Based on his prior experience and demonstrated abilities, Jared Kushner never should have landed a job in the White House. Before joining the Trump administration, Kushner was best known as his father’s son — a real estate mogul and disbarred attorney who gifted his child control over the family’s portfolio after being convicted of multiple felonies — whose greatest accomplishment was purchasing a…
This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.
Snow-covered mountains, people skiing, and luxury accommodations are some of the images Saudi Arabia wants to imprint in people’s minds about Trojena, one of four major parts, alongside The Line, Oxagon, and Sindalah, of the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s brainchild: “NEOM”, a $550 billion “giga-project” that aims to show the world Saudi Arabia’s grand ambitions in matters of sustainability.
Although some people might find the idea absurd, the truth is that Saudi Arabia plans to build a ski resort in a mountainous dry area, with little precipitation, where natural snow is rare, though possible in minimal quantities. The fact that the area is 10 degrees cooler on average than the rest of the GCC region explains why this place has been chosen. Nevertheless, most of the snow will still have to be man-made, and that is where the main problem lies: covering 36km of ski slopes with snow requires water, and in an arid country such as Saudi Arabia, this usually entails the utilization of desalination plants, which are powered by fossil fuels. The same can be argued for the man-made freshwater lake, which represents another of the highlights of Trojena. However, Saudi Arabia asserts that the entire Neom’s desalination process will be fueled by renewable energy. The sole inconvenience is that using renewable energy with desalination plants has never been successful. In this scenario, it is clear that the technology to make the eccentric Neom project happen might not exist, but Saudi Arabia will keep relying on a techno-optimistic ideological trend that proclaims that, perhaps someday, technology will resolve humanity’s ecological problems. Until that happens, it is business as usual.
Moreover, bizarre solutions to the climate emergency like Neom, are senseless and not realistic. The challenges climate change poses to the human race require responsible energy solutions, whose complexity simply cannot be overlooked. The negative aspects of Neom also highlight the necessary expansive impact analysis that should accompany every proposed climate change solution, or at least the need for “energy democracy”, in other words, the community’s involvement in decision-making to build systems that focus on local needs and concerns. Contrary to this spirit, the megacity project has already cleared two towns and forcibly displaced an estimated 20,000 members of the Huwaitat tribe from their ancestral homeland. Abdulrahim al-Huwaiti, the face of the tribes’ criticism of the kingdom’s actions, was shot and killed by security forces in 2020, an event that stresses the tension between the tribe and the country’s development plans. As an outspoken activist and member of the tribe said: “For the Huwaitat tribe, Neom is being built on our blood, on our bones”. If the project is not planned with local actors’ interests in mind, who is it created for then? The activist is clear about that: “It’s definitely not for the people already living there! It’s for tourists, people with money”. For the Huwaitat tribe, as well as some Saudis, the project, which is thought to have a parallel legal system reporting to the king directly, represents an attempt to shut them out of the elite version of the Saudi society that Neom would exemplify. As a member of the ALQST Organization for Supporting Human Rights states: “is (…) a vanity project targeting the domestic elite and an international audience in terms of a new Saudi, one that’s open and economically or socially liberal”.
The eco-region is also part of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, a strategy designed to diversify the kingdom’s economy away from oil. The genuine intention behind this objective, however, can be questioned. To this day, Saudi Arabia remains the world’s second-largest oil producer, and its emissions are projected to rise significantly by 2030. Additionally, Saudi’s national oil company, Aramco, plans to increase oil production in the coming years. Moreover, the kingdom’s government is vigorously seeking to undermine global efforts to phase out fossil fuels by promoting false solutions -such as carbon capture and storage (CCS) technologies- and obstructing international climate negotiations. As an example of the latter, during COP 27, Saudi Arabia strongly opposed the use of language related to the phase-out of fossil fuels. Also, concerning the recent COP 28, Saudi Arabia’s energy minister claimed that the resulting agreement to transition away from fossil fuels was just one of several choices a country could make of an “a la carte menu”.
As a matter of fact, despite the kingdom’s repeated announcements of ambitious renewable energy targets, little progress has been made in the last decade to meet them. For instance, a recent target established that the country should generate 50% of its electricity with renewable energy by 2030. Notwithstanding that, in 2022, just 1% of electricity was generated with clean energy. This perfectly explains why the Climate Action Tracker (CAT) defines Saudi Arabia’s overall climate action as “Critically Insufficient” and why the “Mountains of NEOM” and the megacity as a whole, stand as another example of greenwashing, this one straight out of a science-fiction movie. Not only that, but Trojena’s selection as the hosting place of the Asian Winter Games 2029, is in line with the country’s common practice of using sports to divert attention away from its poor human rights record, otherwise called sportswashing.
No matter how hard it tries to show otherwise, Saudi Arabia is on the wrong track on both climate change and human rights issues. A lot more pressure and political will is needed to change this fact.
The post Incomprehensible ideas to address climate change: a futuristic ski resort in the middle of the Saudi desert appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
Snow-covered mountains, people skiing, and luxury accommodations are some of the images Saudi Arabia wants to imprint in people’s minds about Trojena, one of four major parts, alongside The Line, Oxagon, and Sindalah, of the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s brainchild: “NEOM”, a $550 billion “giga-project” that aims to show the world Saudi Arabia’s grand ambitions in matters of sustainability.
Although some people might find the idea absurd, the truth is that Saudi Arabia plans to build a ski resort in a mountainous dry area, with little precipitation, where natural snow is rare, though possible in minimal quantities. The fact that the area is 10 degrees cooler on average than the rest of the GCC region explains why this place has been chosen. Nevertheless, most of the snow will still have to be man-made, and that is where the main problem lies: covering 36km of ski slopes with snow requires water, and in an arid country such as Saudi Arabia, this usually entails the utilization of desalination plants, which are powered by fossil fuels. The same can be argued for the man-made freshwater lake, which represents another of the highlights of Trojena. However, Saudi Arabia asserts that the entire Neom’s desalination process will be fueled by renewable energy. The sole inconvenience is that using renewable energy with desalination plants has never been successful. In this scenario, it is clear that the technology to make the eccentric Neom project happen might not exist, but Saudi Arabia will keep relying on a techno-optimistic ideological trend that proclaims that, perhaps someday, technology will resolve humanity’s ecological problems. Until that happens, it is business as usual.
Moreover, bizarre solutions to the climate emergency like Neom, are senseless and not realistic. The challenges climate change poses to the human race require responsible energy solutions, whose complexity simply cannot be overlooked. The negative aspects of Neom also highlight the necessary expansive impact analysis that should accompany every proposed climate change solution, or at least the need for “energy democracy”, in other words, the community’s involvement in decision-making to build systems that focus on local needs and concerns. Contrary to this spirit, the megacity project has already cleared two towns and forcibly displaced an estimated 20,000 members of the Huwaitat tribe from their ancestral homeland. Abdulrahim al-Huwaiti, the face of the tribes’ criticism of the kingdom’s actions, was shot and killed by security forces in 2020, an event that stresses the tension between the tribe and the country’s development plans. As an outspoken activist and member of the tribe said: “For the Huwaitat tribe, Neom is being built on our blood, on our bones”. If the project is not planned with local actors’ interests in mind, who is it created for then? The activist is clear about that: “It’s definitely not for the people already living there! It’s for tourists, people with money”. For the Huwaitat tribe, as well as some Saudis, the project, which is thought to have a parallel legal system reporting to the king directly, represents an attempt to shut them out of the elite version of the Saudi society that Neom would exemplify. As a member of the ALQST Organization for Supporting Human Rights states: “is (…) a vanity project targeting the domestic elite and an international audience in terms of a new Saudi, one that’s open and economically or socially liberal”.
The eco-region is also part of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, a strategy designed to diversify the kingdom’s economy away from oil. The genuine intention behind this objective, however, can be questioned. To this day, Saudi Arabia remains the world’s second-largest oil producer, and its emissions are projected to rise significantly by 2030. Additionally, Saudi’s national oil company, Aramco, plans to increase oil production in the coming years. Moreover, the kingdom’s government is vigorously seeking to undermine global efforts to phase out fossil fuels by promoting false solutions -such as carbon capture and storage (CCS) technologies- and obstructing international climate negotiations. As an example of the latter, during COP 27, Saudi Arabia strongly opposed the use of language related to the phase-out of fossil fuels. Also, concerning the recent COP 28, Saudi Arabia’s energy minister claimed that the resulting agreement to transition away from fossil fuels was just one of several choices a country could make of an “a la carte menu”.
As a matter of fact, despite the kingdom’s repeated announcements of ambitious renewable energy targets, little progress has been made in the last decade to meet them. For instance, a recent target established that the country should generate 50% of its electricity with renewable energy by 2030. Notwithstanding that, in 2022, just 1% of electricity was generated with clean energy. This perfectly explains why the Climate Action Tracker (CAT) defines Saudi Arabia’s overall climate action as “Critically Insufficient” and why the “Mountains of NEOM” and the megacity as a whole, stand as another example of greenwashing, this one straight out of a science-fiction movie. Not only that, but Trojena’s selection as the hosting place of the Asian Winter Games 2029, is in line with the country’s common practice of using sports to divert attention away from its poor human rights record, otherwise called sportswashing.
No matter how hard it tries to show otherwise, Saudi Arabia is on the wrong track on both climate change and human rights issues. A lot more pressure and political will is needed to change this fact.
The post Incomprehensible ideas to address climate change: a futuristic ski resort in the middle of the Saudi desert appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
In a new report of 6 June 2024, the Amnesty International insists the world governing body “must terminate any agreement to host the tournament if human rights are jeopardised or violated“.
Last year Fifa confirmed Spain, Portugal and Morocco will be co-hosts in 2030, with the opening three matches taking place in Uruguay, Argentina and Paraguay. Saudi Arabia is the sole bidder for the 2034 tournament. Amnesty says the Gulf kingdom has an “appalling human rights record and its bid carries a broad range of very serious risks”.
But it also warns the 2030 tournament “carries human rights risks primarily related to labour rights, discrimination, freedom of expression and assembly, policing, privacy and housing”. It adds that greenhouse gas emissions generated by travel related to the expanded 48-team tournament across three continents “are likely to be significant, despite Fifa’s stated commitment on climate change to halve carbon emissions by 2030 and be ‘net-zero’ by 2040”.
Amnesty claims Fifa has not responded to its requests to speak to consultants involved in human rights-based assessments of the bids.
Fifa has been approached for comment. It is set to formally confirm the hosts of the two tournaments later this year at a meeting of its congress. When unveiling its choices for hosting the World Cups, it said it was “fully committed” to ensuring the competitions were held to “sustainable event management standards and practices, safeguarding principles for the protection of children and adults at risk and to respecting internationally-recognised human rights in accordance with the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights”.
It has also said it will “conduct a targeted dialogue with bidders, to ensure complete, comprehensive bids are received and evaluated against the minimum hosting requirements….[It] will focus on the defined priority areas of the event vision and key metrics, infrastructure, services, commercial, and sustainability and human rights.”
Steve Cockburn, Amnesty’s Head of Labour Rights and Sports, said: “With only a single bid to host each tournament and major human rights concerns surrounding both, there are huge questions about Fifa’s willingness to stand by the pledges and reforms it has made in recent years, including exercising its right to reject any bid which does not meet its stated human rights requirements.
“History shows that the World Cup can be a source of dignity or exploitation, inclusion or discrimination, freedom or repression, making Fifa’s award of the hosting rights for the 2030 and 2034 tournaments among the most consequential decisions ever taken by a sporting organisation.”
Assessing the human rights risks related to the respective bids, Amnesty claims that in Spain, Morocco and Portugal “migrant workers are at risk of exploitation”, “excessive use of police forces is a proven risk” and “racial discrimination is an issue in all three countries”. It says an independent Fifa evaluation of Morocco’s previous bid – to host the 2026 World Cup – “noted its criminalisation of same-sex acts was particularly problematic” and that the country “restricts freedom of expression”.
Amnesty says Saudi Arabia has invested in sport “to distract from its abysmal track record of abuses”, and that the building programme required for the 2034 tournament is “heightening risks surrounding forced evictions [and] serious risk of labour abuses”. [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2023/01/10/sports-washing-autocracies-can-afford-more-big-events/]
It adds that “discrimination is deeply embedded in legislation and practices, and could impact fans, workers, players and journalists… women fans face the risk of unfair and disproportionate prosecution… and there have been sweeping arrests and imprisonment of journalists, human rights defenders, political activists.” Amnesty says reforms to prevent human rights violations related to the World Cup in Saudi Arabia would need “sweeping changes to labour laws to protect workers, and the release of activists and human rights defenders who’ve been unjustly imprisoned”.
Last year the Saudi Sports Minister rejected claims of ‘sportswashing’ and defended the country’s right to host the 2034 tournament, telling the BBC: “We’ve hosted more than 85 global events and we’ve delivered on the highest level. We want to attract the world through sports. Hopefully, by 2034, people will have an extraordinary World Cup.”
https://www.bbc.com/sport/football/articles/ckrrylej30zo
This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.
For years, a Saudi-owned hay farm has been using massive amounts of water in the middle of the Arizona desert and exporting the hay back to Saudi Arabia.
The farm’s water use has attracted national attention and criticism since Reveal’s Nate Halverson and Ike Sriskandarajah first broke this story more than eight years ago.
Since then, the water crisis in the American West has only worsened as megafarms have taken hold there. And it’s not just foreign companies fueling the problem: Halverson uncovers that pension fund managers in Arizona knowingly invested in a local land deal that resulted in draining down the groundwater of nearby communities. So even as local and state politicians have fought to stop these deals, their retirement fund has been fueling them.
Since we first aired this story in July, our reporting has spurred Arizona’s governor and attorney general into action.
On this week’s Reveal, learn about water use in the West, who’s profiting and who’s getting left behind.
For more of Halverson’s reporting into a global scramble for food and water, watch “The Grab.” By Center for Investigative Reporting Studios and director Gabriela Cowperthwaite, the film will be in theaters and available to stream starting June 14.
This is an update of an episode that originally aired in July 2023.
This post was originally published on Reveal.
Currently, Jalal Labbad is sentenced to death for crimes committed when he was a juvenile. Jalal is a young man who represents critical issues concerning human rights, legal fairness and the treatment of religious minorities in Saudi Arabia. His case embodies the harsh and unjust application of the death penalty in Saudi Arabia.
Jalal Labbad, born in 1995, is a Saudi national who actively participated in demonstrations between 2011 and 2012, at the age of seventeen, protesting the treatment of the Shia minority in Al-Qatif. These protests were part of a broader movement against the oppressive actions of the Saudi government. Labbad, who was still a minor during these protests, was subsequently targeted by authorities for his involvement. On February 23, 2017, Labbad was arrested at his family home by security forces. The arrest was carried out without a warrant. This marked the beginning of a legal journey, characterised by severe torture and prolonged periods of solitary confinement.
From the moment of arrest, Labbad was subjected to horrific conditions. He was isolated from the outside world and deprived of his right to legal counsel. He reports being held in solitary confinement for over nine months. He was tortured for confessions and, through beatings, the use of electric shocks, suffocation and other psychological torture mechanisms, they attempted to manipulate and undermine his morale. This prolonged torture has had a detrimental effect on Labbad’s condition. The torture led him to be hospitalized on multiple occasions and has left after-effects such as a weak heartbeat, and frequent fainting… causing chronic conditions, loss of concentration, and persistent forgetfulness.
Despite clear indicators of the use of torture in his imprisonment, this was ignored in a judicial process that can only be defined as flawed, wrongful, and unfair. On January 24, 2019, the prosecution requested the hudud penalty for hirabah against him on various charges, some of which date back to when he was a minor. These charges included participating in demonstrations, attending funerals of victims killed by government forces, helping wanted persons, and being involved in the case of the abduction and murder of Sheikh Mohammed al-Jirani, despite the lack of concrete evidence of his involvement. In July 2019, Labbad appeared before the Specialized Criminal Court, accused, among other charges, of participating in demonstrations at the age of 15. On July 31, 2022, the Court sentenced Labbad to death. Finally, on October 13, 2023, the Saudi Arabian Supreme Court secretly confirmed Labbad’s death sentence without notifying his family or legal representatives. This places Labbad at imminent risk of execution.
Jalal Labbad’s case represents a flaw in Saudi Arabia’s justice system. Saudi Arabia has repeatedly stated that it does not apply the death penalty to minors; abolishing in 2020 the death penalty for accused minors through a Royal Decree, limiting the maximum sentence to ten years in a juvenile detention center. Despite these statements, children and individuals who committed crimes as minors continue to face executions.
An important factor allowing for the continued execution of juveniles is the distinction between Ta’zir, Qisas and Hudud offences in Islamic Sharia law. Offences categorized as hudud or visas can still be punishable by the death penalty, which the Royal Decree sought to abolish for juveniles. By reclassifying certain offences from Ta’zir to Hudud, the Saudi government has overpowered the decree, maintaining the death penalty.
Jalal’s warrantless arrest, torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, and unfair trial are violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), to which Saudi Arabia is a party. Additionally, these violations, committed against him as a minor, contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Saudi Arabia is also a party.
As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) highlights the imminent risk that Jalal and other detainees will be executed for crimes allegedly committed when they were minors. ADHRB calls on the international community to take immediate action and pressure the Saudi government to cancel the death sentences imposed on all minors in Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, ADHRB urges the Saudi authorities to immediately release Jalal due to the absence of a fair trial associated with the lack of appropriate legal actions. ADHRB also calls for an investigation into the allegations of torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement and ill-treatment, to hold perpetrators accountable. Finally, ADHRB calls on Saudi Arabia to provide Jalal with compensation for the violations he has suffered, or at the very least, a fair retrial leading to his release.
The post Profile in Persecution: Jalal Labbad appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
Saudi Arabia has recently cracked down on migrants in the Kingdom, resulting in the arrest of 19,662 individuals, all in a matter of a few days; 15,200 of which were foreigners to Saudi soil. From April 24th to May 1st, 12,436 arrests were for residency violations, 4,464 for border security breaches, and 2,762 for labour law infringements.
This crackdown particularly targeted Ethiopian nationals, resulting in the detention and deportation of tens of thousands of migrants under dire conditions. Detainees have reported severe overcrowding, lack of medical care, and inadequate food and water in detention centres. These conditions have led to numerous human rights abuses, including instances of torture and deaths within the facilities.
The situation is compounded by the ongoing conflict and instability in Ethiopia, particularly in regions like Tigray, which has driven many to seek refuge in Saudi Arabia despite the risks involved. Many migrants face exploitation and abuse during their journey through Yemen, often falling victim to human traffickers and smugglers who take advantage of their desperate circumstances.
Here lies a major problem of unequal accountability, in which the migrants predominantly face the brunt of the law, the inhumane detention and abuse endured in Saudi detention centres. The legal loophole of the Kafala system- Saudi’s labour law- allows employers to hire undocumented workers without facing stringent penalties, thus perpetuating the cycle of exploitation.
Furthermore, by deporting these migrants, Saudi Arabia exposes them to even more potential human rights abuses, with severe issues of reintegration upon their return to Ethiopia, such as isolation and unemployment.
The Saudi government has been conducting these operations as part of a broader initiative that began years ago to manage the large population of undocumented workers in the country. However, the recent crackdown has drawn significant criticism from human rights organisations, which have highlighted the inhumane treatment of detainees and called for urgent reforms.
Not to mention the tragic mass killings of hundreds of Ethiopians at the Yemen-Saudi border between March 2022 and June 2023, considered by NGOs as crimes against humanity.
Saudi Arabia’s recent crackdown on migrants underscores a grave issue of unjust accountability and human rights abuses: urgent international attention and action are needed to address these systemic issues and protect the rights and dignity of migrant workers.
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Saudi Arabia’s human rights record continues to be deeply concerning. This report includes the four most alarming points at present in Saudi Arabia; including the killing of migrants, repression of dissidents and systemic discrimination against women. The following sectors covered by this report violate international Human Rights standards and demand urgent attention.
Saudi Arabia’s criminal justice system lacks transparency and fairness, which has a detrimental effect on the safeguarding of human rights. The country’s criminal justice system is ruled by ambiguity1, lacking written laws and granting a degree of autonomy to judges.
The misuse of vague provisions of the law also impacts cybercrime, allowing online activities to be deemed contrary to public order or other lax terminology, and being criminalised.
Trials in Saudi Arabia often fail to meet international standards of fairness. Convictions are reportedly handed down based on coerced confessions and evidence obtained through torture. Particularly prevalent in cases of political dissent, freedom of expression or association. Saudi authorities have detained peaceful dissidents, intellectuals and activists and sentenced them to decade-long terms or death2, for their posts on social media. Furthermore, the abuse of “catch-all” charges violates human rights. “Catch-all” sentences, such as the terrorism penalty3, allow for the criminalisation of peaceful opposition and the defence of human rights.
Extraditions to Saudi Arabia often result in arbitrary detention and unfair trials, with a high risk of torture for the detainees. The mistreatment of detainees, from solitary confinement to incommunicado detention, further violates their right to a fair trial and their human dignity. Such practices highlight the urgent need for reforms to ensure that the criminal justice system complies with international human rights standards and safeguards the rights of all individuals.
In 2024, Saudi Arabia continues to impose and carry out death sentences. They can be handed down for different crimes, including non-violent ones, which contradicts international standards that reserve the death penalty for the most severe cases.
Hussein Abu al-Khair4 was executed in March 2023. He received the sentence for a drug offence, and after a trial in which he denounced the use of torture to obtain a coerced confession. His execution highlights the continued use of capital punishment despite international protests.
The death penalty is also applied to individuals who were minors when they committed the alleged crimes, even when the Saudi Human Rights Commission5 has assured that the death penalty would have no repercussions on minors. Cases such as Jalal Labbad6 are still at risk of imminent execution right now, after Saudi Arabia’s Supreme Court secretly upheld his sentence.
Execution sentenced by the Saudi Arabia’s criminal justice system is also at risk of having been handed down in irregular trials. These practices reflect a broader pattern of human rights abuses, in which defendants are denied fair processes and could be victims of torture and harsh sentences for non-violent crimes.
This penalty, not reserved for the most severe crimes, is also handed down in freedom of expression related crimes. In July of 2023, Muhammad al-Ghamdi7, a retired professor, was sentenced to death for his peaceful activity on the Internet. Convicted under Saudi Arabia’s anti-terrorism law, this case exemplifies the extreme measures taken to repress dissent.
In spite of international pressure, Saudi Arabia continues applying capital punishment for a wide range of crimes, including activities preserved by international human rights standards. The continued executions of individuals following unfair trials call for urgent international scrutiny and action to uphold human rights in Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia’s treatment of migrants is a human rights concern. The crackdown by the Saudi authorities on individuals accused of violating residency, border or labor regulations has resulted in many arbitrary arrests and deportations.
There have been reports of Saudi border guards using explosive weapons and shooting migrants at close range. Attacks directed against the migrant population attempting to enter the country. These actions, reported over the past year, have resulted in hundreds of deaths and serious human rights violations. Human Rights Watch 8has noted that these attacks may appear to be systematic and deliberate, raising the alarm of human rights violations. According to reports9, there were risks for migrants and asylum seekers attempting to reach the country through Yemen. Saudi artillery and sniper fire on the Yemeni border resulted in at least 794 deaths and 1,703 injuries in 2022.
On the other hand, Saudi Arabia’s migrant detention centers also become a point of interest when assessing the quality of human rights. Harsh conditions characterize these centers10. Migrants and asylum seekers often suffer prolonged and arbitrary detention without access to legal recourse. Detention conditions are appalling; inadequate food, poor water quality and lack of hygiene encourage the spread of disease. There are reports of abuses and deaths at the hands of detention center officials, which is a blatant violation of human rights.
In addition, the kafala system in place in Saudi Arabia also encourages the exploitation of migrant workers. Despite recent reforms, the system remains one of the strictest11, giving employers excessive control over the mobility and legal status of their migrant workers. This imbalance of power leads to situations of abuse, such as passport confiscation, wage delays and forced labor.
Saudi women are violated and suffer significant discrimination, both in law and in practice
Despite the introduction of the Personal Status Law in 202212, Saudi women continue to suffer significant discrimination, both in law and in practice. This law has codified male guardianship, formalizing a tradition that undermines women’s rights and perpetuates systemic inequalities across Saudi society.
Under the Personal Status Law, fathers are appointed guardians of their children by default. Mothers are still granted custody in the case of separation, but the child’s legal guardian is always the father’s role. This law does not safeguard the interests of the child, and usually disregards them, limiting the mother’s role when it comes to making binding decisions in her children’s lives. Limiting the mother’s influence on their children’s social and economic well-being, disregarding her and her child’s rights.
The Law perpetuates gender discrimination13 when it comes to divorce. It limits a woman’s freedom to divorce, requiring must prove harm that makes continuation of the marriage impossible. This law is also ambiguous and does not specify what constitutes “harm” or what evidence is admissible, leaving the law up to the judge’s discretion.
Women’s rights activism in Saudi Arabia is being targeted by local authorities14. Saudi Arabian campaigners for women’s rights are subjected to harsh persecution, and harsher sentences of charges that include peaceful activism as a form of terrorism. Women’s rights and freedoms are still severely restricted by Saudi Arabia’s overall legislative structure, even with minor advances like permitting women to drive and expanding employment prospects. Protecting the rights of all women in the kingdom and ensuring gender equality requires comprehensive reforms that tackle these fundamental issues.
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Saudi Arabia is set to host the United Nations’ Internet Governance Forum in Riyadh at the end of this year, from the 15th to the 19th of December. The United Nations’ division was created as a multistakeholder platform facilitating the discussion of public policy issues pertaining to the internet, in December, the program will be shaped along four main themes:
However, there is an underlying hypocrisy in the hosting of this event by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, as the country is notorious for its lack of respect for basic international human rights, scoring 8 out of 100 in the 2023 Freedom House report – classified as “not free”. Indeed, its absolute monarchy restricts almost all political rights and civil liberties. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia’s 2030 Vision aims to increase the country’s sustainability and green initiatives, along with increasing the government’s non-oil revenue, amongst many other goals. These initiatives have been heavily criticized, projects such as NEOM have been under scrutiny for greenwashing, but also as seen as “delusional”. Therefore, at least two out of four of the main themes of the Internet Governance Forum go against Saudi Arabia’s reality, being a country that is not advancing human rights and inclusion, neither contributing to peace and sustainability; presenting a true example of whitewashing by hosting the Forum.
Focusing more on digital rights, there is concrete evidence that the country uses social media platforms to police political discourse, attack dissidents, and suppress influential voices. Authorities maintain extensive censorship and surveillance systems, supporting online networks of bots and accounts that spread pro-government messages and target perceived dissenters, particularly the infiltration of X, formerly known as Twitter, spreading propaganda in support of Saudi Arabia. The goal of these domestic manipulation operations is to fabricate an appearance of widespread support for the state and its leaders while silencing dissenting voices, thereby eroding the right to information and democratic principles. In fact, Saudi Arabia is the second country after China with the highest number of removed accounts by Twitter. Activists, journalists, government employees, and other professionals report a climate of fear, compelling many to self-censor or participate in pro-government discourse online. Those perceived to voice dissent online, including critics and activists, face severe repercussions such as harassment and arrest.
The overall lack of digital rights makes the kingdom an unsuitable host for the Internet Governance Forum, which relies on open dialogue and freedom of expression to address global internet governance issues effectively.
To add fuel to the fire, Saudi Arabia’s investments in technological projects only increase its opportunity to abuse even more of censorship and data surveillance. Indeed, the NEOM project in Saudi Arabia raises significant concerns about digital rights and privacy abuse due to its extensive surveillance infrastructure, which involves ubiquitous monitoring through cameras, sensors, and biometric data collection, leading to constant tracking of residents and visitors without their consent. The project aims to collect vast amounts of personal, financial, and health data, yet lacks robust data protection laws and clear regulations on data management, posing risks of misuse and unauthorized access.
Adding on to this, Tech Giant Google has installed a new Cloud Region in the Kingdom, Google Cloud services facilitate small to medium-sized businesses’ operations, so they don’t have to own their own data centers and servers. This project is a joint venture with Aramco, a Saudi state-owned oil company, which causes concern as it allows the state to access even more mass quantities of personal data: the collaboration between powerful tech companies and autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia facilitates the opportunity for further national digital repression.
The hosting of the Internet Governance Forum is a true example of whitewashing, illustrating the pure hypocrisy of the country’s blatant disregard for digital rights, let alone basic human rights, along with its deluded façade of protection of human and digital rights and peace promotion.
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Perhaps not-so-well-known, transnational repression constitutes a threat to human rights that has been going on for decades. The phenomenon, which entails governments reaching beyond their borders to silence or deter dissent by committing human rights abuses against their nationals or former nationals, has been extensively documented by Human Rights Watch. The 2018 murder and dismemberment of journalist Jamal Khashoggi by Saudi Arabia brought this issue to popular awareness.
Alongside killings, the methods of transnational repression include unlawful removals (expulsions, extraditions, and deportations), abductions and forced disappearances, targeting of relatives, abuse of consular services, and digital transnational repression. Government critics, dissidents, human rights defenders, civil society activists, journalists, opposition party members, and their families and friends are the main victims of this type of repression. In addition, women as a group are specially targeted when attempting to flee their families or their government´s restrictive laws. Several cases reported in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain exemplify this burdensome reality.
In January 2022, after the Bahraini authorities issued a Red Notice through the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), Ahmed Jaffer Muhammad, a Bahraini critic of the government, was extradited from Serbia, the country he had previously fled after suffering torture and ill-treatment when detained in Bahrain. Serbia did so while ignoring an order from the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) pending more information on the risks of mistreatment. Now, the critic is serving life in prison in Bahrain following allegations that he was tortured while in custody.
Saudi women are among those who have tried to flee their families to escape the rules of a strict male guardianship system that denies them the autonomy to make decisions about their own lives. Families of these women, supported by Saudi authorities, had tried to bring them back, sometimes successfully. In April 2017, Dina Ali Lasloom aimed to flee their family by flying to Australia, but when transiting in Manila, she was prevented from boarding the plane to her final destination. Apparently, two airline security officials and two men -later confirmed as Lasloom’s uncles- were seen carrying her with duct tape on her mouth, feet, and hands. According to Bloomberg, after being sent back to Saudi Arabia, Lasloom was held without charge under protective custody in a detention facility for women under 30 years until the authorities could resolve the case. In January 2019, Rahaf Mohammed al-Qunun also attempted to flee her family by traveling to Australia. During a connection in Thailand, however, she was stopped by the Thai authorities, who planned to put her on a flight back home. Global pressure on the Asian country was essential to allow her to travel to Canada, where she finally received asylum.
It is also worth emphasizing the government’s punishment of the families of individuals who abandon the country following persecution. In this sense, there are instances where relatives have been harassed, threatened, arbitrarily arrested, banned from traveling abroad, and even killed. In Bahrain, authorities have targeted the wife, son, and brother and mother-in-law of the founder of the Bahrain Institute for Human Rights and Democracy –Sayed al-Wadaei-, in exile in the UK. The families of Omar Abdulaziz, a Saudi dissident based in Canada, and of Saad Al-Jabri, a former top Saudi intelligence official, suffered similar repression in Saudi Arabia.
Although mostly understood as referring to authoritarian governments, cases of transnational repression have also been assisted by democratic administrations, as seen in Serbia’s involvement in the extradition of a Bahraini dissident. Furthermore, this case also highlights governments’ misuse of Interpol’s red notices to target human rights activists abroad. Red notices, formal requests of the National Central Bureaus (NCBs) in the organization, are issued to locate wanted individuals for detention, arrest, or restriction of movement. When put to the wrong use, these notices represent a major concern, especially in countries with authoritarian regimes. In the Arab Gulf region, for example, this has become a political strategy used by governments to suppress dissent and target political opponents. With this, a need for increased vigilance and reform within Interpol’s operational framework has emerged.
Sometimes downplayed, the phenomenon of transnational repression should be as disturbing as the efforts of some governments to silence dissent or target human rights defenders at home. Also, this practice demands putting pressure on compliant democratic countries, which should be easier to hold accountable. However, more scrutiny must be exerted around this reality to accomplish this endeavor.
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In April 2024, the Court of Appeal in Saudi Arabia approved two death sentences for Yousif Al-Manasif and Ali Al-Mubaiouq, both Saudi nationals, who were accused of protest-related crimes allegedly committed as children. The two men were arrested between April 2017 and January 2018 for protesting against the government and ‘betraying the homeland’, a time in which they were between the ages of 14 and 16. Saudi Arabia has denied allegations of torture against the defendants and refuted claims that they were minors at the time of the charges, despite the Public Prosecutor’s examination confirming that they were.
The two death sentences are the consequence of a much bigger issue: Saudi Arabia’s continued neglect of the right to life, particularly concerning minors. Saudi Arabia has repeatedly claimed that it does not apply the death penalty to children or in respect of crimes allegedly committed by children. In 2016, a statement by the Saudi Arabian delegation to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child reaffirmed this stance, stating that ‘there is no application of the death penalty on children’. Furthermore, in 2020, Saudi Arabia officially abolished the death penalty for child defendants through a Royal Decree, replacing it with a prison sentence of a maximum of 10 years in a juvenile detention facility. The decree was expected to spare the lives of at least six men who were on death row for participating in anti-government protests during the Arab Spring uprisings when they were under the age of 18. However, despite these official declarations, there remains a stark reality: children and individuals who have committed crimes as minors continue to face executions, with many currently at imminent risk.
According to ESOHR, Saudi Arabia has executed at least 1,562 executions since 2010, with 58 executions occurring in 2024 alone. Among these cases, 15 individuals have been executed for crimes committed when they were under 18. Notably, 11 of these executions took place after 2015, when King Salman assumed the throne, and 7 occurred after 2017, following the appointment of the Crown Prince. In 2019 alone, there were 6 executions of child defendants. The Crown Prince has blamed ‘bad laws’ and rogue judges for the continued executions. However, no execution can proceed without his approval. This raises significant questions: How do executions of minors persist despite the abolition of the death penalty for child defendants by royal decree? What are the mechanisms by which these executions are carried out, and what loopholes enable the continued application of the death penalty on minors?
The answer is two-fold. First, the distinction between Ta’zir, Qisas, and Hudud crimes has justified persisting with the death penalty on minors despite the Royal Decree. Islamic Sharia law classifies offenses and their respective punishments into three categories. Hudud crimes, such as defamation, adultery, robbery, and drinking alcohol, entail punishments fixed in the Quran, ranging from public lashing to public stoning to death. Qisas follows the Islamic principle of ‘an eye for an eye’ for crimes against an individual or family, with punishment being equal retaliation outlined in the Quran. Ta’zir crimes encompass crimes not falling under Hudud or Qisas, with punishments at the discretion of the state, a judge, or a ruler, for actions deemed sinful or disruptive to public order. Saudi authorities initially stated that the Royal Decree abolishing the death penalty for children would apply to all three crime categories. However, they later backtracked, asserting that the decree applies solely to Ta’zir crimes. Exploiting this, the government reclassified various offenses from Ta’zir to Hudud crimes, thereby justifying and maximizing the use of the death penalty for juvenile defendants. This legal loophole significantly contributes to the ongoing imposition of death sentences and executions despite the decree’s implementation.
Second, Saudi authorities have combined this legal loophole with the use of torture to coerce minors into confessing to crimes they did not commit. For instance, Abdullah al-Howaiti, apprehended at 14 years old, claimed his innocence for months until he was tortured into confessing to leading the robbery of a jewelry store and murdering a police officer. These offenses are classified as Hudud crimes and led to Abdullah’s death sentence, illustrating the authorities’ methods of coercing minors to admit to Hudud crimes so they can use the legal loophole to impose the death sentence.
The continued imposition of the death penalty on children by the Saudi authorities and how it is justified or made possible is a clear violation of the international legal prohibition on execution for childhood offenses under Art. 37(a) of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Saudi Arabia has agreed to be bound. Saudi Arabia has also breached the prohibition against the use of torture under Article 2 of the Convention against Torture and the prohibition under Article 13A of the Arab Charter by torturing child defendants. Governments that have an influence on Saudi Arabia such as the US must use their leverage to pressure Saudi Arabia to comply with international law and abolish the death penalty for child defendants for all crimes. The Saudi authorities must review individuals on death row to identify all persons who may have been under 18 at the time of the alleged offense and release those individuals. Moreover, there must be investigations and prosecutions made on all allegations of torture and ill-treatment of child-defendants. The unlawful execution and torture of children cannot continue.
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Indian women migrant workers in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region are expected to reach 6 million in 2-3 years. Due to the loosening of labour restrictions regarding women in the region, for example, the removal of restrictions on work during night hours, there has already been a 23% growth in demand for women migrant workers in the “hospitality and construction industries” in 2023, compared to the previous year.
However, it is important to note that 70% of the women migrant labour force in the MENA region is comprised of domestic workers, many of whom have reported human rights abuses.
More specifically, many female migrant domestic workers in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have suffered various forms of abuse, including passport confiscation, physical and sexual abuse, excessive working hours without breaks or days off, denial of wages, inadequate living conditions, and restriction of movement and communication. These abuses infringe upon several laws and human rights standards, including prohibitions against forced labour, restrictions on freedom of association and collective bargaining, rights to fair working conditions, protection against discrimination, and access to justice and remedies.
The kafala law (labour law) allows these abuses, the UAE’s visa sponsorship ties workers to individual employers, granting employers significant power over employees often leading to exploitation. Additionally, domestic workers lack legal protections under UAE labour law, especially due to their status of working in private homes, they are excluded from labour protection laws.
Despite reforms to some aspects of the kafala system, domestic workers continue to face challenges in accessing justice and protection. The UAE government’s failure to address these abuses violates international human rights and labour laws, including the International Labour Organization’s conventions on domestic workers and forced labour. Urgent action is needed to ratify key international treaties, reform labour laws, and provide effective protection for domestic workers in the UAE.
Due to the loosening of labour laws for women, the expected increase in demand for women migrant workers is around 71% for the next 2-3 years. Therefore, without necessary reforms of respective MENA region countries’ labour systems, the expected increase in demand for women migrant workers increases the potential for further exploitation, raising grave human rights concerns, and urging immediate action to protect them.
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Campaigners say move to use the arts to reinforce economic ties with Riyadh may help to launder Gulf state’s human rights record
It was an unusual gig for YolanDa Brown, the saxophonist and composer who this week performed high above the clouds for a UK delegation on a private British Airways plane bound for Saudi Arabia.
The flight was part of a trade offensive for British businesses and institutions in Riyadh, with Brown’s performance part of a new focus for Saudi-UK relations – international arts.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
Saudi Arabia faces complexities of informal domestic work, a sector marked by vulnerabilities and abuses. Despite some efforts towards regulation, the issue of domestic workers in the kingdom remains a pressing concern. While Decision No. 310/1434 of 2013 extended certain protections to this marginalized workforce, significant gaps persisted, leaving workers exposed to exploitation. Under the previous framework, domestic workers, including household staff of both genders, faced long work shifts without compensation for overtime. Reports of passport confiscation, forced confinement along with physical, mental, and sexual abuse underscored the urgent need for comprehensive reform. The concerning revelation of domestic workers being ‘sold’ online only reinforced the urgency of the situation.
25-year-old Joy Simiyu is one Kenyan domestic worker who decided to seek employment in Saudi Arabia. With unemployment on the rise in Kenya, Joy was hopeful that she would be able to financially support herself as a domestic worker in the Gulf. Instead, Joy endured abuse and exploitation, forcing her to return home after a few months. During her time in Saudi Arabia, Joy recounted how she was deprived of food and rest, and her wages were not paid. Now, she warns others about the realities of working in Saudi Arabia and counts herself lucky to have made it back home.
Reports of abuse and exploitation, exemplified by Joy’s experience, points out the urgency for comprehensive reform. While Saudi Arabia introduced a new law in October 2023, set to take effect in September 2024, its effectiveness hinges on implementation and enforcement. Past regulations often languished unenforced, rendering them ineffectual. The new law must be accompanied by robust monitoring mechanisms and accessible avenues for complaints to ensure compliance.
Although this legislation represents a step forward, explicitly banning passport confiscation, establishing maximum working hours, and introducing occupational safety and health regulations, it did not have a real impact on the lives of informal workers. The effectiveness of these measures hinges on their implementation. The new law must be accompanied by robust monitoring mechanisms and accessible avenues for complaints to ensure compliance. Without these safeguards, the potential benefits of the legislation may remain elusive.
Crucially, the new law fails to address the issue of minimum wage for domestic workers, highlighting an omission in labor protections. Moreover, the persistence of the Kafala system perpetuates an unequal power dynamic between employers and workers, impeding meaningful progress towards fair treatment. To truly uplift domestic workers, they must be afforded the same rights and protections as any other sector. Integration into the broader labor law framework is imperative, ensuring equitable treatment and recourse for grievances. Reforms to the Kafala system are equally vital, dismantling barriers to autonomy and empowering workers to assert their rights.
The new legislation represents a significant stride towards safeguarding the rights of domestic workers, yet challenges persist. Meaningful change requires not only the enactment of laws but a commitment to their enforcement and the dismantling of systemic barriers. Only through concerted efforts can Saudi Arabia realize its vision of a fair and inclusive society for all its inhabitants.
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Aramco, a leading energy and chemicals Saudi public company, has signed a four-year global partnership with the International Association Football Federation (FIFA). The company will become FIFA’s Major Worldwide Partner exclusive in the energy category, with sponsorship rights for multiple events including the highly anticipated FIFA World Cup 26 and FIFA Women’s World Cup 2027.
The agreement, which runs until the end of 2027, fits Saudi Arabia’s strategy of sportwashing to hide human rights abuses. Indeed, the policy, initiated by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman since his accession to power in 2017, is primarily designed to “sportswash” Saudi Arabia’s reputation, hosting major sporting events that attract widespread positive media attention to divert it away from the hosts’ abuses. By providing the worldwide population extensive possibilities of distractions, it becomes easier to forget reiterated human rights violations in the country. In this way, the world can be made to neglect the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, the fierce repression of Saudi independent journalists, the poor women’s rights in the kingdom and ignore the mass killings of migrants along the Saudi border with Yemen.
Having already secured sponsorship rights for the 2026 Men’s World Cup and the Women’s World Cup the following year, the Saudi government may soon secure the rights to host the 2034 men’s football World Cup and – gallingly, considering the country’s treatment of women – as it is bidding for the 2035 women’s World Cup too. Recently, Manahel al-Otaibi, a 29-year-old fitness instructor and women’s rights activist, has been sentenced to 11 years in prison by Saudi’s authorities because of her choice of clothing and support for women’s rights.
One of most worrying consequences is probably the fact that giving a positive image to governments with abysmal human rights records obscures the struggle of those whose rights are being violated and of the activists and NGOs that are trying to raise awareness about what is going on in these countries.
In April 2016, FIFA adopted the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and revised its own Statutes to include its responsibility to respect human rights in article 3 of the FIFA governing Statutes (non-discrimination was already long enshrined in article 4). Even if, in June 2017, FIFA adopted and published its Human Rights Policy stating that human rights commitments are binding on all FIFA bodies and officials, the Federation seems to ignore its commitments. In particular, FIFA is obliged to integrate human rights requirements into bidding processes for competitions and as a factor in the subsequent selection of the hosts.
For this reason, Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) urges Saudi Arabia to enact human rights reforms and to comply with the international standards setted by international treaties. Also we require the FIFA to apply clear, objective human rights criteria to all states for hosting sports competitions. Although FIFA has not contributed to adverse human rights impacts, the action of the Saudi government is effective because the sports federations allow it : the FIFA disregards Saudi Arabia’s atrocious human rights record, attracted by the billions of dollars that Saudi Arabia invests to cover it.
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Last week, the EU announced a relaxation of Schengen visa rules for the citizens of Saudi Arabia. No human rights compromises were made in exchange. Since democracy constitutes the best umbrella under which human rights can thrive, the next question follows: What is the current state of democracy in Saudi Arabia?
In its new report on Freedom in the World 2024, Freedom House (FH) confirms, one more year, that Saudi Arabia´s low performance in each dimension accounts for a fair score of 8 out of 100. In the same vein, the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) multidimensional approach continues to define Saudi Arabia as a “closed autocracy” in its Democracy Report 2024, indicating that the country does not hold multiparty elections for the chief executive or the legislature. Saudi Arabia´s reality, along with that of countries such as Libya, helps explain why the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) remains “the most autocratic region in the world, with 98% of its population residing in autocracies”.
Apart from the lack of free and fair elections and the restriction of all political rights and pluralism, Saudi Arabia´s absolute monarchy is characterized by several deficiencies in terms of civil liberties that the European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (ECDHR) has largely documented.
Referring to one of the cornerstones of democracy, the individual’s ability to express freely their personal views on political or other sensitive topics has deteriorated deeply since the killing of Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 and the arrests of many prominent writers and activists, making self-censorship a pervasive practice in the country. Citizens of Saudi Arabia and Saudis living and traveling abroad are also both subjected to surveillance and spying, the latter in what could be considered a case of transnational repression. On top of that, as reported by ECDHR, the kingdom continues to engage in the forceful disappearance of activists who exercise their right to freedom of expression. Moreover, freedom of belief is severely curtailed, with the public observance of any religion other than Islam prohibited and the Shiite and Sufi Muslims´ religious practices restricted. The recent case of the 12 football fans imprisoned for peaceful Shia chants represents a clear example not just of the lack of freedom of expression and belief, but also of the recurrent use of the abusive and vaguely worded Anti-Cybercrime Law to crackdown on those liberties. According to FH, the government also heavily controls and influences the media and hampers academic freedom.
Regarding associational and organizational rights, the situation is equally dire. The government does not respect freedom of assembly – imposing at times the death penalty on those who lead or participate in public protests – discourages independent work on human rights and governance issues by denying licenses that the nongovernmental organizations need to operate, and does not guarantee freedom to form independent labor unions or engage in strikes.
The rule of law in the country is deficient, too. The judiciary is not independent and due process is flawed: defendants’ rights are not sufficiently protected by law; detainees often see their access to legal counsel denied during interrogation; and lengthy pretrial detention and detention without charge or trial are frequent. Especially preoccupying is that due process is particularly deficient in death penalty cases, despite the severity of the charges. Moreover, capital punishment is still commonly applied to a wide range of crimes that go beyond murder to include drug and protest-related offenses. Overall, in 2023 the kingdom executed 170 people. Corporal punishment, mostly flogging, is also common in criminal sentencing. On the other hand, allegations of torture and other forms of ill-treatment by police and prison officials have been recurrently expressed, being quite alarming the reliance on torture-tainted confessions as the primary basis for convictions.
Lastly, as for personal autonomy and individual rights, it is worth noting the restrictions on freedom of movement imposed on activists and critics as a way of punishment, as well as women’s suffering of burdensome constraints in the context of the male guardianship system. In addition, foreign workers – more than half of the active labor force – are subjected to economic exploitation through the abusive kafala system.
Notwithstanding all the highlighted abuses, civil society’s push for democratic change is very much alive, as the People’s Vision for Reform in Saudi Arabia, endorsed by 21 international organizations, demonstrates. However, Saudi Arabia´s significant power over world oil prices as the largest oil producer in OPEC, allowed it to strengthen its repressive system by shielding the regime from critique.
The European Union, as a supposed defender of human rights around the world, should link any tie to the kingdom to this endeavor.
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The undersigned organizations express their grave concern for the lives of minor defendants particularly the two young men, Yousif Al-Manasif and Ali Al-Mubaiouq, who are at imminent risk of execution in Saudi Arabia following confirmed information that the Specialized Criminal Court of Appeal (SCCA) has upheld their death sentences. Their cases were therefore referred to the Supreme Court which will render a final judgment. Approximately a year ago, the Supreme Court upheld final death sentences against Ali al-Subaiti. In addition, final death sentences had been approved by the Supreme Court about a year ago for both Abdullah Al-Derazi and Jalal Al-Labad. The Supreme Court is considered the final judicial stage before execution, which occurs after the king’s signature.
Considering Saudi Arabia’s past practices, it is difficult to predict the exact time frame between case referral to the Supreme Court, its approval, and execution. Previous cases indicate that the lives of the minors sentenced by “discretionary punishment” (taazir), are at imminent risk of execution.
As it is expected that there will be cases of minors that have not been identified, with the latest developments, the situation of minors who have been monitored by organizations to have received death sentences:
The Saudi Arabia authorities subjected the young men to human rights violations while in detention, including enforced disappearance, solitary confinement for months, and various forms of torture. The risk of execution is exacerbated by the fact that the judiciary in Saudi Arabia is not independent and is thereby unable to protect individuals against arbitrary death sentences. Individuals who are charged for acts related to their peaceful activism, are usually sentenced on the basis of the Counterterrorism law and torture-trainted confessions are used as sole evidence for their conviction.
The undersigned organizations point out that the approval of new death sentences against individuals who are sentenced for acts committed as minors, contradicts Saudi Arabia’s narrative that it has halted juvenile death sentences. For instance, in a statement announcing the promulgation of Royal Decree No. 46274, the Saudi Human Rights Commission mentioned that the death penalty against such individuals and against minors would be annulled. Saudi Arabia has reiterated this announcement on multiple occasions before the Human Rights Council and in other international human rights foras.This potential executions would entail a flagrant violation of Saudi Arabia’sinternational obligations, given that Saudi Arabia is a state party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which clearly prohibits the death penalty against minors.
Despite this announcement, Saudi Arabia executed the minor Mustafa Al-Darwish in June 2021 and continued issuing and approving similar death sentences. Instead of halting executions, the government has resorted to cryptic and unsubstantiated responses to communications from UN special rapporteurs regarding their cases.
Since the beginning of 2024, Saudi Arabia has executed 47 individuals. 12 of these sentences were issued by the Specialized Criminal Court. The Ministry of Interior did not specify the nature of the sentences issued against them, but they are likely taazir sentences.
The undersigned organizations believe that the approval of new death sentences against minors exposes the reality of Saudi Arabia’s successive promises regarding the death penalty in general and the death penalty against minors in particular. It is impossible to envisage reforms or changes without immediately halting arbitrary death sentences, especially against minors on charges that are not considered the most serious, and after unfair trials.
Undersigned organizations;
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The UN’s Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) unanimously appointed Saudi Arabia to chair its 69th session in 2025. Abdulaziz Alwasil, the Saudi ambassador to the UN, was elected on March 27 to represent his country. Being chair of the CSW means that Saudi Arabia pivots the political, economic, civil, and social prerogatives of women inside the Commission. In addition, they are the leading actor with the role of highlighting pressing issues for women and girls during conflict. Various human rights advocates have criticized the controversial decision. In particular, the Amnesty International Deputy Director deemed it abysmal. Human Rights Watch (HRW) also warned the UN on its decision to appoint a country that systematically discriminates against women and persecutes rights activists. Unfortunately, it is not the first time that, at the UN level, countries with poor human rights records have been appointed to chair forums promoting social rights.
The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women aims to include, in its agenda, global policy documents of countries around the world on gender equality and empowerment. According to official statements, the government is in line with these goals, after what it describes as important achievements that have been achieved to empower women’s rights. In particular, authorities hail the 2022 Personal Status Law as a milestone for progress and equality for women.
However, Saudi Arabia systematically promotes well-established gender discrimination laws and portrays them as progressive. For example, the 2022 Personal Status Law has been criticized for perpetuating the male guardianship system and codifying discrimination against women. The law fails to provide adequate protection for women from domestic violence and makes them vulnerable to psychological abuse. Men often have the right to limit financial support to their wives if disputes arise. Therefore, the law codifies (and protects) men’s guardianship powers in Saudi Arabia. Male guardianship is a system in which women depend on a man who has the authority to make a range of crucial decisions.
However, this is not the only critical aspect of women’s discrimination in Saudi Arabia. For years, the Kingdom has arrested women’s rights activists who campaigned to end of the male guardianship system. One of the famous cases is that of Manahil Al-Otaibi, who was a victim of enforced disappearance and was imprisoned because of her support for women’s rights on social media platforms. However, women demanding human rights reforms and others who were imprisoned, are facing travel bans and are unable to speak freely.
In conclusion, ADHRB condemns the United Nations and the voting countries for allowing such ridiculous decisions. Such choices damage the reputation of the United Nations and show that Member States are using biopolitical considerations that go beyond the overall goals of the organization. For this reason, ADHRB asks: How can human rights bodies have credibility when allowing such controversial decisions?
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Seventy-six million metric tons of oil reserves are located in the Arab Gulf, constituting around 66% of the global reserves. Oil represents a prominent source of income in the Middle East, proven by the increased production during the last decades. From 1980, oil production passed from 11 million barrels per day to 18 million. The two biggest producers in the region are Saudi Arabia and UAE, respectively, making 39 and 14 percent of the total share. Various studies show that the industry causes significant methane emissions, contributing to global warming and other emissions that create significant health risks for citizens. Notably, on 28 November 2023, the BBC warned that toxic gas in the Middle East is putting millions at risk. In particular, the article showed how oil production was spreading gases over hundreds of kilometers in the region, possibly jeopardizing the health of the residents.
Most GCC countries have appointed Commissions or National Councils to preserve the environment and control the health risks associated with oil production. The leading producer (Saudi Arabia) has also committed to contributing to the Paris Agreement through different measures. To mention some, installing 50 gigawatts of renewable and nuclear energy can reduce the country’s emissions during production.
Nonetheless, these measures are still insufficient to mitigate the negative impacts of energy production in the GCC. In an article from December 2023, Human Rights Watch (HRW) highlighted that exposure to particulate matter (PM 2.5) in the UAE was eight times higher than what the World Health Organization (WHO) considers safe. Based on the estimates of the organization, approximately 1872 people have died in 2023 due to outdoor air pollution. The BBC also showed that the GCC countries, due to gas flaring (burning of waste gas during oil drilling), endanger the lives of millions in the region. In particular, pollutants from flaring include PM 2.5 and Ozone NO2, which, at high levels, have been linked to strokes, cancer, asthma, and heart diseases.
Alarmingly, UAE national oil company Adnoc, run by Sultan al-Jaber, committed 20 years ago to end gas flaring; nonetheless, satellite assessment shows that it occurs daily. Other states, like Iraq and Kuwait, analyzed in the BBC study, declined to comment. On the other hand, oil companies like Saudi Aramco and Shell said they are working to reduce the practice.
The urgency in mitigating the negative impact of oil production in the Middle East has been vividly stressed. The UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and the Environment, David R. Boyd, recently commented: ‘’ Big oil companies and states in the Middle East are violating the human rights of millions of people by failing to tackle air pollution from fossil fuels.’’. ADHRB also expresses concerns over the health of millions of residents in the region. Acknowledging that respiratory diseases are the leading cause of death in the area, our organization considers that new positive steps should be taken. In particular, ADHRB points out the pronouncements of the Human Rights Committee in view of the case Portillo Caceres v. Paraguay, affirming that states must protect individual degradation under Article 6 of the ICCPR (Right to Life). With these aspects in mind, we stress the need for accountability for human rights violations, which, in this instance, are challenging due to political considerations and the dependency of the West on Middle East oil.
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Human rights campaigner who founded the charity Redress following his unlawful imprisonment and torture in Saudi Arabia
Questions were asked in the House of Commons after Keith Carmichael disappeared into a Saudi Arabian jail in November 1981. His case was repeatedly raised by MPs and peers as news of his brutal mistreatment filtered out. It was not until he was released without charge two and half years later, however, that the extent of the torture he had endured became public knowledge.
Carmichael, who has died aged 90, was held in solitary confinement for three months, deprived of food and sleep, beaten on his knees and feet, sexually assaulted, shackled in leg irons, suffered a fractured spine and detained in rat-infested cells. He was also threatened with crucifixion and electrocution if he did not confess to numerous crimes (including leaving Saudi Arabia illegally, spying and criticising the royal family), which he refused to do.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) participated in the 55th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, held from 26 February and 5 April 2024.
During these sessions, the organization delivered seven oral interventions under five items, shedding light on various human rights violations in Bahrain, Kuwait, and occupied Palestinian territories.
ADHRB delivered five interventions related to the human rights situation in Bahrain under items 3, 4, 6, 8, and 9. Among these, two interventions under items 4 and 9 highlighted the Israeli genocide against Palestinians in Gaza and the American immunity granted to it, as well as discrimination against the Bidoon community in Kuwait and the violations they face.
Item 3
Under Item 3, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the General Debate on 15 March 2024.
In her intervention, Bahraini activist Najah Yusuf drew attention to the recent escalation in Bahrain in summoning and arresting participants in pro-Palestine protests across the country, including more than 50 minors aged between 14 and 17. They were charged with crimes such as illegal assembly after being subjected to numerous violations. She pointed out that at least 29 children are facing harsh detention conditions, deprived of continuing their education, and subjected to mistreatment. Najah added that some minors were forced to confess to pre-prepared charges and denied family visits, including the case of the 17-year-old minor, Qasim Al-Sameea. The organization urged Bahrain to stop targeting children and minors, allowing them to reunite with their families and resume their education. ADHRB indicated that an impartial investigation should be initiated to address allegations of mistreatment. It urged the Council to pressure Bahrain to respect its obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, of which it is a party.
Item 4
Under Item 4, ADHRB delivered two interventions on 21 March 21, 2024, during the General Debate.
In his intervention, activist Yusuf AlHoori drew the Council’s attention to the ongoing medical neglect suffered by elderly opposition leaders and human rights defenders in Bahraini prisons. Among them is the political prisoner Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who suffers from cancer, diabetes, and other serious diseases, facing life-threatening medical neglect. Yusuf also highlighted the case of the prominent human rights defender and opposition leader, Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace, who suffers from post-polio syndrome and many other serious chronic diseases. He has endured prolonged solitary confinement and has been deprived of medical appointments, treatment, and crutches, forcing him to endure a solid food hunger strike for 1000 days. ADHRB urged the UN Human Rights Council to pressure Bahrain to immediately release these defenders and opposition leaders before it’s too late.
In its second intervention under Item 4, ADHRB expressed deep concern over the United States’ ongoing support for countries with poor human rights records. This is notably evident in its continued support for the ongoing war in Gaza, despite the International Court of Justice’s warnings to Israel to prevent genocide. This support also extends to countries suppressing their citizens’ rejection of this war and their governments’ adherence to decisions related to the actions of the United States, as is the case in Bahrain. ADHRB pointed out the suppression campaigns led by Bahrain against citizens expressing their dissenting opinions regarding their government’s involvement in the American-led coalition against Yemeni forces in the Red Sea, with hundreds of participants in peaceful protests being arrested, including many children. ADHRB questioned the continued US support for countries with poor human rights records driven by political motives, asking: How can we ensure accountability prevails over political considerations in addressing human rights violations?
Item 6
Under Item 6 during the General Debate, ADHRB delivered an intervention on 26 March 2024.
During its intervention, it raised concerns about the seriousness of Bahrain’s commitment to implementing the promised reforms according to the UPR recommendations. Despite Bahrain’s pledge to ensure accountability for torture victims, eliminate religious discrimination, release all prisoners of conscience, and protect the right to freedom of expression and assembly, it continues its restrictive policies. Victims of torture-obtained confessions remain imprisoned and face horrific forms of physical and psychological torture, while the perpetrators remain unpunished. ADHRB called on the international community to pressure Bahrain to fulfill its pledge to implement the UPR recommendations, halt systematic human rights violations, and achieve genuine reform in the country.
Item 8
During the General Debate on 27 March 2024, ADHRB expressed deep concern over Bahrain’s ongoing violations of religious freedoms, particularly targeting Shia citizens, which contravene the Vienna Declaration and contradict official claims. Since 2011, Bahrain has continuously restricted the rights of Shia citizens, closing mosques and disrupting Friday prayers. Security forces deploy military vehicles near Shia mosques to confront protests expressing solidarity with Palestinians facing Israeli attacks. Bahraini authorities persistently refuse to broadcast Shia-specific events on government-owned media. Religious leaders, such as Sheikh Mohamed Sanqour, face sectarian-based summons and arrests, charged with “insulting authorities” for refusing curriculum changes to satisfy Israel. Others faced arrest, like historian Jasim AlAbbas, who was charged with incitement and threatening civil peace, for discussing the historical context of Islam and Shiism in Bahrain. ADHRB condemned the restrictions imposed on Shia religious practices and urged Bahrain to end sectarian discrimination and uphold its commitments to respect and protect religious freedoms.
Item 9
In its first intervention under Item 9, ADHRB raised the discrimination faced by the Bahraini people in their right to protest for demanding their rights or in solidarity with humanitarian causes. In its intervention, Activist Ebtisam AlSaegh said, “Today we live in a country with a million masks on the lists of constitutional laws, citizens’ rights, and human rights standards. There is a stark contrast between what is written on paper and what the people see and experience on the ground.” She pointed out that prisons are filled with prisoners of conscience on charges and cases unrelated to reality. Discrimination continues regarding the right to protest and express opinions among the people and opposition, resulting in the arrest of dozens, including children under the age of 18. This discrimination also resulted in the political isolation of a significant number of citizens, depriving the majority of the people of the right to peaceful protest. This constitutes a violation of all international standards recognized by the Bahraini authorities, yet these standards are not applied in reality. ADHRB emphasized the need to empty prisons of all prisoners and allow the exercise of the right to protest.
In another intervention under Item 9, ADHRB highlighted the ongoing suffering of the Bidoon community in Kuwait. Although the law claims to provide means for Bidoon to obtain citizenship, the naturalization procedures are unclear, and citizenship and residency matters are not subject to judicial review. The Bidoon are deprived of property rights or equal access to services like Kuwaiti citizens, unable to obtain civil documents, denied the right to education, healthcare, and employment, and also deprived of their right to protest. ADHRB urged the Council to pressure Kuwait to end this racial discrimination, respect its human rights obligations, and ensure the basic rights of the Bidoon community, including their right to freedom of opinion, expression, and assembly. It also urged the Kuwaiti government to adhere to the Durban Convention, the United Nations Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons,, and the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness.
Through its participation in the 55th session of the Human Rights Council, Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain succeeded in drawing attention to the ongoing human rights violations in Bahrain, despite the authorities’ repeated promises of reform and attempts to whitewash its human rights record. It also pointed out that the most serious issue facing political activists, especially opposition leaders and human rights defenders, is the deliberate medical neglect policy. The organization also drew attention to restrictions imposed on freedom of expression, including the suppression of marches supporting Palestinians. Additionally, ADHRB had positions regarding the American immunity for Israeli crimes in Gaza. and as part of its coverage of human rights issues in the Gulf region, it drew attention to what the Bidoon community is suffering as a result of being deprived of the right to citizenship.
The post An overview of ADHRB’s participation in the activities of the 55th session of the Human Rights Council appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
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A new documentary film explores a drawn-out court battle involving the UK government and a campaign group which tried to stop it selling arms to human rights-abusing Saudi Arabia, which has terrorised Yemen for years.
Demilitarise Education (dED_UCATION) has released a new documentary film directed by Eva McQuade, following the inner workings of a High Court of Justice appeal.
The events that take place are a culmination of a six-year judicial battle in which Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) took the UK government to court over the legality of its arms sales to Saudi Arabia.
Since the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen began in 2015, at least 154,000 Yemeni citizens have been killed as a result of military action, with British-made weaponry playing a central role. If international humanitarian law does not permit assaults on non-combatants, then how can the government justify its complicity in these war crimes?
The film offers the opportunity to engage with the issue from multiple perspectives, ranging from Erin Alcock and Dearbhla Minogues – solicitors on the case – to Amina Atiq, a British-Yemeni poet who uses her art as a means of activism.
The film combines carefully curated archive footage, which acts as visible evidence of the atrocities committed, with expertise from professionals in the field. In doing so, we see that what Liz Truss called ‘isolated incidents’ are, actually, mass scale arms deals deeply embedded within ‘diplomatic’ relationships between the UK and its allies.
Contributor to the film Andrew Feinstein is executive director of Shadow World Investigations. He said:
BAE, through the British state, provides significant numbers of advisers to the Saudi air force… the planes that are involved in most of the airstrikes over Yemen and a lot of the ordinance that is released from those planes, the bombs, the missiles that rain down on innocent Yemenis.
After the unjust dismissal of CAAT’s case by the High Court of Justice in June 2023, this documentary is more important than ever to ensure that the government’s continuous evasion of the law is held under scrutiny. In alignment with what Fallon eloquently expresses above, the documentary is a necessity to not only inform but inspire action through enforcing transparency.
Katie Fallon, advocacy manager at CAAT, said:
This film is so important as it shows that campaigners and members of the public can take action, speak truth to power, and disrupt the cycles of violence that our government commits us to.
Nine years after the bombardment of Yemen began, in 2024 the UK is not only bombing Yemen directly, but is complicit in Israel’s genocide of Palestinians and selling arms to Israel again in violation of UK law. In the face of so much horror, the global public has spoken out in our thousands, millions, and billions, standing in solidarity with each other to build a peaceful and just future.
Without such a film, the judicial system can escape public accountability in its failure to enforce national and international law.
Cindy Sasha produced the film. She said:
When I learnt about CAAT’s court case in 2021, I knew this was an important story to be told. Film is a great medium to allow us to document the truth and share it with the world. This film exposes our corrupt justice system and how power is above the law and how the law chooses profit over people.
By making the film, dED_UCATION has solidified the moment in history, encouraging audience engagement and political action. It is a tangible story in which Western imperialism, the military-industrial complex, and neocolonialism interact. However, it offers hope in the way of re-imagining a future in which citizens refuse to sit back and allow their government to commit war crimes.
The documentary serves to pay respect to the people of Yemen, through making their suffering visible, thus providing an opportunity for solidarity.
As poet and activist Amina Atiq summed up:
The film is greater than a political disagreement, it calls for moral and ethical responsibility from our British Government. The arms trade between Britain and Saudi Arabia has only led to the tragic loss of lives in Yemen. We will continue to revisit this historic relationship of arms as unlawful, inhumane and it is a crime. Our Yemen will persist in its pursuit of justice.
You can watch the film on dED_UCATION’s YouTube channel below:
Featured image via dED_UCATION
By The Canary
This post was originally published on Canary.
The draft of Saudi Arabia’s first penal code was leaked in July 2022. The text has been the subject of various allegations, which Saudi Arabia promptly denied. However, Amnesty International, which first denounced the code’s flaws, ensures that several Saudi legal experts have confirmed its authenticity. More recently, Amnesty International shared its analysis of the draft code with Saudi Arabia’s Council of Ministers and the Saudi Arabian Human Rights Commission, who stated that the text is still under legislative review. Nonetheless, the draft leak poses serious concerns over the premises of the Crown Prince to improve human rights standards. In particular, some provisions allow for measures criminalizing defamation; it provides for the death penalty for minors and gives too broad power to judges to interpret Sharia law.
Indeed, codifying Saudi Arabia’s penal code is an opportunity to better define crimes and check whether the punishments align with international law standards. However, the leaked version lacks a well-defined legislative framework (crimes and punishments can be broadly interpreted). Also, it criminalizes acts protected under international law with the use of corporal punishment and the death penalty.
The penalty for premeditated murder was included in the draft code, stipulating that it is punishable by seven to fifteen years. However, the text left significant legal loopholes that allowed judges to interpret the circumstances of the crime and consequently inflict the death penalty. For example, judges can impose the death penalty in cases where the perpetrator committed other ‘serious crimes.’ In addition, for hadd crimes, which the Quran deems as serious crimes, the draft code allows for execution. However, included in this category of crimes, there are some offenses like robbery and drinking alcohol that are considered minor under international law and consequently should not be punished with the death penalty. Finally, the most concerning aspect of the draft code was setting the age of criminal responsibility at seven years, at which time a person can also be punished with the death sentence. On this matter, The Commission on the Rights of the Child (CRC) repeatedly stated that the age of criminal responsibility is 12 years old and that the use of the death penalty against minors is prohibited.
Another issue present in the draft of the penal code for which ADHRB has often advocated is the significant discretionary power of the judges. Even with the possible presence of a written code, judges would use discretion to interpret Sharia, possibly violating human rights law standards. ADHRB expresses particular concern over the interpretation of ta’zir, which, following the Sharia, should not reach the level of punishment for hudud crimes. Nonetheless, in Saudi Arabia, there have been examples in which judges could sentence individuals to death by using broad interpretative powers.
ADHRB acknowledges that drafting a penal code for Saudi Arabia would benefit the judiciary by defining a framework for its operation. However, the draft code raises serious concerns over the Crown’s political premises and the reliability of the laws. For these reasons, ADHRB recommends that Saudi Arabia amend the draft code significantly and ensure that its text aligns with the international obligations adopted.
The post Analyzing the Leaked Penal Code of Saudi Arabia: Persistent Failure to Commit to Human Rights Standards appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
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South Korea’s rapid rise as a defence manufacturer is resulting in increasingly tougher challenges to its export policy. Although China might be Asia’s top defence exporter, it is actually South Korea, a nation of 51.8 million citizens that lives under constant threat from its northern neighbour, which is dominating sales of Asian military equipment to […]
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Fifa and the presumptive hosts face significant challenges over human rights, worker protections and the scale of construction
Saudi Arabia will host the 2034 World Cup. We know this, despite the fact that Fifa’s bidding process does not finish until the end of 2024. But with 10 years until the tournament there is still much we don’t know. Some of these issues are important, such as the time of year in which the games will be played, but others are more significant still. With the power of the global football community to influence outcomes perhaps at its peak, here are three key areas of uncertainty:
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
The story of Abdulrahman al-Khalidi has recently caught the media’s attention, along with campaigns requesting his release. Human Rights Watch (HRW) and Article 19 promptly warned Bulgarian authorities of the risk the activist would face if deported to Saudi Arabia. This case has already highlighted negligence by Sofia authorities, violating the human rights of the Saudi citizen by putting him under administrative detention. Taking into account this violation, there exists a significant risk that Bulgaria would accept to deport him to Saudi Arabia, likely resulting in more violations, including unfair trials and torture.
Al-Khalidi has been a human rights activist for more than ten years, expressing his dissent against the treatment of prisoners in Saudi Arabia. Due to the Arab Kingdom’s repression, he decided to leave the country in 2013. Initially, he spent a period of exile in Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey, and in 2021, he entered the European Union (EU).On 16 November 2021, the activist applied for asylum in Bulgaria, expressing the risks of human rights violations if he was returned to Saudi Arabia. The ‘’Bulgarian State Agency for Refugees’’ refused his application, stating that no risk of persecution exists in the Arab state in light of the measures taken to improve democracy. Al-Khalidi challenged this pronouncement, appealing to the Administrative Supreme Court, which sent the case back to lower courts. Nonetheless, on 7 February 2024, after his asylum state was rejected, the Bulgarian National Security Agency issued a deportation order. Enforcing this order would put under serious risk the life of the Saudi activist in light of other cases in which Saudi Arabia persecuted their citizens abroad.
Already in 2016, ADHRB, with its INTERPOL Deletion Request Programme, removed a wrongful requestion of deportation for an individual from Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is famous for enforcing transnational repression against its citizens, with the most famous case being the killing of Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. Other cases are those of Dina Ali Lasloom, who attempted to flee her family to Australia due to the abuses of her husband. In that case, she was stopped by security officers and carried away in a hotel with duct tape in her mouth. Eventually, she was deported to Saudi Arabia, where she was put in a detention facility for women under 30. Finally, also Rahaf Mohammed al-Qunun was persecuted by the Saudi government at the request of her abusive father and brother.
Considering these circumstances, Bulgaria must adhere to its commitments under international, EU and domestic law to respect the principle of non-refoulement. In particular, as expressed by the Special Rapporteur on torture, Mary Lawlor, not respecting the principle in the context of such a repressive country like Saudi Arabia can put the life of Al-Khalidi under serious threat. Furthermore, the principle of non-refoulment is a core element in international human rights law that some scholars address as jus cogens. To conclude, these cases highlight the need for more severe countermeasures against transnational repression, representing a threat to human rights, with particular attention on misusing the red notices and diffusions of INTERPOL, a channel too often used by autocratic states.
The post Urgent Appeal: Bulgaria Must Halt Deportation of Saudi Human Rights Activist appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
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The Gulf remains a major destination for migrant workers, primarily from southern and Southeast Asia. Often, migrants from Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and numerous other countries travel to the Gulf States to work in low-skilled labour sectors. ADHRB, along with other organisations, reported the systemic discrimination these minorities face, including access to healthcare, threats of withholding of passports, physical or verbal abuse or non-payment of wages. Nonetheless, one of the most persistent and concerning discrimination is the disproportionality when it comes to the death penalty. The number of migrants who are killed by judicial execution is grossly disproportional to the size of the population living in the GCC. ADHRB recognises that this disproportionality lies in multiple factors, rendering the migrant workers an exceptionally vulnerable community.
The vulnerability of this community depends on being subject to power imbalance and often exploitation. ADHRB acknowledges that this condition affects them before and after arriving in the Gulf, causing disproportionality in sentencing to be an issue of a larger scope. Usually, migrant workers come from rural areas, have limited literacy and become dependent on migrant brokers in their original countries. These figures often manipulate migrant workers, tricking them into smuggling drugs into the Gulf, with the highest percentage coming from Pakistan. This founding issue, combined with the flaws of the GCC judicial systems, socioeconomic disadvantage, language barriers and discrimination, cause immigrants to be the primary victims of sentencing and death penalties.
In Bahrain, despite rhetoric of reform, death sentences in the last decade rose by over 600%. The data gathered between 2011 and 2021 shows a clear pattern of discrimination against foreign nationals in the context of the death penalty. Mainly, Bangladeshi nationals are disproportionately represented in this category. In addition, Reprieve informs that in contrast to Bahraini nationals, no pardons or commutations were offered to Bangladeshi nationals. In these circumstances, the decision of 2018 to allow death sentences for non-lethal charges (drug offences) represents a noteworthy backwards move for human rights in the country.
Moving to Saudi Arabia, the situation is even more concerning, considering that it has the third-largest migrant population in the world. Generally, foreign nationals are particularly vulnerable to due process and fair trial violations when it comes to the death penalty. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination raised this point about a disproportionate number of foreign nationals facing the penalty in Saudi Arabia. From 2010 to 2021, Saudi Arabia has executed a total of 490 foreign nationals, with some nationalities overrepresenting their proportional representation in the total population. In particular, Pakistani nationals, making up 5% of the total population, represent 13.19% of the total number of executions. Furthermore, their sentence is flawed by a criminal justice system discrimination characterised by denied access to interpretation, legal representation or consular assistance.
To conclude, the disproportionality in sentences against foreign nationals represents an issue that needs to be tackled at the national and transnational levels because of its characteristics. Many of the circumstances by which the death penalties were handed are related to the abusive functioning of the kafala system, exacerbated by a total lack of consular support from sending states. There is a significant correlation between citizenship and low class that causes migrant workers to be victims of exploitation. For this reason, ADHRB deems that both sending states and Gulf ones must take measures to stop the abuse against migrant workers, ultimately exemplified in the disproportionate sentencing against them.
Recommendations for sending states:
Recommendation for Bahrain and Saudi Arabia:
The post Disproportionality in Sentencing in the GCC: The Cases of Bahrain and Saudi Arabia appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.
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The US singer has been called out by human rights activists for hosting a summit and performing on stage in the repressive state
Performer Alicia Keys projects a powerful position on women’s rights, hosting a regular Women to Women summit and posting inspirationally on Instagram on Friday for International Women’s Day. But the singer-songwriter’s message is undermined for some by the revelation that she is hosting the third edition of her summit this weekend in Saudi Arabia.
The American performer and her guests, including Pharrell Williams, best known for his worldwide hit Happy, are to discuss “how women are pushing the culture forward in Saudi Arabia and around the world”, she has announced, before the get-together in the coastal city of Jeddah.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
Like every year, many organisations used the occasion to focus on the role of women human rights defenders. Here a selection of this year’s actions [for earlier posts see: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/tag/international-womens-day/]:
Global Voices has released a special coverage called Empowering voices: Women in politics, which explores the state of women’s political participation around the world.
Human Rights First referred to a new report reveals that WHRDs face increasing harassment and threats from a global movement against gender equality and LGBTQI+ rights. The Kvinna till Kvinna Foundation, a leading feminist women’s rights organization, released Hope and Resistance Go Together: The State of Women Human Rights Defenders 2023, a report that found discouraging growth in harassment of WHRDs. The foundation surveyed 458 women’s and queer rights activists and interviewed 25 activists representing WHRDs from 67 countries affected by violence or conflict.
They found that 75% reported facing harassment for their activism, a 15% increase from two years ago, and 25% of respondents have received death threats. Most harassment comes from government authorities, but increased harassment from far-right groups and anti-gender equality actors is also driving these startling statistics. Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) across the world face resistance and violence. In 2022, at least 401 HRDs were killed for their peaceful work. But some of the obstacles facing WHRDs are distinct. https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/recognizing-women-human-rights-defenders-on-international-womens-day/
Human Rights Watch on 7 March carried a piece by Macarena Sáez who says inter alia:
On this International Women’s Day, we march for the one in three women who experience physical or sexual violence in their lifetime. We cheer for countries like Argentina, Colombia, and Ireland that value our autonomy to choose to be pregnant and have legalized access to safe abortion, while protesting that abortion is still or again illegal in many places, including US states like Alabama and Texas. At the same time, we march to honor the women who marched before us, like the Mexican women who organized the first feminist congress in 1916 to push for family law reforms and their right to vote, and the Nigerians who waged their “Women’s War” against colonization and patriarchal laws in 1929. Their struggles sadly mirror the reality of many women around the world today – especially women who belong to historically marginalized groups – who continue to rally against violence and abuse.
Fearing the power of women’s solidarity and collective actions, governments have stifled women’s speech through restrictions on movement, censorship, smear campaigns, and criminal prosecutions. In highly repressive contexts, like Afghanistan and Iran, women suffer arbitrary detention, and even enforced disappearance and torture, for their activism. Meanwhile, social media companies have not done enough to protect women from online violence, chilling women’s freedom of expression on and offline. These barriers make it hard for women’s equality to become reality. Gender justice requires an enabling environment in which women can express themselves, speak and spread their political views, and participate in political and public life. Instead of repressing or tolerating the repression of women, governments should recognize our collective actions – and consequent power – and enshrine our rights in laws, policies, and practice. [https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/03/07/womens-voices-have-power-drive-change]
Amnesty International on 8 March highlighted three prominent women who reveal why sexual and reproductive rights are a major human rights issue : Charlotte Bunch, USA Leila Hessini, Algeria Marge Berer, UK [https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2024/03/three-prominent-women-reveal-why-sexual-and-reproductive-rights-are-a-major-human-rights-issue/]
On 8 March 8, 2024 Almyra Luna Kamilla and Rosalind Ratana opined in IMHO on “Navigating the storms of repression: The resilience of young women rights defenders in Asia”
![[OPINION] Navigating the storms of repression: The resilience of young women rights defenders in Asia](https://www.rappler.com/tachyon/2024/03/women-rights-defenders-asia-mar-7-2024.jpg)
In recent years, Asia has been witnessing rising authoritarianism and shrinking civic space. Among those in the frontlines of resistance are young women human rights defenders. As we celebrate International Women’s Day, let us demand for an enabling world where women human rights defenders can continue their noble pursuits without fear of reprisals.
In Thailand, the royal defamation law is being excessively used to silence criticisms against the monarchy. Meanwhile in Sri Lanka, economic and political mismanagement has sparked peaceful protests that are met with violence and intimidation. The fate of Asia’s political climate hangs by a thread as elections are held across many countries, including Bangladesh, Indonesia, India, South Korea, and Pakistan. Now more than ever, governments across the region are finding ways to solidify their power, putting an even tighter grip on civil society to the detriment of democracy and people’s fundamental rights and freedoms.
Despite such challenges, many are courageously speaking out and taking collective action to reclaim power for the people. This includes young women human rights defenders – or Youth WHRDs – who are claiming space to call out human rights violations and to demand accountability from oppressive governments. [https://www.rappler.com/voices/imho/young-women-rights-defenders-asia/]
The Alliance for Human Rights in Afghanistan (a coalition of 9 major NGOs) urgently appealed to the international community to significantly bolster its support and actively safeguard the human rights of Afghan women and girls, including Afghan women human rights defenders who face persecution for their peaceful campaigns for rights and basic freedoms.
In 2023, the Taliban further intensified its oppressive policies toward women, girls, the LGBTIQ+ community, and religious minorities. Afghan women and girls have seen their rights and prospects increasingly curtailed, from greater enforcement of restrictions on education – including a ban on girls attending secondary schools and universities – to intensifying exclusion of women from political and public life. Women have been banned from a growing list of forms of paid employment, and economic barriers, such as the ban on women registering organisations and undergoing vocational training, have contributed to a sharp decline in women’s participation in the labour market, impeding their right to make a living. This exacerbates financial insecurity, widens gender disparities, and further confines women to the private sphere. Lesbian, bisexual, and transgender women face severe threats, including torture, sexual violence, forced marriage, and death. Victims of gender violence, including those who identify as such, lack minimal legal and practical support. Obstacles to healthcare and education have exacerbated poverty and vulnerability among women and girls. In 2023, new discriminatory restrictions imposed by the Taliban included the closure of all beauty salons, blocking women from overseas travel for study, mandating female health workers in some areas to have a male chaperone while travelling or at work, and prohibiting women from entering a famous national park.
The oppressive environment extends to female activists, NGO leaders and journalists. Notable cases include the arrests of women’s rights activists Neda Parwani and Zholia Parsi, the enforced disappearance and subsequent discovery of Manizha Seddiqi in Taliban custody to date, the arrest of Matiullah Wesa, founder of an NGO advocating for girls’ education rights, and the arbitrary detainment of Ahmad Fahim Azimi and Seddiqullah Afghan—both dedicated girls’ education activists, among many others. Journalists reporting on the Taliban, facing arrests and threats, equally illustrate the difficulties encountered by the media, particularly women, when covering crimes against women or advocating for women’s rights. Collectively, these cases underscore the near-total denial of freedom of expression, gender equality, or any other internationally recognized right in Afghanistan under the Taliban.
Amid this growing oppression, segregation and fear, Afghan women human rights defenders have urged the international community to exert greater pressure on the Taliban. They call on international bodies to involve Afghan women in all negotiations with the Taliban and to facilitate direct meetings between women and the de facto authorities to address their concerns. Afghan women have also stressed the importance of advocacy for women’s rights by external actors based on the voices and realities of women inside Afghanistan. They call for coordinated efforts between organisations inside and outside the country to defend the rights of Afghan women and girls.
The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, called on the Taliban to release women human rights defenders as the world marks International Women’s Day.
I reiterate my appeal to the Taliban to respect all the human rights of women and girls in Afghanistan, including to education, work, freedom of movement and expression, and their cultural rights, and I urge the meaningful and equal participation of Afghan women and girls in all aspects of public life. I call on the Taliban to immediately and unconditionally release all those who have been arbitrarily detained for defending human rights, especially the rights of women and girls.”
On 8 March, Civil Rights Defenders presented 4 woman human rights defenders and asked them to share their message to women around the world.
On International Women’s Day, the a group of NGOs (ALQST for Human Rights, Amnesty International, CIVICUS, European Saudi Organization for Human Rights (ESOHR), Front Line Defenders, Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR), HuMENA for Human Rights and Civic Engagement, International Service for Human Rights (ISHR),MENA Rights Group, Salam for Democracy and Human Rights) renewed their call on Saudi Arabian authorities to release all women human rights defenders (WHRDs), women’s rights activists and their supporters who are detained in contravention of international human rights standards. The organisations further call on Saudi authorities to lift travel bans imposed on WHRDs and their relatives, and to abolish the male guardianship system. [https://ishr.ch/latest-updates/civil-society-reiterates-their-call-on-saudi-authorities-to-release-jailed-womens-rights-activists/]
The President of Georgia awarded severl with mesla of honor: co-founder of “Safari” organization Babutsa Pataraia, human rights defender Ana Arganashvili, founders of “National Network for Protection from Violence”: Eliso Amirejibi and Nato Shavlakadze and founder of “Vedzeb” organization Tamar Museridze.
This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.
Food security is described by the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) as ‘’ all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life”. In addition, food security is structured in four pillars, namely: 1) Availability (people having consistent sources of food), 2) Access (people have sufficient resources to purchase food), 3) Stability (people can access food that remains at a stable price during time) 4) Utilization (people know how to distribute food). Currently, among the Arab countries, the GCC is considered more food secure according to the Global Food Security Index. However, some long-standing issues remain present due to the national supply strategies, possibly causing a disruption in food security in the long term.
The main issue is the region’s lack of control over its food sources, making it highly import-dependent. GCC countries import about 85% of their food, including 93% of cereals, 62% of meat and 56% of vegetables. Under these circumstances, a disruption in the supply chain, such as a pandemic, would leave the countries vulnerable to shortages. To minimise possible shocks, GCC governments have launched food intervention measures. For example, countries like UAE, Qatar and Kuwait have adopted national food strategies to boost domestic production and diversify import sources. Arguably, these steps helped preserve the region’s short-term food security without tackling more long-term issues.
Firstly, being highly dependent on imports makes the region food secure but non-food self-sufficient. In this sense, in case of a rise of protectionist policies, they would be vulnerable to price and supply shocks. Secondly, the import strategy would need to be sufficient to bear the costs of population growth. In 2005, the total population in the GCC area was 25.8 million, compared to 56.65 million in 2018. In light of this growth, it is questionable whether the availability or accessibility of food can be maintained at acceptable levels. Thirdly, relying so heavily on import strategies undermines the future adverse effects of climate change on food availability. In this sense, the International Centre for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT) has forecasted that crop yields will fall by more than 10% by 2030 and at a similar rate by 2050. Consequently, in light of possible droughts or floods, the international market would shift to protectionist policies to ensure the presence of emergency food supplies.
Furthermore, another possible security risk could hinder food availability in the short term. A relevant aspect of this analysis is where these countries obtain their food supplies. Most of the imports pass several of the most important maritime chokepoints. The main one is the Strait of Hormuz, where any disruption would negatively affect UAE, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia receives supplies from the Mandab Strait at the entrance to the Red Sea. Considering the current political frictions in the Red Sea and the ongoing political conflict among states of the Strait of Hormuz.
To conclude, it is possible to affirm that GCC countries have adopted logical but risky strategies to cope with food insecurity. Generally, it is considered that the domestic production of food in the area is complex due to the hot desert climate, which causes scarce water resources and poor soils. Consequently, it will be essential to understand if GCC countries will adjust to the overarching factors contributing to food security and ascertain that possible national food production policies in the GCC will not cause environmental damage (e.g. Rangeland deterioration in Saudi Arabia). Most importantly, food security strategies will be tailored to human rights necessities, meaning that the food supply is based on population growth.
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This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.