Category: saudi arabia

  • In an opinion piece on February 3, 2025, influential Prince Turki Al Faisal, the former Saudi ambassador to Washington and London and director-general of Saudi Arabia’s intelligence agency gives President Trump a history lesson about the Palestinian struggle and the probable Saudi official response to Trump’s off-the-wall declaration that the U.S. will “own Gaza and turn it into a resort.”

    In a slap in the face of Israel and the United States, Prince Turki stated that if Palestinians in Gaza are moved, “they should be allowed to return to their homes and to their orange and olive groves in Haifa, Jaffa and other towns and villages from which they fled or were forcibly driven out by the Israelis.”

    The post Influential Saudi Arabia Leader Tells Trump To Pound Sand On Relocation Of Palestinians appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

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  • For decades, Indian workers have sought employment in the Gulf region, lured by the promise of higher wages and better opportunities. However, for many, this dream quickly turns into a nightmare of abuse, exploitation, and modern-day slavery. Saudi Arabia, one of the largest employers of migrant labour from India, has repeatedly come under scrutiny for its treatment of foreign workers. Reports from human rights organisations, journalists, and advocacy groups have highlighted the systemic violations of labour rights that leave thousands of Indian workers vulnerable and trapped in brutal conditions.

    At the heart of this exploitation is the kafala system, a sponsorship mechanism that ties migrant workers to their employers. Under this system, workers cannot change jobs, leave the country, or even challenge workplace abuse without the permission of their employer. This effectively grants employers unchecked power over workers, leading to rampant mistreatment and forced labour. Many Indian workers arrive in Saudi Arabia unaware of these restrictions, only to find themselves trapped with little to no recourse.

    A 2014 Amnesty International report documented widespread abuse faced by Indian workers in the Gulf. Some of the most egregious violations include withholding of wages, where employers frequently delay or deny payments, forcing workers to survive in extreme poverty. Employers also confiscate workers’ passports, ensuring they cannot leave or seek help. Many labourers work in life-threatening environments without adequate safety measures, leading to severe injuries or even death. Some workers, especially domestic workers, report being subjected to beatings, sexual violence, and harassment. Additionally, recruitment agencies and middlemen often deceive workers about job conditions, trapping them in inhumane employment.

    Reports have shared harrowing testimonies from Indian workers who have suffered under this exploitative system. Many migrant workers arrive in the Gulf with the hope of earning a better livelihood, only to find themselves trapped in gruelling conditions. They are often deceived by false promises of high-paying jobs, only to be forced into working excessively long hours without proper compensation. Employers frequently confiscate their passports, stripping them of their freedom and leaving them unable to escape their dire circumstances. Many are housed in overcrowded, unsanitary accommodations and face constant fear of retaliation if they attempt to resist or escape. In some cases, those who try to flee are apprehended, detained, and deported without receiving any of the wages they were owed.

    Similarly, domestic workers, many of them women from India, have reported cases of extreme violence and sexual abuse. A significant number face physical assaults from their employers, and without legal protection or the ability to leave, they are left helpless and traumatized.

    The Indian government has been criticized for its inadequate response to the suffering of its citizens in the Gulf. While diplomatic efforts have been made to negotiate with Saudi authorities, these initiatives often fall short due to a lack of enforcement and accountability. Additionally, recruitment agencies and middlemen in India play a significant role in trafficking workers, often charging exorbitant fees and misleading job seekers about the realities of working in Saudi Arabia.

    To combat these abuses, Saudi Arabia must abolish the kafala system and replace this exploitative framework with a legal structure that guarantees worker rights. Labour laws should include minimum wage protections, grievance mechanisms, and stricter penalties for abusive employers. India must regulate recruitment agencies more effectively and crack down on fraudulent agents that deceive workers about job conditions. The Indian government should increase diplomatic pressure on Gulf nations to ensure accountability regarding labour rights violations. Greater awareness campaigns must also be implemented to educate potential migrant workers about their rights and the risks involved in employment abroad.

    The plight of Indian workers in Saudi Arabia is a stark reminder of the modern slavery that continues to persist despite international labor laws and human rights agreements. Until systemic reforms are implemented, thousands of Indian workers will remain trapped in a cycle of exploitation, their dreams of a better life shattered. The time for action is now—governments, activists, and international organizations must unite to dismantle this oppressive system and ensure dignity and justice for all migrant workers.

    The post The Exploitation of Indian Migrant Workers in Saudi Arabia: Modern-Day Slavery appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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    1. Context and Background

    The evolution of women’s access to education in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates – presents gradual but progressive advancements, reflecting broader societal transformations in the region.

    In the early 20th century, education for women was traditionally limited, as cultural norms and economic priorities often favored male education. Girls typically received informal instruction in religious or domestic matters, primarily through family or religious institutions.

    By the mid-20th century, national governments began prioritizing modern education systems. For instance, Bahrain established the first girls’ school in 1928, the earliest in the GCC. This marked a turning point as governments increasingly recognized female education as integral to national development strategies. Over time, secondary and tertiary education became more accessible to women, and universities introduced dedicated programs. King Saud University in Saudi Arabia began admitting women in the 1970s, and today, women constitute more than half of university students.

    In countries like Qatar and the UAE, government scholarships and the establishment of global branch campuses, such as those in Qatar’s Education City, created new opportunities for women. Female university enrollment soared, with Saudi women representing more than half of university students and UAE women comprising 70% of all graduates.

    Women have also increasingly pursued studies in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields, supported by national policies. For example, 56% of STEM students in the UAE are women, one of the highest rates globally. Qatar has made strides as well, with women entering architecture and engineering disciplines for the first time in 2008. Education City, inaugurated in 2003, houses leading academic institutions where women constitute a significant portion of the student body.

    1. Women’s Educational Achievements and Leadership

    Education has empowered women to take on leadership roles across the GCC, spanning government, entrepreneurship, and diplomacy. In Saudi Arabia, 30 women were appointed to the Shoura Council for the first time in 2013, followed by 17 women winning municipal seats in 2015. Bahrain and the UAE set regional precedents with the appointments of their first female judges in 2006 and 2008, respectively. In Oman and Bahrain, the government has appointed an increasing number of women to unelected positions, including cabinet and diplomatic roles.

    National governments have implemented key strategies to further promote women’s education and workforce participation such as national visions and governmental councils. For example:

    • UAE Vision 2021 prioritized a First-Rate Education System and a Competitive Knowledge Economy, significantly narrowing the gender gap in education. The UAE’s Gender Balance Council and General Women’s Union have focused on advancing women’s representation in STEM fields and other sectors. The extensive public sector investments in the education sector have led to a decrease in the gender gap in primary, secondary and tertiary education.
    • Saudi Vision 2030 aims to increase women’s workforce participation to 30%, promote vocational training, and encourage women’s enrollment in leadership programs. Under its G20 presidency, Saudi Arabia’s W20 agenda emphasized women’s inclusion as critical to economic growth and diversification.
    • Qatar National Vision 2030 targets gender equality in education and workforce participation. The Qatar Research Fund supports women-led projects in STEM fields.
    • Oman’s National Strategy for Education 2040 emphasizes women’s access to higher education, leadership training, and professional development.
    • Kuwait Vision 2035 identifies education as a pillar of sustainable development, encouraging women’s participation in scientific research through initiatives like the Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Sciences (KFAS). Two specific programs are the quality of education program and the higher education program.
    • Bahrain’s Supreme Council for Women integrates women into national development plans and promotes equal opportunities in education and the workforce. Programs such as Tamkeen provide financial support and training for women entrepreneurs and professionals to accelerate women participation in diverse sectors and industries.
    1. Key Drivers of Progress

    The GCC countries have made significant investments in education, dedicating over 15% of state budgets to the sector in several cases. This financial commitment, coupled with partnerships with international institutions and exposure to global educational standards, has modernized the region’s education systems. Additionally, the inclusion of educated women in the workforce has become essential following the economic shift from oil dependence to knowledge-based industries.

    These efforts have led to increased student enrollment, higher literacy rates, and enhanced educational infrastructure. Female literacy in the region has tripled since 1970 in the region, and women are now more likely to pursue higher education than ever before.

    At the same time, all the GCC countries have improved the quality of women’s education and significantly invested in educational infrastructure and reforms aimed at promoting women’s access to education.

    The expansion of women’s education has resulted in a growing presence of women in the workplace and society. The proportion of women with jobs has increased and in the 20 years from 2000 until 2019, women’s economic opportunity in the region has improved. Since 2005, women in Kuwait have received the same political rights as men, enabling them to vote and run for office. Divorced or widowed women increasingly pursue employment, gaining financial independence that was previously uncommon.

    Although women remain underrepresented in political and leadership roles, their growing presence in education and the labor force is shifting societal norms and breaking down prejudices. This progress is fostering greater advocacy for women’s rights and gender equality across the GCC.

    Education has been a cornerstone of this transformation, laying the groundwork for broader social and economic advancements. By prioritizing women’s access to education and workforce participation, GCC countries are not only empowering half of their populations but also driving innovation and sustainable growth in the region.

    1. Key Issues and Gaps

    As previously displayed, all of the GCC states have made education a main pillar in their respective national plans and have implemented national strategies to tackle gender inequality and enhance the women and girls’ right to education.

    However, female school enrollment data does not guarantee equal access to education and structural gender inequalities in education are still persistent. Despite the constitutional guarantees and the GCC countries’s ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), equal protection principles are often not coupled with obligations or accountabilities of the State to fulfil them. Gender gap is codified in law, frequently in family laws or civil codes, which represent legal forms of discrimination that are systematic and pervade every aspect of life.

    For instance, the personal status laws which regulate marriage, divorce, child custody, inheritance recognize the husband as the head of the family, giving him extensive power over his wife’s right to study, work and travel.

    The personal status laws codify the guardianship system which exercise significant barriers to women’s right to education as it restricts women’s rights to freedom of movement, work, study. In countries where this system is deeply rooted in cultural and religious beliefs such as in Saudi Arabia, women historically needed their guardian’s permission to enroll in schools or universities. Nowadays, women might need guardian approval to travel to cities or regions where schools and universities are located, restricting their ability to pursue higher education, especially in rural areas with limited facilities. Some state universities in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE require women to show they have male guardian permission before they can go to study abroad.

    The systemic discrimination against women in the region is also deeply rooted in social customs which often confine women to domestic roles and marriage duties, restricting their access to education and limiting their participation in both the public and private spheres of life. The domestic role of women often clash with accessing the educational systems because society highly values women’s domestic duties over the opportunities for education.

    Girls’ school attendance is limited by long distances and restricted mobility, as societal norms often deem it unacceptable for a girl to walk to school unaccompanied. After marriage, continuing or resuming education becomes challenging for girls, primarily due to societal stigma and household responsibilities.

    Additionally, the traditional gender roles limit the ability of women and girls to utilize ICT tools effectively. Indeed, the gender gap in mobile ownership and mobile internet use in the region has remained stagnant or increased within the last few years. The limited access to ICTs hinders women’s capacity to develop the digital skills needed to meet the growing demand for digital literacy and support educational opportunities, especially during COVID-19 pandemic.

    Women increasingly enter fields like engineering and IT, yet patriarchal structures restrict their choices and employment. In Kuwait and Oman, women are required to achieve higher grade-point averages (GPAs) to enroll certain university’s department such as engineering.

    Another issue is that women’s rights discussions often focus on privileged citizens, sidelining vulnerable groups. Here the concept of intersectional feminism is key, which recognizes that women’s experiences are shaped by overlapping identities such as class, ethnicity, and legal status. Yet, a comprehensive and inclusive approach to women’s rights is still missing in the region.

    Among the vulnerable groups, female migrant workers – which represent a large part of the female population in the GCC countries – have more difficulties in accessing the educational system due to language barriers and a lack of protection under national laws. Moreover, stateless girls struggle to access educational institutions as they lack citizenship and nationality rights. Consequently, they are more likely to be involved in child or forced marriages in order to obtain economic stability or citizenship benefits.

    Also, disparities between urban, rural, and poorer communities have grown. Regional disparities in access to quality education in GCC countries affect most marginalized girls and women such as those living in rural areas, in displaced or nomadic communities where these gaps widen. For example, rural females at both the primary and lower secondary levels exhibit higher out-of-school rates than other populations in the region due to early marriage, caregiving responsibilities, or the guardianship system, which limits their mobility and autonomy.

    The limited economic resources and the lack of financial support further exacerbate gender gaps in educational access. Poverty directly impacts girls’ educational opportunities forcing girls and women living in lower-income households to cover caregiving responsibilities and prioritizing education for men.

    Moreover, the quality of education needs to be improved as there is a mismatch between education and the labour market, where the skills taught in school do not adequately prepare students for employment. Gender sensitivity is a key aspect of the quality of education in the sense that educational systems should be sensitive to the specific needs of girls and women.

    Also, the lack of democratic institutions and independent judiciary as well as restrictions on freedom of association and assembly represent significant obstacles to women’s access to education and the approval of new legal protections. Firstly, policies that prioritize gender equality, including education reforms, are less likely to be implemented when women lack democratic representation in governance or the opportunity to advocate for their rights effectively. Secondly, without an independent judiciary, laws guaranteeing equal access to education for women may not be enforced. Thirdly, restrictive rules on the formation of civil society organizations in the GCC countries make it more difficult for women advocates to effectively organize and lobby the government for extended educational rights. When freedom of association and assembly is curtailed, women are left with limited ways to organize, voice their concerns, or demand accountability from authorities.

    Women’s rights are instead used by governments for political agendas or to enhance the international image rather than addressing systemic issues. This approach is referred to as “gender-washing,” a strategy to present a progressive image to the international community, which increasingly associates women’s rights with democracy.

    1. Main consequences

    The GCC countries have made notable strides in expanding women’s access to education, but significant challenges remain in ensuring equal educational rights and translating academic achievements into workforce participation. While girls often outperform boys in school and attain advanced levels of education, female labor force participation remains significantly lower than that of men. Growth in women’s political involvement and representation in decision-making positions has been minimal with women being predominantly employed in agriculture (27%), education (21%), and manufacturing (11%). Also, gender-based discrimination in hiring, compensation, and promotions continues to limit their opportunities.

    Women in the Gulf also face systemic inequalities in marriage and family life. Many are subjected to the control of their husbands, which restricts their autonomy and decision-making power. For those unable to secure employment outside the home, unpaid domestic work often becomes their primary role, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. This issue is particularly acute for female migrant workers employed in the domestic sector. These women face heightened risks of sexual harassment, abuse, and exploitation, compounded by challenges in accessing justice due to language barriers, social isolation, marginalization, and a lack of legal protections.

    Caregiving responsibilities further limit women’s ability to pursue or complete their education, perpetuating a cycle of dependency. The guardianship system exacerbates these challenges, as women often require a guardian’s permission to travel or engage in various activities, effectively restricting their educational and personal autonomy.

    These structural barriers contribute to alarmingly high unemployment rates among women in GCC countries, some of the highest globally. Denial of educational and economic opportunities prevents women from fully participating in society, leaving many reliant on their families for support. Women who lack access to education are often unaware of their legal rights and how to exercise them, further entrenching gender inequalities. This gender gap not only limits women’s potential but also hampers the socio-economic development of the entire region. The exclusion of a significant portion of the population leads to the underutilization of talent and resources, negatively impacting economic growth and societal progress.

    Education is a crucial driver of economic growth and innovation, but illiteracy and unequal access to education reduce the development of human capital. This limits a country’s ability to produce a skilled workforce and stifles its capacity for effective innovation. Increasing women’s participation in the workforce would generate more job opportunities, contribute to national income, and reduce the GCC countries’ reliance on foreign labor. Furthermore, limited education directly affects worker productivity; countries with high illiteracy rates and gender gaps in education tend to be less competitive.

    As economies grow and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) gain prominence, new opportunities emerge for women. However, to seize these opportunities, women need appropriate education and training to develop professional and practical skills. These abilities are essential to enhance their performance and facilitate their entry into the job market.

    1. Conclusion

    The evolution of women’s education in the GCC highlights a remarkable journey from limited access to significant achievements, reflecting broader societal modernization across the region. This progress reflects the growing recognition of education as a cornerstone for economic development and gender equality.

    However, the systemic barriers to women’s right to education in the GCC persist. Gender-based discrimination, societal norms, and legal restrictions like the guardianship system, limit women’s autonomy and access to opportunities. Unequal caregiving responsibilities and a lack of supportive infrastructure hinder many women from pursuing or completing education. Furthermore, despite high educational attainment, translating these achievements into workforce participation remains difficult due to discrimination in hiring, promotion, and pay, as well as limited access to leadership roles.

    Therefore, the challenge now lies in fully respecting women’s right to education and ensure equitable opportunities in the workforce and leadership roles for women.

    Granting women the full right to education and fostering their integration into the workforce would allow them to actively contribute to economic and social spheres. To do so, it is crucial to address the structural and societal barriers that hinder women’s full participation. Reforming policies such as guardianship systems and addressing workplace discrimination must remain priorities. Governments must also invest in targeted programs that provide women with the skills and training needed to excel in emerging industries and STEM fields. Moreover, addressing caregiving burdens and unpaid domestic labor is vital to unlocking women’s potential as full participants in the economy.

    International pressure and collaboration remain indispensable advancing these reforms and ensuring that women’s education and empowerment continue to evolve to create a more inclusive approach in the GCC region.

    The post Women’s Right to Education in the GCC: Progress & Challenges appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Key Findings

    Saudi Arabia has made notable progress in establishing a legal framework for the rights of persons with disabilities, driven by a combination of domestic legislation and international commitments. Key milestones include the 1987 Legislation of Disability, the 2000 Disability Code, and the 2023 Saudi Law on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (SLRPD). These laws align with international conventions, particularly the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), which Saudi Arabia ratified in 2008. However, while these measures signify an increasing recognition of disability rights, significant challenges persist. Societal misconceptions, limited accessibility, inadequate vocational training opportunities, and the pervasive influence of the medical model of disability hinder meaningful inclusion. These issues perpetuate the exclusion and marginalization of disabled individuals, particularly in education, employment, and social participation. Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia’s ambitious reform plan, provides a promising framework for addressing these issues, but achieving its goals will require systemic changes in both cultural attitudes and infrastructural development.

    Introduction

    Over the past several decades, Saudi Arabia has demonstrated a growing commitment to advancing disability rights, grounded in Islamic Sharia principles and international obligations such as the CRPD. The Kingdom’s legal framework, including the recently enacted 2023 SLRPD, emphasizes core principles of accessibility, non-discrimination, and inclusive education and employment. These laws aim to create an equitable society where individuals with disabilities can fully participate. Despite this legislative progress, the lived experiences of people with disabilities in Saudi Arabia often fail to reflect the promises enshrined in these policies. Societal attitudes, infrastructural inadequacies, and limited vocational opportunities create significant barriers to inclusion. To address these challenges, the Kingdom must move beyond formal legislation to focus on practical implementation and systemic reforms, particularly through the opportunities presented by Vision 2030, which emphasizes equality and empowerment for all.

    Persistent Challenges

    Cultural attitudes and misconceptions about disability remain some of the most significant obstacles to achieving meaningful inclusion in Saudi Arabia. Disabilities are often viewed through a lens of pity or charity rather than empowerment, perpetuating a medical model that focuses on physical impairments rather than societal barriers. This outdated perspective fosters stereotypes that paint individuals with disabilities as incapable or burdensome, leading to widespread discrimination and exclusion. For instance, many people erroneously attribute disabilities to hereditary factors or moral failings, further marginalizing affected individuals and their families. These societal misconceptions not only harm self-esteem and social integration but also severely limit economic and educational opportunities.

    Accessibility is another major challenge, despite legal mandates requiring accommodations in public and private spaces. Many public areas, including sidewalks, transportation systems, and government buildings, fail to meet accessibility standards, making it difficult for individuals with disabilities to navigate daily life independently. These shortcomings extend to workplaces, where the lack of reasonable accommodations creates additional barriers to employment. While laws such as the SLRPD explicitly require accessible infrastructure, enforcement is inconsistent, leaving many environments ill-equipped to support disabled individuals.

    Employment opportunities for individuals with disabilities are further constrained by structural and societal barriers. Employers often view accommodations as burdensome or costly, reinforcing stereotypes about the productivity of disabled employees. These perceptions are compounded by a lack of accessible transportation and workplace modifications, making it physically challenging for individuals with disabilities to secure and retain employment. Vocational training programs, which are critical for equipping disabled individuals with marketable skills, remain scarce and poorly aligned with labor market demands. Consequently, unemployment rates among individuals with disabilities remain disproportionately high, limiting their economic independence and exacerbating their social marginalization.

    A lack of comprehensive data on disability prevalence and types also undermines efforts to address these issues effectively. Without reliable statistics, policymakers, and advocates struggle to design targeted interventions or prioritize resources appropriately. This data gap hampers the development of evidence-based policies and prevents a clear understanding of the diverse needs within the disability community.

    Legal Framework for Disability Rights

    Saudi Arabia’s legal framework for disability rights has evolved significantly over the years, with landmark legislation aimed at improving the lives of individuals with disabilities. The 1987 Legislation of Disability,  marked an early effort to ensure equal rights and privileges for disabled individuals. Building on this foundation, the 2000 Disability Code  mandated access to medical care, education, vocational training, and employment. More recently, the 2023 SLRPD introduced stricter protections, criminalizing neglect and requiring accessibility in public spaces as well as inclusive practices in education and employment.

    While these laws align with international standards, including the CRPD, their impact is often undermined by poor enforcement and societal resistance. For example, Article 8 of the SLRPD promotes inclusive education, yet many schools and universities lack the necessary infrastructure and training to accommodate students with disabilities.   Similarly, Article 28 of the Labour Law, which sets a 4% employment quota for individuals with disabilities, is rarely enforced, with many employers either unaware of or unwilling to meet this requirement. These gaps between legislative intent and practical outcomes highlight the need for robust implementation mechanisms and cultural shifts to support the goals of the legal framework.

    Education Rights: Progress and Gaps

    Education is a critical area where Saudi Arabia has sought to improve access and inclusion for individuals with disabilities. Article 8 of the SLRPD mandates accessibility across all levels of education, emphasizing early intervention and specialized programs. Institutions such as King Saud University and Princess Nourah bint Abdulrahman University have introduced initiatives to enhance access, including the Universal Access Program and tailored services for students with disabilities.

    However, significant challenges remain. Many schools and universities lack assistive technologies, trained educators, and awareness about inclusive teaching methods. These deficiencies hinder the ability of educational institutions to meet the needs of disabled students effectively. Furthermore, societal attitudes often discourage families from enrolling children with disabilities in mainstream education, limiting their opportunities from an early age. Addressing these issues requires greater investment in resources, teacher training, and public awareness campaigns to promote the value of inclusive education.

    Employment Rights: Structural Barriers

    Despite the presence of legal protections, individuals with disabilities face significant obstacles in the workplace. Article 28 of the Labour Law and Cabinet Resolution No. 110 emphasize the importance of non-discrimination and reasonable accommodations, but these provisions are rarely enforced. However, despite these legal protections, individuals with disabilities face numerous barriers in their pursuit of employment and financial stability in Saudi Arabia. The primary challenge they encounter is rooted in prevailing negative attitudes within society. Misconceptions about disabilities and limited public awareness marginalize people with disabilities, reducing their access to meaningful employment opportunities and contributing to ongoing social and economic exclusion. Additionally, the costs associated with employing individuals with disabilities are often viewed by employers as prohibitively high. Accommodations and modifications for disabled employees may be perceived as financially burdensome, further discouraging employers from hiring them. This reluctance is compounded by employers’ limited experience in working with disabled employees, which can impact hiring rates and productivity.

    Accessibility limitations also present major obstacles. In Saudi Arabia, people with disabilities face difficulties accessing transportation, buildings, and other public facilities, which significantly restricts their ability to physically reach and navigate work environments. Furthermore, a lack of comprehensive vocational training programs designed for people with disabilities exacerbates the problem, leaving many disabled individuals without the skills needed to meet the demands of the job market. This skills gap significantly hinders their employability, preventing them from accessing meaningful work.

    A related issue is the limited availability of accurate data on the prevalence, types, and distribution of disabilities within the country. Without robust statistical information, it is challenging to develop targeted policies that address the unique employment needs of individuals with disabilities.

    The cultural landscape in Saudi Arabia also shapes employment prospects for disabled individuals. Influenced by Islamic Sharia principles, which emphasize respect and equality for all individuals, the country’s cultural attitudes toward disability remain largely informed by the medical model of disability rather than the social model. This perspective often perpetuates stereotypes, unintentionally reinforcing the marginalization of people with disabilities in the workplace.

    In alignment with its broader Vision 2030 objectives, Saudi Arabia is implementing new policies and initiatives focused on inclusive training and education programs to provide fair and decent employment opportunities for all citizens, including those with disabilities. These efforts reflect a strong governmental commitment to fostering an inclusive and accessible employment landscape for individuals with disabilities.

    Vision 2030: A Path Forward

    Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 represents a transformative opportunity to address the systemic challenges faced by individuals with disabilities. This ambitious reform plan emphasizes social inclusion, economic participation, and public awareness, providing a comprehensive framework for fostering meaningful change. To achieve these goals, several key priorities must be addressed.

    Public awareness campaigns are essential for combating societal misconceptions and promoting the social model of disability, which emphasizes removing societal barriers rather than focusing solely on physical impairments. These campaigns should highlight the capabilities and contributions of individuals with disabilities, fostering a culture of empowerment rather than pity.

    Improved accessibility must also be a priority. Existing laws requiring accessible public spaces, transportation systems, and workplaces need to be enforced rigorously. This includes investing in infrastructure upgrades and developing clear accountability mechanisms to ensure compliance.

    Comprehensive data collection is another critical area for reform. A robust system for gathering and analyzing disability statistics is necessary to inform policy decisions and design targeted interventions. This data will provide a clearer picture of the disability landscape and help policymakers address specific needs effectively.

    Finally, expanding vocational training programs is essential for equipping individuals with disabilities with the skills required to succeed in the job market. These programs should be designed in collaboration with industry stakeholders to ensure alignment with labor market demands and provide participants with practical, marketable skills.

    Conclusion

    Saudi Arabia’s legal framework and Vision 2030 objectives represent significant steps toward disability inclusion. However, translating these policies into meaningful progress requires a shift from formal legislation to practical implementation. Addressing societal misconceptions, improving infrastructure, expanding vocational training, and collecting robust data are critical to overcoming persistent barriers. By focusing on these areas, the Kingdom can transform its vision into reality, creating an inclusive society where individuals with disabilities can thrive and contribute fully to national development.

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  • Saudi Arabia, governed as an absolute monarchy under a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam, has long faced scrutiny for its religious freedom policies, particularly regarding the treatment of Shia Muslims and other religious minorities. As the birthplace of Islam, the kingdom enforces a legal and social framework that prioritizes Sunni Islam, specifically its Wahhabi doctrine. While this religious homogeneity is central to Saudi identity, it has led to systemic discrimination against minority groups, severely limiting their religious and civic freedoms.

    Legal and Institutional Framework

    Saudi Arabia’s Basic Law, which functions as the country’s de facto constitution, declares that the Quran and the Sunna are the supreme sources of law. This legal framework underpins a rigid enforcement of Islamic practices as interpreted by the state’s religious authorities. Non-Sunni Muslims and non-Muslims face significant restrictions, as public practice of any religion other than state-sanctioned Sunni Islam is strictly prohibited. Apostasy—defined as conversion from Islam—is punishable by death, underscoring the state’s intolerance for religious divergence.

    The state apparatus, including the religious police (Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice), has historically monitored and suppressed activities deemed un-Islamic. While their power has been curbed in recent years under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s reforms, these restrictions remain deeply entrenched for religious minorities.

    Discrimination Against Shia Muslims

    Shia Muslims, who make up approximately 10–15% of Saudi Arabia’s population, face systemic discrimination in nearly every aspect of public life. Their religious practices are heavily monitored and often curtailed. The construction of Shia mosques and religious centres is tightly restricted, and existing mosques are subject to constant surveillance. Public celebrations of Shia religious events such as Ashura are discouraged or outright banned in many parts of the kingdom, forcing these communities to practice their faith in secrecy.

    In education, Shia students often encounter curricula that portray their religious beliefs negatively, labeling them as deviations from true Islam. This bias perpetuates societal prejudice against Shia communities. Additionally, there have been widespread reports of discriminatory treatment from teachers and peers, further alienating Shia youth from full participation in Saudi society.

    Economic discrimination compounds these challenges. Shia Muslims are systematically excluded from high-ranking positions in government and the military, with few exceptions. In the private sector, they encounter barriers to employment and advancement, leaving many economically marginalized. This exclusion from economic and political power reinforces a cycle of poverty and disenfranchisement within Shia-majority areas such as the Eastern Province, where much of the country’s oil wealth is concentrated.

    Repression and Violence

    Beyond structural discrimination, Shia communities in Saudi Arabia have endured violence and repression. In recent years, extremist groups, including ISIS, have carried out attacks on Shia mosques and gatherings, resulting in significant loss of life. The government has condemned these attacks but has been criticized for failing to provide adequate protection for Shia communities. Many believe this reflects broader societal indifference toward Shia safety and well-being.

    The government itself has also played a role in repressing Shia activists and leaders. Over the past decade, arrests, imprisonments, and even executions of prominent Shia figures have escalated. Sheikh Nimr Baqir al-Nimr, a vocal critic of the government’s treatment of Shia Muslims, was executed in 2016 on charges of inciting violence, though international human rights organizations widely condemned the trial as politically motivated. His death sparked outrage within Saudi Arabia’s Shia community and drew global condemnation, highlighting the kingdom’s harsh approach toward dissenting voices.

    The International Response

    Saudi Arabia’s treatment of Shia Muslims and other religious minorities has drawn sustained criticism from international organizations. The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has consistently designated Saudi Arabia as a “country of particular concern” for its severe violations of religious freedom. Reports from bodies such as USCIRF and the U.S. State Department emphasize the lack of significant progress in addressing these issues, pointing to the continued persecution of Shia activists, suppression of minority religious practices, and the fostering of societal prejudice through state-controlled institutions.

    Minority Rights Group International has also highlighted the plight of Saudi Arabia’s Shia population, documenting patterns of discrimination, economic exclusion, and religious repression. The group notes that despite the kingdom’s attempts to present itself as modernizing under Vision 2030, these reforms have largely bypassed minority communities, leaving the core issues of religious inequality unaddressed.

    Conclusion

    While Saudi Arabia has embarked on limited reforms aimed at combating religious extremism and curbing the power of conservative clerics, these measures have done little to improve conditions for Shia Muslims and other minorities. The kingdom’s legal framework, coupled with deeply ingrained societal attitudes, continues to suppress religious freedom and marginalize non-Sunni communities. For true progress to occur, Saudi Arabia must undertake comprehensive reforms that guarantee equal rights and protections for all religious groups, ensuring that freedom of belief is respected in both law and practice. Until such changes are implemented, the kingdom’s religious minorities will remain excluded from the promise of equality and justice.

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  • Context of migration in Saudi Arabia

    The context of migration in Saudi Arabia is shaped by a complex mix of economic needs, labor dynamics, social policies, and geopolitical factors. Saudi Arabia is one of the largest destinations for migrant workers in the Middle East, with 39 percent of international migrants comprising the total population. Its reliance on foreign labor has grown significantly, with millions of foreign nationals working across various sectors in the country.

    Among the key aspects of migration in Saudi Arabia, it is essential to recognize that the country’s economy has long relied on migrant labor, with migrants constituting a significant portion of the workforce. Migration patterns are largely driven by the demand for labor in the Saudi economy as well as the country’s economic development plans, such as the Vision 2030 initiative. The pandemic and global economic shifts have also impacted migration patterns, with some migrant workers losing their jobs and being repatriated.

    The majority of migrants are employed in sectors like agriculture, cleaning, and domestic services, where the demand for unskilled labor is high. The status of foreign workers often varies based on their country of origin: individuals from Arab and Western nations typically occupy the highest positions not filled by Saudis, while lower-ranking jobs are predominantly held by people from Africa and Southeast Asia who seek a better life in Saudi Arabia.

    Migrant labor is regulated by the Kafala system, a sponsorship-based employment framework prevalent in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries. Under this system, migrant workers are fully dependent on their employers, who have significant control over their legal status, including their ability to change jobs, leave the country, or even retain their passports. Migrants face significant challenges in terms of legal protections, social integration, and human rights, which make it difficult for many of them to live and work in the country with dignity and security.

    In addition to legal labor migration, Saudi Arabia also experiences irregular migration, with migrants seeking better economic opportunities without legal work permits. These migrants face arbitrary detention, deportation, and exploitation.

    There have been efforts by the Saudi government to address some of the systemic issues facing migrant workers. The country has introduced new labor laws, but they have proven inadequate, and enforcement of these regulations remains a challenge, leaving migrant workers to continue facing severe human rights abuses.

    Discrimination Against Migrant Workers

    Saudi Arabia counts a vast migrant workforce of 13.4 million people, who currently face exploitative living and working conditions. The main cause of these abuses is Saudi Arabia’s Kafala system, which emerged in the Gulf countries in the early 20th century to manage foreign labor in the pearl industry. However, it ultimately gave employers excessive power over migrants’ mobility and legal status in the country. The sponsorship system has been widely criticized for contributing to exploitation, abuse, and human trafficking, and for fostering power imbalances and discrimination based on nationality and social status, as migrant workers often suffer from harsher conditions and ill-treatment.

    Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 plan heavily relies on migrant workers, who have suffered from abusive conditions, including widespread wage theft, unsafe working conditions, intimidation, debt bondage, and restricted movement. Employers’ control is also evident in terms of legal protections, wages, and working and living conditions. Migrant workers risk passport confiscation, forced confinement, physical abuse, and are prevented from benefiting from welfare assistance or political participation.

    Many migrant workers also incur debts to pay recruitment fees, which can lead to a cycle of exploitation as they struggle to repay these debts while working under precarious conditions. Thus, the sponsorship system has enabled forced labor and systemic discrimination against migrant workers.

    In March 2021, Saudi authorities implemented the Labor Reform Initiative, aimed at easing restrictions and allowing migrant workers to change jobs without employers’ consent in certain situations. However, the reforms primarily focused on private sector workers and excluded the most vulnerable and least protected migrant workers—such as domestic staff, personal drivers, farmers, security guards, and shepherds—from labor law protection reforms.

    While Saudi Arabia introduced new labor laws in October 2023, explicitly banning passport confiscation, setting maximum working hours, and introducing health and safety regulations, the impact on domestic workers’ lives remains uncertain. The law fails to address the issue of a minimum wage for domestic workers, leaving a key gap in worker protections. The reforms’ effectiveness will depend on proper enforcement. Additionally, the reforms failed to fully dismantle the Kafala system, which, in some cases, still allows wage theft and migrant workers’ dependency on their sponsors for job changes and travel, as well as for entry, residence, and employment in the country.

    There are also periods of missingness that occur during employment and imprisonment. While employed, migrant workers often work long hours with partial or no payment, lose contact with their families, and experience restricted freedoms or abuse. They also risk being arrested if deemed irregular migrants and detained in Saudi prisons for indefinite periods before being deported. While detained, they are held incommunicado, separated from their belongings, family members, and any money they have earned or saved.

    Despite discriminating against migrants and violating their rights, Saudi Arabia has made significant investments to divert attention from its poor human rights record, both domestically and internationally. It has spent billions hosting major entertainment, cultural, and sports events to whitewash its human rights record. Saudi Arabia’s ambitious Vision 2030 projects, such as the futuristic NEOM city and the 2034 World Cup, will rely heavily on a migrant construction workforce that remains poorly protected under the country’s labor laws.

    Discrimination against East African migrants

    Saudi Arabia’s population of 35 million includes an estimated 10 million migrant workers from Asia, Africa, and the Arab region, employed across a range of sectors, including construction, hospitality, and domestic work. These sectors are particularly where migrant workers face the greatest risks of forced labor.

    The fact that the reforms to the Kafala system exclude certain sectors suggests that Saudi Arabia has intentionally targeted a specific segment of the population, deliberately leaving them without the benefits of these changes. This situation particularly affects migrants from East African countries like Kenya and Ethiopia, as well as from Yemen. Most East African migrants seek to reach Gulf countries, primarily Saudi Arabia, in search of better quality of life and higher-income job opportunities. Approximately 750,000 Ethiopians live and work in Saudi Arabia, and over the last decade, the irregular movement of refugees and migrants from Ethiopia to Yemen has averaged around 100,000 people every year. Most of these migrants travel through the Eastern migration route, which involves a perilous journey from Ethiopia to Yemen via Djibouti and Somalia, before crossing into Saudi Arabia. Others arrive in Saudi Arabia on work permits, typically by plane.

    While many migrate for economic reasons, others flee serious human rights abuses in their home countries, including the ongoing conflict in northern Ethiopia. Migrants fleeing conflict and human rights abuses face dangerous journeys, often marked by exploitation from smugglers and trafficking networks. Once they reach Yemen, the armed groups plays a significant role in abusing Ethiopian migrants, detaining them under harsh conditions, extorting bribes, and subjecting them to other forms of mistreatment. Upon arrival in Saudi Arabia, these migrants are at constant risk of exploitation and violence by their employers due to the prevailing Kafala system. They also risk dying from neglect while detained in centers awaiting deportation.

    Saudi Arabia detains migrants with deportation orders, primarily those who have entered the country unlawfully or overstayed their permits, the majority of whom are Ethiopian nationals. These individuals are held in poorly maintained detention facilities known as deportation centers.

    It is deeply concerning that many East African migrants fleeing abuse or conflict in their home countries then face harassment and abuse by their Saudi employers and the additional risk of being sent to detention centers and deported, without any proper investigation into the abuses they have endured.

    Conditions in the Detention Centers

    The country has regularly conducted operations against undocumented migrant workers, including significant arrest initiatives in November 2013 and August 2017. Among those targeted, Ethiopians faced prolonged detention compared to migrants from other nationalities. According to a report by Amnesty International, since 2017, Saudi authorities have arbitrarily imprisoned hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian migrants, either crossing the border from Yemen or residing in Saudi Arabia, as part of efforts to suppress undocumented migration.

    In March 2022, the governments of Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia agreed to repatriate more than 100,000 Ethiopians who were residing irregularly in the country. Many of these migrants had been held in detention centers under cruel conditions, subjected to torture and ill-treatment, and were forcibly returned to Ethiopia.

    Most of the migrants who were arrested received no information about the reasons for their detention or the duration of their imprisonment. The arbitrary arrests and inhumane treatment were largely motivated by the migrants’ lack of residency documents or work permits—situations that are facilitated by the abusive kafala system. Additionally, the duration of imprisonment was undefined: while some detainees were held for only a few days, others endured months or even years in detention before being deported. Throughout this process, the human rights of the migrants were routinely violated.

    In 2019, Human Rights Watch documented around 10 prisons and detention facilities in Saudi Arabia where migrants were held in overcrowded, unhygienic, and abusive conditions, with inadequate access to food, water, and health care. Interviews with former detainees revealed that overcrowding was severe, with some cells intended for 60 people holding 200 to 400 detainees. The extreme conditions led to serious medical issues, including physical ailments such as tuberculosis and other infections, as well as psychological trauma linked to gender-based violence, suspected rape, and respiratory conditions like pneumonia. Many detainees with serious health issues, including respiratory problems and skin diseases, were denied timely medical care.

    Amnesty International also reported on the detention of pregnant women and infants, highlighting overcrowded and unsanitary conditions, with mothers and young children forced to lie on the floor. The lack of proper medical support is particularly concerning, given that many undocumented migrant workers who are incarcerated have become pregnant due to rape during their journey to Saudi Arabia or sexual abuse by employers within the country.

    Cases of torture and mistreatment by detention center guards were also documented. Victims were beaten and subjected to extreme heat, which in some cases resulted in skin injuries. These abuses were often a form of punishment for actions such as sharing their detention conditions on social media, boycotting meals, or refusing medical care. Detainees also reported that at least 10 of their Ethiopian cellmates died while in custody between April 2021 and May 2022 due to poor health resulting from torture and lack of medical attention. Saudi authorities failed not only to identify or prosecute those responsible for these deaths but also made no effort to register, identify, or repatriate the bodies of deceased migrants.

    Other testimonies described the severe impact of detention conditions on Ethiopian migrants’ mental and physical health, as well as the significant challenges they faced upon re-integration into Ethiopian society. These challenges included social isolation, health issues, and mental health conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression.

    Deportation of Ethiopian migrants

    In 2017, the Saudi Arabian government initiated a major airlift operation to repatriate irregular migrants to their home countries as part of efforts to reduce unemployment within the kingdom. Many irregular migrants have been arrested and subsequently deported back to their home countries, especially to Ethiopia, due to the large number of Ethiopian migrants. In 2022, IOM registered 93,500 Ethiopian returnees, an 18% increase compared to 2021.

    Human Rights Watch condemned the deportation of thousands of Tigrayan migrants from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia after they were unlawfully detained for months or even years in both formal and informal detention facilities across the Kingdom. The Tigrayan migrants were brutally tortured while being unjustly imprisoned before being forcibly deported. They endured overcrowding, beatings, and poor sanitary conditions, with inadequate food, water, and medical care. Such deplorable conditions for migrants have been a longstanding issue in Saudi Arabia.

    According to IOM, between 2017 and 2022, around half a million migrants were expelled from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia solely due to their irregular immigration status. Saudi police arrested irregular migrants from their homes, workplaces, or public spaces, and sent them to detention centers such as Al-Kharj or Al-Shumaisi, where they remained for over a year without charges or the opportunity to challenge their confinement.

    Once resettled in Ethiopia, the situation for Tigrayan migrants did not improve. They faced arbitrary detention and torture by Ethiopian authorities, who cooperated with Saudi Arabia. Thus, Saudi Arabia contributed to the abuse by continuing the deportation of Tigrayans to Ethiopia, where they faced the risk of persecution. Another issue is the lack of resources and shelters in Ethiopia, which prevents returnees from returning to their homes, reuniting with their families, or finding adequate accommodations.

    This rapid and unprepared repatriation process has resulted in slow and inadequate reintegration efforts. Most returnees face significant challenges due to their status, as they have spent their earnings on living costs and remittances. Many also suffered extreme hardships during their time in Saudi Arabia and upon their return, leading to various medical and psychological issues.

    Many migrants are mentally traumatized by their experiences, and the physical consequences are severe. Health issues are consistent with widespread reports of abuse and deprivation, including sexually transmitted infections in women who were raped, and physical injuries from smuggler violence, such as broken bones and permanent disabilities.

    Treatment of East African Migrants Crossing the Border

    The Eastern route, the border strip between Yemen and Saudi Arabia, is one of the most dangerous journeys for migrants. It is a militarized war zone, involving various armed actors such as the Saudi/UAE-led military intervention and Yemen.

    Despite the dangers, this route has been used by migrants from the Horn of Africa for years. Most migrants are of Ethiopian nationality, making up more than 90% of those arriving in the Gulf. They are initially driven to migrate due to a lack of employment and poor economic conditions, and later forced to leave their country after deadly conflict in Ethiopia targeted Tigrayans. Nearly 31% of Ethiopian migrants traveled to Saudi Arabia, and the migration was largely irregular, with migrants relying on a network of smugglers, which made them vulnerable on this dangerous route.

    Along the Eastern route, migrants face numerous abuses, including killings, torture, arbitrary detention, gender-based violence, exploitation, looting, and extortion. They may also encounter indirect dangers, such as airstrikes and landmines. Once in Yemen, migrant gathering points become hotspots for these violations. Yemen allows African migrants to pass through areas it controls on their way to Saudi Arabia, but it occasionally carries out arrests and forced deportations of migrants, violating the principle of non-refoulement.

    When attempting to cross the border into Saudi Arabia, Saudi authorities have been criticized for their ill-treatment, discrimination, and intentional targeting of African migrants. Saudi border guard units (SBGU) commonly block the paths of African and Yemeni migrants by patrolling with security vehicles and using CCTV towers equipped with surveillance devices and thermal imaging cameras.

    In October 2022, several UN Special Rapporteurs and Working Groups issued a communication highlighting allegations of cross-border artillery shelling and small arms fire allegedly perpetrated by Saudi security forces. These actions are believed to have caused the deaths of up to 430 migrants and injured 650 between January 1 and April 30, 2022.

    In 2023, Human Rights Watch condemned the killing of at least hundreds of Ethiopian migrants and asylum seekers by Saudi border guards. These migrants tried to cross the Yemen-Saudi border between March 2022 and June 2023. Human Rights Watch analyzed numerous videos and photographs documenting the migrants’ conditions on the trails, in camps, and in medical facilities, as well as the increasing Saudi border security infrastructure. The organization documented a systematic and widespread pattern of violence, including the use of explosive weapons and targeted shootings, which, if part of government policy, could constitute a crime against humanity. Many victims included women and children, and survivors described horrific abuses, such as being asked which limb they preferred to be shot.

    According to the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC), Saudi border authorities continued to fire indiscriminately at Ethiopian and Yemeni migrants crossing the Saudi border with Yemen in 2023 and 2024, with no significant response from the international community.

    In addition to the dangers of dying from neglect or exhaustion while trying to enter the country or being shot at by Saudi border guards, reports indicate that East African migrants also face the risk of abuse or even murder by their employers, or may die from neglect in one of the detention centers.

    Violations of International Law

    International law, especially international human rights law, promises to protect everyone globally. However, the reality for migrants seeking protection in Saudi Arabia highlights significant flaws in the country’s commitment. Migrants’ experiences in Saudi Arabia and while crossing the border expose its poor human rights record, particularly regarding foreign migrants from East Africa.

    Saudi Arabia is required to adhere to the core principles of international humanitarian law, which prohibit acts of violence, torture, or cruel treatment against individuals, regardless of their status, including migrants. Furthermore, all persons, regardless of nationality, ethnicity, or legal status, must be treated equally under international humanitarian standards.

    The fact that Saudi Arabia has not ratified the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families does not lessen its binding responsibilities under international humanitarian law, nor does it reduce the seriousness of the violations committed against migrants.

    The automatic use of migration-related detention is arbitrary. There must be a presumption against such detention, as any deprivation of liberty must be clearly authorized by law and justified by a legitimate, proportionate, and non-discriminatory purpose. Therefore, prolonged detention without access to judicial review is considered arbitrary and violates international law. It also constitutes deliberate abuse of migrants and asylum seekers, including targeting them with close-range attacks at the border.

    Cruel and inhumane treatment, medical neglect, and subsequent deaths in custody violate the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners—the so-called Nelson Mandela Rules—which guarantee detainees basic rights such as adequate living conditions, access to healthcare, food, and hygiene.

    Due to indefinite arbitrary detention under abusive conditions and the lack of legal process to contest their detention, many detained migrants are left in precarious conditions and feel compelled to return to Ethiopia.

    This coercive policy allowed Saudi authorities to forcibly send Ethiopians to a country where they risk facing persecution or torture again. This act violates international law, specifically the principle of non-refoulement, to which Saudi Arabia is bound. Non-refoulement ensures that no one should be returned to a country where they would face human rights violations.

    Although international law prohibits the detention of children for migration-related reasons, Amnesty International reported that pregnant women, mothers with their children, and unaccompanied minors were held in Al-Shumaisi and Al-Kharj detention centers. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Saudi Arabia is a signatory, states that children should not be detained and that such actions cannot be justified by the migration status of the children or their parents.

    Another violation of international obligations is the direct targeting of migrants through aerial and ground attacks carried out by Saudi security forces. The excessive use of firearms to stop migrants from crossing the Saudi-Yemeni border breaches the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its related protocols, especially the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, which obliges states to provide necessary protection to victims of human trafficking.

    Conclusion

    The migration context in Saudi Arabia is complex and evolving. Migrants play a critical role in the country’s economy, but their legal and social status leaves them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Significant challenges persist, particularly with regard to the Kafala system and the ill-treatment of migrant workers, who risk killings, arbitrary detention, deportation, torture, and various other forms of inhumane and degrading treatment.

    The labor reforms introduced by the Saudi government have failed to dismantle the Kafala system, leaving workers still vulnerable to the control and exploitation of their employers. Specifically, the reforms have excluded certain categories of workers, such as those in the construction, hospitality, and domestic work sectors, exacerbating inequality and discrimination within the system.

    In this regard, the report highlights how the sponsorship system disproportionately affects East African workers, including Ethiopians, Kenyans, and Yemenis. These migrants face discrimination, forced labor, and the risk of arbitrary detention and forced deportation if their residency permits are deemed expired.

    Despite the serious violations carried out in detention centers, no effective investigations into these deaths have been conducted, and gaps in the implementation and enforcement of laws persist, leaving perpetrators unaccountable. At the same time, the lack of an international response has allowed Saudi Arabia to carry out these abuses without facing consequences.

    In light of the violations of migrant workers’ rights in Saudi Arabia, several recommendations are proposed for both the Saudi government and the international community.

    First, the Kingdom should abolish the Kafala system to end migrant workers’ dependency on their employers and reduce their vulnerability. This would improve their rights and protections. Additionally, labor reforms should be introduced to cover all migrant workers and sectors.

    Second, the authorities must ensure equal access to legal protections and fair trials for all individuals, and end arbitrary imprisonment. Detention facilities should adhere to international standards, such as the Nelson Mandela Rules, guaranteeing humane conditions, including access to doctors, food, water, hygiene, and adequate monitoring to prevent mistreatment. For migrants who have been arbitrarily detained, Saudi authorities should release those who have not been lawfully imprisoned or who have not had a judge legally determine the charges or necessity of their detention.

    Regarding the migrant rights abuses within Saudi Arabia and along the border with Yemen, there is currently no international mechanism to monitor the situation, leaving perpetrators unaccountable. Saudi Arabia should immediately revoke any policies that allow the deliberate use of force against migrants and asylum seekers, and hold perpetrators accountable through fair trials that meet international standards. The government should also launch independent investigations into deaths, torture, and other ill-treatment in detention centers, and improve the inhumane conditions across the country’s detention facilities.

    When addressing the harm inflicted on Yemenis, negotiations for a new truce in Yemen could present an opportunity to restore measures that would stop the abuse of migrants crossing the border. The report also calls for greater international attention to protect migrants at the border and prosecute those responsible for mistreatment, including Saudi officials. To do so, a UN-backed monitoring and reporting system should be established to assess the human rights situation of migrants in Saudi Arabia.

    Saudi Arabia should cease holding ethnic Tigrayans in inhumane conditions and instead cooperate with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to ensure their international protection and facilitate their resettlement as refugees. In this regard, the Government of Ethiopia should provide protection and reintegration plans for returning migrants.

    Moreover, Saudi Arabia should hold employers accountable for any violations of migrant workers’ rights and dismiss prison authorities who torture and abuse detainees. Institutions responsible for monitoring and investigating complaints of torture and ill-treatment must be fully independent and impartial.

    Additionally, Saudi Arabia must stop contributing to Ethiopia’s abuse of migrants by ending the forced return of Tigrayans, who face the risk of persecution in Ethiopia. Instead, Saudi authorities should facilitate the resettlement of those seeking asylum or resettlement in third countries.

    Finally, the report calls on third countries that export arms to Saudi Arabia to suspend any transfers of weapons or other military equipment to the country, in order to leverage respect for human rights. Additionally, there should be increased pressure on Saudi Arabia to end violations of international law and ratify both the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and the International Covenant on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.

    The post The systematic exploitation of migrant workers in Saudi Arabia: The Plight of East African Migrants in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • The last year has been one big real-time case study in how corporate media outlets loyally obsess over the crimes of Western enemies while underplaying or ignoring those of Western allies. But important new book Worthy and Unworthy delves into this blatant media bias. And via deep analysis, it reveals how the propaganda model of Western media works.

    The Canary spoke to the book’s author Devan Hawkins. And our second article on the book focuses in particular on how the corporate media obsesses over Russia’s crimes while underplaying similar crimes from Western allies. This clear media bias places Russia on a pedestal of evil for many people in the West, grooming them to support possible military action against the superpower in the future.

    Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman’s Manufacturing Consent previously argued that corporate media outlets split victims of violence or injustice into two groups – ‘worthy’ or ‘unworthy’. And this designation determines how, and how much, the media reports on these people’s struggles. In Worthy and Unworthy, Hawkins tested the theory, finding it even more relevant today than when Chomsky and Herman first put it forward.

    ‘Going along with the government line’

    In his book, Hawkins focused on analysing the coverage of the New York Times. He said he doesn’t see himself as a critic of the paper, because he recognises “journalism is hard work”. But overall, he insisted that the paper of record “goes along with the government line on official state enemies”, providing clearly more negative coverage of countries like Russia and China. Likewise, regarding Israel’s genocide in Gaza, the paper has faced accusations of favouring Israel and downplaying the war crimes that international courts, human rights groups, and other experts have condemned. Regarding both official allies and enemies, Hawkins said in the book’s introduction, there is “general uniformity in political perspectives about foreign affairs” among Democratic and Republican elites in the US, and that “is reflected in media coverage” too.

    Hawkins told the Canary that the New York Times may go along with the state line for a number of reasons. It could be “availability of sources”, in that it’s “easier to go to government sources”; the power of advertising money, and the fear of losing it; or the influence of thinktanks, many of which get funding from the military industrial complex or from controversial US government groups like the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), which journalist and author Matt Kennard has called “an overt CIA”. Hawkins explained that “we have conflicts of interest that need to be disclosed”, and would like to research the reasons for bias even more. “It’s so important to be documenting this and paying attention to it,” he stressed.

    Unevenly covering the bombings in Syria and Yemen

    One of the cases studies Hawkins did to analyse the uneven coverage of similar issues was the Russian and Saudi Arabian interventions in the Syrian and Yemeni conflicts. And he explained that:

    In both cases, there was fairly extensive coverage. But I only look at one month, basically… in the case of the Russian intervention, and compared it to 2 months total for the Saudi intervention. Overall, the shorter time period got more attention for the Russian intervention, and the Saudi intervention got less attention both in the specific months that were considered and during the overall time period.

    Having looked at the scale of the interventions, he said:

    the number of bombings, and the also the number of kills, would all suggest that the initial period of the Saudi intervention was much bigger scale than Russia’s intervention.

    Explaining why Russia’s intervention received more coverage, he said it was:

    Both because of the fact that Russia is again like an official State enemy, and they were supporting a government that… the US has an antagonistic relation with – the Assad government, and at the same time obviously Saudi Arabia being one of the US’s closest geopolitical allies in the region, and because their intervention was against a movement, the Houthis, which are seen as being very closely aligned with Iran. So I think all those work together. And I should note that in this case there’s a direct involvement of the US. Because that intervention would not have been possible without the millions in arms sales like from the US to Saudi Arabia.

    The nature of the coverage, meanwhile, was also different. “There was some critical coverage of the Saudi intervention”, he said, but nothing like the coverage of Russia’s, which was “universally negative”.

    Worthy and unworthy dissidents

    “One of the most informative” chapters, Hawkins told us, was one looking at the treatment of dissidents. In particular, he covered Russia’s persecution of Alexei Navalny, and compared it to Spain’s persecution of Catalan independence politicians whose initial sentences were “greater than the sentencing that went to Alexei Navalny”.

    The Catalan figures had a “wide base of support” and there were “massive protests against their arrest” that were “much bigger in scale than the protests that happened in response to the arrest and sentencing of Alexei Navalny”. Nonetheless, Hawkins insisted, the dissident of an “official state enemy, Russia” (i.e. Navalny), got “much more attention than many more dissidents in a friendlier country, Spain”. Talking about the Catalan independence issue, he added:

    I was really surprised about how, universally, there seemed to be almost no sympathy.

    In a similar way, Hawkins looked at musical dissidents. He analysed coverage of protests from punk-rockers Pussy Riot in Russia, and of the arrest and trial of Catalan rapper Pablo Hasél. In the case of Hasél, there was “almost nothing that was mentioned about him, even though there were pretty large protests”. But the New York Times gave Pussy Riot “much, much more attention”.

    Yet more examples in Worthy and Unworthy

    There are undoubtedly countless more examples of the media highlighting Russia’s crimes at the expense of Western-backed crimes. But Hawkins also took a brief look at two cases close to Russia, in Ukraine and Belarus – both historically aligned with Russia since the fall of the Soviet Union. And this analysis adds some extra colour to the picture of Western media bias.

    Another issue Hawkins evaluated was coverage of the Euromaidan protest in Ukraine from 2013 to 2014 – an important precursor to Russia’s current war in the country. And he pointed out that “a lot of the nuance was missing”, such as “the fact that Ukraine was a highly divided society” and that “there were legitimate questions about what was a better economic deal for the country” between Europe’s and Russia’s. “Any role that the US was playing,” he stressed, “didn’t get much attention”. Finally, he noted the difference between coverage treating some protesters as “pro-Russian” but others as “Ukrainian”, even though the former were also Ukrainians.

    Finally, he reflected on the critical coverage of the grounding of a Belarusian dissident’s plane in comparison to the grounding of Bolivian president Evo Morales’s plane, which was thought to be also transporting US dissident Edward Snowden. There was “very little attention” on or criticism of the latter when Hawkins compared it to the former. And as he said:

    Imagine if Russia reported to some countries that Alexei Navalny was on a plane, and those countries shut off their airspace on a plane that was carrying a head of state to force it to land in those countries.


    The Canary will be releasing more articles on the comparisons Hawkins made in his book in the coming weeks. You can see the first article in the series here.

    By Ed Sykes

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • FIFA has officially announced Saudi Arabia as the host of the 2034 World Cup, marking the second time the prestigious tournament will be held in a Gulf Arab nation and following Qatar in 2022. Saudi Arabia’s ambitious plans include building or renovating 15 stadiums, constructing over 185,000 hotel rooms, and executing massive infrastructure projects to welcome the mass influx of spectators.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Millions of migrants will build stadiums, transport networks and hotels. But testimonies from Bangladeshis who have worked there suggest abuse is deeply entrenched in the Gulf kingdom

    When Shahadat set out for Saudi Arabia from his village in Bangladesh, he was driven by a single purpose: to earn money for his impoverished family. “If he sent money home, his family would eat. If he didn’t, they wouldn’t,” says a relative.

    For years he just about scraped by, sending a little money home each month and trying to pay down the huge debt he took on to afford the illegal fees a recruitment agent had charged him to get to Saudi Arabia.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Fifa’s approval of the Gulf state’s proposals for the 2034 football tournament, despite the kingdom’s appalling humanitarian record, has been slammed by campaigners

    In the early hours of Saturday 30 November, Fifa released a glowing evaluation of Saudi Arabia’s bid to host the 2034 World Cup, giving it the joint-highest score of any bidding nation and declaring it carried only a “medium” human rights risk.

    At the same time, it slipped out a long-awaited report on whether it should compensate migrant workers who suffered severe labour abuses on projects linked to the 2022 World Cup in Qatar. Despite a recommendation from its own subcommittee on human rights and social responsibility that it do so, Fifa’s answer was, in effect, a resounding no.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • ATTN: King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud,

    ATTN: Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman

    الشمالي الفرعي، 7482 الطريق الدائري، 7482، 2277

    Northern Ring Branch Rd, An Nakhil, Riyadh 12385,

    Riyadh 11515, Saudi Arabia

    December 5, 2024

     

    Your Majesty and your Royal Highness,

    We write to draw your attention to the grave human rights situation in Saudi Arabia, where the voices of your citizens, namely human rights defenders, are being systematically silenced. The suppression of civic space in your Kingdom has reached alarming levels, and it is imperative that you end this unlawful repression and take action to support those who are standing up for their fundamental rights. The European Center for Democracy and Human Rights, along with the Americans for Democracy and Human Rights, has launched the “Unmuting Saudi Voices: A Call for Civic Freedom” social media campaign to bring to light what is happening under your reign.

    Since your rise to power, Your Royal Highness, your government has intensified its crackdown on freedom of expression, assembly, and association. Human rights defenders, journalists, and ordinary citizens who dare to speak out face arbitrary detentions, severe punishments, and false charges of terrorism or undermining national security. These individuals are not criminals; they are advocates for justice, equality, and human dignity, fighting for a better future for all Saudi Arabians.

    Your government has repeatedly used the Specialized Criminal Court (SCC), which was originally set up to try terrorist-related cases, to prosecute peaceful dissidents. A prominent case is Loujain al-Hathloul, the women’s rights activist who was detained for campaigning for women’s right to drive and for the abolishment of the male guardianship system. Though she was released after three years in 2021, her freedom remains severely restricted by a travel ban. Similarly, human rights lawyer Waleed Abulkhair was wrongfully sentenced to 15 years in prison in 2014 under the Counter-Terrorism Law for exercising his right to freedom of expression. These cases highlight that your government misuses anti-terror laws to target human rights defenders, eroding their ability to hold your state accountable by denying them their basic right to speak freely.

    Your Royal Highness, despite the package of legislative reforms you announced in February 2021 with the aim to “preserve rights, protect human rights”, the human rights situation has continued to deteriorate. Moreover, your promise in 2018 to reduce the number of offenses punishable by death has not been fulfilled given that 172 executions were registered in 2023. Worse than that, many executions were for non-violent offenses. Of the 172, 10 were for drug-related crimes and 25 for “terrorism-related” offenses, which included posting tweets criticizing the government.

    In addition to harsh legal crackdowns and unlawful sentences, your state employs widespread surveillance and uses advanced spyware such as Pegasus to monitor activists, journalists, and dissidents, both within the Kingdom and abroad, compromising their privacy and safety, while increasing censorship. The internet is heavily censored, with websites critical of the regime routinely blocked, and online platforms like social media are under constant scrutiny. This mass surveillance creates an environment of fear, where even the digital space has become another tool for state repression, silencing those who dare to speak out.

    The lack of accountability for your violations only exacerbates the situation, leaving those who are silenced without protection. Saudi Arabian journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who openly criticized your Kingdom for arbitrarily arresting human rights defenders, was killed inside the Saudi Arabian consulate in Istanbul on 2 October 2018. The Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions Agnès Callamard published a reliable report on 19 June 2019, stating that there is credible evidence linking your orders to the murder. Despite international outcry and your government’s dismissal of the report, you have not taken any meaningful action to undergo a fair and thorough investigation to hold those responsible accountable and stop this pattern of human rights impunity.

    As a result, your country’s civic space is virtually non-existent. In 2023, CIVICUS, a global alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action, rated Saudi Arabia a mere 4 out of 100 for openness, categorizing it as closed. This ranking reflects an alarming reality – your government has created an environment where dissent against it is suppressed, and the fundamental human rights of your citizens are being denied.

    We cannot turn a blind eye to these injustices. As rulers of your country, you have a moral obligation to support your people and their human rights – not strip them of their freedoms, and a constitutional obligation to “provide security for all citizens and residents on its territories”. Moreover, you also have international obligations under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Given this, we respectfully call on you to:

    1. Condemn the Repression: Publicly denounce the ongoing repression of civic space and the persecution of human rights defenders.
    2. Take Accountability: Release all individuals detained for peacefully exercising their rights and to hold those responsible for human rights abuses accountable.
    3. Support Civil Society: Provide support and protection to Saudi Arabian human rights organizations, activists, and journalists.
    4. Promote Dialogue: Engage in meaningful dialogue with civil society and international human rights bodies to address these issues and enact reforms.
    5. Respect obligations: Respect your national and international obligations, as well as your promises to protect and promote human rights in your country.

    Thank you in advance for your attention to this important matter.

    Sincerely,

    1. The Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain
    2. The European Center for Democracy and Human Rights.

    The post #UnmuteSaudiVoices: Open Letter to Saudi King and Crown Prince to take action and stop the repression of the civic space appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • President-elect Donald Trump has reportedly offered the number-two Pentagon job to a secretive billionaire investor with close ties to the military-industrial complex, potentially introducing additional conflicts of interest to an incoming administration that is set to be rife with corporate executives and lobbyists. Stephen Feinberg is co-founder and co-CEO of the private equity behemoth…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain along with the European Center for Democracy and Human Rights, is launching the “Unmuting Saudi Voices: A Call for Civic Freedom” campaign to expose the ongoing repression of civic space in Saudi Arabia and hold the Saudi state accountable for silencing its citizens and violating their rights.

    Why This Campaign Matters

    Under the reign of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who came to power in 2017, the already-limited freedoms have been further curtailed. Activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens who challenge the status quo are often charged with terrorism or undermining national security, facing severe punishments for simply exercising their right to freedom of expression.

    Prominent figures such as women’s rights activist Loujain al-Hathloul and human rights lawyer Waleed Abulkhair have been wrongfully imprisoned, and countless others face similar fates for daring to speak out against the regime. The Saudi Arabian government uses prejudicial anti-terrorism laws to justify these actions, wrongfully equating peaceful activism with threats to national security.

    The crackdown extends beyond Saudi borders, as the government has been accused of targeting dissidents living abroad, most notably in the case of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, whose assassination in 2018 sparked international outrage. Despite global condemnation, the repression continues.

    In 2023, CIVICUS, a global alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society, gave Saudi Arabia an alarming score of just 4 out of 100 in terms of civic space openness. This score highlights the extreme restrictions posed on basic freedoms in the country, where expressing dissent, assembling peacefully, or associating with like-minded individuals can lead to arbitrary imprisonment, torture, or even execution.

    The civic space is a vital aspect of democracy. It is the environment that allows individuals and groups, such as human rights defenders and civil societies, to freely express their opinions, organize, and act on important issues. Civic space is the foundation of a free society, where voices can rise, ideas can flourish, and communities can push for change without fear of censorship or retaliation.

    Without a free and open civic space, human rights defenders, journalists, and activists in Saudi Arabia are left vulnerable. In this climate of fear, people are stripped of their ability to hold their government accountable for human rights violations. The Saudi Arabian government must be called upon to reverse this course and restore freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly.

    We must protect the civic space to ensure that journalists, human rights defenders, activists, citizens, and civil societies in Saudi Arabia are safe.

    Our Mission

    The “Unmuting Saudi Voices: A Call for Civic Freedom” campaign seeks to address these grave injustices. We aim to raise global awareness about the dire state of civic space in Saudi Arabia and call on the Saudi Arabian state to take immediate action to safeguard its citizens’ rights.

    Stay tuned to our websites, Instagram and X accounts for updates on the campaign, and join the conversation to #UnmuteSaudiVoices and #LiberateSaudiCivicSpace.

    Your voice is crucial in this fight. By following our campaign, sharing our content, and tagging the King and Prince of Saudi Arabia —you can help our campaign reach those in power and pressure them to end their repressive actions.

    Join us in the fight for civic freedom.

    The post Unmuting Saudi Voices: A Call for Civic Freedom appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Party figures have voiced concerns that next month’s visit will be dominated by the PM seeking investment

    Keir Starmer is being urged to speak up for human rights and push for cooperation over a Middle East peace deal when he travels to Saudi Arabia next month, amid concerns on Labour’s left that his efforts to attract investment will dominate the trip.

    The prime minister’s visit is seen as his latest attempt to secure the inward investment necessary for the economic growth that is the central aim of his government. It is expected that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s de facto leader, will also visit London next year.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Saudi Arabia has embraced technology and digital advancements, promoting itself as a hub for innovation, yet this progress often stands in stark contrast to its strict control over online discourse and dissent. Authorities often employ extensive surveillance, censorship, and punitive measures against those who express criticism or share information deemed unacceptable. This situation harms digital rights and freedom of expression while highlighting the Kingdom’s hypocrisy.

    The UN Internet Governance Forum (IGF), which will take place in Riyadh from 15 to 19 December 2024, has presented the topic “Advancing human rights and inclusion in the digital age” as one of its thematic focuses, yet Saudi Arabia continues to prosecute people for their online expression.

    Manahel al-Otaibi, a 29-year-old fitness instructor and women’s rights activist, has been sentenced to 11 years in prison because of her choice of clothing and her support for women’s rights on social media. The verdict against her took place only a few months after Saudi Arabia was confirmed as host of the IGF. Also the women’s rights defender Loujain al-Hathloul, who was detained and tortured still remains subjected to a travel ban despite its expiration in November 2023.

    Moreover, the data protection laws permit the entities that control data to share personal data to state agencies based on vague security reasons which are not formally defined. This has given the government extensive powers to access personal data and monitor political dissidents online.

    Saudi authorities managed to infiltrate X and significantly invested in automated ‘bots’ to spy on dissidents and target human rights defenders with sophisticated digital surveillance technology. The Kingdom has also purchased Pegasus spyware which allows it to secretly hack into a user’s phone and spy on their location and communications in real time.

    Moreover, the IGF’s theme ‘Enhancing the digital contribution to peace, development, and sustainability’ has also been questioned. The NEOM project has not only raised concerns about its privacy violations due to the extensive surveillance infrastructure and its massive quantities of personal data that are collected, but it shows the contradictions in Saudi Arabia’s sustainability narrative. The project in fact relies on unproven technologies, highlighting the government’s attempt to shift the attention from the nation’s ongoing environmental exploitation.

    Another example of Riyad’s hypocrisy is shown by Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 plan, which seeks to diversify the economy and encourage modernization. However, this objective is overshadowed by widespread human rights violations, notably regarding the 2030 World Expo infrastructure. This latter has mainly relied on migrant workers who are frequently exposed to exploitative conditions such as miserable salaries, forced work, and insufficient safety precautions.

    Therefore, the tension between Saudi Arabia’s digital ambitions and its authoritarian practices raises concerns about its commitment to human rights and sustainability. By hosting the IGF, Saudi Arabia attempts to whitewash the systematic violations of human rights and unsustainable practices.

    ADHRB urges the Saudi authorities to release the citizens who have been arbitrarily detained solely for their online expression ahead of the UN Internet Governance Forum as it features the promotion of human and digital rights. Finally, the ADHRB calls on the international community to denounce the violations of the right to information and expression and warns the international community to not prioritise the economic and strategic interests over the commitment to human rights.

    The post Saudi Arabia’s Hypocrisy: Digital Promises Amidst Human Rights Violations appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Saudi Arabia has put in practice repressive measures that have allowed for the imprisonment of dissidents, arbitrary detentions, and abuses of prisoners. Among the inhumane practices, the death penalty is still a matter of concern, with 198 executions this year, the highest number since 1990 according to Amnesty International.

    Despite repeated promises to limit the use of the death penalty, Saudi authorities have forced imprisoned individuals to confess the untruth and boosted executions while routinely failing to comply with international standards.

    Also, the Saudi Human Rights Commission (SHRC), which was created to independently promote and protect human rights in the country, has been questioned for aligning with the government’s interests and covering up gross abuses.

    Reprieve and the European Saudi Organisation for Human Rights reported that since the crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman came to power with his father King Salman in 2015, the annual rate of executions has doubled with at least 1,456 people executed.

    In March 2023, Hussein Abo al-Kheir was executed for drug-related crime after he had been on death row since 2015. During his pretrial detention he was kept in isolation, deprived of legal counsel, and subjected to torture to extract a confession and after his execution, the authorities did not return his body to his family. Since May 2024 Saudi Arabia has executed 28 people on drug-related charges.

     Although the draft Penal Code sets out the punishments for crimes it defines, it still allows judges to decide which punishment to apply as dictated by sharia. However, the conditions under sharia are not clarified, thereby the judge is free to determine the punishment. Death penalty is one of the original punishments together with imprisonment and fines. Yet, while the draft code outlines the conditions of imprisonment and fines it does not explain on which basis executions are pronounced.

    Death sentences have also concerned cases of individuals who were children at the time of their alleged crimes if their acts were criminalized under sharia. In this regard, ESOHR has reported that since 2011 Saudi authorities have executed at least 12 persons who allegedly committed the offences as minors. Although Saudi authorities claimed that the Juvenile Law prohibits the death penalty for children, this law has actually permitted the execution of child offenders accused of crimes whose punishments are recognized by the sharia.

    An alarming example of this is Jalal Labbad, who was sentenced to death in August 2022 based on his confessions which he claimed were obtained through torture for alleged offenses committed when he was just 16 and 17.

    Authorities have also used the death penalty to silence political dissent, for example to punish citizens engaging in the pro-democracy protests between 2011 and 2013. This is what happened last August to Abdulmajeed al-Nimr, a retired traffic police officer, who was sentenced to death for terrorism-related offenses while his court documents reported that he was charged for supporting democratic protests.

    Despite assurances from Saudi authorities to reduce the use of the death penalty, the draft Penal Code establishes execution as one of the primary punishments and allows judges large discretion to impose death sentences. Not only is the use of the death penalty persistent but also now that the global focus has shifted away towards the tensions in the Middle East, the urgency of violations of human rights by Saudi authorities might become less relevant. Consequently, executions could further escalate.

    ADHRB urges the Saudi authorities to provide precise and clear information to the prisoners about the status of their case and guarantee a fair trial. ADHRB further calls on the government to ensure that all punishments such as the death penalty are determined in line with international standards and calls on the international community to advocate for the abolishment of the death penalty in Saudi Arabia, particularly for minor offenses and for non-violent acts.

    The post The Persistent Use of the Death Penalty in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • South Korean defence prime Hanwha Aerospace announced on 6 November that it had demonstrated its latest weapons systems to a high-level delegation from Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of National Guard (MNG) at a Republic of Korea Army firing range the day before. According to Hanwha Aerospace, the delegation was led by Prince Abdullah bin Bandar bin […]

    The post South Korea steps up Saudi engagement appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Sources say key people at Clifford Chance were not consulted, as it emerges another company refused job due to reputational concerns

    When the Saudi crown prince locked nearly 400 of his country’s most powerful people in a luxury hotel in 2017 and stripped them of their fortunes, a UK law firm allegedly played a significant role.

    On the orders of Mohammed bin Salman, Clifford Chance – a “magic circle” legal giant with headquarters in London – was reported to have facilitated the forced transfer of assets from a Saudi TV station to the government.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Two years ago, Western media and academics reported that Iran was about to begin a new revolution in order to abolish the current political system, a legacy of the 1979 revolution. They dubbed this ‘new revolution, Woman, Life, Freedom,’ and described it as a feminist and democratic revolution. But as the Iranian public saw that the so-called leaders of this “new revolution” couldn’t organize a few thousand Iranians in a street demonstration and realized that the so-called leaders were not sovereign individuals who were dedicated to Iran, but Western-Israeli puppets, this “revolution” disappeared. The Iranian public soon found out that this “new revolution” was nothing more than riots whose main participants were thuggish elements who killed members of the police force and burned public assets, encouraged, instigated, and sponsored by western governments. Even though the so-called new revolution in Iran died a few months after its inception, Western governments and especially the Norwegian government were still hoping until October 6, 2023, for the revival of this fascist revolution to topple the government. In order to revive this alleged revolution, the Norwegian government awarded the Nobel Prize to Narges Mohammadi, a female political prisoner in Iran, whose invitation to any street protest in Iran, if she ever did, was unable to summon ten demonstrations.

    However, this seemingly great opportunity to restart the ‘new revolution’ in Iran did not last long. On the morning of 7 October 2024, the American aspiration of a feminist and democratic revolution or regime change in Iran, which was also shared by its Western allies and West Asian client regimes, was transformed into a nightmare when a few hundred Palestinians carried out the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation in the occupied Palestine. The political landscape of West Asia has been altered by this military operation in such a way that American political projects, such as the Iranian regime change and the Abraham Accords, have faded away. To the surprise of the United States and its Western allies, such as Norway, and thanks to the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation, 8 October 2023 became the day of the revival of the ideals of the 1979 revolution, such as freedom and independence from Western Imperialism. The liberation of Palestine from occupation was one of the particular ideals of the Iranian revolution and the political system it generated. As the Iranian revolutionaries of 1979 comprehended Palestine until its liberation in a state of revolution, they coined the slogan “Wake up people, Iran has become Palestine” which became one of the most popular slogans of the revolution. Several days before the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation,  Western media outlet were reporting on the latest developments of the Abraham Accord and the excitement of the leaders of the slave-states of the Persian Gulf, such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirate, for signing the Accord. However, the leader of Iran, Ayatollah Khamenei, cautioned the leaders of these Arab regimes about the futility of their efforts to normalize relations with the apartheid regime of Israel. He described their efforts as “betting on a losing horse” because, in his opinion, the Palestinians were more capable than ever in their struggle for liberation from occupation.

    In preparation for the Norwegian Nobel Committee’s decision to give the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize to Narges Mohammadi, a political activist with zero political influence in Iran, Norway organized a large gathering of Norwegian academics/imperialist agents and Iranian academics in diaspora who functioned as native informers. The Norwegian hosts were evidently interested in evaluating the degree to which the American regime change project coincided with the ‘new revolution’ in Iran. The conference persuaded the Norwegian Nobel Committee that Narges Mohammadi would be an ideal candidate for the Nobel Prize, as it would position her as a potential leader of the “new feminist and democratic” revolution in Iran. Because she is prone to repeating statements from Western masters about almost everything and remaining silent when they want her to be silent. The fact that she did not speak out regarding the Israeli genocide in Palestine explains, to a certain extent, why she was selected by the Nobel Committee as the winner of the 2023 Nobel Prize. Norway’s desire to play a role in the American regime change project in Iran was not a thoughtless decision, but a continuation of its effort in enhancing its own position in the American foreign policy strategy in the West Asia formulated in its foreign policy strategy document published in 2008. The document reveals that Norway’s foreign policy is merely an adjunct to the American foreign policy in West Asia and elsewhere. In accordance with the Norwegian foreign policy document and in the name of humanitarian intervention, Norway took an active role in the bombing of Libya in 2011. Many years later, as late as 2018, the Head of the Middle East Studies at the University of Oslo, who has been so dedicated to this foreign policy document, signs an open letter to the UN asking for humanitarian intervention in Syria. The letter to the United Nations states that Syrian sovereignty should not be viewed as a hindrance to protecting the Syrian people, as Kofi Anan, the former Secretary General of the United Nations, stated in one of his reports. According to Kofi Anan, “no legal principles — even sovereignty — can ever shield crimes against humanity.”

    The Norwegian political elite was under the impression that by giving the Nobel Prize to a nobody of Iranian politics, they could either contribute to a regime change in accordance with the American plan or transform Iran into a new Syria and a target for humanitarian intervention. However, I doubt that any European academic would have the courage to ask the United Nations for humanitarian intervention in Palestine after the Israeli genocidal response to the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation. The unconditional support of the United States and other Western governments for the Israeli genocide against the defenseless Palestinian civilians for a year and now against Lebanese civilians has led people in the Global South to realize that the real meaning of democracy, human rights, and women’s rights that Westerners have been trying to bring them was genocide. After the 7th of October 2023, people from the Global South became aware that Israel, the state that Westerners have attempted to portray as the sole democracy in West Asia, is in fact a genocidal, racist and apartheid regime. They have discovered that the sole democracy in West Asia is a remnant of the colonial settler regimes of the past. This is the reason why its conduct cannot be distinguished from the avaricious and ruthless colonial powers of the past, and its survival and future depend on the persistence of American global dominance. The al-Aqsa Flood Operation not only succeeded in bringing to the attention of global public opinion the appeal of the oppressed and ethnically cleansed Palestinians, but also in defeating the American regime change project in Iran. Furthermore, the al-Aqsa Flood Operation revealed that Iran and the Axis of Resistance were the only forces that supported the Palestinian struggle for liberation from the Israeli occupation, as part of their own struggle against Western imperialism and in defense of their national sovereignty and independence in the region. The question is: How have Iran and its allies, in the Axis of Resistance, been able to liberate or protect themselves from the ideological deceptions and political traps, introduced and created by Western imperialism and their native informers, which would divide them and put them against each other?

    Divide to Conquer and Rule

    The methods Western governments use to promote their political and economic interests in the West Asia region are rarely examined by scholars and journalists who are specialized in the region. The scholars and journalists who work in the region are interested in the ethnic, religious, social and political dividing lines, cleavages or fault lines within the states and societies to enable Western governments led by the United States to exploit these dividing lines, cleavages and fault lines to their advantage. Recently, the Middle East Eye published a critical article on the preoccupation of Western governments, media, and academia with such dividing lines, whereas this publication has been preoccupied with such fault lines since its inception. While Saudi Arabia, in collaboration with the United States and Britain, was bombing noncombatant population and civilian infrastructure in Yemen for many years, the Middle East Eye was saying that the Iranian-backed Shia Houthi positions were the targets of the bombings. This publication would happily report that the Palestinian Hamas movement issued a statement supporting the ‘constitutional legitimacy’ of the Saudi collaborator, Yemeni President Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi. According to the Middle East Eye: “This statement is considered Hamas’s first tacit message of support for an ongoing Saudi-led military campaign against the Shiite Houthi group in Yemen, even as the Palestinian group did not clearly mention the campaign in its statement.” The Middle East Eye and outlets similar to it are the culmination of the American-Western declared plans for promoting democracy, human rights, stability and peace in West Asia. They are specialized in causing internal divisions and conflicts in the region. These media outlets typically exhibit empathy for the suffering of Palestinians and advocate for justice in the face of Israeli brutality. However, they hold Iran and the Axis of Resistance as the primary causes of instability in the region. This is why its editors, correspondents, and contributors hold an anti-Iranian position, while Iran has demonstrated that it is the only state in the entire world that sincerely supports the Palestinian struggle for liberation from the Israeli occupation. They downplay, dismiss, or criticize the Iranian position on the Palestinian issue. To create division within the Axis of Resistance, Middle East Eye spread lies about the Iranian Commander of the Qods Force’s role in the assassination of Seyed Hassan Nasrollah, the leader of Hezbollah. Qods Force is, in fact, the principal architect of the Axis of Resistance against Western imperialism and Israel in West Asia.

    There are thousands of educated individuals from the West Asia region who have been working as native informers or imperialist propagandists for the United States and its Western allies since the early 1990s. These native informers and imperialist propagandists have been recruited as academics, NGOs, or political activists. While native informers have been elaborating on social, religious, ethnic, political, and cultural divisions within the region, imperialist propagandists have been attempting to turn these divisions into actual conflicts. However, the fact that a highly respected scholar of the West Asia region told the world that the 2023 fascist riots in Iran were a revolution against internal colonization demonstrated that native informers can easily turn into imperialist propagandists when the imperialist employer says so. “Woman, Life, Freedom is a movement of liberation from this internal colonization. It is a movement to reclaim life. Its language is secular, wholly devoid of religion. Its peculiarity lies in its feminist facet.”  A decade ago, this scholar argued that the security and economic interests of Western imperialism in West Asia were compatible with the political democratization of the region and considered the so-called Arab Spring to be the expression of the union between Western governments and Arab, Iranian and Turkish democrats under the leadership of Turkey. But since he has not learned anything from the failure of the Arab Spring, he has turned from being a native informer into an imperialist propagandist who refuses to learn from his logical inconsistencies and experiences. This is the reason why, years after the failure of the “Arab Spring” and months after the morally and politically justifiable suppression of the fascist riots in Iran, this native informer-imperialist propagandist cautions those he believes to be the genuine agents of the revolutionary movement that if they are unwilling or unable to assume power, others will. In his view, it was the unwillingness of the revolutionaries or those who had initiated and carried the uprisings forward in Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen to assume power that allowed the free-riders, counterrevolutionaries, and others to assume power in the “Arab Spring”.

    Before addressing the question of who are the protagonists and free riders of the “Arab Spring” in these countries, it is worth noting that the Bahraini Uprising, which was by far the most genuine uprising among the so-called “Arab Spring” uprisings, has been omitted from the narratives about the uprisings. Almost simultaneously with the brutal suppression of the Bahraini uprising by the Saudi Arabian and Emirati military, the terrorist campaigns against the Syrian government commenced. While Saudi Arabia and Qatar provided funding for the terrorist campaigns in Syria, Turkey provided logistical support for the terrorist campaign, and Western governments provided political cover by tying it to the Arab Spring. Western governments, their academia, and media, which were totally uncaring about the bloody suppression and murdering of Bahraini political activists, stood firm behind the terrorist organizations active in Syria as the only advocates of democracy and human rights. Contrary to the claims of this native informer and imperialist propagandist, almost nothing happened in Iraq and Lebanon during the ‘Arab Spring.’ After the anti-corruption demonstrations in these countries in 2019-2020 were hijacked by pro-Western and anti-Iran and anti-Hezbollah forces with the active support of American embassies, these two countries were added to the ‘Arab Spring.’

    The Arab Spring 2 was an attempt to weaken and marginalize the Axis of Resistance, which included Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, the Iraqi Popular Mobilization forces, and the Yemeni Ansarullah. In fact, the same political forces and states that supported the Israeli war against Hezbollah in 2006, the ISIS and the Saudi-Emirati war against Yemen lauded the Arab Spring 2. Arab Spring failed because the United States and its Western allies did not recognize the sovereignty of the very nations whose democratic aspiration they claimed to support. By the term “democracy,” the United States and its allies refer to political regimes in the region that adhere to their directives and follow their advice irrespective of their national interests or deliberations. The political regimes that follow the American order in the region share one thing in common: their opposition to and animosity toward the Axis of Resistance. This has paralyzed them to express their opinion of their people and condemn the Israeli genocide in the region. Since the stability of these regimes depends on how useful they are for the Axis of Western Domination led by the United States in the region, they cannot do otherwise. Nevertheless, a significant fracture has emerged among the educated Arabs, Iranians, and Turks who have come to the realization that the true essence of the entire Western discourse on democracy, human rights, and women’s rights is genocide. The fact that Israel has been committing genocide against the Palestinian people with the direct assistance of Western governments and their media, in violation of the Genocide Convention, makes the latter an accomplice in the Israeli genocide. As per article III of the Genocide Convention, both the act of committing and complicity in genocide are punishable offenses. According to article IV: “Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.”

    With Israeli genocide and the unconditional support of all the members of the Axis of Western Domination led by the United States in West Asia, this Axis has been turned into an Axis of Genocide. It is noteworthy that all members of this supported the ‘new revolution’ in Iran. Israel was the most prominent sponsor of the fascist riots, with which Norway had the illusion of competing through the 2023 Nobel Prize. From 2001 to 2011, the Axis of Western Domination bombed any state or nation that hesitated to accept their submission peacefully, provided they were defenseless. They bombed and invaded Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya because they realized that these states and nations were defenseless. Due to the failure of the Axis of Western Domination in the region to subjugate Hezbollah, Syria, and Ansarullah through the Israeli war against Lebanon in 2006, the terrorist campaigns against Syria since 2011, and the Saudi-Emirati war against Yemen since 2015, the Axis of the Resistance has been formed. The Iraqi Popular Mobilization, whose main components emerged as a response to the American occupation of Iraq in 2003, joined the Axis of Resistance to fight the Western-Israeli phenomenon known as ISIS in Iraq and Syria. ISIS succeeded in controlling large parts of these two countries in 2014 through acts of genocide against all those they deemed to be unbelievers, especially Shia Muslims. Western governments and Israel hoped that an ISIS Khalifat in Syria and Iraq would end Iranian political influence in these two countries, which they viewed as a bridge to Hezbollah in Lebanon. It is the same story with Ansarullah, who were ruling the 80% of the Yemeni population. Saudi Arabia and its Western and regional backers accused Ansarullah of being an Iranian proxy but failed to defeat it after a decade. The Western backed Saudi-Emirati war against the Ansarullah movement made the movement stronger and its ties with Iran friendlier because Iran was the only state that supported them against foreign powers politically, economically and militarily. Hamas and Islamic Jihad joined the Axis of Resistance because they realized that the Axis was the only political and military force they could rely on to free Palestine from Israeli occupation. What is common between the Lebanese, Syrian, Iraqi and Syrian and Yemeni and Palestinian experience is that they had to defend their sovereignty against states and terrorist organizations that were supported by the United States, other Western governments and Israel. The Axis of Resistance is not a result of the decisions made by governments, but rather a result of the convergence of states and movements that have been fighting for their sovereignty and independence from the former Axis of Western Domination and the current Axis of Genocide in the region for several decades. Iran learned from its experience fighting alone against an enemy who had the support of Western powers in the 1980s that it was important to form an alliance against Western intervention in the West Asia region. This is why, while trapped in a devastating war, Iran helped the formation of Hezbollah, which has become the most effective resistance organization against the Israeli occupation of Lebanon since the 1980s. Iran went on to support Hamas and Islamic Jihad, which started their Armed Struggle in the 1980s and 1990s, and at the same time supported Islamic and anti-imperialist forces in Iraq and Yemen, which are now known as the Yemeni Ansarullah and Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq.

    Each member of the Axis of Resistance has experienced the impacts of the Axis of Western Domination in their own country and in the region, and their actual resistance against such impacts has qualified them as constituting components of the Axis of Resistance. This is why each member of the Resistance raises the universalizing character of the Axis. If the slogan “one for all and all for one” has any meaning, it can be found in the practice and experiences of solidarity of the Axis of Resistance. While the Axis of Resistance was forming against the forces of Western Domination in the region, including Israel, not only Arab autocracies and Turkey, but also an army of native informers posing as academics and journalists argued that the people of the region could escape from the suffering of imperialist injustice if they are accustomed to it and contributed to its continuity. The terms of acceptance of imperialist injustice in the region and of contributing to its continuity were democracy, human rights, and women’s rights or moderation.

    While Turkey represented democracy, human rights, and women’s rights for a while, especially during the Arab Spring, Saudi Arabia represented moderation. Therefore, the entire discourse regarding the politics of West Asia oscillated between moderation and democracy.

    Although numerous scholars promoted Turkey while advocating for the objective of ‘Making Islam Democratic,’ the responsibility of promoting Saudi Arabia was delegated to Thomas Friedman and his like-minded people. The result was a fierce competition between the leaders of Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Turkey for the consolidation of American hegemony in the region and for the normalization of Israeli apartheid in occupied Palestine. These leaders believed that their contribution to the imperialist injustice in the region and their collaboration with the Axis of Western Domination would safeguard them from harsh treatment in the ongoing injustice.

    The efforts to make themselves a darling of the imperialist dominance in the region might explain the animosity of the imperialist clients against Iran and the Axis of Resistance expressed in their countless English and Arabic media outlets. A glance at the seemingly progressive and reliable outlets such as Aljazeera and Jadaliyya, Middle East Eye, and TRT will reveal the extent of their anti-resistance and anti-Iranian posture, not to mention the media owned by Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The majority of regional analysts appearing in these media outlets appear to be pro-Palestinian. Convinced of the enduring nature of the dominance of Western imperialism, led by the United States in the region, they refer to the members of the Axis of Resistance as the “proxies of the Iranian regime” to remind their audience of the temporary nature of the Iranian state. It appears that these analysts are unaware of the fact that all small and large Western governments constitute the primary obstacle to Palestinian liberation in any meaningful manner. These outlets do not mention that Iran has been subject to murderous economic sanctions for several decades because of its loyalty to its allies in the Axis of Resistance. While the Saudi-Emirati war against Ansarullah was supported by all Western governments, Iran was the only state to support the Ansarullah movement. Iran has provided support to the Yemeni Ansarullah, the Lebanese Hezbollah, the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Force, the Palestinian freedom fighters such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad, as well as the Syrian government, as they all represent forces of sovereignty who defend their independence and freedom from Western dominance.

    The United States and its Western allies have imposed economic sanctions on Iran due to their assertion that it has committed three unforgivable sins. They claim that Iran interferes with the affairs of other countries in the region, which implies that Iran does not accept the rulers imposed by the United States on the region. Thus, it supports forces that resist American interference in the region. According to American rules in the region, Palestinians must be prevented from fighting for their rights and for their liberation from Israeli bondage, and that Israel must preserve its military and technological supremacy regardless of the costs for other states and nations in the region. Iran not only regards Israel as an illegal state in the region that needs to be dismantled, but it also seeks to end American omnipotence and tyrannical power in the region, since it is the United States and its allies that allow Israel to commit genocide against the Palestinian and Lebanese people with impunity. According to American rule, Saudi Arabia on behalf of the United States should determine who should govern in Yemen, something Iran rejects and says that every state and nation must be the master of its own destiny. The second reason Iran is the target of American and Western sanctions is its advancing military technology, especially its advanced missile program, which the United States and other Western powers want to be dismantled. The real meaning of this Western demand is that Iran ceases its missile program and disarms itself so that it would not be able to reach enemy targets beyond its borders. This makes it easier for the United States and its allies to wage war against it. Iran not only succeeded in developing its military technology and accomplishing advanced missile and drone programs to secure its territorial integrity and national sovereignty against American threats, but it also succeeded in boosting the military technology of its allies in Yemen, Lebanon, Iraq and Palestinians to be more effective against the Axis of Western Domination and Genocide in the region. Ultimately, Iran has been subjected to demonization and economic sanctions and has become a target of Israeli terrorism due to its alleged pursuit of nuclear weapons. The United States wants Iran to prove that it is not seeking nuclear weapons in return for easing economic sanctions against it. According to this American logic, it is not the accuser who must demonstrate through the presentation of evidence that the accused has committed a wrong, but rather the accused who must demonstrate against evidence that is not present that he or she has not committed the wrong. To satisfy the American demand and demonstrate that Iran has no intention of making nuclear weapons, Iran must dismantle its entire nuclear program and refrain from developing nuclear technology. Iran does not accept this because it is a violation of its national sovereignty. Furthermore, Iran does not wish to be deprived of all options whenever it encounters an existential threat from either Israel or the United States. Therefore, it possesses all the necessary technology to produce nuclear weapons; however, it refrains from producing such weapons as it is not currently confronting an existential threat. Recently, Iranians are reminding Western powers that if they create a threatening condition for Iran, Iranians may reconsider their nuclear policy in a matter of days.

    The rationale behind the economic sanctions, media war and regime change projects against Iran was that such measures would either install a Western friendly regime or convince Iran to change its behavior and give up its sovereignty. The United States and its allies were hoping that, even if all regime-change attempts and attempts to change Iran’s behavior fail, it would become so fragile that it could not hold the Axis of Resistance together and assist its allies in the region when they needed it most. Despite economic sanctions and technological embargo imposed by the Axis of Domination and Genocide in the region on Iran, Iran has proved to be more economically prosperous, technologically advanced, ideologically and politically influential, and militarily stronger than anticipated. Iran not only helped the Axis of Resistance economically and militarily, but also helped them achieve a high degree of technological sophistication and military self-sufficiency that no power could take from them, despite its own economic difficulties. Every member of the Axis was convinced by this that Iran believes in their talent and strength and wants them to be strong, self-sufficient, dignified, sovereign and equal members of the Axis. It suffices to compare the reverence of the Iranian leaders to that of Seyed Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, with the contemptuous treatment of Saad Hariri, the former Prime-Minister of Lebanon, by the leaders of Saudi Arabia. Iran and Saudi Arabia have treated these two Lebanese political leaders differently, demonstrating who is considered a sovereign ally and who is a dependent proxy.

    Iran comprehends that in the event that the Axis of Domination and Genocide defeats the apparent weaker links within the Axis, it will not be content with anything less than Iran’s complete surrender. Imperial agents and their native informers interpreted almost every Western aggression or any Western political project as a means of regime change in Iran. This included the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, the Israeli War on Lebanon, the Arab Spring, and finally the fascist riots in Iran. The fascist riots in Iran, entitled Woman, Life, Freedom, were the last misinformation and disinformation attempt by the imperialist agents and their native informers. They created the illusion for Western governments, as their employers, that Iran was on the brink of collapse and would be forced to submit to American conditions in the region. These imperialist agents and their native informers, who have been functioning as academics, journalists, political activists, and NGO activists, have failed miserably in their last attempt. All the efforts carried out by these imperialist agents and native informers who have constructed religious, political, ethnic, and gender divisions in West Asia have been guided by the principle of divide and rule. They explained that political and economic underdevelopment, conflicts, and wars in the region were related to these divisions. These epistemological assumptions serve as a guideline for Western media and pro-Western media in the West and the region, but they also serve as a point of departure for social scientists and historians in the region. What follows from the knowledge produced based on these epistemological assumptions requires the active intervention of Western governments in the region. Western governments thus finance, initiate, and establish organizations which call themselves non-governmental organizations as instruments of interference in the social and political affairs of various societies in the region. Without the financial support of their government, Western NGOs in the region will disappear. This indicates that non-governmental organizations serve to divert the local populace from the fact that Western imperialism and Western elite are the main responsible for the social, religious, and political divisions and conflicts in the region.

    Since unity, solidarity, and fraternity in the region challenge American imperialism regionally and globally, movements that promise unity, solidarity, and fraternity in the region are designed as Iranian proxies that conspire against peace and stability in the region. The imperialist agents and native informers who accuse Iran of interfering in Iraqi affairs never mention the fact that the United States has taken Iraq’s entire oil revenue hostage to impose its will on the Iraqi state. The United States and its Western allies use every political means, terrorism, mass murder and even genocide to reshape the region according to their insatiable interests. Naturally, the imperialist agents and their native informers become preoccupied with Iran’s nuclear ambitions, expansion, and influence, as well as its proxies, as the main causes of political disputes and social conflicts in the region. The anti-government and anti-corruption demonstrations in Iraq and Lebanon during the period of 2019-2020 were referred to as the Arab Spring 2 by the imperialist agents and their native informers, as they turned anti-Iran and anti-Hezbollah.

    The Struggle for Sovereignty

    Iran managed to build and strengthen a regional front known as the Axis of Resistance against the alliance of the Axis of Domination and Genocide, while every regional analyst believed that the collective West and Israel were going to shape the West Asia region according to their own security and economic interests. In his last speech, Iran’s leader said that the only reason the U.S. and other Western powers support the Israeli apartheid regime is because it lets them control the natural resources of the region. He explained that by controlling the region’s resources, the West, led by the United States, would be more confident in their future conflicts with other world powers such as China and Russia. Western powers have become the accomplices of the Israeli genocide because not only their security and economic interests, but their supremacist attitude toward non-Westerners is indistinguishable from those of the Israeli regime, according to Iran’s leader. This is the reason why, rather than focusing on the racist and genocidal nature of the Israeli regime, the Western media places emphasis on its military might and portrays it as the most powerful entity in the region. According to the leader of Iran, the combination of Israel’s fictitious military might with the American aspiration of transforming this regime of apartheid and genocide into a hub for both energy export from the region to the West and for importing Western products and technology to the region prompted several regimes in the region to normalize their relations with this regime. But the Palestinians and other members of the Axis of Resistance are fighting for their freedom and independence from Israeli and American dominance in the region, which has turned this Western dream into a nightmare.

    Iran was, in fact, the first member of this resistance and was able to anticipate its formation since the 1979 revolution. The Iranian revolution transformed the country from a client of American imperialism into a sovereign and self-governing state. According to the section on foreign policy of the constitution of this sovereign state specified in articles 152, 153, and 154, Iranian governments have a duty to reject any forms of imperialist domination or interference in Iranian internal politics. Moreover, it obligates the Iranian governments to demonstrate active solidarity with all nations that oppose imperialist dominance and interference in their internal affairs. Here, the key concept is the sovereign right of nations and states to shape their societies according to their own will, aspirations, ideas, deliberations, and decisions. According to Article 152 of the Iranian constitution, The Islamic Republic of Iran is mandated to reject any form of foreign dominance within its territory, to preserve its independence and territorial integrity, and to defend the rights of all Muslims and the oppressed peoples of the world against superpowers. Article 153 prohibits any agreements that give any form of foreign control over the Iranian natural resources, economy, army, or culture. Finally, according to the Article 154, “The ideal of the Islamic Republic of Iran is independence, justice, truth, and felicity among all people of the world. Accordingly, it[the Islamic Republic] supports the just struggles of the Mustad’afun (oppressed) against the Mustakbirun (oppressors) in every corner of the globe.” During the first year of the revolution in Iran, there was a universal consensus among all revolutionary tendencies on these ideals declared by the Iranian Constitution. These articles of the Iranian constitutions are the guiding lines of the Iranian struggle to defend its state sovereignty and to support other nations in their struggles for sovereignty and independence from imperialist powers. Iran has supported the Palestinian struggle for liberation from Israeli apartheid for the same reason it supported South African struggles against apartheid. Iran stands in solidarity with Hezbollah, the Syrian government, Yemeni Ansarullah, and Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces as they fight for the same independence and sovereignty that it enjoys itself. Iranian independence and sovereignty prevent it from joining the Axis of Western Domination and Genocide in the region. Iran is aware that without aiding and defending the sovereignty of others, it is unable to safeguard its own sovereignty. For a long time, the imperialist agents and their native informers have argued that the Iranian nation does not endorse Iran’s interventions in Western imperialist affairs in the region. However, recent opinion polls conducted by imperialist agents and their native informers indicate that, the majority of Iranians “are invested in the idea of providing military support to Iran’s proxy groups in the Middle East, the so-called “Axis of Resistance” (Jebhe Moqavemat). Sixty percent are in favor of this policy and 31 percent are against it.”  Western governments’ academic and media mouthpieces accuse Iran for two contradictory reasons. They blame Iran for using its financial resources to assist and empower its proxies who cause instability in the region instead of using those resources to elevate the prosperity of its own people or accuse it of using other members of the Axis of Resistance for its own interests. While the first claim assumes Iran to be a nefarious but a rational and pragmatic player in the region, the latter claim assumes Iran to be an ideological, fanatic and dogmatic actor. Iran must be contained, moderated, or subject to constant demonization, economic sanctions, terrorism, and regime change since it is the cause of instability in both cases. However, despite the numerous criminal plots against the Iranian state and nation since the revolution, Iran has steadfastly upheld the revolutionary principles of sovereignty and independence against Western imperialism and demonstrated genuine solidarity with the oppressed people who fight for their own sovereignty and independence.

    Even though the Soviet Union collapsed, which made the United States the global sovereign or consolidated its global hegemony, supported and facilitated by its various Western allies and regional clients, and to which Russia and other members of the former socialist block in Europe and Central Asia surrendered, Iran did not relinquish its sovereignty and independence. Iran faced two choices: either surrender to American global hegemony and its “new world order” or face American wrath in the form of regime change or land invasion, as it happened in Afghanistan and Iraq, Libya and Syria. Iran realized that it was impossible to protect its own sovereignty without promoting the principle of sovereignty and practicing a genuine practice of solidarity with all forces that resisted American domination and Israeli aggression in West Asia.

    This is how the Axis of Resistance as we know it today came into being.  Iranians had to resist not only the military, economic, and political consequences of American global dominance in the region, but also the circulation of its ideology by contemporary political philosophers, historians, political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists, who theorize, justify, and normalize the American order. The Aristotelian theory of rulership and governance is at the heart of the new world order. According to this theory, the soul, composed of the rational and expedient components of the world, is destined to reign over the physical, passionate, and natural components of the world. The American world order ideology assumes that the West, led by the U.S., represents the former and the rest of the world represents the latter in the contemporary world. This theory argues that the United States and its allies represent the human elements that must rule the animal elements of the world because both men and animals are better off when animals are tamed and ruled by men. This theory assumes that, since it is always the superior who discovers this principle of ruling, he must make sure that the inferiors understand this principle. This theory makes the inferior believe that he is a slave who must obey the superior as his master and execute his orders unquestionably. According to this principle of rulership, while the task of the slave is the administration of things and production of the necessities of life, the task of the master is the administration of the slaves. Russia, which consented to being administered by the West, led by the United States, attempted to fulfill the duties of a slave and fulfill the master’s demands, however, it was unsuccessful. However, China, which has achieved great success in the administration of things and production of necessities of life, has come to the realization that as a nation, they have high expectations and desire to safeguard their sovereignty and independence. At the same time, Russia realized that their success in the administration of things and the production of the necessities of life depended on them protecting their sovereignty and independence from Western interventions in the affairs of their nation. Aristotle advised superior men to do philosophy and politics because they were the kind of science that enable the superior to command the slave who produces the necessities of life. Modern imperialism, from an Aristotelian perspective, would not be possible without modern philosophy, social sciences and humanities that have persuaded the rest of the world of their inferiority. As Aristotle argued that plants exist for the sake of animals, and animals exist for the sake of men, and the slave exist for the sake of the master, modern human and social sciences argue that non-Westerners exist for the sake of Westerners. Imperial agents and their native informers are practitioners of the social and human sciences, whose failure to convince the inferior people of their inferiority could result in the inferior people refusing to be governed by their superiors. When this occurs, the Americans and their Western allies attempt to coerce the inferior populace into submission by means of economic sanctions, intimidation, and threats. Whenever these measures fail, and the superior Westerners find the inferior people defenseless, they turn into wild beasts by indiscriminate killing of civilians, murdering babies, women, and elderly people, and destroying their homes. The Israeli Genocide of Palestinian and Lebanese people is the last example of such crimes.  While the United States, with the help of its Western allies, attempts to dominate the world by demonstrating Western superiority and the inferiority of the rest of the world, Israel fails to dominate West Asia despite all the political, economic and military help it receives from America and Europe. In 2006, Israel attempted to replicate what the United States and its Western allies accomplished in Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003, but it fell short. Since the so-called Arab Spring, the United States and Israel have worked together to kill as many Libyan, Syrian, Yemeni people as they can and destroy as much of their infrastructure as they can because according to the imperialist principle, the superiors can either subjugate the inferiors or destroy them. However, Iranian revolutionary foreign policy has rejected this Western superiority complex and has tried to minimize its political consequences in the region. Iran has been trying to convince the people of the region that their struggle for sovereignty and independence from imperialist domination is impossible without the formation of a united front to resist American and Western intervention in the region. From an Iranian perspective, the resistance against the imperialist dominance in the region is intrinsically linked to the Palestinian struggle for liberation from the Israeli occupation. Iran supports the Palestinian struggle for sovereignty and independence, as an unfree Palestine would make the future of its own sovereignty and independence uncertain. Because an unfree Palestine means supremacy of the Western Axis of Domination and Genocide in the region. This may explain the moral high ground held by Iran when it comes to the Israeli genocide and its Western and regional accomplices.

    According to Aristotle in the Nicomachean Ethics, book VIII, it is with friends that men are more able to think and to act because the impacts of friendship are so significant that it can hold states together. Whereas men with friends do not have a need for justice, just men need friendship because justice has a friendly quality. But true friendship is about reciprocal goodwill, since friends wish what is good for one another for their own sake. It is the mutual recognition of goodwill between people that makes them friends. According to Aristotle, there are people who love each other for their utility and in virtue of some good which they get from each other. There are also those who love for the sake of pleasure because they find each other pleasant. Hence, those who love others for the purpose of their utility, do so for the sake of their own well-being, whereas those who love for the sake of pleasure do so for the sake of their own pleasure. If the parties don’t stay what they are to each other, their friendship will be easily broken up. For instance, when an individual ceases to be pleasant or useful to the other, the latter ceases to love them. Friendship is perfect when men are good and equal because they wish well for their friends for their own sake. Such friendships last as long as the parties remain good, and goodness is a lasting thing. Friendships such as these are not instrumental because they are not based on how useful friends are to each other. Since true friendship is rare and infrequent, it requires time and familiarity. The imperialist agents and their native informers fail to understand that Iran and the Axis of Resistance are the only true friends in Asia because they founded their friendship on mutual recognition of their sovereignty, equality, and struggle for justice. The familiarity with such virtues in each other took time, but the time was not wasted. The time was used to discover what is good in each other.

    The post Iran and the Axis of Resistance first appeared on Dissident Voice.

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  • Law firm AS&H Clifford Chance failed to include alleged abuse of migrant workers in assessment for Fifa 2034 bid, say rights groups

    A report by the Saudi arm of a global law firm on Saudi Arabia’s 2034 Fifa World Cup bid has “whitewashed” the Gulf kingdom’s record of exploiting and suppressing the rights of migrant workers, rights groups have claimed.

    AS&H Clifford Chance was commissioned to independently assess the human rights implications of the bid, but the report “contains no substantive discussion of extensive and relevant abuses in Saudi Arabia”, according to a statement released by 11 organisations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Two Democratic members of Congress are calling on U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland to appoint a special counsel to investigate Jared Kushner’s political advice to the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed Bin Salman (MBS). Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Maryland), the ranking member of the House Oversight Committee, and Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Oregon), the chair of the Senate Finance Committee…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) participated in the 57th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), held from 9 September to 11 October 2024.

    ADHRB delivered eight oral interventions under four items during these sessions, highlighting various human rights violations in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. It also organized a panel discussion on the sidelines of the HRC, in partnership with other human rights organizations and activists, during which the misuse of INTERPOL Red Notices and its implications for human rights were raised.

    ADHRB delivered seven interventions related to the human rights situation in Bahrain under items 2, 3, 4, and 5. Under item 5, it delivered an eighth intervention, highlighting the issue of executions in Saudi Arabia.

    Item 2

    Under Item 2, ADHRB delivered two interventions during the General Debate on 12 September 2024.

    ADHRB delivered its first intervention during the General Debate under Item 2, highlighting the ongoing detention of elderly Bahraini opposition leaders and human rights defenders. These individuals have been imprisoned since 2011 for their peaceful opposition to the autocratic rule in the country. The intervention noted that, despite the issuance of three recent royal pardons, none of the opposition leaders or prominent human rights defenders were included. Among those excluded were Mr. Hasan Mushaima, Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, and AbdulHadi AlKhawaja. ADHRB called on the Bahraini authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all elderly opposition leaders and prominent human rights defenders.

    Under the same item, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention during the General Debate, drawing the Council’s attention to the ongoing impunity of Bahraini officials responsible for torture and other human rights violations in Bahraini prisons. The intervention noted that despite the three recent royal pardons, none of the perpetrators of rights abuses have been held accountable and that, the same violations persist. ADHRB also held Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, Crown Prince Salman, and Interior Minister Sheikh Rashed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa responsible for the growing culture of impunity. ADHRB urged the Council to pressure Bahrain to end impunity for rights abusers.

    Item 3

    Under Item 3, ADHRB delivered two interventions on 13 and 20 September 2024 during the General Debate and Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of all human rights by older persons.

    In the intervention delivered during the Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of all human rights by older persons on 13 September 2024, ADHRB and its partner organizations addressed the ill-treatment and human rights violations faced by elderly human rights defenders in Bahrain. It noted that elderly prisoners of conscience have been held in Bahraini prisons since 2011, some serving life sentences. All these individuals have faced numerous violations, documented by UN experts, including arbitrary detention, torture, ill-treatment, and denial of medical care. Among them are 76-year-old opposition leader Hasan Mushaima, prominent human rights defender Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, who is over 62 years old, and human rights defender AbdulHadi AlKhawaja. ADHRB concluded by addressing the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of all human rights by older persons, asking: When will Bahrain implement its obligations, address the recommendations, and allow UN delegations to monitor prison violations?

    In the intervention delivered during the general debate under Item 3 on 20 September 2024, ADHRB affirmed that there can be no reform without releasing political prisoners and human rights defenders, securing justice, and ensuring accountability. It also drew the Council’s attention to the rising numbers of summons, arrests, and trials related to freedom of expression, occurring alongside the recent releases in Bahrain.

    ADHRB pointed out that with the onset of demonstrations in support of Gaza in October 2023, Bahrainis are living in a new and dangerous escalation of repression. Widespread arrests targeted participants in popular movements, including over 50 minors, some of whom remain detained and on trial. The crackdown extends into the digital space, where dissenting opinions are criminalized.

    It also drew attention to the systematic arrest campaigns and summonses launched by the Bahraini Ministry of Interior last March, targeting the families of detainees and many who expressed solidarity with the political prisoners’ strike. ADHRB also stressed that despite promises to the contrary, Bahraini authorities have yet to demonstrate a genuine commitment to a new chapter for those released. Instead, they insist on restricting their civil liberties and re-arresting or summoning anyone demanding these rights.

    Item 4

    Under Item 4 during the General Debate, ADHRB delivered two interventions on 25 and 26 September 2024.

    On 25 September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the General Debate under Item 4, in which it emphasized the need to end impunity in Bahrain starting with dismissing the  Minister of Interior. ADHRB stressed impunity for rights abuses in Bahrain keeps true reform beyond reach. It also pointed out that since 2011, 19 political prisoners have died due to medical negligence while in government facilities but unfortunately, their killers have yet to be held accountable.

    Complaints against Prince Nasser bin Hamad Al Khalifa were filed for his involvement in the torture of detainees, but he continues to enjoy high-ranking positions, authority, and impunity. It also mentioned that since 2004, the Ministry of Interior has been held by Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, who has been implicated in torture yet remains unprosecuted.

    ADHRB renewed its call to implement the Bassiouni Commission’s recommendations, end impunity, and remove the Ministry of Interior’s control over security and judicial bodies. This begins with dismissing the Minister of Interior, prosecuting violators, and compensating victims.

    On 26 September 2024, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention during the General Debate under Item 4, in which they urged the Council to pressure Bahrain to ensure transitional justice for former prisoners. ADHRB also highlighted the hardships faced by recently released political prisoners in Bahrain as they attempt to rebuild their lives. It noted that despite their release, these individuals have received no compensation for their years of detention or the violations they endured, including torture and medical neglect. Instead, they continue to face restrictions under Bahrain’s political and civil isolation laws. At the end of its intervention, ADHRB and partner organizations urged the Council to pressure Bahrain to end these arbitrary restrictions, repeal political isolation laws, and ensure reintegration and transitional justice for former prisoners.

    Items 3 and 5

    During the Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples under Items 3 and 5, held on 27 September 2024, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention. They drew the HRC’s attention to the discrimination against the indigenous people in Bahrain. ADHRB noted that, despite their distinct cultural and historical backgrounds, both the Baharna and Ajam communities face significant economic disparities, social and political exclusion, and are disproportionately denied access to public services. It also highlighted the severe repression of the pro-democracy movement in 2011 and the revocation of citizenship for hundreds of Baharna and Ajam since 2012. These actions, coupled with unjustified deportations, reflect an alarming attempt to alter Bahrain’s ethnic balance, further marginalizing these groups both socially and economically. Considering this, ADHRB asked the HRC: How can we ensure that the Bahraini government will end the systemic discrimination against these indigenous groups and comply with international standards?

    Item 5

    On 1 October 2024, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention during the General Debate under Item 5, expressing deep concerns over the sharp increase in executions in Saudi Arabia. This rise underscores alarming human rights conditions in the kingdom, especially considering the lack of transparency and widespread distrust in the judicial system.

    ADHRB further highlighted Saudi Arabia’s use of the death penalty to criminalize freedom of expression and retaliate against activists, as well as for offenses that do not qualify as the most serious under international standards. It urged the Council to condemn the Saudi judiciary’s use of anti-terrorism laws to criminalize free expression, as well as the use of torture to extract confessions and the execution of individuals convicted of non-serious offenses under international law. ADHRB also demanded the abolition of all such executions, including those of political prisoners and individuals convicted of non-serious offenses.

    Panel on the Sidelines of the Council:

    On 17 September 2024, ADHRB hosted a panel on the sidelines of the HRC discussing “INTERPOL Red Notices and Human Rights.” The event examined how Red Notices are misused to target activists and explored potential solutions to address this issue. The panel also featured case studies from the field.

    During its participation in the 57th session of the Human Rights Council, ADHRB successfully highlighted some of the most serious human rights violations in Bahrain, particularly the conditions of political prisoners. It also raised concerns about the alarming rise in execution rates in Saudi Arabia, emphasizing the urgent need for intensified efforts toward their immediate abolition.

    The post An Overview of ADHRB’s Participation in the 57th Session of the Human Rights Council appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • At the 57th Human Rights Council session, civil society organisations share reflections on key outcomes and highlight gaps in addressing crucial issues and situations. Full written version below:

    States continue to fail to meet their obligations under international law to put an end to decades of Israeli crimes committed against the Palestinian people, including the genocide in Gaza, and most recently Israel’s war on Lebanon. States that continue to provide military, economic and political support to Israel, while suppressing fundamental freedoms such as expression and assembly, as well as attacking independent courts and experts, and defunding humanitarian aid (UNRWA), are complicit in the commission of crimes. We urge the Council to address the root causes of the situation as identified by experts and the ICJ, including settler-colonialism and apartheid, and to address the obligations of third States in the context of the ICJ’s provisional measures stressing the plausible risk of genocide in Gaza and the ICJ advisory opinion recognising that ‘Israel’s legislation and measures constitute a breach of Article 3 of CERD’ pertaining to racial segregation and apartheid. The General Assembly adopted the resolution titled “The Crime of Genocide” in December 1946, which articulates that the denial of existence of entire human groups shocks the conscience of mankind. We remind you of our collective duty and moral responsibility to stop genocide.

    States have an obligation to pay UN membership dues in full and in time. The failure of many States to do so, often for politically motivated reasons, is causing a financial liquidity crisis, meaning that resolutions and mandates of the Human Rights Council cannot be implemented. Pay your dues! The visa denials to civil society by host countries is a recurring obstacle to accessing the UN; and acts of intimidation and reprisals are fundamental attacks against the UN system itself. The right to access and communicate with international bodies is firmly grounded in international law and pivotal to the advancement of human rights. In this regard, we welcome the action taken by 11 States to call for investigation and accountability for reprisals against individually named human rights defenders. This sends an important message of solidarity to defenders, many of whom are arbitrarily detained for contributing to the work of the UN, as well as increasing the political costs for perpetrators of such acts. We welcome progress in Indigenous Peoples’ participation in the work of this Council as it is the first time that they could register on their own for specific dialogues.

    We welcome the adoption of the resolution that renews the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights in the context of climate change by consensus. 

    We also welcome the adoption of the resolution on biodiversity sending a clear call to take more ambitious commitments at the sixteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity  and acknowledging the negative impact that the loss of biodiversity can have on the enjoyment of all human rights, including the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment. We welcome that these two resolutions recognize the critical and positive role that Environmental Human Right Defenders play. We also welcome the adoption by consensus of the resolutions on the rights on safe drinking water and sanitation; and the resolution on human rights and Indigenous Peoples. 

    We welcome the adoption of the resolution on equal participation in political and public affairs which for the first time includes language on children and recognises their right to participation as well as the transformative role of civic education in supporting their participation. We also welcome the recognition that hate speech has a restrictive effect on children’s full, meaningful, inclusive and safe participation in political and public affairs.

    We welcome the adoption of the resolution from rhetoric to reality: a global call for concrete action against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. The resolution contains important language on the implementation of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action as well as the proclamation by the General Assembly of a second International Decade for People of African Descent commencing in 2025. We welcome the inclusion of a call to States to dispense reparatory justice, including finding ways to remedy historical racial injustices. This involves ensuring that the structures in society that perpetuate past injustices are transformed, including law enforcement and the administration of justice. 

    We welcome the adoption of a new resolution on human rights on the internet, which recognises that universal and meaningful connectivity is essential for the enjoyment of human rights. The resolution takes a progressive step forward in specifically recommending diverse and human right-based technological solutions to advance connectivity, including through governments creating an enabling and inclusive regulatory environment for small, non-profit and community internet operators. These solutions are particularly essential in ensuring connectivity for remote or rural communities. The resolution also  unequivocally condemns internet shutdowns, online censorship, surveillance, and other measures that impede universal and meaningful connectivity. We now call on all Sates to fully implement the commitments in the resolution and ensure the same rights that people have offline are also protected online. 

    Whilst we welcome the attention in the resolution on the human rights of migrants to dehumanising, harmful and racist narratives about migration, we are disappointed that the resolution falls short of the calls from civil society, supported by the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights of Migrants, for the Human Rights Council to set up an independent and international monitoring mechanism to address deaths, torture and other grave human rights violations at borders. Such a mechanism would not only support prevention and accountability – it would provide a platform for the people at the heart of these human rights violations and abuses to be heard. The study and intersessional mandated in this resolution must be used to enhance independent monitoring and increase access to justice.

    We welcome the adoption of the resolution on Afghanistan renewing and strengthening the mandate of the Special Rapporteur. Crucially, the resolution recognises the need to ensure accountability in Afghanistan through “comprehensive, multidimensional, gender-responsive and victim-centred” processes applying a “comprehensive approach to transitional justice.” However, we are disappointed that the resolution once again failed to establish an independent accountability mechanism that can undertake comprehensive investigations and collect and preserve evidence and information of violations and abuses in line with these principles to assist future and ongoing accountability processes. This not only represents a failure by the Council to respond to the demands of many Afghan and international civil society organisations, but also a failure to fulfil its own mandate to ensure prompt, independent and impartial investigations which this and all previous resolutions have recognised as urgent.

    We welcome the renewal of the Special Rapporteur on Burundi

    We welcome the renewal of the Special Rapporteur’s mandate on the human rights situation in the Russian Federation. The human rights situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, with the alarming expansion of anti-extremism legislation now also targeting LGBT+ and Indigenous organisations being just the latest example of this trend. The Special Rapporteur has highlighted how such repression against civil society within Russia over many years has facilitated its external aggression. The mandate itself remains a vital lifeline for Russian civil society, connecting it with the Human Rights Council and the broader international community, despite the Russian authorities’ efforts to isolate their people.

    We welcome the resolution on promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka renewing for one year the mandate of the OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project and of the High Commissioner to monitor and report on the situation. Its consensual adoption represents the broad recognition by the Council of the crucial need for continued international action to promote accountability and reconciliation in Sri Lanka and keeps the hopes of tens of thousands of victims, their families and survivors who, more than 15 years after the end of the war, continue to wait for justice and accountability. However, the resolution falls short in adequately responding to the calls by civil society. It fails to extend these mandates for two years which would have ensured that the Sri Lanka Accountability Project has the resources, capacity and stability to fulfill its mandate. 

    We welcome the renewal of the Fact Fin­ding Mission on Sudan with broader support (23 votes in favor in comparison to 19 votes last year, and 12 votes against in comparison to 16 votes last year). This responds to the calls by 80 Sudanese, African, and other international NGOs for an extension of the man­date of the FFM for Sudan. We further reiterate our urgent calls for an immediate ceasefire and the prompt creation of safe corridors for humanitarian aid organisations and groups, and to guarantee the safety of their operations, as well as our call on the UN Security Council to extend the arms embargo on Darfur to all of Sudan and create effective monitoring and reporting mechanisms to ensure the implementation of the embargo. 

    We welcome the renewal of the mandates of the Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela (FFM) and of OHCHR for two more years. The deepening repression at the hands of government forces following the fraudulent Presidential elections in July has made evident the vital importance of continued independent documenting, monitoring and reporting by the FFM and its role in early warning of further human rights deterioration. We are pleased that OHCHR is mandated to provide an oral update (with an ID) at the end of this year. This will be key ahead of the end of the term of the current presidency on 10 January 2025. This resolution is an important recognition of and contribution to the demands of victims and civil society for accountability.  

    We regret that the Council failed to take action on Bangladesh. We welcome Bangladesh’s cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights including by inviting the Office to undertake investigations into allegations of serious violations and abuses in the context of youth-led protests in July and August, as well as positive steps by the interim government. However, we believe that a Council mandate would provide much needed support, stability and legitimacy to these positive initiatives at a time of serious political uncertainty in the country.

    The Council’s persistent inaction and indifference in the face of Yemen’s escalating human rights crisis is deeply troubling. Since the dissolution of the Group of Eminent Experts, and despite years of mounting atrocities, we have yet to see the type of robust, independent international investigation that is desperately needed. Instead, the Council’s approach has been marked by half-measures and complacency, allowing widespread violations to continue unchecked. Despite the precarious humanitarian situation, the recent campaign of enforced disappearances and arbitrary detention by the de facto Houthi authorities and recent Israeli bombardments, Yemen has increasingly become a forgotten crisis. The current resolution on Yemen represents this failure. Technical assistance without reporting or discussion is an insufficient response. The decision to forgo an interactive dialogue on implementing this assistance is an oversight, undermining the principles of accountability and transparency. We welcome the inclusion of language in the resolution recognizing the vital role of NGO workers and humanitarian staff who the Houthis have arbitrarily detained. We call for the immediate and unconditional release of those who continue to be detained for nothing more than attempting to ensure the rule of law is respected and victims are protected. We urge this Council to act decisively, prioritize the creation of an independent international accountability mechanism, and place civilian protection at the forefront of its deliberations on Yemen. 

    We continue to deplore this Council’s exceptionalism towards serious human rights violations in China committed by the government. On 17 August, the OHCHR stressed that ‘many problematic laws and policies’ documented in its Xinjiang report remain in place, that abuses remain to be investigated, and that reprisals and lack of information hinder human rights monitoring. We welcome the statement by the Xinjiang Core Group on the second anniversary of the OHCHR’s Xinjiang report, regretting the government’s lack of meaningful cooperation with UN bodies, the rejection of UPR recommendations, and urging China to engage meaningfully to implement the OHCHR’s recommendations, including releasing all those arbitrarily detained, clarifying the whereabouts of those disappeared, and facilitating family reunion. It is imperative that the Human Rights Council take action commensurate to the gravity of UN findings, such as by establishing a monitoring and reporting mechanism on China as repeatedly urged by over 40 UN experts since 2020. We urge China to genuinely engage with the UN human rights system to enact meaningful reform, and ensure all individuals and peoples enjoy their human rights. Recommendations from the OHCHR Xinjiang report, UN Treaty Bodies, and UN Special Procedures chart the way for this desperately needed change.

    Finally, we welcome the outcome of elections to the Human Rights Council at the General Assembly. States that are responsible for atrocity crimes, the widespread repression of civil society, and patterns of reprisals are not qualified to be elected to this Council. The outcomes of the election demonstrate the importance of all regions fielding competitive slates that are comprised of appropriately qualified candidates.  

    Signatories:

    1. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    2. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    3. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation 
    4. FIDH 
    5. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies

    https://ishr.ch/latest-updates/hrc57-civil-society-presents-key-takeaways-from-the-session

    see:

    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/oct/11/us-un-human-rights-israel

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/oct/08/rights-activists-urge-un-reject-abusive-bid-saudi-arabia-bid-join-human-rights-council

    Following a concerted campaign led by ISHR together with other civil society partners, Saudi Arabia was just defeated in its bid to be elected to the UN Human Rights Council!

  • On Oct 1st, 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nation Human Rights Council session 57 under item 5 during the General Debate. ADHRB raised concerns about the doubling rate of executions in Saudi Arabia.

     

     

    We express deep concern regarding the doubling rate of executions carried out in Saudi Arabia this year, with 181 executions recorded between January 2024 and 10 September, including 15 for politically motivated charges.

     

    This sharp rise in executions highlights alarming human rights conditions in the kingdom, especially amid the lack of transparency and widespread distrust in the judicial system.

     

    At least 69 individuals, including 9 minors, currently face execution. The actual number is likely higher due to the absence of transparency, with no disclosure of the legal process, timing, or manner of the executions.

     

    More troubling is Saudi Arabia’s use of the death penalty to criminalize freedom of expression and retaliate against activists, alongside executions for offenses not considered among the most serious like drug crimes, with 42 executions for such cases since the start of this year.

     

    We urge the council to condemn the Saudi judiciary’s use of anti-terrorism laws to criminalize free expression, as well as the use of torture to extract confessions and executions for non-serious offenses under international law. We demand the abolition of these executions.

    The post ADHRB at #HCR57: We raise concerns about the doubling rate of executions in Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • The country had faced a campaign from rights groups who accused it of being ‘unfit to serve on the Human Rights Council’

    Saudi Arabia narrowly failed in its bid to win a seat on the United Nations Human Rights Council, a blow to Riyadh’s efforts to boost the country’s rights reputation abroad, four years after it was rejected in a 2020 bid to join the 47-member body.

    Saudi Arabia is spending billions to transform its global image from a country known for strict religious restrictions and human rights abuses into a tourism and entertainment hub under a plan its Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman, launched known as Vision 2030.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Salah El Din – Salah El Din El Ayoubi – Saladin and Richard the Lionheart

    Jerusalem’s hard-fought liberation, now in process, is a recapitulation of the Christian Crusades of the 11th-13th centuries, this time, not by the knight on a white horse of legend, but through the long march of guerilla warfare by the much maligned Shia. This follows on the liberation of Iran from its Judeo-Christian yoke in 1979 and Iraq 25 years later, ironically by the US, forming the second Shia majority state. But it is the Shia minority of Lebanon that holds the keys to Jerusalem. Their 40% of the Lebanese population punches well above their weight in a fractious country split among Christians, and Sunni and Shia Muslims.

    Hezbollah was forged in the heat of Israeli occupation of Lebanon in the 1980s. The then-rag-tag militia killed over 600 Israeli soldiers, forcing Israel to retreat in humiliation, its first such defeat ever, and by a nonstate actor, a very bad omen, which Israel’s almost daily murder of Palestinians every since cannot erase, and which culminated in 10/7, Israel’s own private 9/11, bringing us to Israel’s carpeting bombing of Lebanon.

    It is the Shia of Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen we have to thank for preventing Israel’s genocide against the Palestinians from proceeding smoothly. Sunnis will have to wake up if they don’t want to be left behind by their Shia brothers, their self-satisfied Sunni hegemony cracked open, exposed as the ‘sick man’ of the Middle East, i.e., undermined by imperialism, the same compromised role that destroyed the Ottomans, created post-Ottoman puppet Sunni states, and planted in Palestine a cursed tree, the Quran’s poisonous zaqqum, rooted in the center of Hell, aka the Jewish state.

    The Saudis long ago were compromised through a voluntary pact with first British then US imperialism but, until the rise of Muhammed Bin Salman (MBS), were at least keeping up the trappings of Islamic ritual, jealously guarding the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. The quietist Saudis effectively blackmailed the Palestinians into accepting an interminable Israeli murderous occupation and creeping (now galloping) theft of their lands, financing Palestinian refugees, but with no promise of liberation, effectively working with not against the enemy.

    Now MBS has let the westernizers loose in his kingdom, discarding the hijab, promoting concerts of trashy western rock music, buying British football teams (Newcastle United in 2021). Trump’s Abraham Accords were supposed to lead to a new Middle East with Israel and Saudi Arabia as the kingpins. With October 7 (10/7), the bottom fell out of MBS’s fantasy of a Saudi-Isreali hegemony over the Middle East, leaving the Palestinians in permanent limbo or exile. It didn’t seem to matter to the Saudis and Gulf sheikhs, who long ago lost interest in Palestine. In thie face of this complete betrayal of the Palestinians, of Islam itself, the Shia are the only Muslims to resist the sacrilege of permanent Jewish rule over Palestine and the destruction Islam’s holy sites to build a Third Temple.

    Orthodox Sunni Muslims have always feared the moral purity which Shiism was founded on, in opposition to the more worldly, pragmatic Sunni majority. This very productive, though at times deadly, stand-off between the two strands of Islam began with Muhammad’s young cousin Ali being the first convert to Islam after the Prophet’s wife Hadija, Ali’s heroic military career defending the religion during the early, perilous battles immortalized in the Quran, through to the murder of him and his family by power-hungry rivals. The draw of idealism and justice has kept Shiism alive, and from what we see today, it is the saving grace of Islam, pushing back today against deadly secularism. Ultimately, the Sunni will have to admit that the Shia are not just an inconvenient footnote (like MBS et al would have liked to make of the Palestinians).

    20th century ummah challenges

    All Muslims will agree that the unity of the ummah is the first, most urgent, priority. The Shia, though outliers, strive for this even more, as they face hardline Sunnis who consider them apostates and would be happy to cut them loose or wipe them out. The official Sunni position has wavered over the centuries, but generally grudgingly accepts them. The imperialists of course were happy to use ‘divide and rule’, and they quickly turned a peaceful ummah into quarreling sectarians in India, Pakistan, Iraq, wherever they had the chance.1 This only really worked for post-Ottoman Iraq and Lebanon, both with large Shia communities mixed (peacefully) with Sunni. But the 20th century was one of increasing division, chaos, everywhere in the ummah. It is still on life support, held together now by the Shia thread, the ‘Shia crescent’, the only link the ummah has to Jerusalem and the Palestinians as they face annihilation, their Sunni brothers helpless or unwilling to save them.

    The British official who fashioned the new Iraq in the 1920s, Gertrude Bell, had no time for Shia, who were the majority then as now, but Gertrude had no time for democracy for the dark-skinned. I don’t for a moment doubt that the final authority must be in the hands of the Sunnis, in spite of their numerical inferiority; otherwise you will have a mujtahid-run, theocratic state, which is the very devil. She knew how the ulama in Iran had defeated the Shah on his westernizing mission, the famous tobacco fatwa of 1890 that forced the shah to cancel the British concession, and supported the constitution movement for democracy in 1905. The British had no interest in creating a radical Shia majority state and put in place a Sunni puppet king.

    Iraq’s long and violent history since then finally undid Gertrude’s machiavellian scheming in 2003, bringing to an end a truly disgusting Sunni dictatorship, and the advent of the first Shia-majority state, the positive effects of which are still being discovered. We can thank the US imperialists (even a broken clock is right twice a day) for stumbling on a winning formula for Islam (and for themselves, for the world). By genuinely promoting electoral democracy (along with opening Iraq to foreign exploitation of Iraq’s oil), it started the ball rolling on Sunni-Shia relations everywhere, including US client number one, the Saudi dictator-king, with his truly downtrodden Shia, who sit on Saudi oil and get only repression, disenfranchisement and lots of beheadings as thanks.

    The 20th century path that brought us to our present apocalyptic scenario was long and tragic. The Ottoman ‘sick man of Europe’ collapse at the end of WWI, invaded by the British and French (their Russian allies had already collapsed leaving more spoils for the victors). The end of the caliphate? For atheist Turkish dictator Mustafa Kemal that would have been fine. The Muslim ummah, both Sunni and Shia, anticipated this and had already rallied in its defense with the Khilafa Movement in 1919-1920, supported by other anti-imperialists, including Gandhi and India’s Hindus, who saw the British divide-and-rule as the poison that kept Indians subjugated.

    Kemal got his way in 1924, accusing Indian Muslim leaders, who came all the way to Ankara to beg the Turkish strongman to maintain the caliphate, of foreign election interference. As if the caliphate was a Turkish plaything The shock wave reverberated around the world culminating in the World Islamic Congress in Jerusalem in 1931 at the behest of Mohammad Amin al-Husayni, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, bringing together Muslim leaders from around the world. A truly historic moment in the history of the ummah. But the caliphate was already a pipe dream, with growing Jewish immigration to British Palestine, the intent being to create a Jewish state, an imperial outpost to control the Middle East.

    Everywhere, the Muslim world was occupied now by nominally Christian world empires, British, American, French, Dutch, the House of War (vs the ummah, the House of Peace), the the financial strings predominantly in Jewish hands, accounting for the plum Palestine being selected as a future Jewish state, purchased by the elite Jews who financed the British empire. Except for Shia Iran, which was never fully occupied and given an imperial make-over. But Iran also had its atheist modernizer, Reza Shah, who, having tricked the ulama into giving him their blessing initially, left them alone though marginalized. Though he weakened the religious establishment, outlawed the veil, and built industry and infrastructure, he was not so fanatically anti-Muslim He was anti-imperialist, and when WWII broke out, he was deposed by the British to prevent the shah from sending oil to the Germans. That occupation wrankled, and all the foreign devils, British, Russia, American were given the boot when the war ended.

    It was the Shia ulama of Iran who were the only ulama to resist imperialism,2 supporting the first genuinely independent prime minister, Mossadeq, in 1951 in his effort to kick the British out and take control of the economy. The normally quietist, conservative religious elite had been radicalized despite themselves. When the US moved in to foment a coup in 1953, the invaders were able to get a few religious leaders to bless their scheming, but this blatant imperialist act galvanized all Iranians, and eventually led to the overthrow of the second and last Pahlavi shah in 1979. Newly religious Iran was joined by newly religious Turkey with the coming to power of Recep Erdogan in 2000, who refers to his followers as ‘grandchildren of the Ottomans’. Traditional Sunni-Shia rivals, Turkey and Iran are far from bosom buddies, but the current crisis of the ummah means that differences are put aside.

    The second stumbling block for Muslims was the secular reaction to imperialism, Arab nationalism, now competing with Turkish and Persian nationalisms, fashioned as secular identities, undermining a united Islamic identity, central to the ummah. Egypt’s Nasser and Iraq’s Saddam Hussein are the two most notorious nationalist leaders, who led their countries in a death spiral of violent repression of Islam, corruption and failed military ventures.

    Nationalism was foreign to Muslims, never the defining ideology, and these nationalist movements failed, with chauvinistic Sunni radicals morphing into violent pseudo-Islamic movements – al-Qaeda, ISIS and Islamic State–Khorasan Province.

    With the current US-Israeli genocide of Palestinians, the ummah is coming together again, realizing this is the make-or-break moment for Islam, and that these nationalisms are evaporating in the heat of crisis. Even the perfidious MBS casually announced that there would be no Israeli-Saudi new order until the Palestinians have a real state. The ice is cracking, moving, as Palestine’s spring takes shape out of the Israelis’ ashes and rubble.

    Turkey and Iran had secular capitalism imposed from the top to keep the imperialists at bay. Egypt had a brutal British occupation until the 1950s, creating the same secular capitalism as Turkey and Iran, but then came socialistic dictator Nasser in 1951, injecting a new political element. Sadly, he too refused to acknowledge Islam as the bedrock of society, a more genuinely socialistic way of life, his secular vision collapsing with Israeli invasion, leaving Egypt, the largest Middle East country, far weaker now than either of its two Middle East rivals. The Arab states have all remained puppets of imperialism and remain cool to, even resentful of the new Shia vitality and presence. But the Arab masses support the Shia defiance of US-Israel, despising their Quisling leaders.

    Puppets and fledging actors

    Iran’s revolution in 1979 was bad news for the Saudis, leading to even greater repression of its Shia. Saudi suspicions and fear of Shia have been a terrible ordeal for the 10% of Saudis who are Shia, and a powerful Shia state would naturally push for justice. So instead of making peace with their Shia (and thus, with the new Iran), in the 1980s, Saudi Arabia (and Kuwait) spent $25b (i.e., gave US weapons producers $25b) in support of the brutal, mad thug, Saddam Hussein in the Iran–Iraq War (1980–1988). When Saddam invaded Kuwait, cashing his US-Saudi IOU for sacrificing half million Iraqi Sunnis-Shia to kill a half million Shia Iranians, Saudi Arabia was unhappy. Not only had Saddam failed to crush Shia Iran, his defeat would mean an angry Shia state next door, which could easily invade and overthrow him.

    So King Fahd invited the US forces into the kingdom to invade Iraq and keep the Saudi kingdom as head honcho of the Muslim world. I repeat: King Fahd allowed American and coalition troops to be stationed in Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabian forces were involved both in bombing raids on Iraq and in the land invasion that helped to ‘liberate’ Kuwait, the so-called Gulf War (1990-1991). The ummah, the House of Peace, invaded and occupied by the House of War. MBS’s current free and easy secularism makes sense after all, but not for the ummah.

    Why would the US have gone to all the trouble to invade Iraq as part of ‘liberating’ Kuwait, and then leave the (truly odious) dictator Saddam in power? Ask weakling King Fahd, whose fear of a Shia-majority Iraq next door was even greater than his fear of a cowed, murderous Saddam. Pan-Arab nationalism – RIP.

    This enduring Sunni-Shia stand-off is the imperialists’ trump card. All the Arab countries are in varying degrees still US puppets, and persecute their Shia because they, the so-called rulers, are weak and fear the implicit critique of their weakness that the morally uncompromised Shia represent. Nigeria, Bahrain, Indonesia, Malaysia have all driven wedges between Sunnis and Shias when it was politically useful. The Sunni masses, looking for a way out of the imperialist straitjacket but educated to despise Shia, looked not to solidarity with all Muslims to fight the looming imperial enemy, but inward to past Sunni experience, the early four Rightly Guided Caliphs, for their inspiration. They downplay the fact that the finally one was Ali, the inspiration of the Shia as sole legitimate caliph of the whole lot. In the 1980s-1990s, frustrated Sunnis coalesced around radical Saudi Bin Laden and his al-Qaeda, various ISIS caliphate dreamers in central Asia, the Caucasus, Africa, internationally, with an unIslamic jihad condoning mass civilian deaths as a key tactic.

    This element continues to plague the Sunni world, the whole world. It has undermined the efforts to rebuild Iraq after the 2003 invasion. The Ba’thists were outlawed, leaving the minority Sunni with nothing, so they preferred chaos and road bombs, but Shia long-suffering patience grudgingly brought together ‘good’ Sunni and all the Shia to fight the latest (Sunni) terrorists, ISIS et al.

    10/7 was an earthquake, not just for Israel but for Islam, the Sunni-Shia tremors finally syncing on that explosive day, pushing the Sunni establishment into Shia arms. All people of goodwill now rout for the Shia Hezbollah in their battle with Israel to protect the heart and soul of Islam. Paradoxically, this challenge was anticipated by the renewal of relations between the Saudis and Iran in March 2023, anticipating 10/7, an admission that Shia power could not be ignored in the new world order taking shape under China and Russia, quite apart from the central role Iran was now playing in protecting the Palestinians from total annihilation, with the Saudis watching with alarm from the sidelines as their position at the head of the Muslim world was being usurped by events on the ground, including from its own despised 10% Shia, now demanding the same rights as citizens that the Sunnis have.

    Democracy really is the answer

    It’s finally clear: Arab nationalism has been a flop, as has been Pakistan nationalism, where the 20% Shia must constantly fight Sunni chauvinists. Indian nationalism is worse, following the path of Israel, a racist Zionized Hindutva ideology that exclused all Muslims, Sunni or Shia. Sunni chauvinism under imperialism, taking refuge in nationalism, always undermines the ummah, unless the Shia are a sizable minority or majority, and the government is sufficiently representative. I.e., democratic.

    In hindsight, I would argue the road to the liberation of Jerusalem began with Iran’s revoluton in 1979, which put Palestine liberation at the top of its international agenda. The war launched by Iraq was supposed to steamroll through a weakened Iran, as ordered by Saddam’s backers Saudi Arabia, the Soviet Union, the US and Europe. (What a cynical, bizarre coalition!) Ayatollah Khomeini was brilliant and charismatic, but a poor politician, refusing to end the war when Saddam offered, hoping to liberate Iraq, leading to 100,000s more deaths and seriously weakening and tarnishing the revolution. His hubris was immortalized in telling anecdotes. My favorite: Pakistani dictator Zia had urged the shah in 1977 to crack down even harder on the rebels. When Zia met Khomeini as the shah’s successor a few years later, Khomeini merely asked politely for Zulfikar Bhutto’s life (Zia was Bhutto’s successor) to be spared. No dice. On the contrary, Zia advised Khomeini not to tangle with a superpower. Khomeini retorted he would never do such a thing and in fact always relied in the superpower. Ouch! That only made Zia persecute his Shia even more.

    Arab secular states can’t unite when they are headed by dictators like Assad, Nasser, the Jordanian and Saudi king-dictators. Corrupt dictatorships don’t make good allies. The need for democracy is obvious. Iraq hopefully can be the model for Sunni and Shia learning to work together again under a robust electoral democracy. Sunni and Shia lived more or less till Saddam and sons really began their madness.3

    The end of Saddam moved the Shia-Sunni ‘battle lines’ 200 miles west, now running through Baghdad, which was precisely what Gertrude Bell, Saddam and the imperialists had all tried to prevent. History takes its revenge. The chauvinistic Sunni hegemony of the Muslim world is finished. The Sunni hegemons tried to overthrow Khomeini and failed. The same battle took place 12 years later in Iraq and failed again due to Shia patience in the face of Sunni-inspired terror. Thousands of Saudi and Jordanian youth went to Iraq after 2003 to fight the occupation (and looming Shia hegemony) and die, just like they did in their misguided jihad in Afghanistan in the 1980s. Their violent self-sacrifice only digging the Sunni world deeper into a state of humiliation. 85% of ISIS in Syria working alongside the US imperialists are Saudi. They are there solely to fight the ‘sons of al-Alqami’, referring to the Shia vizier when the Mongols razed Baghdad in 1258.

    Now the Sunni are exposed as helpless in the face of Israeli genocide of the Palestinians, are actually helping ‘protect’ US-Israel from Iranian bombs intended for Israel. The Sunni world is humiliated, betraying Islam, kowtowing to not just the US but US-Israel. To defeat (Sunni-inspired) ISIS, the ‘good’ Iraqi Sunnis even had to welcome help from not just Iraq Shias (the army) but also Iran. It is high time to bury the hatchet of envy and suspicion, and join the Shia, if only because they hold the fate of the ummah in their hands.

    The ‘bad’ Sunnis (regime elites) are still supporting the US-led war on terror. Their goal is still to wreck the new, Shia-led Iraqi state and keeping the lid on their own pressure-cookers, looking over their shoulders at the (failed) Arab Spring of 2011. The Sunni elites do US-Israel’s work for it. At the same time, they are angry with the US for complicity in Shia revival, undermining House of Saud, contributing to the decline in its religious legitimacy. MBS’s secular turn is more a parody of soft power, which only undermines (Sunni) Islam. The Saudi treatment of its own Shia mirrors Israeli treatment of Palestinians.4 Sadly, it is only because Palestinians have some shred of legal independence as part of the post-WWII internationally agreed policy of decolonization that this instance of apartheid is being fought openly. Anti-Muslim apartheid is actually alive and well but hidden behind national borders (China, Myanmar).

    What remains of the insurgency in Iraq today is an alliance of Jordanians, Saudis and Iraqi Ba’thists. Syria and Saudi are both ripe for change, with Iraq and Iran as their models, but especially Iraq, with its more open, competitive elections and its large Shia population. The main legacy of the Iraq invasion was to make the Shia case, which means fighting Sunni extremism and terrorism, exposing the US Global War on Terror (GWOT) as a fraud (produced more (Sunni) terror), cementing Shiism as the adult in the room, holding the Islamic faith secure by a string, open to democracy.

    21st century the Shia century?

    This is already happening. Islamic Iran from the start allied with all anti-imperialist countries. Its revolution echoes the idealism of the Russia revolution of 1917, both of which were met by invasions by western powers and/or proxies, and both succeeding against all odds, based very much on ideological zeal for the good of mankind. Both also became authoritarian states, with elections but with limited choice. Iran’s elections are much more credible, and the election of reformers like Khatami and now Pezeshkian show there is room for real public debate. As with all countries victim to US ire, survival trumps all finer nuances, which are put on hold. Show me who your friends are, and I’ll tell you who you are. Iran’s allies are the anti-imperialist good guys.

    In contrast to the Arab states, with their muddled Islamo-nationalisms, which have failed to fashion a Sunni identity independent of imperialism, and which still exclude Shia. A shame that Shia find better allies on the secular left, with largely common political, economic and cultural goals, above all peace. Like the Jews at the heart of Bolshevism, Iraq’s Communist Party was full of Shia intellectuals (e.g., poet Muzaffar al-Nawwab). The Iraqi town Shatra in the Shia south was nicknamed Little Moscow. The Shia have a natural affinity for the secular left, supporting the underdog. The Iraqi Communist Party was reorganized after the Iraq war and its leader Hamid Majid Musa was part of the governing body the US set up. The communists wanted peace as do all communists, Islamic Iran and Iraq want peace (salam) more than anything. Neither the communists nor the ummah were/are aggressive, expansionist. Both offer(ed) a way of life that doesn’t have war built in as its engine. The communist alternative was social/state ownership and planning. The Islamic alternative is a mix of state direction/ownership and limited capitalism. There are no billionaires who aren’t emigres already. That kind of money lust is alien to a devout society or a communist one.

    Iran and Hezbollah are suffering Israel’s truly Satanic war crimes alongside their Palestinian brothers. Meanwhile the Gulf and Saudi sheikh-dictators, the Egyptian no-pretense-dictator, the Jordanian British-installed-king sit on the sidelines cursing the Palestinians for disturbing their sleep. They actually come to Israel’s aid – Egypt and Jordan are official allies of Israel – when Iran tries to hurt poor little Israel, as they already did in April 2024. The US is well aware that the Jordanian and Egyptian masses are very unhappy, but it relies on its local puppet dictators to keep the lid on the pressure-cooker, and is very cautious about exporting one-man-one-vote after its painful and expensive experiences in Afghanistan and Iraq, the former once again Taliban, the latter in league with Iran against the Great Satan, which just happens to include itself, US-Israel. So don’t hold your breath for US pressure to make its dictators relinquish power. 2011 was a close call, not to be repeated.

    As for the Palestinians, they were completely left out of the negotiations about their future following the 1973 Egypt-Israel war. Sold out by (atheist, Sunni) Sadat with an empty promise. The past half century has been unremitting hell for the Palestinians, who were kicked out of Jordan in the 1970s, many ending up in southern Lebanon, living with the Shia there. This is the origins of Musa al-Sadr’s Amal and after his assassination, Hezbollah. This happened during Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982, forging of a new force to confront Israel, which was given a huge boost with the Islamic revolution in Iran. Suddenly there was a ‘Shia crescent’, a genuine quasi-state opposition to Israel that functioned outside the imperial constraints.

    Musa al-Sadr represented the best of the Shia tradition, an activist cleric engaged in the life of his community, unafraid to speak truth to power. He earned a law degree from (shah-era) Tehran university. His Amal militia ran social services and acted as a political organization, a challenge to the fiction of pan-Arab unity and the unyielding reality of Sunni hegemony. Iran’s IRGC was organized by veterans of Amal training camps. Amal represented a political threat to the Arab and Palestinian establishment, and his assassination by Gaddafi was clearly a Sunni move to quash a Shia upstart.5 But he (and Israel’s brutal occupation of Lebanon in the 1980s) inspired the formation Hezbollah, which killed 654 Israeli soldiers in a few years and pushed a humiliated Israel out of Lebanon in 1985.

    ‘Good’ Sunnism is reviving but more in the emigre communities, largely in the US/Canada, Europe, Australia/ New Zealand, where there are now communities of mainstream Sunni and Shia as well as sects (Ismaili, Yazidi, Ahmadiya, Bahai’s). This young, well educated, assertive diaspora radically challenges the Sunnia world, as a new generation of Muslims takes electoral democracy for granted, and were able to gain equal rights as citizens in the ‘House of War’, which meant fight for Palestine against Israel. Effectively the need for young, educated workers to fuel its capitalist machine ended up importing the ‘enemy’ to the heart of imperialism. As these mostly Sunni Muslims spread their message of ‘goodwill to all men’, colonized, persecuted Palestine has gradually gained the edge over colonizer, persecutor Israel. They are joined by a growing community of converts, as people find out about Islam from friendly, law-abiding neighbors. Islam is the fastest growing religion everywhere.

    The Shia are Islam’s ‘wandering Jews’ but without the usury, so they have a presence on all continents, mostly persecuted (or just ignored) by Sunni majorities (but not everywhere). The Sunni too are like the Jews with their world network, a persecuted minority (but not everywhere). In fact, Sunni emigres are free to criticize Israel and their own native Muslim-majority countries in the West, where, say, in Egypt or Pakistan that could land them in jail or worse. As with the Jews, the spread of both Sunni and Shia presence virtually everywhere creates a powerful network for mutual support, to ensure both Shia and Sunni, emigre and domestic, are vital parts of the ummah, all devoted to defending Palestine and liberating Jerusalem. A kind of benign Judaism.6 Democracy brings power to Shia majorities and give voice to minorities, resisting Sunni terrorists. The goal remains the liberation of Jerusalem, but the center of gravity has shifted from Saudi Arabia, Egypt to Iran and Iraq, now stretching from Lebanon and Syria along the Shia axis of resistance.

    The US allies with the pragmatic Sunni dictators, hates, targets Shia, but they are the best defense against real terrorists (Saudi/ Jordanian ‘jihadists’, ISIS, US-Israel). Standing up to tyranny is never popular with tyrants. By overthrowing Saddam, the US unwittingly paved the way for the Shia revival. Ayatollah Sistani brilliantly used the opening to guarantee democratic Shia hegemony in Iraq as a model for a renewed Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, in short, the Muslim ummah. The Iraqi Shia proved that it is possible to work with the US and not compromise. Sistani refused to meet with US officials: Mr Bremer, you are American I am Iranian. Leave it up to the Iraqis to devise their constitution. He challenged US plans to hand power to Allawi, Chalabi. Insisted on one-person, one-vote. When the US refused, he called for large demos over five consecutive days until the US relented.7

    Iraqi Shia abandoned the Iraqi nationalism of Saddam. The renewed nationalism is firmly nonsectarian, uniting the ummah. This is a powerful message to the other Arab states. It is fitting that Palestine has brought the Sunni to the Shia-led defense of Jerusalem. Israel can be defeated only by a united ummah which acts wisely, with restraint, indefatigable. It is also a message to Israel and the Palestinians about inventing a new nationalism based on peace and reconciliation.

    ENDNOTES:

    The post Inconvenient Truths: The Shia Salah al-Din and 10/7 first appeared on Dissident Voice.
    1    To give the US occupiers of Afghanistan 2001–2022, they made sure Afghan Shia, the Hazars, were given full rights in the new constitution, where the state was carefully dubbed Islamic, reflecting the new identity-politics imperialism.
    2    Sunni Sufis resisted imperialism (Algeria, Caucasus) but never the Sunni establishment. Grand Mufti of Egypt Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905) was a westernizing reformer. His legendary friend (Shia) Jamal al-Afghani was anti-imperialist but didn’t manage to do much.
    3    Democracies are not immune from this as Biden’s pathetic defense of his son shows how family concerns can seriously undermine any legacy of good the leader accomplishes.
    4    They have no public voice, all 300 Shia girls’ schools have Sunni headmistresses, they sit on the oil wealth and get only low paid jobs, scholars get their heads chopped off, etc.
    5    Probably out of jealousy, as he saw himself as the savior of Palestine. See Vali Nasr, The Shia Revival, 2006, p 113.
    6    This could be why Israel so detests Iran. Initially, Israel was admired by Iranian intellectuals. Jalāl Āl-e-Ahmad visited Israel in 1962 and recorded his experiences in The Israeli republic (1962). But when he observed the treatment of Palestinians, he soured and Iranians broadly criticized ‘westoxification’, anticipating the revolution’s clear anti-imperialism. Only Iran really ‘gets’ imperialism.
    7    Vali Nasr, op.cit., p175.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Pen used in assault on Manahel al-Otaibi, who has been imprisoned for 11 years for ‘terrorist’ tweets after secret trial

    A Saudi Arabian fitness instructor and influencer has been stabbed in the face in prison after being jailed in January for promoting women’s rights on social media.

    Manahel al-Otaibi, 30, was sentenced to 11 years in prison for “terrorist offences” in a secret trial that generated widespread criticism, with activists saying it showed the “hollowness” of Saudi progress in human rights.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • On July 31, Chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau Ismail Haniyeh attended the inauguration of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian. Hours later, he was reported killed in an “Israeli strike” along with his bodyguard in Tehran.

    Simultaneously, Israel claimed it had killed senior Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr in an airstrike in Lebanon’s capital, Beirut, and that its intelligence had confirmed that another top Hamas leader Mohammed Deif was also killed in a July 13 Israeli strike in Khan Younis, Gaza.

    The reason the manipulative Zionist regime cunningly plotted to assassinate Ismail Haniyeh during his visit to Iran is two-fold. Firstly, the Islamic Republic over the years has established the reputation of being the torchbearer of the Palestine cause, particularly in the Islamic World.

    While the craven Arab autocracies, under the thumb of duplicitous American masters enabling the Zionist regime’s atrocious genocide of unarmed Palestinians, were pondering over when would be the opportune moment to recognize Israel and establish diplomatic and trade ties, the Iran-led resistance axis, comprising Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Ansarallah in Yemen, has claimed stellar victories in battlefields against Israel.

    It’s worth pointing out, however, that Hamas’ main patrons are private donors in oil-rich Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States and Egypt, not Iran, as frequently alleged by the mainstream disinformation campaign. In fact, Hamas as a political movement is the Palestinian offshoot of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. And by mainstream media’s own accounts, the Shiite leadership of Iran and Hezbollah weren’t even aware of the Sunni Palestinian liberation movement Hamas’ October 7 assault.

    Secondly, the treacherous murder of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran was clearly designed to inflame the sectarian conflict. Lately, it has become a customary propensity of Orientalist apologists of Western imperialism to offer reductive historical and theological explanations of Sunni-Shi’a conflict in the Middle East region in order to cover up the blowback of ill-conceived Western military interventions and proxy wars that have ignited the flames of internecine conflict in the Islamic world.

    Some self-anointed “Arabists” of the mainstream media posit that the sectarian division goes all the way back to the founding of Islam, 1400 years ago, and contend that the conflict emerged during the reign of the fourth caliph, Ali bin Abi Talib, in the seventh century A.D. Even though both sects of Islam peacefully coexisted during the medieval era in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Mughal India, where several provinces, particularly the glorious State of Awadh, were governed by benevolent Shiite nawabs.

    One wonders what the Western-led war on terror’s explanation would be of such “erudite historians of Islam” – that the cause of purported “clash of civilizations” between Christians and Muslims is to be found in the Crusades when Richard the Lionheart and Saladin were skirmishing in the Levant and exchanging courtesies at the same time.

    Fact of the matter is that in modern times, the Sunni-Shi’a conflict in the Middle East region is essentially a political conflict between the Gulf Arab autocrats and Iran for regional dominance which is being presented to lay Muslims in the veneer of religiosity.

    Saudi Arabia, which has been vying for supremacy as the leader of the Sunni bloc against the Shi’a-led Iran in the regional geopolitics, was staunchly against the invasion of Iraq by the Bush Administration in 2003.

    The Baathist regime of Saddam Hussein constituted a Sunni Arab bulwark against Iran’s meddling in the Arab world. But after Saddam was ousted from power in 2003 and subsequently when elections were held in Iraq which were swept by Shi’a-dominated politico-religious parties, Iraq has now been led by a Shi’a-majority government that has become a steadfast regional ally of Iran. Consequently, Iran’s sphere of influence now extends all the way from territorially-contiguous Iraq and Syria to Lebanon and the Mediterranean coast.

    Moreover, during the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the Bush Administration took advantage of the ethnic and sectarian divisions in Iraq and used the Kurds and Shi’as against the Sunni-led Baathist regime of Saddam Hussein. And during the occupation years from 2003 to 2011, the once dominant Sunni minority was politically marginalized which further exacerbated ethnic and sectarian divisions in Iraq.

    The Saudi royal family was resentful of Iran’s encroachment on the traditional Arab heartland. Therefore, when protests broke out against the Shia-led Syrian government in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011, the Gulf States along, with their regional Sunni allies, Turkey and Jordan, and the Western patrons gradually militarized the protests to dismantle the Iran-led resistance axis, comprising Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Ansarallah in Yemen.

    Similarly, during the Libyan so-called “humanitarian intervention” in 2011, the Obama administration provided money and arms to myriads of tribal militias and Islamic jihadists to topple the Arab-nationalist Gaddafi government. But after the policy backfired and pushed Libya into lawlessness, anarchy and civil war, the mainstream media pointed the finger at Egypt, UAE, Saudi Arabia and Russia for backing the renegade general, Khalifa Haftar, in eastern Libya, even though he had lived for more than two decades in the US right next to the CIA’s headquarter in Langley, Virginia.

    Regarding the Western powers’ modus operandi of waging proxy wars in the Middle East, since the times of the Soviet-Afghan jihad during the eighties, it has been the fail-safe game plan of master strategists at NATO to raise money from the oil-rich emirates of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE and Kuwait; then buy billions of dollars’ worth of weapons from the arms markets in the Eastern Europe; and then provide those weapons and guerilla warfare training to the disaffected population of the targeted country by using security agencies of the latter’s regional adversaries. Whether it’s Afghanistan, Libya or Syria, the same playbook was executed to the letter.

    More to the point, raising funds for proxy wars from the Gulf Arab States allows Western executives the freedom to evade congressional scrutiny; the benefit of buying weapons from unregulated arms markets of Eastern Europe is that such weapons cannot be traced back to Western capitals; and using jihadist proxies to achieve strategic objectives has the advantage of taking the plea of “plausible deniability” if the strategy backfires, which it often does. Recall that al-Qaeda and Taliban were the by-products of the Soviet-Afghan jihad, and the Islamic State and its global network of terrorists were the blowback of the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the proxy war in Syria.

    Apart from Syria and Iraq, two other flashpoints of Sunni-Shi’a conflict in the Middle East region are Bahrain and Yemen. When peaceful protests broke out against the Sunni monarchy in Bahrain by the Shi’a majority population in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011, Saudi Arabia sent thousands of troops across the border to quell the uprising.

    Similarly, as the Arab Spring protests toppled longtime dictators of the Arab World, including Ben Ali in Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Yemenis also gathered in the capital’s squares demanding removal of Ali Abdullah Saleh.

    Instead of conceding to protesters’ fervent demand of holding free and fair elections to ascertain democratic aspirations of demonstrators, however, the Obama administration adopted the convenient course of replacing Yemen’s longtime autocrat with a Saudi stooge Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi.

    Having the reputation of a “wily Arabian fox” and being a Houthi himself, Ali Abdullah Saleh wasn’t the one to sit idly by and retire from politics in ignominy. He colluded with the Houthi rebels and incited them to take advantage of the chaos and political vacuum created after the revolution to come out of their northern Saada stronghold and occupy the capital Sanaa in September 2014. How ironic that Ali Abdullah Saleh was eventually killed by Houthis in December 2017 because of his treacherous nature.

    Meanwhile, a change of guard took place in Riyadh as Saudi Arabia’s longtime ruler King Abdullah died and was replaced by King Salman in January 2015, while de facto control of the kingdom fell into hands of inexperienced and belligerent Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman.

    Already furious at the Obama administration for not enforcing its so-called “red line” by imposing a no-fly zone over Syria after the false-flag Ghouta chemical weapons attacks in Damascus in August 2013 and apprehensive of security threat posed to the kingdom from its southern border along Yemen by Houthi rebels under the influence of Iran, the crown prince immediately began a military and air warfare campaign against Houthi rebels with military assistance from the crown prince of Abu Dhabi and de facto ruler of UAE, Mohammad bin Zayed al-Nahyan, in March 2015.

    Mindful of the botched policy it had pursued in Libya and Syria and aware of the catastrophe it had wrought in the Middle East region, the Obama administration had to yield to the dictates of Saudi Arabia and UAE by fully coordinating the Gulf-led military campaign in Yemen not only by providing intelligence, planning and logistical support but also by selling billions of dollars’ worth of arms and ammunition to the Gulf States during the conflict.

    Now, when the fire of inter-sectarian strife is burning on several different fronts in the Middle East and the Sunni and Shi’a communities are witnessing a merciless slaughter of their brethren in Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Bahrain, then it would be preposterous to look for the causes of the conflict in theology and medieval history. If the Sunni and Shi’a Muslims were so thirsty for each other’s blood since the founding of Islam, then how come they managed to survive as distinct sectarian groups for 1400 years?

    Fact of the matter is that in modern times, the phenomena of Islamic radicalism, jihadism and consequent Sunni-Shi’a conflict are only as old as the Soviet-Afghan jihad during the 1980s when the Western powers with the help of their regional allies trained and armed Afghan jihadists to battle the Soviet troops in Afghanistan.

    More significantly, however, the Iran-Iraq War from 1980 to 1988 between the Sunni and Baathist-led Iraq and the Shi’a-led Iran after the 1979 Khomeini revolution engendered hostility between the Sunni and Shi’a communities of the region for the first time in modern history.

    And finally, the conflict has been further exacerbated in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011 when the Western powers and their regional client states once again took advantage of the opportunity and nurtured militants against the Arab nationalist Gaddafi government in Libya and the Baathist-led Assad administration in Syria.

    The post Was Hamas Leader Killed in Iran to Inflame Sectarian Conflict? first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Are you an artist passionate about human rights and social justice? We’re looking for talented creators to develop original art pieces for our 2024 Write for Rights campaign. This is your chance to use your creative skills to fight injustice and show your solidarity with people who are advocating for change. 

    What We’re Looking For

    We are looking for a wide range of artistic expressions, including but not limited to: 

    • Graphic design artwork  
    • Videos of spoken-word art  
    • Musical pieces (vocal, instrumental…etc.)  
    • Videos of dances, skits  
    • Animations  
    • Paintings 
    • Comic Illustrations 

    Project Details

    Objective: Create an original art piece representing a specific Write for Rights case. 
    Compensation: TBD
    Timeline: September 15, 2024 – October 15, 2024
    Submission Deadline: August 30th, 2024 

    How to Apply

    Submit your application including: 

    • A brief introduction of yourself, your artistic background and your interest in social justice  
    • A short proposal outlining:
      • Two Write for Rights cases you are interested in working on and why  
      • A short description of your artistic vision for the piece  
    • A portfolio or samples of your previous work

    Send your applications to writeforrights@amnesty.ca by August 30th, 2024. 

    Don’t miss this chance to make a global impact with your art. Join us in advocating for human rights through powerful, creative expression. 


    Write for Rights Cases

    Manahel al-Otaibi (Saudi Arabia) 

    Manahel al-Otaibi is a fitness instructor and a brave outspoken advocate for women’s rights in Saudi Arabia. In November 2022, she was arrested after posting to Snapchat photos of herself at a shopping mall. In the photos, she was not wearing the traditional long-sleeved loose robe known as an abaya. Manahel has been sentenced to 11 years in prison.

    Wet’suwet’en Nation Land Defenders (Canada)  

    The Wetʼsuwetʼen Nation are deeply connected to their ancestral lands, but this is threatened by the construction of a fossil fuel pipeline through their territory. Their Hereditary Chiefs did not consent to this construction. Land defenders have been charged for blocking pipeline construction sites, even though these sites are on their ancestral lands. They could face prison and a criminal record. 

    Maryia Kalesnikava (Belarus) 

    Political activist Maryia Kalesnikava dared to challenge the repressive Belarus government. On 7 September 2020, Maryia was abducted by the Belarus authorities. She was taken to the border where she resisted deportation by tearing up her passport. She was detained and later sentenced to 11 years in prison on false charges. Maryia’s family haven’t heard from her for more than a year. 

    Floraine Irangabiye (Burundi) 

    Floriane Irangabiye is a mother, journalist, and human rights defender from Burundi. In 2010 she relocated to Rwanda where she co-founded a radio station for exiled Burundian voices. In August 2022 she was arrested while visiting family in Burundi. In January 2023 she was sentenced to 10 years in prison for “undermining the integrity of the national territory”, all for criticizing Burundi’s human rights record.

    Kyung Seok Park (South Korea) 

    Kyung Seok Park is a dedicated disability rights activist. Holding peaceful protests on Seoul’s public transport systems, Kyung Seok Park has drawn attention to how hard it is for people with disabilities to easily access trains and subways safely – denying them the ability to travel to work, school, or to live independently. Kyung Seok Park’s activism has been met with police abuse, public smear campaigns and punitive litigation.   

    https://amnesty.ca/activism-guide/appy-now-w4rs-art/

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • The Saudi Arabian brothers Muhammad and Asaad al-Ghamdi have been unlawfully convicted for their peaceful online expression. Muhammad, a 55-year-old retired teacher, was arrested outside his house on 11 July 2022 and was consequently sentenced to death by the Specialized Criminal Court (SCC) a year later. His younger brother Asaad, a 48-year-old teacher, was arrested on 20 November 2022 during an unlawful night raid at his house and was convicted on 29 May 2024 by the same court to 20 years in prison.

    Both brothers were wrongfully convicted under Articles 30, 34, 43, and 44 of Saudi Arabia’s counterterrorism law. They were accused of describing the King in a way that undermines justice, supporting terrorist ideology, communicating with terrorist entities, and publishing false news. These offenses have often been used to suppress freedom of expression in Saudi Arabia and convict innocent dissidents.

    Despite having committed the same “offenses”, the discrepancy in the sentences given is extremely worrying. Their case highlights the prevalence of unfair trials and the skewed justice system in Saudi Arabia. The Crown Prince, Muhammad bin Salman, has expressed his disapproval of Muhammad al-Ghamdi’s sentencing, claiming that he is a “victim of bad laws”. This raised many criticisms as the Crown Prince allowed the same laws to be used to sentence Asaad al-Ghamdi. Despite his claims that he is trying to change the laws, reports state that under his rule there has been a crackdown on freedom of expression and an increased sentencing of the death penalty.

    Their unfair treatment goes beyond their unlawful convictions. Asaad was not told the reason for his arrest for over 10 months and was denied a lawyer during that period. Moreover, he also spent approximately 3 of those months in solitary confinement. As for Muhammad, his appointed lawyer did not attend any of the interrogations between December 2022 and March 2023, nor did he use the medical reports of Muhammad’s diagnosed mental health conditions in the trial, which could have lessened his sentence. It is evident that due process has not been followed in his case, especially given that he has not been notified whether he is allowed to appeal, or even the date of his execution.

    Dr Saeed al-Ghamdi, a UK-based exiled government critic and brother of Muhammad and Asaad, believes that these severe penalties are a way to threaten dissidents abroad such as himself. He stated that the Saudi government had repeatedly asked him to return to Saudi Arabia, which he refused, and thus sentencing his brothers in such a way was an act of retaliation. This speculation is in line with the government’s previous attempts to silence dissidents, even those out of the country.

    The Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has recognized the injustice of Muhammad’s sentence by highlighting the arbitrary nature of it. The members have also stated that his detention is a violation of Saudi Arabia’s obligations under international law. More specifically, that his social media activity should be protected under his right to freedom of expression, and that it should not be considered an attempt to overthrow the government as the SCC wrongfully asserted. The Working Group also highlighted that he was not given a fair trial, which is in breach of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Nelson Mandela Rules – the standard minimum rules for the treatment of prisoners.

    The sentences of the al-Ghamdi brothers are part of Saudi Arabia’s violent attempt to silence dissidents. Saudi Arabia must revisit its counterterrorism law so that peaceful protests and freedom of expression are not equated with terrorism and are not punishable by law. Moreover, authorities should ensure that the sentences reflect the offenses more appropriately to ensure that overly severe punishments are not given. As part of this, the death penalty must be abolished, especially for lesser offenses and certainly for non-crimes such as expressing one’s opinion. The state must commit to guaranteeing fair trials to all and releasing Muhammad and Asaad al-Ghamdi.

    The post Muhammad and Asaad al-Ghamdi: The Innocent Brothers’ Unlawful Convictions appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.