these executions disproportionately affect Shia Muslims and individuals expressing dissenting views.

    ADHRB calls on the Saudi authorities to amend the 1992 Basic Law which establishes the Quran and the Sunnah as the foundation of the country’s legal framework and rather introduce reforms to promote inclusivity, protect religious diversity, and uphold the rights of all citizens, regardless of their sectarian affiliation. Also, ADHRB urges the international community to further investigate the lawfulness of arrests and detention and pressure Saudi Arabia to respect freedom of worship.

    The post Systemic Discrimination and Religious Repression: The Shia Struggle for Equality in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Wollongong manufacturer Hysata will build a commercial-scale demonstration hydrogen production system with its ultra efficient electrolysers in Saudia Arabia in a tie up with an energy giant powering the Kingdom’s ambitious urban and industrial development. Hysata announced this week it has reached an agreement with ACWA Power to deliver commercial scale demonstrations of its high-efficiency…

    The post Wollongong hydrogen pioneer links with Saudi energy giant appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.

  • In an opinion piece on February 3, 2025, influential Prince Turki Al Faisal, the former Saudi ambassador to Washington and London and director-general of Saudi Arabia’s intelligence agency gives President Trump a history lesson about the Palestinian struggle and the probable Saudi official response to Trump’s off-the-wall declaration that the U.S. will “own Gaza and turn it into a resort.”

    In a slap in the face of Israel and the United States, Prince Turki stated that if Palestinians in Gaza are moved, “they should be allowed to return to their homes and to their orange and olive groves in Haifa, Jaffa and other towns and villages from which they fled or were forcibly driven out by the Israelis.”

    The post Influential Saudi Arabia Leader Tells Trump To Pound Sand On Relocation Of Palestinians appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • For decades, Indian workers have sought employment in the Gulf region, lured by the promise of higher wages and better opportunities. However, for many, this dream quickly turns into a nightmare of abuse, exploitation, and modern-day slavery. Saudi Arabia, one of the largest employers of migrant labour from India, has repeatedly come under scrutiny for its treatment of foreign workers. Reports from human rights organisations, journalists, and advocacy groups have highlighted the systemic violations of labour rights that leave thousands of Indian workers vulnerable and trapped in brutal conditions.

    At the heart of this exploitation is the kafala system, a sponsorship mechanism that ties migrant workers to their employers. Under this system, workers cannot change jobs, leave the country, or even challenge workplace abuse without the permission of their employer. This effectively grants employers unchecked power over workers, leading to rampant mistreatment and forced labour. Many Indian workers arrive in Saudi Arabia unaware of these restrictions, only to find themselves trapped with little to no recourse.

    A 2014 Amnesty International report documented widespread abuse faced by Indian workers in the Gulf. Some of the most egregious violations include withholding of wages, where employers frequently delay or deny payments, forcing workers to survive in extreme poverty. Employers also confiscate workers’ passports, ensuring they cannot leave or seek help. Many labourers work in life-threatening environments without adequate safety measures, leading to severe injuries or even death. Some workers, especially domestic workers, report being subjected to beatings, sexual violence, and harassment. Additionally, recruitment agencies and middlemen often deceive workers about job conditions, trapping them in inhumane employment.

    Reports have shared harrowing testimonies from Indian workers who have suffered under this exploitative system. Many migrant workers arrive in the Gulf with the hope of earning a better livelihood, only to find themselves trapped in gruelling conditions. They are often deceived by false promises of high-paying jobs, only to be forced into working excessively long hours without proper compensation. Employers frequently confiscate their passports, stripping them of their freedom and leaving them unable to escape their dire circumstances. Many are housed in overcrowded, unsanitary accommodations and face constant fear of retaliation if they attempt to resist or escape. In some cases, those who try to flee are apprehended, detained, and deported without receiving any of the wages they were owed.

    Similarly, domestic workers, many of them women from India, have reported cases of extreme violence and sexual abuse. A significant number face physical assaults from their employers, and without legal protection or the ability to leave, they are left helpless and traumatized.

    The Indian government has been criticized for its inadequate response to the suffering of its citizens in the Gulf. While diplomatic efforts have been made to negotiate with Saudi authorities, these initiatives often fall short due to a lack of enforcement and accountability. Additionally, recruitment agencies and middlemen in India play a significant role in trafficking workers, often charging exorbitant fees and misleading job seekers about the realities of working in Saudi Arabia.

    To combat these abuses, Saudi Arabia must abolish the kafala system and replace this exploitative framework with a legal structure that guarantees worker rights. Labour laws should include minimum wage protections, grievance mechanisms, and stricter penalties for abusive employers. India must regulate recruitment agencies more effectively and crack down on fraudulent agents that deceive workers about job conditions. The Indian government should increase diplomatic pressure on Gulf nations to ensure accountability regarding labour rights violations. Greater awareness campaigns must also be implemented to educate potential migrant workers about their rights and the risks involved in employment abroad.

    The plight of Indian workers in Saudi Arabia is a stark reminder of the modern slavery that continues to persist despite international labor laws and human rights agreements. Until systemic reforms are implemented, thousands of Indian workers will remain trapped in a cycle of exploitation, their dreams of a better life shattered. The time for action is now—governments, activists, and international organizations must unite to dismantle this oppressive system and ensure dignity and justice for all migrant workers.

    The post The Exploitation of Indian Migrant Workers in Saudi Arabia: Modern-Day Slavery appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    1. Context and Background

    The evolution of women’s access to education in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates – presents gradual but progressive advancements, reflecting broader societal transformations in the region.

    In the early 20th century, education for women was traditionally limited, as cultural norms and economic priorities often favored male education. Girls typically received informal instruction in religious or domestic matters, primarily through family or religious institutions.

    By the mid-20th century, national governments began prioritizing modern education systems. For instance, Bahrain established the first girls’ school in 1928, the earliest in the GCC. This marked a turning point as governments increasingly recognized female education as integral to national development strategies. Over time, secondary and tertiary education became more accessible to women, and universities introduced dedicated programs. King Saud University in Saudi Arabia began admitting women in the 1970s, and today, women constitute more than half of university students.

    In countries like Qatar and the UAE, government scholarships and the establishment of global branch campuses, such as those in Qatar’s Education City, created new opportunities for women. Female university enrollment soared, with Saudi women representing more than half of university students and UAE women comprising 70% of all graduates.

    Women have also increasingly pursued studies in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields, supported by national policies. For example, 56% of STEM students in the UAE are women, one of the highest rates globally. Qatar has made strides as well, with women entering architecture and engineering disciplines for the first time in 2008. Education City, inaugurated in 2003, houses leading academic institutions where women constitute a significant portion of the student body.

    1. Women’s Educational Achievements and Leadership

    Education has empowered women to take on leadership roles across the GCC, spanning government, entrepreneurship, and diplomacy. In Saudi Arabia, 30 women were appointed to the Shoura Council for the first time in 2013, followed by 17 women winning municipal seats in 2015. Bahrain and the UAE set regional precedents with the appointments of their first female judges in 2006 and 2008, respectively. In Oman and Bahrain, the government has appointed an increasing number of women to unelected positions, including cabinet and diplomatic roles.

    National governments have implemented key strategies to further promote women’s education and workforce participation such as national visions and governmental councils. For example:

    • UAE Vision 2021 prioritized a First-Rate Education System and a Competitive Knowledge Economy, significantly narrowing the gender gap in education. The UAE’s Gender Balance Council and General Women’s Union have focused on advancing women’s representation in STEM fields and other sectors. The extensive public sector investments in the education sector have led to a decrease in the gender gap in primary, secondary and tertiary education.
    • Saudi Vision 2030 aims to increase women’s workforce participation to 30%, promote vocational training, and encourage women’s enrollment in leadership programs. Under its G20 presidency, Saudi Arabia’s W20 agenda emphasized women’s inclusion as critical to economic growth and diversification.
    • Qatar National Vision 2030 targets gender equality in education and workforce participation. The Qatar Research Fund supports women-led projects in STEM fields.
    • Oman’s National Strategy for Education 2040 emphasizes women’s access to higher education, leadership training, and professional development.
    • Kuwait Vision 2035 identifies education as a pillar of sustainable development, encouraging women’s participation in scientific research through initiatives like the Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Sciences (KFAS). Two specific programs are the quality of education program and the higher education program.
    • Bahrain’s Supreme Council for Women integrates women into national development plans and promotes equal opportunities in education and the workforce. Programs such as Tamkeen provide financial support and training for women entrepreneurs and professionals to accelerate women participation in diverse sectors and industries.
    1. Key Drivers of Progress

    The GCC countries have made significant investments in education, dedicating over 15% of state budgets to the sector in several cases. This financial commitment, coupled with partnerships with international institutions and exposure to global educational standards, has modernized the region’s education systems. Additionally, the inclusion of educated women in the workforce has become essential following the economic shift from oil dependence to knowledge-based industries.

    These efforts have led to increased student enrollment, higher literacy rates, and enhanced educational infrastructure. Female literacy in the region has tripled since 1970 in the region, and women are now more likely to pursue higher education than ever before.

    At the same time, all the GCC countries have improved the quality of women’s education and significantly invested in educational infrastructure and reforms aimed at promoting women’s access to education.

    The expansion of women’s education has resulted in a growing presence of women in the workplace and society. The proportion of women with jobs has increased and in the 20 years from 2000 until 2019, women’s economic opportunity in the region has improved. Since 2005, women in Kuwait have received the same political rights as men, enabling them to vote and run for office. Divorced or widowed women increasingly pursue employment, gaining financial independence that was previously uncommon.

    Although women remain underrepresented in political and leadership roles, their growing presence in education and the labor force is shifting societal norms and breaking down prejudices. This progress is fostering greater advocacy for women’s rights and gender equality across the GCC.

    Education has been a cornerstone of this transformation, laying the groundwork for broader social and economic advancements. By prioritizing women’s access to education and workforce participation, GCC countries are not only empowering half of their populations but also driving innovation and sustainable growth in the region.

    1. Key Issues and Gaps

    As previously displayed, all of the GCC states have made education a main pillar in their respective national plans and have implemented national strategies to tackle gender inequality and enhance the women and girls’ right to education.

    However, female school enrollment data does not guarantee equal access to education and structural gender inequalities in education are still persistent. Despite the constitutional guarantees and the GCC countries’s ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), equal protection principles are often not coupled with obligations or accountabilities of the State to fulfil them. Gender gap is codified in law, frequently in family laws or civil codes, which represent legal forms of discrimination that are systematic and pervade every aspect of life.

    For instance, the personal status laws which regulate marriage, divorce, child custody, inheritance recognize the husband as the head of the family, giving him extensive power over his wife’s right to study, work and travel.

    The personal status laws codify the guardianship system which exercise significant barriers to women’s right to education as it restricts women’s rights to freedom of movement, work, study. In countries where this system is deeply rooted in cultural and religious beliefs such as in Saudi Arabia, women historically needed their guardian’s permission to enroll in schools or universities. Nowadays, women might need guardian approval to travel to cities or regions where schools and universities are located, restricting their ability to pursue higher education, especially in rural areas with limited facilities. Some state universities in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE require women to show they have male guardian permission before they can go to study abroad.

    The systemic discrimination against women in the region is also deeply rooted in social customs which often confine women to domestic roles and marriage duties, restricting their access to education and limiting their participation in both the public and private spheres of life. The domestic role of women often clash with accessing the educational systems because society highly values women’s domestic duties over the opportunities for education.

    Girls’ school attendance is limited by long distances and restricted mobility, as societal norms often deem it unacceptable for a girl to walk to school unaccompanied. After marriage, continuing or resuming education becomes challenging for girls, primarily due to societal stigma and household responsibilities.

    Additionally, the traditional gender roles limit the ability of women and girls to utilize ICT tools effectively. Indeed, the gender gap in mobile ownership and mobile internet use in the region has remained stagnant or increased within the last few years. The limited access to ICTs hinders women’s capacity to develop the digital skills needed to meet the growing demand for digital literacy and support educational opportunities, especially during COVID-19 pandemic.

    Women increasingly enter fields like engineering and IT, yet patriarchal structures restrict their choices and employment. In Kuwait and Oman, women are required to achieve higher grade-point averages (GPAs) to enroll certain university’s department such as engineering.

    Another issue is that women’s rights discussions often focus on privileged citizens, sidelining vulnerable groups. Here the concept of intersectional feminism is key, which recognizes that women’s experiences are shaped by overlapping identities such as class, ethnicity, and legal status. Yet, a comprehensive and inclusive approach to women’s rights is still missing in the region.

    Among the vulnerable groups, female migrant workers – which represent a large part of the female population in the GCC countries – have more difficulties in accessing the educational system due to language barriers and a lack of protection under national laws. Moreover, stateless girls struggle to access educational institutions as they lack citizenship and nationality rights. Consequently, they are more likely to be involved in child or forced marriages in order to obtain economic stability or citizenship benefits.

    Also, disparities between urban, rural, and poorer communities have grown. Regional disparities in access to quality education in GCC countries affect most marginalized girls and women such as those living in rural areas, in displaced or nomadic communities where these gaps widen. For example, rural females at both the primary and lower secondary levels exhibit higher out-of-school rates than other populations in the region due to early marriage, caregiving responsibilities, or the guardianship system, which limits their mobility and autonomy.

    The limited economic resources and the lack of financial support further exacerbate gender gaps in educational access. Poverty directly impacts girls’ educational opportunities forcing girls and women living in lower-income households to cover caregiving responsibilities and prioritizing education for men.

    Moreover, the quality of education needs to be improved as there is a mismatch between education and the labour market, where the skills taught in school do not adequately prepare students for employment. Gender sensitivity is a key aspect of the quality of education in the sense that educational systems should be sensitive to the specific needs of girls and women.

    Also, the lack of democratic institutions and independent judiciary as well as restrictions on freedom of association and assembly represent significant obstacles to women’s access to education and the approval of new legal protections. Firstly, policies that prioritize gender equality, including education reforms, are less likely to be implemented when women lack democratic representation in governance or the opportunity to advocate for their rights effectively. Secondly, without an independent judiciary, laws guaranteeing equal access to education for women may not be enforced. Thirdly, restrictive rules on the formation of civil society organizations in the GCC countries make it more difficult for women advocates to effectively organize and lobby the government for extended educational rights. When freedom of association and assembly is curtailed, women are left with limited ways to organize, voice their concerns, or demand accountability from authorities.

    Women’s rights are instead used by governments for political agendas or to enhance the international image rather than addressing systemic issues. This approach is referred to as “gender-washing,” a strategy to present a progressive image to the international community, which increasingly associates women’s rights with democracy.

    1. Main consequences

    The GCC countries have made notable strides in expanding women’s access to education, but significant challenges remain in ensuring equal educational rights and translating academic achievements into workforce participation. While girls often outperform boys in school and attain advanced levels of education, female labor force participation remains significantly lower than that of men. Growth in women’s political involvement and representation in decision-making positions has been minimal with women being predominantly employed in agriculture (27%), education (21%), and manufacturing (11%). Also, gender-based discrimination in hiring, compensation, and promotions continues to limit their opportunities.

    Women in the Gulf also face systemic inequalities in marriage and family life. Many are subjected to the control of their husbands, which restricts their autonomy and decision-making power. For those unable to secure employment outside the home, unpaid domestic work often becomes their primary role, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. This issue is particularly acute for female migrant workers employed in the domestic sector. These women face heightened risks of sexual harassment, abuse, and exploitation, compounded by challenges in accessing justice due to language barriers, social isolation, marginalization, and a lack of legal protections.

    Caregiving responsibilities further limit women’s ability to pursue or complete their education, perpetuating a cycle of dependency. The guardianship system exacerbates these challenges, as women often require a guardian’s permission to travel or engage in various activities, effectively restricting their educational and personal autonomy.

    These structural barriers contribute to alarmingly high unemployment rates among women in GCC countries, some of the highest globally. Denial of educational and economic opportunities prevents women from fully participating in society, leaving many reliant on their families for support. Women who lack access to education are often unaware of their legal rights and how to exercise them, further entrenching gender inequalities. This gender gap not only limits women’s potential but also hampers the socio-economic development of the entire region. The exclusion of a significant portion of the population leads to the underutilization of talent and resources, negatively impacting economic growth and societal progress.

    Education is a crucial driver of economic growth and innovation, but illiteracy and unequal access to education reduce the development of human capital. This limits a country’s ability to produce a skilled workforce and stifles its capacity for effective innovation. Increasing women’s participation in the workforce would generate more job opportunities, contribute to national income, and reduce the GCC countries’ reliance on foreign labor. Furthermore, limited education directly affects worker productivity; countries with high illiteracy rates and gender gaps in education tend to be less competitive.

    As economies grow and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) gain prominence, new opportunities emerge for women. However, to seize these opportunities, women need appropriate education and training to develop professional and practical skills. These abilities are essential to enhance their performance and facilitate their entry into the job market.

    1. Conclusion

    The evolution of women’s education in the GCC highlights a remarkable journey from limited access to significant achievements, reflecting broader societal modernization across the region. This progress reflects the growing recognition of education as a cornerstone for economic development and gender equality.

    However, the systemic barriers to women’s right to education in the GCC persist. Gender-based discrimination, societal norms, and legal restrictions like the guardianship system, limit women’s autonomy and access to opportunities. Unequal caregiving responsibilities and a lack of supportive infrastructure hinder many women from pursuing or completing education. Furthermore, despite high educational attainment, translating these achievements into workforce participation remains difficult due to discrimination in hiring, promotion, and pay, as well as limited access to leadership roles.

    Therefore, the challenge now lies in fully respecting women’s right to education and ensure equitable opportunities in the workforce and leadership roles for women.

    Granting women the full right to education and fostering their integration into the workforce would allow them to actively contribute to economic and social spheres. To do so, it is crucial to address the structural and societal barriers that hinder women’s full participation. Reforming policies such as guardianship systems and addressing workplace discrimination must remain priorities. Governments must also invest in targeted programs that provide women with the skills and training needed to excel in emerging industries and STEM fields. Moreover, addressing caregiving burdens and unpaid domestic labor is vital to unlocking women’s potential as full participants in the economy.

    International pressure and collaboration remain indispensable advancing these reforms and ensuring that women’s education and empowerment continue to evolve to create a more inclusive approach in the GCC region.

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  • Key Findings

    Saudi Arabia has made notable progress in establishing a legal framework for the rights of persons with disabilities, driven by a combination of domestic legislation and international commitments. Key milestones include the 1987 Legislation of Disability, the 2000 Disability Code, and the 2023 Saudi Law on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (SLRPD). These laws align with international conventions, particularly the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), which Saudi Arabia ratified in 2008. However, while these measures signify an increasing recognition of disability rights, significant challenges persist. Societal misconceptions, limited accessibility, inadequate vocational training opportunities, and the pervasive influence of the medical model of disability hinder meaningful inclusion. These issues perpetuate the exclusion and marginalization of disabled individuals, particularly in education, employment, and social participation. Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia’s ambitious reform plan, provides a promising framework for addressing these issues, but achieving its goals will require systemic changes in both cultural attitudes and infrastructural development.

    Introduction

    Over the past several decades, Saudi Arabia has demonstrated a growing commitment to advancing disability rights, grounded in Islamic Sharia principles and international obligations such as the CRPD. The Kingdom’s legal framework, including the recently enacted 2023 SLRPD, emphasizes core principles of accessibility, non-discrimination, and inclusive education and employment. These laws aim to create an equitable society where individuals with disabilities can fully participate. Despite this legislative progress, the lived experiences of people with disabilities in Saudi Arabia often fail to reflect the promises enshrined in these policies. Societal attitudes, infrastructural inadequacies, and limited vocational opportunities create significant barriers to inclusion. To address these challenges, the Kingdom must move beyond formal legislation to focus on practical implementation and systemic reforms, particularly through the opportunities presented by Vision 2030, which emphasizes equality and empowerment for all.

    Persistent Challenges

    Cultural attitudes and misconceptions about disability remain some of the most significant obstacles to achieving meaningful inclusion in Saudi Arabia. Disabilities are often viewed through a lens of pity or charity rather than empowerment, perpetuating a medical model that focuses on physical impairments rather than societal barriers. This outdated perspective fosters stereotypes that paint individuals with disabilities as incapable or burdensome, leading to widespread discrimination and exclusion. For instance, many people erroneously attribute disabilities to hereditary factors or moral failings, further marginalizing affected individuals and their families. These societal misconceptions not only harm self-esteem and social integration but also severely limit economic and educational opportunities.

    Accessibility is another major challenge, despite legal mandates requiring accommodations in public and private spaces. Many public areas, including sidewalks, transportation systems, and government buildings, fail to meet accessibility standards, making it difficult for individuals with disabilities to navigate daily life independently. These shortcomings extend to workplaces, where the lack of reasonable accommodations creates additional barriers to employment. While laws such as the SLRPD explicitly require accessible infrastructure, enforcement is inconsistent, leaving many environments ill-equipped to support disabled individuals.

    Employment opportunities for individuals with disabilities are further constrained by structural and societal barriers. Employers often view accommodations as burdensome or costly, reinforcing stereotypes about the productivity of disabled employees. These perceptions are compounded by a lack of accessible transportation and workplace modifications, making it physically challenging for individuals with disabilities to secure and retain employment. Vocational training programs, which are critical for equipping disabled individuals with marketable skills, remain scarce and poorly aligned with labor market demands. Consequently, unemployment rates among individuals with disabilities remain disproportionately high, limiting their economic independence and exacerbating their social marginalization.

    A lack of comprehensive data on disability prevalence and types also undermines efforts to address these issues effectively. Without reliable statistics, policymakers, and advocates struggle to design targeted interventions or prioritize resources appropriately. This data gap hampers the development of evidence-based policies and prevents a clear understanding of the diverse needs within the disability community.

    Legal Framework for Disability Rights

    Saudi Arabia’s legal framework for disability rights has evolved significantly over the years, with landmark legislation aimed at improving the lives of individuals with disabilities. The 1987 Legislation of Disability,  marked an early effort to ensure equal rights and privileges for disabled individuals. Building on this foundation, the 2000 Disability Code  mandated access to medical care, education, vocational training, and employment. More recently, the 2023 SLRPD introduced stricter protections, criminalizing neglect and requiring accessibility in public spaces as well as inclusive practices in education and employment.

    While these laws align with international standards, including the CRPD, their impact is often undermined by poor enforcement and societal resistance. For example, Article 8 of the SLRPD promotes inclusive education, yet many schools and universities lack the necessary infrastructure and training to accommodate students with disabilities.   Similarly, Article 28 of the Labour Law, which sets a 4% employment quota for individuals with disabilities, is rarely enforced, with many employers either unaware of or unwilling to meet this requirement. These gaps between legislative intent and practical outcomes highlight the need for robust implementation mechanisms and cultural shifts to support the goals of the legal framework.

    Education Rights: Progress and Gaps

    Education is a critical area where Saudi Arabia has sought to improve access and inclusion for individuals with disabilities. Article 8 of the SLRPD mandates accessibility across all levels of education, emphasizing early intervention and specialized programs. Institutions such as King Saud University and Princess Nourah bint Abdulrahman University have introduced initiatives to enhance access, including the Universal Access Program and tailored services for students with disabilities.

    However, significant challenges remain. Many schools and universities lack assistive technologies, trained educators, and awareness about inclusive teaching methods. These deficiencies hinder the ability of educational institutions to meet the needs of disabled students effectively. Furthermore, societal attitudes often discourage families from enrolling children with disabilities in mainstream education, limiting their opportunities from an early age. Addressing these issues requires greater investment in resources, teacher training, and public awareness campaigns to promote the value of inclusive education.

    Employment Rights: Structural Barriers

    Despite the presence of legal protections, individuals with disabilities face significant obstacles in the workplace. Article 28 of the Labour Law and Cabinet Resolution No. 110 emphasize the importance of non-discrimination and reasonable accommodations, but these provisions are rarely enforced. However, despite these legal protections, individuals with disabilities face numerous barriers in their pursuit of employment and financial stability in Saudi Arabia. The primary challenge they encounter is rooted in prevailing negative attitudes within society. Misconceptions about disabilities and limited public awareness marginalize people with disabilities, reducing their access to meaningful employment opportunities and contributing to ongoing social and economic exclusion. Additionally, the costs associated with employing individuals with disabilities are often viewed by employers as prohibitively high. Accommodations and modifications for disabled employees may be perceived as financially burdensome, further discouraging employers from hiring them. This reluctance is compounded by employers’ limited experience in working with disabled employees, which can impact hiring rates and productivity.

    Accessibility limitations also present major obstacles. In Saudi Arabia, people with disabilities face difficulties accessing transportation, buildings, and other public facilities, which significantly restricts their ability to physically reach and navigate work environments. Furthermore, a lack of comprehensive vocational training programs designed for people with disabilities exacerbates the problem, leaving many disabled individuals without the skills needed to meet the demands of the job market. This skills gap significantly hinders their employability, preventing them from accessing meaningful work.

    A related issue is the limited availability of accurate data on the prevalence, types, and distribution of disabilities within the country. Without robust statistical information, it is challenging to develop targeted policies that address the unique employment needs of individuals with disabilities.

    The cultural landscape in Saudi Arabia also shapes employment prospects for disabled individuals. Influenced by Islamic Sharia principles, which emphasize respect and equality for all individuals, the country’s cultural attitudes toward disability remain largely informed by the medical model of disability rather than the social model. This perspective often perpetuates stereotypes, unintentionally reinforcing the marginalization of people with disabilities in the workplace.

    In alignment with its broader Vision 2030 objectives, Saudi Arabia is implementing new policies and initiatives focused on inclusive training and education programs to provide fair and decent employment opportunities for all citizens, including those with disabilities. These efforts reflect a strong governmental commitment to fostering an inclusive and accessible employment landscape for individuals with disabilities.

    Vision 2030: A Path Forward

    Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 represents a transformative opportunity to address the systemic challenges faced by individuals with disabilities. This ambitious reform plan emphasizes social inclusion, economic participation, and public awareness, providing a comprehensive framework for fostering meaningful change. To achieve these goals, several key priorities must be addressed.

    Public awareness campaigns are essential for combating societal misconceptions and promoting the social model of disability, which emphasizes removing societal barriers rather than focusing solely on physical impairments. These campaigns should highlight the capabilities and contributions of individuals with disabilities, fostering a culture of empowerment rather than pity.

    Improved accessibility must also be a priority. Existing laws requiring accessible public spaces, transportation systems, and workplaces need to be enforced rigorously. This includes investing in infrastructure upgrades and developing clear accountability mechanisms to ensure compliance.

    Comprehensive data collection is another critical area for reform. A robust system for gathering and analyzing disability statistics is necessary to inform policy decisions and design targeted interventions. This data will provide a clearer picture of the disability landscape and help policymakers address specific needs effectively.

    Finally, expanding vocational training programs is essential for equipping individuals with disabilities with the skills required to succeed in the job market. These programs should be designed in collaboration with industry stakeholders to ensure alignment with labor market demands and provide participants with practical, marketable skills.

    Conclusion

    Saudi Arabia’s legal framework and Vision 2030 objectives represent significant steps toward disability inclusion. However, translating these policies into meaningful progress requires a shift from formal legislation to practical implementation. Addressing societal misconceptions, improving infrastructure, expanding vocational training, and collecting robust data are critical to overcoming persistent barriers. By focusing on these areas, the Kingdom can transform its vision into reality, creating an inclusive society where individuals with disabilities can thrive and contribute fully to national development.

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  • Saudi Arabia, governed as an absolute monarchy under a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam, has long faced scrutiny for its religious freedom policies, particularly regarding the treatment of Shia Muslims and other religious minorities. As the birthplace of Islam, the kingdom enforces a legal and social framework that prioritizes Sunni Islam, specifically its Wahhabi doctrine. While this religious homogeneity is central to Saudi identity, it has led to systemic discrimination against minority groups, severely limiting their religious and civic freedoms.

    Legal and Institutional Framework

    Saudi Arabia’s Basic Law, which functions as the country’s de facto constitution, declares that the Quran and the Sunna are the supreme sources of law. This legal framework underpins a rigid enforcement of Islamic practices as interpreted by the state’s religious authorities. Non-Sunni Muslims and non-Muslims face significant restrictions, as public practice of any religion other than state-sanctioned Sunni Islam is strictly prohibited. Apostasy—defined as conversion from Islam—is punishable by death, underscoring the state’s intolerance for religious divergence.

    The state apparatus, including the religious police (Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice), has historically monitored and suppressed activities deemed un-Islamic. While their power has been curbed in recent years under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s reforms, these restrictions remain deeply entrenched for religious minorities.

    Discrimination Against Shia Muslims

    Shia Muslims, who make up approximately 10–15% of Saudi Arabia’s population, face systemic discrimination in nearly every aspect of public life. Their religious practices are heavily monitored and often curtailed. The construction of Shia mosques and religious centres is tightly restricted, and existing mosques are subject to constant surveillance. Public celebrations of Shia religious events such as Ashura are discouraged or outright banned in many parts of the kingdom, forcing these communities to practice their faith in secrecy.

    In education, Shia students often encounter curricula that portray their religious beliefs negatively, labeling them as deviations from true Islam. This bias perpetuates societal prejudice against Shia communities. Additionally, there have been widespread reports of discriminatory treatment from teachers and peers, further alienating Shia youth from full participation in Saudi society.

    Economic discrimination compounds these challenges. Shia Muslims are systematically excluded from high-ranking positions in government and the military, with few exceptions. In the private sector, they encounter barriers to employment and advancement, leaving many economically marginalized. This exclusion from economic and political power reinforces a cycle of poverty and disenfranchisement within Shia-majority areas such as the Eastern Province, where much of the country’s oil wealth is concentrated.

    Repression and Violence

    Beyond structural discrimination, Shia communities in Saudi Arabia have endured violence and repression. In recent years, extremist groups, including ISIS, have carried out attacks on Shia mosques and gatherings, resulting in significant loss of life. The government has condemned these attacks but has been criticized for failing to provide adequate protection for Shia communities. Many believe this reflects broader societal indifference toward Shia safety and well-being.

    The government itself has also played a role in repressing Shia activists and leaders. Over the past decade, arrests, imprisonments, and even executions of prominent Shia figures have escalated. Sheikh Nimr Baqir al-Nimr, a vocal critic of the government’s treatment of Shia Muslims, was executed in 2016 on charges of inciting violence, though international human rights organizations widely condemned the trial as politically motivated. His death sparked outrage within Saudi Arabia’s Shia community and drew global condemnation, highlighting the kingdom’s harsh approach toward dissenting voices.

    The International Response

    Saudi Arabia’s treatment of Shia Muslims and other religious minorities has drawn sustained criticism from international organizations. The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has consistently designated Saudi Arabia as a “country of particular concern” for its severe violations of religious freedom. Reports from bodies such as USCIRF and the U.S. State Department emphasize the lack of significant progress in addressing these issues, pointing to the continued persecution of Shia activists, suppression of minority religious practices, and the fostering of societal prejudice through state-controlled institutions.

    Minority Rights Group International has also highlighted the plight of Saudi Arabia’s Shia population, documenting patterns of discrimination, economic exclusion, and religious repression. The group notes that despite the kingdom’s attempts to present itself as modernizing under Vision 2030, these reforms have largely bypassed minority communities, leaving the core issues of religious inequality unaddressed.

    Conclusion

    While Saudi Arabia has embarked on limited reforms aimed at combating religious extremism and curbing the power of conservative clerics, these measures have done little to improve conditions for Shia Muslims and other minorities. The kingdom’s legal framework, coupled with deeply ingrained societal attitudes, continues to suppress religious freedom and marginalize non-Sunni communities. For true progress to occur, Saudi Arabia must undertake comprehensive reforms that guarantee equal rights and protections for all religious groups, ensuring that freedom of belief is respected in both law and practice. Until such changes are implemented, the kingdom’s religious minorities will remain excluded from the promise of equality and justice.

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  • Context of migration in Saudi Arabia

    The context of migration in Saudi Arabia is shaped by a complex mix of economic needs, labor dynamics, social policies, and geopolitical factors. Saudi Arabia is one of the largest destinations for migrant workers in the Middle East, with 39 percent of international migrants comprising the total population. Its reliance on foreign labor has grown significantly, with millions of foreign nationals working across various sectors in the country.

    Among the key aspects of migration in Saudi Arabia, it is essential to recognize that the country’s economy has long relied on migrant labor, with migrants constituting a significant portion of the workforce. Migration patterns are largely driven by the demand for labor in the Saudi economy as well as the country’s economic development plans, such as the Vision 2030 initiative. The pandemic and global economic shifts have also impacted migration patterns, with some migrant workers losing their jobs and being repatriated.

    The majority of migrants are employed in sectors like agriculture, cleaning, and domestic services, where the demand for unskilled labor is high. The status of foreign workers often varies based on their country of origin: individuals from Arab and Western nations typically occupy the highest positions not filled by Saudis, while lower-ranking jobs are predominantly held by people from Africa and Southeast Asia who seek a better life in Saudi Arabia.

    Migrant labor is regulated by the Kafala system, a sponsorship-based employment framework prevalent in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries. Under this system, migrant workers are fully dependent on their employers, who have significant control over their legal status, including their ability to change jobs, leave the country, or even retain their passports. Migrants face significant challenges in terms of legal protections, social integration, and human rights, which make it difficult for many of them to live and work in the country with dignity and security.

    In addition to legal labor migration, Saudi Arabia also experiences irregular migration, with migrants seeking better economic opportunities without legal work permits. These migrants face arbitrary detention, deportation, and exploitation.

    There have been efforts by the Saudi government to address some of the systemic issues facing migrant workers. The country has introduced new labor laws, but they have proven inadequate, and enforcement of these regulations remains a challenge, leaving migrant workers to continue facing severe human rights abuses.

    Discrimination Against Migrant Workers

    Saudi Arabia counts a vast migrant workforce of 13.4 million people, who currently face exploitative living and working conditions. The main cause of these abuses is Saudi Arabia’s Kafala system, which emerged in the Gulf countries in the early 20th century to manage foreign labor in the pearl industry. However, it ultimately gave employers excessive power over migrants’ mobility and legal status in the country. The sponsorship system has been widely criticized for contributing to exploitation, abuse, and human trafficking, and for fostering power imbalances and discrimination based on nationality and social status, as migrant workers often suffer from harsher conditions and ill-treatment.

    Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 plan heavily relies on migrant workers, who have suffered from abusive conditions, including widespread wage theft, unsafe working conditions, intimidation, debt bondage, and restricted movement. Employers’ control is also evident in terms of legal protections, wages, and working and living conditions. Migrant workers risk passport confiscation, forced confinement, physical abuse, and are prevented from benefiting from welfare assistance or political participation.

    Many migrant workers also incur debts to pay recruitment fees, which can lead to a cycle of exploitation as they struggle to repay these debts while working under precarious conditions. Thus, the sponsorship system has enabled forced labor and systemic discrimination against migrant workers.

    In March 2021, Saudi authorities implemented the Labor Reform Initiative, aimed at easing restrictions and allowing migrant workers to change jobs without employers’ consent in certain situations. However, the reforms primarily focused on private sector workers and excluded the most vulnerable and least protected migrant workers—such as domestic staff, personal drivers, farmers, security guards, and shepherds—from labor law protection reforms.

    While Saudi Arabia introduced new labor laws in October 2023, explicitly banning passport confiscation, setting maximum working hours, and introducing health and safety regulations, the impact on domestic workers’ lives remains uncertain. The law fails to address the issue of a minimum wage for domestic workers, leaving a key gap in worker protections. The reforms’ effectiveness will depend on proper enforcement. Additionally, the reforms failed to fully dismantle the Kafala system, which, in some cases, still allows wage theft and migrant workers’ dependency on their sponsors for job changes and travel, as well as for entry, residence, and employment in the country.

    There are also periods of missingness that occur during employment and imprisonment. While employed, migrant workers often work long hours with partial or no payment, lose contact with their families, and experience restricted freedoms or abuse. They also risk being arrested if deemed irregular migrants and detained in Saudi prisons for indefinite periods before being deported. While detained, they are held incommunicado, separated from their belongings, family members, and any money they have earned or saved.

    Despite discriminating against migrants and violating their rights, Saudi Arabia has made significant investments to divert attention from its poor human rights record, both domestically and internationally. It has spent billions hosting major entertainment, cultural, and sports events to whitewash its human rights record. Saudi Arabia’s ambitious Vision 2030 projects, such as the futuristic NEOM city and the 2034 World Cup, will rely heavily on a migrant construction workforce that remains poorly protected under the country’s labor laws.

    Discrimination against East African migrants

    Saudi Arabia’s population of 35 million includes an estimated 10 million migrant workers from Asia, Africa, and the Arab region, employed across a range of sectors, including construction, hospitality, and domestic work. These sectors are particularly where migrant workers face the greatest risks of forced labor.

    The fact that the reforms to the Kafala system exclude certain sectors suggests that Saudi Arabia has intentionally targeted a specific segment of the population, deliberately leaving them without the benefits of these changes. This situation particularly affects migrants from East African countries like Kenya and Ethiopia, as well as from Yemen. Most East African migrants seek to reach Gulf countries, primarily Saudi Arabia, in search of better quality of life and higher-income job opportunities. Approximately 750,000 Ethiopians live and work in Saudi Arabia, and over the last decade, the irregular movement of refugees and migrants from Ethiopia to Yemen has averaged around 100,000 people every year. Most of these migrants travel through the Eastern migration route, which involves a perilous journey from Ethiopia to Yemen via Djibouti and Somalia, before crossing into Saudi Arabia. Others arrive in Saudi Arabia on work permits, typically by plane.

    While many migrate for economic reasons, others flee serious human rights abuses in their home countries, including the ongoing conflict in northern Ethiopia. Migrants fleeing conflict and human rights abuses face dangerous journeys, often marked by exploitation from smugglers and trafficking networks. Once they reach Yemen, the armed groups plays a significant role in abusing Ethiopian migrants, detaining them under harsh conditions, extorting bribes, and subjecting them to other forms of mistreatment. Upon arrival in Saudi Arabia, these migrants are at constant risk of exploitation and violence by their employers due to the prevailing Kafala system. They also risk dying from neglect while detained in centers awaiting deportation.

    Saudi Arabia detains migrants with deportation orders, primarily those who have entered the country unlawfully or overstayed their permits, the majority of whom are Ethiopian nationals. These individuals are held in poorly maintained detention facilities known as deportation centers.

    It is deeply concerning that many East African migrants fleeing abuse or conflict in their home countries then face harassment and abuse by their Saudi employers and the additional risk of being sent to detention centers and deported, without any proper investigation into the abuses they have endured.

    Conditions in the Detention Centers

    The country has regularly conducted operations against undocumented migrant workers, including significant arrest initiatives in November 2013 and August 2017. Among those targeted, Ethiopians faced prolonged detention compared to migrants from other nationalities. According to a report by Amnesty International, since 2017, Saudi authorities have arbitrarily imprisoned hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian migrants, either crossing the border from Yemen or residing in Saudi Arabia, as part of efforts to suppress undocumented migration.

    In March 2022, the governments of Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia agreed to repatriate more than 100,000 Ethiopians who were residing irregularly in the country. Many of these migrants had been held in detention centers under cruel conditions, subjected to torture and ill-treatment, and were forcibly returned to Ethiopia.

    Most of the migrants who were arrested received no information about the reasons for their detention or the duration of their imprisonment. The arbitrary arrests and inhumane treatment were largely motivated by the migrants’ lack of residency documents or work permits—situations that are facilitated by the abusive kafala system. Additionally, the duration of imprisonment was undefined: while some detainees were held for only a few days, others endured months or even years in detention before being deported. Throughout this process, the human rights of the migrants were routinely violated.

    In 2019, Human Rights Watch documented around 10 prisons and detention facilities in Saudi Arabia where migrants were held in overcrowded, unhygienic, and abusive conditions, with inadequate access to food, water, and health care. Interviews with former detainees revealed that overcrowding was severe, with some cells intended for 60 people holding 200 to 400 detainees. The extreme conditions led to serious medical issues, including physical ailments such as tuberculosis and other infections, as well as psychological trauma linked to gender-based violence, suspected rape, and respiratory conditions like pneumonia. Many detainees with serious health issues, including respiratory problems and skin diseases, were denied timely medical care.

    Amnesty International also reported on the detention of pregnant women and infants, highlighting overcrowded and unsanitary conditions, with mothers and young children forced to lie on the floor. The lack of proper medical support is particularly concerning, given that many undocumented migrant workers who are incarcerated have become pregnant due to rape during their journey to Saudi Arabia or sexual abuse by employers within the country.

    Cases of torture and mistreatment by detention center guards were also documented. Victims were beaten and subjected to extreme heat, which in some cases resulted in skin injuries. These abuses were often a form of punishment for actions such as sharing their detention conditions on social media, boycotting meals, or refusing medical care. Detainees also reported that at least 10 of their Ethiopian cellmates died while in custody between April 2021 and May 2022 due to poor health resulting from torture and lack of medical attention. Saudi authorities failed not only to identify or prosecute those responsible for these deaths but also made no effort to register, identify, or repatriate the bodies of deceased migrants.

    Other testimonies described the severe impact of detention conditions on Ethiopian migrants’ mental and physical health, as well as the significant challenges they faced upon re-integration into Ethiopian society. These challenges included social isolation, health issues, and mental health conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression.

    Deportation of Ethiopian migrants

    In 2017, the Saudi Arabian government initiated a major airlift operation to repatriate irregular migrants to their home countries as part of efforts to reduce unemployment within the kingdom. Many irregular migrants have been arrested and subsequently deported back to their home countries, especially to Ethiopia, due to the large number of Ethiopian migrants. In 2022, IOM registered 93,500 Ethiopian returnees, an 18% increase compared to 2021.

    Human Rights Watch condemned the deportation of thousands of Tigrayan migrants from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia after they were unlawfully detained for months or even years in both formal and informal detention facilities across the Kingdom. The Tigrayan migrants were brutally tortured while being unjustly imprisoned before being forcibly deported. They endured overcrowding, beatings, and poor sanitary conditions, with inadequate food, water, and medical care. Such deplorable conditions for migrants have been a longstanding issue in Saudi Arabia.

    According to IOM, between 2017 and 2022, around half a million migrants were expelled from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia solely due to their irregular immigration status. Saudi police arrested irregular migrants from their homes, workplaces, or public spaces, and sent them to detention centers such as Al-Kharj or Al-Shumaisi, where they remained for over a year without charges or the opportunity to challenge their confinement.

    Once resettled in Ethiopia, the situation for Tigrayan migrants did not improve. They faced arbitrary detention and torture by Ethiopian authorities, who cooperated with Saudi Arabia. Thus, Saudi Arabia contributed to the abuse by continuing the deportation of Tigrayans to Ethiopia, where they faced the risk of persecution. Another issue is the lack of resources and shelters in Ethiopia, which prevents returnees from returning to their homes, reuniting with their families, or finding adequate accommodations.

    This rapid and unprepared repatriation process has resulted in slow and inadequate reintegration efforts. Most returnees face significant challenges due to their status, as they have spent their earnings on living costs and remittances. Many also suffered extreme hardships during their time in Saudi Arabia and upon their return, leading to various medical and psychological issues.

    Many migrants are mentally traumatized by their experiences, and the physical consequences are severe. Health issues are consistent with widespread reports of abuse and deprivation, including sexually transmitted infections in women who were raped, and physical injuries from smuggler violence, such as broken bones and permanent disabilities.

    Treatment of East African Migrants Crossing the Border

    The Eastern route, the border strip between Yemen and Saudi Arabia, is one of the most dangerous journeys for migrants. It is a militarized war zone, involving various armed actors such as the Saudi/UAE-led military intervention and Yemen.

    Despite the dangers, this route has been used by migrants from the Horn of Africa for years. Most migrants are of Ethiopian nationality, making up more than 90% of those arriving in the Gulf. They are initially driven to migrate due to a lack of employment and poor economic conditions, and later forced to leave their country after deadly conflict in Ethiopia targeted Tigrayans. Nearly 31% of Ethiopian migrants traveled to Saudi Arabia, and the migration was largely irregular, with migrants relying on a network of smugglers, which made them vulnerable on this dangerous route.

    Along the Eastern route, migrants face numerous abuses, including killings, torture, arbitrary detention, gender-based violence, exploitation, looting, and extortion. They may also encounter indirect dangers, such as airstrikes and landmines. Once in Yemen, migrant gathering points become hotspots for these violations. Yemen allows African migrants to pass through areas it controls on their way to Saudi Arabia, but it occasionally carries out arrests and forced deportations of migrants, violating the principle of non-refoulement.

    When attempting to cross the border into Saudi Arabia, Saudi authorities have been criticized for their ill-treatment, discrimination, and intentional targeting of African migrants. Saudi border guard units (SBGU) commonly block the paths of African and Yemeni migrants by patrolling with security vehicles and using CCTV towers equipped with surveillance devices and thermal imaging cameras.

    In October 2022, several UN Special Rapporteurs and Working Groups issued a communication highlighting allegations of cross-border artillery shelling and small arms fire allegedly perpetrated by Saudi security forces. These actions are believed to have caused the deaths of up to 430 migrants and injured 650 between January 1 and April 30, 2022.

    In 2023, Human Rights Watch condemned the killing of at least hundreds of Ethiopian migrants and asylum seekers by Saudi border guards. These migrants tried to cross the Yemen-Saudi border between March 2022 and June 2023. Human Rights Watch analyzed numerous videos and photographs documenting the migrants’ conditions on the trails, in camps, and in medical facilities, as well as the increasing Saudi border security infrastructure. The organization documented a systematic and widespread pattern of violence, including the use of explosive weapons and targeted shootings, which, if part of government policy, could constitute a crime against humanity. Many victims included women and children, and survivors described horrific abuses, such as being asked which limb they preferred to be shot.

    According to the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC), Saudi border authorities continued to fire indiscriminately at Ethiopian and Yemeni migrants crossing the Saudi border with Yemen in 2023 and 2024, with no significant response from the international community.

    In addition to the dangers of dying from neglect or exhaustion while trying to enter the country or being shot at by Saudi border guards, reports indicate that East African migrants also face the risk of abuse or even murder by their employers, or may die from neglect in one of the detention centers.

    Violations of International Law

    International law, especially international human rights law, promises to protect everyone globally. However, the reality for migrants seeking protection in Saudi Arabia highlights significant flaws in the country’s commitment. Migrants’ experiences in Saudi Arabia and while crossing the border expose its poor human rights record, particularly regarding foreign migrants from East Africa.

    Saudi Arabia is required to adhere to the core principles of international humanitarian law, which prohibit acts of violence, torture, or cruel treatment against individuals, regardless of their status, including migrants. Furthermore, all persons, regardless of nationality, ethnicity, or legal status, must be treated equally under international humanitarian standards.

    The fact that Saudi Arabia has not ratified the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families does not lessen its binding responsibilities under international humanitarian law, nor does it reduce the seriousness of the violations committed against migrants.

    The automatic use of migration-related detention is arbitrary. There must be a presumption against such detention, as any deprivation of liberty must be clearly authorized by law and justified by a legitimate, proportionate, and non-discriminatory purpose. Therefore, prolonged detention without access to judicial review is considered arbitrary and violates international law. It also constitutes deliberate abuse of migrants and asylum seekers, including targeting them with close-range attacks at the border.

    Cruel and inhumane treatment, medical neglect, and subsequent deaths in custody violate the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners—the so-called Nelson Mandela Rules—which guarantee detainees basic rights such as adequate living conditions, access to healthcare, food, and hygiene.

    Due to indefinite arbitrary detention under abusive conditions and the lack of legal process to contest their detention, many detained migrants are left in precarious conditions and feel compelled to return to Ethiopia.

    This coercive policy allowed Saudi authorities to forcibly send Ethiopians to a country where they risk facing persecution or torture again. This act violates international law, specifically the principle of non-refoulement, to which Saudi Arabia is bound. Non-refoulement ensures that no one should be returned to a country where they would face human rights violations.

    Although international law prohibits the detention of children for migration-related reasons, Amnesty International reported that pregnant women, mothers with their children, and unaccompanied minors were held in Al-Shumaisi and Al-Kharj detention centers. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Saudi Arabia is a signatory, states that children should not be detained and that such actions cannot be justified by the migration status of the children or their parents.

    Another violation of international obligations is the direct targeting of migrants through aerial and ground attacks carried out by Saudi security forces. The excessive use of firearms to stop migrants from crossing the Saudi-Yemeni border breaches the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its related protocols, especially the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, which obliges states to provide necessary protection to victims of human trafficking.

    Conclusion

    The migration context in Saudi Arabia is complex and evolving. Migrants play a critical role in the country’s economy, but their legal and social status leaves them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Significant challenges persist, particularly with regard to the Kafala system and the ill-treatment of migrant workers, who risk killings, arbitrary detention, deportation, torture, and various other forms of inhumane and degrading treatment.

    The labor reforms introduced by the Saudi government have failed to dismantle the Kafala system, leaving workers still vulnerable to the control and exploitation of their employers. Specifically, the reforms have excluded certain categories of workers, such as those in the construction, hospitality, and domestic work sectors, exacerbating inequality and discrimination within the system.

    In this regard, the report highlights how the sponsorship system disproportionately affects East African workers, including Ethiopians, Kenyans, and Yemenis. These migrants face discrimination, forced labor, and the risk of arbitrary detention and forced deportation if their residency permits are deemed expired.

    Despite the serious violations carried out in detention centers, no effective investigations into these deaths have been conducted, and gaps in the implementation and enforcement of laws persist, leaving perpetrators unaccountable. At the same time, the lack of an international response has allowed Saudi Arabia to carry out these abuses without facing consequences.

    In light of the violations of migrant workers’ rights in Saudi Arabia, several recommendations are proposed for both the Saudi government and the international community.

    First, the Kingdom should abolish the Kafala system to end migrant workers’ dependency on their employers and reduce their vulnerability. This would improve their rights and protections. Additionally, labor reforms should be introduced to cover all migrant workers and sectors.

    Second, the authorities must ensure equal access to legal protections and fair trials for all individuals, and end arbitrary imprisonment. Detention facilities should adhere to international standards, such as the Nelson Mandela Rules, guaranteeing humane conditions, including access to doctors, food, water, hygiene, and adequate monitoring to prevent mistreatment. For migrants who have been arbitrarily detained, Saudi authorities should release those who have not been lawfully imprisoned or who have not had a judge legally determine the charges or necessity of their detention.

    Regarding the migrant rights abuses within Saudi Arabia and along the border with Yemen, there is currently no international mechanism to monitor the situation, leaving perpetrators unaccountable. Saudi Arabia should immediately revoke any policies that allow the deliberate use of force against migrants and asylum seekers, and hold perpetrators accountable through fair trials that meet international standards. The government should also launch independent investigations into deaths, torture, and other ill-treatment in detention centers, and improve the inhumane conditions across the country’s detention facilities.

    When addressing the harm inflicted on Yemenis, negotiations for a new truce in Yemen could present an opportunity to restore measures that would stop the abuse of migrants crossing the border. The report also calls for greater international attention to protect migrants at the border and prosecute those responsible for mistreatment, including Saudi officials. To do so, a UN-backed monitoring and reporting system should be established to assess the human rights situation of migrants in Saudi Arabia.

    Saudi Arabia should cease holding ethnic Tigrayans in inhumane conditions and instead cooperate with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to ensure their international protection and facilitate their resettlement as refugees. In this regard, the Government of Ethiopia should provide protection and reintegration plans for returning migrants.

    Moreover, Saudi Arabia should hold employers accountable for any violations of migrant workers’ rights and dismiss prison authorities who torture and abuse detainees. Institutions responsible for monitoring and investigating complaints of torture and ill-treatment must be fully independent and impartial.

    Additionally, Saudi Arabia must stop contributing to Ethiopia’s abuse of migrants by ending the forced return of Tigrayans, who face the risk of persecution in Ethiopia. Instead, Saudi authorities should facilitate the resettlement of those seeking asylum or resettlement in third countries.

    Finally, the report calls on third countries that export arms to Saudi Arabia to suspend any transfers of weapons or other military equipment to the country, in order to leverage respect for human rights. Additionally, there should be increased pressure on Saudi Arabia to end violations of international law and ratify both the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and the International Covenant on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.

    The post The systematic exploitation of migrant workers in Saudi Arabia: The Plight of East African Migrants in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • The last year has been one big real-time case study in how corporate media outlets loyally obsess over the crimes of Western enemies while underplaying or ignoring those of Western allies. But important new book Worthy and Unworthy delves into this blatant media bias. And via deep analysis, it reveals how the propaganda model of Western media works.

    The Canary spoke to the book’s author Devan Hawkins. And our second article on the book focuses in particular on how the corporate media obsesses over Russia’s crimes while underplaying similar crimes from Western allies. This clear media bias places Russia on a pedestal of evil for many people in the West, grooming them to support possible military action against the superpower in the future.

    Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman’s Manufacturing Consent previously argued that corporate media outlets split victims of violence or injustice into two groups – ‘worthy’ or ‘unworthy’. And this designation determines how, and how much, the media reports on these people’s struggles. In Worthy and Unworthy, Hawkins tested the theory, finding it even more relevant today than when Chomsky and Herman first put it forward.

    ‘Going along with the government line’

    In his book, Hawkins focused on analysing the coverage of the New York Times. He said he doesn’t see himself as a critic of the paper, because he recognises “journalism is hard work”. But overall, he insisted that the paper of record “goes along with the government line on official state enemies”, providing clearly more negative coverage of countries like Russia and China. Likewise, regarding Israel’s genocide in Gaza, the paper has faced accusations of favouring Israel and downplaying the war crimes that international courts, human rights groups, and other experts have condemned. Regarding both official allies and enemies, Hawkins said in the book’s introduction, there is “general uniformity in political perspectives about foreign affairs” among Democratic and Republican elites in the US, and that “is reflected in media coverage” too.

    Hawkins told the Canary that the New York Times may go along with the state line for a number of reasons. It could be “availability of sources”, in that it’s “easier to go to government sources”; the power of advertising money, and the fear of losing it; or the influence of thinktanks, many of which get funding from the military industrial complex or from controversial US government groups like the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), which journalist and author Matt Kennard has called “an overt CIA”. Hawkins explained that “we have conflicts of interest that need to be disclosed”, and would like to research the reasons for bias even more. “It’s so important to be documenting this and paying attention to it,” he stressed.

    Unevenly covering the bombings in Syria and Yemen

    One of the cases studies Hawkins did to analyse the uneven coverage of similar issues was the Russian and Saudi Arabian interventions in the Syrian and Yemeni conflicts. And he explained that:

    In both cases, there was fairly extensive coverage. But I only look at one month, basically… in the case of the Russian intervention, and compared it to 2 months total for the Saudi intervention. Overall, the shorter time period got more attention for the Russian intervention, and the Saudi intervention got less attention both in the specific months that were considered and during the overall time period.

    Having looked at the scale of the interventions, he said:

    the number of bombings, and the also the number of kills, would all suggest that the initial period of the Saudi intervention was much bigger scale than Russia’s intervention.

    Explaining why Russia’s intervention received more coverage, he said it was:

    Both because of the fact that Russia is again like an official State enemy, and they were supporting a government that… the US has an antagonistic relation with – the Assad government, and at the same time obviously Saudi Arabia being one of the US’s closest geopolitical allies in the region, and because their intervention was against a movement, the Houthis, which are seen as being very closely aligned with Iran. So I think all those work together. And I should note that in this case there’s a direct involvement of the US. Because that intervention would not have been possible without the millions in arms sales like from the US to Saudi Arabia.

    The nature of the coverage, meanwhile, was also different. “There was some critical coverage of the Saudi intervention”, he said, but nothing like the coverage of Russia’s, which was “universally negative”.

    Worthy and unworthy dissidents

    “One of the most informative” chapters, Hawkins told us, was one looking at the treatment of dissidents. In particular, he covered Russia’s persecution of Alexei Navalny, and compared it to Spain’s persecution of Catalan independence politicians whose initial sentences were “greater than the sentencing that went to Alexei Navalny”.

    The Catalan figures had a “wide base of support” and there were “massive protests against their arrest” that were “much bigger in scale than the protests that happened in response to the arrest and sentencing of Alexei Navalny”. Nonetheless, Hawkins insisted, the dissident of an “official state enemy, Russia” (i.e. Navalny), got “much more attention than many more dissidents in a friendlier country, Spain”. Talking about the Catalan independence issue, he added:

    I was really surprised about how, universally, there seemed to be almost no sympathy.

    In a similar way, Hawkins looked at musical dissidents. He analysed coverage of protests from punk-rockers Pussy Riot in Russia, and of the arrest and trial of Catalan rapper Pablo Hasél. In the case of Hasél, there was “almost nothing that was mentioned about him, even though there were pretty large protests”. But the New York Times gave Pussy Riot “much, much more attention”.

    Yet more examples in Worthy and Unworthy

    There are undoubtedly countless more examples of the media highlighting Russia’s crimes at the expense of Western-backed crimes. But Hawkins also took a brief look at two cases close to Russia, in Ukraine and Belarus – both historically aligned with Russia since the fall of the Soviet Union. And this analysis adds some extra colour to the picture of Western media bias.

    Another issue Hawkins evaluated was coverage of the Euromaidan protest in Ukraine from 2013 to 2014 – an important precursor to Russia’s current war in the country. And he pointed out that “a lot of the nuance was missing”, such as “the fact that Ukraine was a highly divided society” and that “there were legitimate questions about what was a better economic deal for the country” between Europe’s and Russia’s. “Any role that the US was playing,” he stressed, “didn’t get much attention”. Finally, he noted the difference between coverage treating some protesters as “pro-Russian” but others as “Ukrainian”, even though the former were also Ukrainians.

    Finally, he reflected on the critical coverage of the grounding of a Belarusian dissident’s plane in comparison to the grounding of Bolivian president Evo Morales’s plane, which was thought to be also transporting US dissident Edward Snowden. There was “very little attention” on or criticism of the latter when Hawkins compared it to the former. And as he said:

    Imagine if Russia reported to some countries that Alexei Navalny was on a plane, and those countries shut off their airspace on a plane that was carrying a head of state to force it to land in those countries.


    The Canary will be releasing more articles on the comparisons Hawkins made in his book in the coming weeks. You can see the first article in the series here.

    By Ed Sykes

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • FIFA has officially announced Saudi Arabia as the host of the 2034 World Cup, marking the second time the prestigious tournament will be held in a Gulf Arab nation and following Qatar in 2022. Saudi Arabia’s ambitious plans include building or renovating 15 stadiums, constructing over 185,000 hotel rooms, and executing massive infrastructure projects to welcome the mass influx of spectators.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Millions of migrants will build stadiums, transport networks and hotels. But testimonies from Bangladeshis who have worked there suggest abuse is deeply entrenched in the Gulf kingdom

    When Shahadat set out for Saudi Arabia from his village in Bangladesh, he was driven by a single purpose: to earn money for his impoverished family. “If he sent money home, his family would eat. If he didn’t, they wouldn’t,” says a relative.

    For years he just about scraped by, sending a little money home each month and trying to pay down the huge debt he took on to afford the illegal fees a recruitment agent had charged him to get to Saudi Arabia.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Fifa’s approval of the Gulf state’s proposals for the 2034 football tournament, despite the kingdom’s appalling humanitarian record, has been slammed by campaigners

    In the early hours of Saturday 30 November, Fifa released a glowing evaluation of Saudi Arabia’s bid to host the 2034 World Cup, giving it the joint-highest score of any bidding nation and declaring it carried only a “medium” human rights risk.

    At the same time, it slipped out a long-awaited report on whether it should compensate migrant workers who suffered severe labour abuses on projects linked to the 2022 World Cup in Qatar. Despite a recommendation from its own subcommittee on human rights and social responsibility that it do so, Fifa’s answer was, in effect, a resounding no.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • ATTN: King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud,

    ATTN: Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman

    الشمالي الفرعي، 7482 الطريق الدائري، 7482، 2277

    Northern Ring Branch Rd, An Nakhil, Riyadh 12385,

    Riyadh 11515, Saudi Arabia

    December 5, 2024

     

    Your Majesty and your Royal Highness,

    We write to draw your attention to the grave human rights situation in Saudi Arabia, where the voices of your citizens, namely human rights defenders, are being systematically silenced. The suppression of civic space in your Kingdom has reached alarming levels, and it is imperative that you end this unlawful repression and take action to support those who are standing up for their fundamental rights. The European Center for Democracy and Human Rights, along with the Americans for Democracy and Human Rights, has launched the “Unmuting Saudi Voices: A Call for Civic Freedom” social media campaign to bring to light what is happening under your reign.

    Since your rise to power, Your Royal Highness, your government has intensified its crackdown on freedom of expression, assembly, and association. Human rights defenders, journalists, and ordinary citizens who dare to speak out face arbitrary detentions, severe punishments, and false charges of terrorism or undermining national security. These individuals are not criminals; they are advocates for justice, equality, and human dignity, fighting for a better future for all Saudi Arabians.

    Your government has repeatedly used the Specialized Criminal Court (SCC), which was originally set up to try terrorist-related cases, to prosecute peaceful dissidents. A prominent case is Loujain al-Hathloul, the women’s rights activist who was detained for campaigning for women’s right to drive and for the abolishment of the male guardianship system. Though she was released after three years in 2021, her freedom remains severely restricted by a travel ban. Similarly, human rights lawyer Waleed Abulkhair was wrongfully sentenced to 15 years in prison in 2014 under the Counter-Terrorism Law for exercising his right to freedom of expression. These cases highlight that your government misuses anti-terror laws to target human rights defenders, eroding their ability to hold your state accountable by denying them their basic right to speak freely.

    Your Royal Highness, despite the package of legislative reforms you announced in February 2021 with the aim to “preserve rights, protect human rights”, the human rights situation has continued to deteriorate. Moreover, your promise in 2018 to reduce the number of offenses punishable by death has not been fulfilled given that 172 executions were registered in 2023. Worse than that, many executions were for non-violent offenses. Of the 172, 10 were for drug-related crimes and 25 for “terrorism-related” offenses, which included posting tweets criticizing the government.

    In addition to harsh legal crackdowns and unlawful sentences, your state employs widespread surveillance and uses advanced spyware such as Pegasus to monitor activists, journalists, and dissidents, both within the Kingdom and abroad, compromising their privacy and safety, while increasing censorship. The internet is heavily censored, with websites critical of the regime routinely blocked, and online platforms like social media are under constant scrutiny. This mass surveillance creates an environment of fear, where even the digital space has become another tool for state repression, silencing those who dare to speak out.

    The lack of accountability for your violations only exacerbates the situation, leaving those who are silenced without protection. Saudi Arabian journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who openly criticized your Kingdom for arbitrarily arresting human rights defenders, was killed inside the Saudi Arabian consulate in Istanbul on 2 October 2018. The Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions Agnès Callamard published a reliable report on 19 June 2019, stating that there is credible evidence linking your orders to the murder. Despite international outcry and your government’s dismissal of the report, you have not taken any meaningful action to undergo a fair and thorough investigation to hold those responsible accountable and stop this pattern of human rights impunity.

    As a result, your country’s civic space is virtually non-existent. In 2023, CIVICUS, a global alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action, rated Saudi Arabia a mere 4 out of 100 for openness, categorizing it as closed. This ranking reflects an alarming reality – your government has created an environment where dissent against it is suppressed, and the fundamental human rights of your citizens are being denied.

    We cannot turn a blind eye to these injustices. As rulers of your country, you have a moral obligation to support your people and their human rights – not strip them of their freedoms, and a constitutional obligation to “provide security for all citizens and residents on its territories”. Moreover, you also have international obligations under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Given this, we respectfully call on you to:

    1. Condemn the Repression: Publicly denounce the ongoing repression of civic space and the persecution of human rights defenders.
    2. Take Accountability: Release all individuals detained for peacefully exercising their rights and to hold those responsible for human rights abuses accountable.
    3. Support Civil Society: Provide support and protection to Saudi Arabian human rights organizations, activists, and journalists.
    4. Promote Dialogue: Engage in meaningful dialogue with civil society and international human rights bodies to address these issues and enact reforms.
    5. Respect obligations: Respect your national and international obligations, as well as your promises to protect and promote human rights in your country.

    Thank you in advance for your attention to this important matter.

    Sincerely,

    1. The Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain
    2. The European Center for Democracy and Human Rights.

    The post #UnmuteSaudiVoices: Open Letter to Saudi King and Crown Prince to take action and stop the repression of the civic space appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • President-elect Donald Trump has reportedly offered the number-two Pentagon job to a secretive billionaire investor with close ties to the military-industrial complex, potentially introducing additional conflicts of interest to an incoming administration that is set to be rife with corporate executives and lobbyists. Stephen Feinberg is co-founder and co-CEO of the private equity behemoth…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain along with the European Center for Democracy and Human Rights, is launching the “Unmuting Saudi Voices: A Call for Civic Freedom” campaign to expose the ongoing repression of civic space in Saudi Arabia and hold the Saudi state accountable for silencing its citizens and violating their rights.

    Why This Campaign Matters

    Under the reign of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who came to power in 2017, the already-limited freedoms have been further curtailed. Activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens who challenge the status quo are often charged with terrorism or undermining national security, facing severe punishments for simply exercising their right to freedom of expression.

    Prominent figures such as women’s rights activist Loujain al-Hathloul and human rights lawyer Waleed Abulkhair have been wrongfully imprisoned, and countless others face similar fates for daring to speak out against the regime. The Saudi Arabian government uses prejudicial anti-terrorism laws to justify these actions, wrongfully equating peaceful activism with threats to national security.

    The crackdown extends beyond Saudi borders, as the government has been accused of targeting dissidents living abroad, most notably in the case of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, whose assassination in 2018 sparked international outrage. Despite global condemnation, the repression continues.

    In 2023, CIVICUS, a global alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society, gave Saudi Arabia an alarming score of just 4 out of 100 in terms of civic space openness. This score highlights the extreme restrictions posed on basic freedoms in the country, where expressing dissent, assembling peacefully, or associating with like-minded individuals can lead to arbitrary imprisonment, torture, or even execution.

    The civic space is a vital aspect of democracy. It is the environment that allows individuals and groups, such as human rights defenders and civil societies, to freely express their opinions, organize, and act on important issues. Civic space is the foundation of a free society, where voices can rise, ideas can flourish, and communities can push for change without fear of censorship or retaliation.

    Without a free and open civic space, human rights defenders, journalists, and activists in Saudi Arabia are left vulnerable. In this climate of fear, people are stripped of their ability to hold their government accountable for human rights violations. The Saudi Arabian government must be called upon to reverse this course and restore freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly.

    We must protect the civic space to ensure that journalists, human rights defenders, activists, citizens, and civil societies in Saudi Arabia are safe.

    Our Mission

    The “Unmuting Saudi Voices: A Call for Civic Freedom” campaign seeks to address these grave injustices. We aim to raise global awareness about the dire state of civic space in Saudi Arabia and call on the Saudi Arabian state to take immediate action to safeguard its citizens’ rights.

    Stay tuned to our websites, Instagram and X accounts for updates on the campaign, and join the conversation to #UnmuteSaudiVoices and #LiberateSaudiCivicSpace.

    Your voice is crucial in this fight. By following our campaign, sharing our content, and tagging the King and Prince of Saudi Arabia —you can help our campaign reach those in power and pressure them to end their repressive actions.

    Join us in the fight for civic freedom.

    The post Unmuting Saudi Voices: A Call for Civic Freedom appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Party figures have voiced concerns that next month’s visit will be dominated by the PM seeking investment

    Keir Starmer is being urged to speak up for human rights and push for cooperation over a Middle East peace deal when he travels to Saudi Arabia next month, amid concerns on Labour’s left that his efforts to attract investment will dominate the trip.

    The prime minister’s visit is seen as his latest attempt to secure the inward investment necessary for the economic growth that is the central aim of his government. It is expected that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s de facto leader, will also visit London next year.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.