Category: Self Determination

  • Papuan protesters outside the United Nations headquarters yesterday after John Anari was gagged again from making a full statement at the UN Permanent Forum for Indigenous Issues. Image: Screenshot from the WPLO YouTube channel

    COMMENT: By Andrew Johnson

    Gagged again! West Papuan Liberation Organisation (WPLO) representative John Anari was allowed to introduce himself at the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues yesterday – and that was the end of his message.

    The second he began saying what the United Nations does NOT want the public to hear, his feed was silenced!

    Officials claimed he had used up his two minutes for the forum (UNPFII). Anari says he was shut down early.

    No doubt the UNPFII will claim it was a lucky gremlin, but John’s video feed was up and working and only went silent as he called attention to the United Nations own responsibility for the ongoing oppression, deaths, and looting of West Papua for these past 59 years!

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    The local West Papua action group in Dunedin has met Taieri MP Ingrid Leary and raised human rights and militarisation issues that members believe the New Zealand government should be pursuing with Indonesia.

    Leary has a strong track record on Pacific human rights issues having worked in Fiji as a television journalist and educator and as a NZ regional director of the British Council with a mandate for Pacific cultural projects.

    She is also sits on the parliamentary select committees for Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, and Finance and Expenditure.

    READ MORE: Military exports to Indonesia strain NZ’s human rights record

    Leary met local coordinator Barbara Frame, retired Methodist pastor Ken Russell, and two doctoral candidates on West Papua research projects at Otago University’s National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (NCPCS), Ashley McMillan and Jeremy Simons, at her South Dunedin electorate office on Friday.

    She also met Dr David Robie, publisher and editor of Asia Pacific Report that covers West Papuan issues, and Del Abcede of the Auckland-based Asia-Pacific Human Rights Coalition (APHRC).

    New Zealand’s defence relationship with Indonesia was critiqued in an article for RNZ National at the weekend by Maire Leadbeater, author of See No Evil: New Zealand’s Betrayal of the People of West Papua.

    ‘Human rights illusion’
    “The recent exposure of New Zealand’s military exports to Saudi Arabia and other countries with terrible human rights records is very important,” Leadbeater wrote.

    “The illusion of New Zealand as a human rights upholder has been shattered, and we have work ahead to ensure that we can restore not only our reputation but the reality on which it is based.”

    West Papua group with MP Ingrid Leary
    The West Papua action group with Taieri MP Ingrid Leary in Dunedin … retired Methodist pastor Ken Russell (from left), Otago University doctoral candidate Jeremy Simons, group coordinator Barbara Frame, MP Ingrid Leary, Ashley McMillan (Otago PhD candidate), Dr David Robie (APR) and Del Abcede (APHRC).

    She cited Official Information Act documentation which demonstrated that since 2008 New Zealand had exported military aircraft parts to the Indonesian Air Force.

    “In most years, including 2020, these parts are listed as ‘P3 Orion, C130 Hercules & CASA Military Aircraft:Engines, Propellers & Components including Casa Hubs and Actuators’, she wrote.

    The documentation also showed that New Zealand exported other ‘strategic goods’ to Indonesia, including so-called small arms including rifles and pistols.

    “New Zealand’s human rights advocacy for West Papua is decidedly low-key, despite claims by some academics that Indonesia is responsible for the alleged crime of genocide against the indigenous people,” Leadbeater wrote.

    “Pursuing lucrative arms exports, and training of human rights violators, undermines any message our government sends. As more is known about this complicity the challenge to the government’s Indonesia-first setting must grow.”

    Massive militarisation
    Asia Pacific Report last month published an article by Suara Papua’s Arnold Belau which revealed that the Indonesian state had sent 21,369 troops to the “land of Papua” in the past three years.

    Jakarta sends 21,000 troops to Papua over last three years, says KNPB

    This figure demonstrating massive militarisation of Papua did not include Kopassus (special forces), reinforcements and a number of other regional units or the Polri (Indonesian police).

    Victor Yeimo, international spokesperson for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), was cited as saying that Papua was now a “military operation zone”.

    “This meant [that] Papua had truly become a protectorate where life and death was controlled by military force,” Belau wrote.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    The local West Papua action group in Dunedin has met Taieri MP Ingrid Leary and raised human rights and militarisation issues that members believe the New Zealand government should be pursuing with Indonesia.

    Leary has a strong track record on Pacific human rights issues having worked in Fiji as a television journalist and educator and as a NZ regional director of the British Council with a mandate for Pacific cultural projects.

    She is also sits on the parliamentary select committees for Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, and Finance and Expenditure.

    READ MORE: Military exports to Indonesia strain NZ’s human rights record

    Leary met local coordinator Barbara Frame, retired Methodist pastor Ken Russell, and two doctoral candidates on West Papua research projects at Otago University’s National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (NCPCS), Ashley McMillan and Jeremy Simons, at her South Dunedin electorate office on Friday.

    She also met Dr David Robie, publisher and editor of Asia Pacific Report that covers West Papuan issues, and Del Abcede of the Auckland-based Asia-Pacific Human Rights Coalition (APHRC).

    New Zealand’s defence relationship with Indonesia was critiqued in an article for RNZ National at the weekend by Maire Leadbeater, author of See No Evil: New Zealand’s Betrayal of the People of West Papua.

    ‘Human rights illusion’
    “The recent exposure of New Zealand’s military exports to Saudi Arabia and other countries with terrible human rights records is very important,” Leadbeater wrote.

    “The illusion of New Zealand as a human rights upholder has been shattered, and we have work ahead to ensure that we can restore not only our reputation but the reality on which it is based.”

    West Papua group with MP Ingrid Leary
    The West Papua action group with Taieri MP Ingrid Leary in Dunedin … retired Methodist pastor Ken Russell (from left), Otago University doctoral candidate Jeremy Simons, group coordinator Barbara Frame, MP Ingrid Leary, Ashley McMillan (Otago PhD candidate), Dr David Robie (APR) and Del Abcede (APHRC).

    She cited Official Information Act documentation which demonstrated that since 2008 New Zealand had exported military aircraft parts to the Indonesian Air Force.

    “In most years, including 2020, these parts are listed as ‘P3 Orion, C130 Hercules & CASA Military Aircraft:Engines, Propellers & Components including Casa Hubs and Actuators’, she wrote.

    The documentation also showed that New Zealand exported other ‘strategic goods’ to Indonesia, including so-called small arms including rifles and pistols.

    “New Zealand’s human rights advocacy for West Papua is decidedly low-key, despite claims by some academics that Indonesia is responsible for the alleged crime of genocide against the indigenous people,” Leadbeater wrote.

    “Pursuing lucrative arms exports, and training of human rights violators, undermines any message our government sends. As more is known about this complicity the challenge to the government’s Indonesia-first setting must grow.”

    Massive militarisation
    Asia Pacific Report last month published an article by Suara Papua’s Arnold Belau which revealed that the Indonesian state had sent 21,369 troops to the “land of Papua” in the past three years.

    Jakarta sends 21,000 troops to Papua over last three years, says KNPB

    This figure demonstrating massive militarisation of Papua did not include Kopassus (special forces), reinforcements and a number of other regional units or the Polri (Indonesian police).

    Victor Yeimo, international spokesperson for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), was cited as saying that Papua was now a “military operation zone”.

    “This meant [that] Papua had truly become a protectorate where life and death was controlled by military force,” Belau wrote.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Liljeblad, Australian National University

    Since the coup in Myanmar on February 1, the international community has struggled to agree on coherent action against the military (also known as the Tatmadaw).

    Tough action by the UN Security Council has been stymied by China, Russia, India and Vietnam, who see the Myanmar crisis as an internal affair.

    Outside the UN, a strong, coordinated response by Myanmar’s neighbours in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has also been lacking due to their reluctance to interfere in each other’s affairs. Thai political expert Thitinan Pongsudhirak called it an “existential crisis” for the bloc

    This reluctance, which has now cost the lives of over 500 civilians, rules out the use of military force to stop the violence, peacekeeping operations or even a humanitarian intervention.

    It has left the international community with one remaining option for a coordinated response that could change the military’s behaviour: the imposition of economic sanctions. But even this action has been subject to much debate.

    Follow the money
    General sanctions that try to change the behaviour of authoritarian regimes by damaging their economies have proven problematic in the past.

    Many leaders have invariably found ways around the sanctions, meaning civilians have disproportionately borne the costs of isolation.

    In contrast, targeted sanctions against the specific financial interests that sustain authoritarian regimes have been more effective. These can impose pressure on regimes without affecting the broader population.

    This is where the international community has the greatest potential to punish the Tatmadaw.

    Since the US and other countries pursued more general sanctions on Myanmar in the 1990s and 2000s — with mixed results — the international community has gained a greater understanding of the Tatmadaw’s transnational revenue streams.

    In particular, in 2019, the UN Fact-Finding Mission (UNFFM) on Myanmar released a report detailing the diverse Tatmadaw-linked enterprises that funnel revenue from foreign business transactions to the military’s leaders and units.

    More recently, this list of potential targets has been expanded by non-government organisations and investigative journalists.

    Researchers have also outlined the Tatmadaw’s dealings in illegal trade in drugs, gemstones, timber, wildlife and human trafficking.

    The extent of information on the Tatmadaw’s financial flows shows just how vulnerable the military’s leaders are to international pressure.

    Tracking the military’s legal and illegal business dealings makes it possible to identify its business partners in other countries. Governments in those countries can then take legal action against these business partners and shut off the flow of money keeping the junta afloat.

    To some degree, this is starting to happen with Myanmar. The US and UK recently decided, for instance, to freeze assets and halt corporate trading with two Tatmadaw conglomerates — Myanmar Economic Corporation and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited. Both of these oversee a range of holdings in businesses that divert revenues directly to the Tatmadaw.

    Pray for Myanmar protest
    Demonstrators flash the three-finger salute and hold placards during a “Pray for Myanmar” protest against the coup in Yangon. Image: The Conversation/Nyein Chan Naing/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock

    Myanmar’s trading partners can do more
    This is only a starting point, though. To tighten the pressure on the junta, targeted sanctions need to be imposed against the full suite of entities identified by the UNFFM. These include groups like Justice for Myanmar and journalists.

    The sanctions need to be accompanied by broader investigations into the Tatmadaw’s revenues from illicit trade. To counter this, Human Rights Watch has urged governments to enforce anti-money laundering and anti-corruption measures, including the freezing of assets.

    Singapore’s central bank has reportedly told financial institutions to be on the look-out for suspicious transactions or money flows between the city-state and Myanmar. Singapore is the largest foreign investor in the country.

    Moreover, for maximum impact, targeted sanctions need to be imposed not just by the West, but by Myanmar’s largest trading partners in the region. This includes Singapore, along with China, India, Indonesia, Japan and Thailand.

    Business leaders in these countries have historically had the closest ties with Myanmar’s military and business elites. But their participation in a multi-national targeted sanctions strategy is not out of the question. For one, this would not require direct intervention within Myanmar, something they are loath to do. Imposing targeted sanctions would merely entail enforcing their domestic laws regarding appropriate business practices.

    International action is becoming more urgent. Beyond the concerns about the killings of unarmed civilians, there is a larger issue of the violence extending beyond Myanmar’s borders. There are growing fears the crisis could turn Myanmar into a failed state, driving refugee flows capable of destabilising the entire region.

    In short, this is no longer an “internal” matter for Myanmar — it is becoming a transnational problem that will affect regional peace and security. The tools are there to stop the financial flows to the Tatmadaw and curtail their operations. It is critical to act before the Myanmar crisis grows into an international disaster.The Conversation

    Dr Jonathan Liljeblad is a senior lecturer at the Australian National University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Liljeblad, Australian National University

    Since the coup in Myanmar on February 1, the international community has struggled to agree on coherent action against the military (also known as the Tatmadaw).

    Tough action by the UN Security Council has been stymied by China, Russia, India and Vietnam, who see the Myanmar crisis as an internal affair.

    Outside the UN, a strong, coordinated response by Myanmar’s neighbours in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has also been lacking due to their reluctance to interfere in each other’s affairs. Thai political expert Thitinan Pongsudhirak called it an “existential crisis” for the bloc

    This reluctance, which has now cost the lives of over 500 civilians, rules out the use of military force to stop the violence, peacekeeping operations or even a humanitarian intervention.

    It has left the international community with one remaining option for a coordinated response that could change the military’s behaviour: the imposition of economic sanctions. But even this action has been subject to much debate.

    Follow the money
    General sanctions that try to change the behaviour of authoritarian regimes by damaging their economies have proven problematic in the past.

    Many leaders have invariably found ways around the sanctions, meaning civilians have disproportionately borne the costs of isolation.

    In contrast, targeted sanctions against the specific financial interests that sustain authoritarian regimes have been more effective. These can impose pressure on regimes without affecting the broader population.

    This is where the international community has the greatest potential to punish the Tatmadaw.

    Since the US and other countries pursued more general sanctions on Myanmar in the 1990s and 2000s — with mixed results — the international community has gained a greater understanding of the Tatmadaw’s transnational revenue streams.

    In particular, in 2019, the UN Fact-Finding Mission (UNFFM) on Myanmar released a report detailing the diverse Tatmadaw-linked enterprises that funnel revenue from foreign business transactions to the military’s leaders and units.

    More recently, this list of potential targets has been expanded by non-government organisations and investigative journalists.

    Researchers have also outlined the Tatmadaw’s dealings in illegal trade in drugs, gemstones, timber, wildlife and human trafficking.

    The extent of information on the Tatmadaw’s financial flows shows just how vulnerable the military’s leaders are to international pressure.

    Tracking the military’s legal and illegal business dealings makes it possible to identify its business partners in other countries. Governments in those countries can then take legal action against these business partners and shut off the flow of money keeping the junta afloat.

    To some degree, this is starting to happen with Myanmar. The US and UK recently decided, for instance, to freeze assets and halt corporate trading with two Tatmadaw conglomerates — Myanmar Economic Corporation and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited. Both of these oversee a range of holdings in businesses that divert revenues directly to the Tatmadaw.

    Pray for Myanmar protest
    Demonstrators flash the three-finger salute and hold placards during a “Pray for Myanmar” protest against the coup in Yangon. Image: The Conversation/Nyein Chan Naing/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock

    Myanmar’s trading partners can do more
    This is only a starting point, though. To tighten the pressure on the junta, targeted sanctions need to be imposed against the full suite of entities identified by the UNFFM. These include groups like Justice for Myanmar and journalists.

    The sanctions need to be accompanied by broader investigations into the Tatmadaw’s revenues from illicit trade. To counter this, Human Rights Watch has urged governments to enforce anti-money laundering and anti-corruption measures, including the freezing of assets.

    Singapore’s central bank has reportedly told financial institutions to be on the look-out for suspicious transactions or money flows between the city-state and Myanmar. Singapore is the largest foreign investor in the country.

    Moreover, for maximum impact, targeted sanctions need to be imposed not just by the West, but by Myanmar’s largest trading partners in the region. This includes Singapore, along with China, India, Indonesia, Japan and Thailand.

    Business leaders in these countries have historically had the closest ties with Myanmar’s military and business elites. But their participation in a multi-national targeted sanctions strategy is not out of the question. For one, this would not require direct intervention within Myanmar, something they are loath to do. Imposing targeted sanctions would merely entail enforcing their domestic laws regarding appropriate business practices.

    International action is becoming more urgent. Beyond the concerns about the killings of unarmed civilians, there is a larger issue of the violence extending beyond Myanmar’s borders. There are growing fears the crisis could turn Myanmar into a failed state, driving refugee flows capable of destabilising the entire region.

    In short, this is no longer an “internal” matter for Myanmar — it is becoming a transnational problem that will affect regional peace and security. The tools are there to stop the financial flows to the Tatmadaw and curtail their operations. It is critical to act before the Myanmar crisis grows into an international disaster.The Conversation

    Dr Jonathan Liljeblad is a senior lecturer at the Australian National University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Reiner Brabar in Sorong, West Papua

    Scores of activists from the Papua People’s Solidarity Against Racism (SPMR) have held a free speech forum in front of the Elin traffic light intersection in Sorong city, West Papua, province.

    The action was held to oppose racism against indigenous Papuans which is “flourishing and rooted” in the minds of Indonesian people, say the activists. They urged the Indonesian government to immediately investigate cases of racism against indigenous Papuans (OAP).

    “The contempt towards OAP is not something that has only happened recently in Indonesia. It has been happening for a long time but the Indonesian state continues to protect the perpetrators without acting firmly against them,” said action coordinator Apey Tarami following the action on Monday.

    According to Tarami, the racist attitudes shown towards Papuan soccer player Patrik Wanggai is just one more note in a long record of racism in Indonesia which has targeted the Papuan people.

    “The state protects perpetrators of this flourishing racism. This is evidence of continued racism against Papuans this year. Meanwhile there are no clear legal actions taken even though it is reported to the police,” said Tarami.

    Tarami noted other cases which have occurred, such as those against former Human Rights Commission member Natalis Pigai and the recent racist threats against Papuan students in Malang, East Java, by the Malang police chief (Kapolresta) as examples of how the state protects the perpetrators.

    Another activist, Ando Sabarafek, said that each time there was a racist incident against Papuans it was always resolved by an apology through the mass media, but this did not heal the “spiritual injury” suffered by Papuans.

    “The Malang Kapolresta must be sacked. Firm action must be taken against the perpetrators of racism against Patrik Wanggai though social media. An apology can never heal the hearts of Papuan people,” he said.

    The activist from the group Kaki Abu also called on the Indonesian government to immediately give the Papuan people the right to self-determination as a democratic solution.

    “The NKRI [Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia] is a racist state. Papuan independence is the best solution so that the Papuan people will be free to determine their own future,” he said.

    “As long as the Papuan people are under Indonesian [rule], racism against Papuans will continue to flourish and never disappear from the face of the earth and the character of the Indonesian people.”

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Rasisme Terhadap OAP Tumbuh Subur di Indonesia”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Reiner Brabar in Sorong, West Papua

    Scores of activists from the Papua People’s Solidarity Against Racism (SPMR) have held a free speech forum in front of the Elin traffic light intersection in Sorong city, West Papua, province.

    The action was held to oppose racism against indigenous Papuans which is “flourishing and rooted” in the minds of Indonesian people, say the activists. They urged the Indonesian government to immediately investigate cases of racism against indigenous Papuans (OAP).

    “The contempt towards OAP is not something that has only happened recently in Indonesia. It has been happening for a long time but the Indonesian state continues to protect the perpetrators without acting firmly against them,” said action coordinator Apey Tarami following the action on Monday.

    According to Tarami, the racist attitudes shown towards Papuan soccer player Patrik Wanggai is just one more note in a long record of racism in Indonesia which has targeted the Papuan people.

    “The state protects perpetrators of this flourishing racism. This is evidence of continued racism against Papuans this year. Meanwhile there are no clear legal actions taken even though it is reported to the police,” said Tarami.

    Tarami noted other cases which have occurred, such as those against former Human Rights Commission member Natalis Pigai and the recent racist threats against Papuan students in Malang, East Java, by the Malang police chief (Kapolresta) as examples of how the state protects the perpetrators.

    Another activist, Ando Sabarafek, said that each time there was a racist incident against Papuans it was always resolved by an apology through the mass media, but this did not heal the “spiritual injury” suffered by Papuans.

    “The Malang Kapolresta must be sacked. Firm action must be taken against the perpetrators of racism against Patrik Wanggai though social media. An apology can never heal the hearts of Papuan people,” he said.

    The activist from the group Kaki Abu also called on the Indonesian government to immediately give the Papuan people the right to self-determination as a democratic solution.

    “The NKRI [Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia] is a racist state. Papuan independence is the best solution so that the Papuan people will be free to determine their own future,” he said.

    “As long as the Papuan people are under Indonesian [rule], racism against Papuans will continue to flourish and never disappear from the face of the earth and the character of the Indonesian people.”

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Rasisme Terhadap OAP Tumbuh Subur di Indonesia”.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Catherine Mori is the oldest female employee in the Customs and Tax Administration in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM). And she may well be the oldest female employee in the Department of FSM Finance, the jurisdiction under which her institution comes under. Beginning her career as a Revenue Officer III with the Revenue and Tax Division in 1990, Mori has witnessed numerous developments over the years. A major one was the merger of the Revenue and Customs divisions in 1998, her eighth year on the job. No mountain has been too high to scale for Mori, who was promoted to Deputy Assistant Secretary in the field office in Chuuk State, FSM – a position she has held since 2007. This is her story.


    SPECIAL REPORT: By a Pacnews correspondent

    Catherine Mori began her career in the tax domain in 1990.

    She started as an auditor with the Revenue and Tax Division, but she held the position of a Revenue Officer III. And in that capacity alone, she was required to perform various tax-related functions.

    As a Revenue Officer III, Mori had had to assist customers with their tax returns, input tax roll, and also input income tax, and transmit these to the headquarters in Pohnpei.

    She was also tasked to assist customers with their import transactions, and carry out daily bank deposits, amid other duties. In December this year, Mori will have completed 31 years of service with the organisation.

    “I am the oldest female on this job and maybe also in the Department of FSM Finance,” she says.

    The merge
    At the time Catherine Mori joined the Revenue and Tax Division, the institution operated separately from the Customs Division. And in 1998, the two institutions merged to form the Customs and Tax Administration under the Department of FSM Finance. During that transition, employees of both institutions had to undergo cross trainings in areas of tax revenue and customs.

    “That year was a big adjustment for me,” Mori recalls.

    The merge meant that aside from her already-hectic work schedule, she also had to carry out an additional role of a Customs official at the island nation’s port of entries.

    Underpinned by the lack of manpower, Mori had had to leave her office work aside and attend to inspection and clearance duties, involving cargoes at the airport, the dock and or at the post office.

    And to ensure efficiency in productivity, she says she has had to be patient in all areas of her responsibilities.

    The leader
    Seventeen years of service and commitment with the Customs and Tax Administration paid off for Catherine Mori. In 2007, she was promoted to the position of Deputy Assistant Secretary in the administration’s field office in Chuuk State, Micronesia.

    Chuuk State is the most populous of the four States in the FSM – including Pohnpei, Yap and Kosrae – which according to the April census of 2010 had 48,654 inhabitants.

    As the Deputy Assistant Secretary, Mori now plays a more managerial role. She oversees the overall operation of her unit that includes human resources, revenue and customs collection.

    “My duties now include overseeing the work of my employees, making sure the post office, the airport as well as the ship port are attained well and cleared,” she says.

    “I do monthly reports on all areas of both customs and revenue collections, monthly reports on PC Trade and awareness in the field office.”

    She also has to ensure that deposits of collections are maintained and sent to the central office in Pohnpei daily.

    Embracing cultural challenges
    Mori openly declares her love for what she does and her positive approach to the challenges she faces. But she notes the challenge of conscience between the matter of gender in the workplace and her present cultural landscape.

    “I have enjoyed my job all my life, learning to get along with others, learning how to communicate, and experiencing new ideas.

    “But overall, my challenge on the job is being the only woman in the position.

    “In Chuuk, Micronesia, males are mostly the heads in all departments.

    “It was hard for me to speak up, and it was not because I was scared but it is because of our respect for men.”

    And it is because of their culture in Micronesia, especially for Chuuk State, that they are still adjusting to the modern way of life.

    “Nowadays, because people go out of FSM to the United States or Hawai’i, they have come a long way to understand that women do not only have a place at home but they also have a place in departments and offices.

    “Today, I am very happy with my job. I feel free working among many males on the job and getting acquainted with my colleagues.

    “I gain more experience working with the male on the job. It helps me to gain more experience in the work I do.”

    She adds this has also helped her family understand and support her in her work.

    The covid-19 pandemic
    This pandemic has adversely impacted the world in many ways, largely on human lives lost and global economic collapses.

    Again, Catherine Mori capitalises on her natural ability to take a positive approach and look on the bright side.

    Her work schedule has changed significantly, in particular with limited flights and cargo ships.

    “For me, this means I have more time to rest and more time to spend with the family. It has helped me to relax and enjoy life.”

    This article is part of the OCO/Pacnews Pacific Women in Customs series to celebrate the achievements of women customs officers in the Oceania region.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Catherine Mori is the oldest female employee in the Customs and Tax Administration in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM). And she may well be the oldest female employee in the Department of FSM Finance, the jurisdiction under which her institution comes under. Beginning her career as a Revenue Officer III with the Revenue and Tax Division in 1990, Mori has witnessed numerous developments over the years. A major one was the merger of the Revenue and Customs divisions in 1998, her eighth year on the job. No mountain has been too high to scale for Mori, who was promoted to Deputy Assistant Secretary in the field office in Chuuk State, FSM – a position she has held since 2007. This is her story.


    SPECIAL REPORT: By a Pacnews correspondent

    Catherine Mori began her career in the tax domain in 1990.

    She started as an auditor with the Revenue and Tax Division, but she held the position of a Revenue Officer III. And in that capacity alone, she was required to perform various tax-related functions.

    As a Revenue Officer III, Mori had had to assist customers with their tax returns, input tax roll, and also input income tax, and transmit these to the headquarters in Pohnpei.

    She was also tasked to assist customers with their import transactions, and carry out daily bank deposits, amid other duties. In December this year, Mori will have completed 31 years of service with the organisation.

    “I am the oldest female on this job and maybe also in the Department of FSM Finance,” she says.

    The merge
    At the time Catherine Mori joined the Revenue and Tax Division, the institution operated separately from the Customs Division. And in 1998, the two institutions merged to form the Customs and Tax Administration under the Department of FSM Finance. During that transition, employees of both institutions had to undergo cross trainings in areas of tax revenue and customs.

    “That year was a big adjustment for me,” Mori recalls.

    The merge meant that aside from her already-hectic work schedule, she also had to carry out an additional role of a Customs official at the island nation’s port of entries.

    Underpinned by the lack of manpower, Mori had had to leave her office work aside and attend to inspection and clearance duties, involving cargoes at the airport, the dock and or at the post office.

    And to ensure efficiency in productivity, she says she has had to be patient in all areas of her responsibilities.

    The leader
    Seventeen years of service and commitment with the Customs and Tax Administration paid off for Catherine Mori. In 2007, she was promoted to the position of Deputy Assistant Secretary in the administration’s field office in Chuuk State, Micronesia.

    Chuuk State is the most populous of the four States in the FSM – including Pohnpei, Yap and Kosrae – which according to the April census of 2010 had 48,654 inhabitants.

    As the Deputy Assistant Secretary, Mori now plays a more managerial role. She oversees the overall operation of her unit that includes human resources, revenue and customs collection.

    “My duties now include overseeing the work of my employees, making sure the post office, the airport as well as the ship port are attained well and cleared,” she says.

    “I do monthly reports on all areas of both customs and revenue collections, monthly reports on PC Trade and awareness in the field office.”

    She also has to ensure that deposits of collections are maintained and sent to the central office in Pohnpei daily.

    Embracing cultural challenges
    Mori openly declares her love for what she does and her positive approach to the challenges she faces. But she notes the challenge of conscience between the matter of gender in the workplace and her present cultural landscape.

    “I have enjoyed my job all my life, learning to get along with others, learning how to communicate, and experiencing new ideas.

    “But overall, my challenge on the job is being the only woman in the position.

    “In Chuuk, Micronesia, males are mostly the heads in all departments.

    “It was hard for me to speak up, and it was not because I was scared but it is because of our respect for men.”

    And it is because of their culture in Micronesia, especially for Chuuk State, that they are still adjusting to the modern way of life.

    “Nowadays, because people go out of FSM to the United States or Hawai’i, they have come a long way to understand that women do not only have a place at home but they also have a place in departments and offices.

    “Today, I am very happy with my job. I feel free working among many males on the job and getting acquainted with my colleagues.

    “I gain more experience working with the male on the job. It helps me to gain more experience in the work I do.”

    She adds this has also helped her family understand and support her in her work.

    The covid-19 pandemic
    This pandemic has adversely impacted the world in many ways, largely on human lives lost and global economic collapses.

    Again, Catherine Mori capitalises on her natural ability to take a positive approach and look on the bright side.

    Her work schedule has changed significantly, in particular with limited flights and cargo ships.

    “For me, this means I have more time to rest and more time to spend with the family. It has helped me to relax and enjoy life.”

    This article is part of the OCO/Pacnews Pacific Women in Customs series to celebrate the achievements of women customs officers in the Oceania region.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Within minutes, the signatures started coming in, not as a trickle but a surge – from the US and Palestine, but also from England, Ireland, Australia, Argentina, Sweden, Canada, Kenya, Italy and more.

    On 15 March, to mark Women’s History Month, the newly formed Palestinian Feminist Collective (PFC) had just launched its first public action: a pledge and open letter asking US women, feminist organisations, social and racial justice groups, and people of conscience to adopt Palestinian liberation as a critical feminist issue.

    The post How Palestine Is A Critical Feminist Issue appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • By Kristianto Galuwo in Jayapura

    The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) has responded to comments by the President of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, who recently condemned violence by the military junta against pro-democracy protesters in Myanmar.

    The executive director of the ULMWP in Papua, Markus Haluk, said that the Papuan people also strongly condemned the actions of the Myanmar military junta which had seized power by violating the principles of democracy and human rights of the Myanmar people.

    “We condemn the anti-democratic military action of Myanmar, that is the principle of the people of West Papua,” he said.

    “The West Papuans reject the Indonesian and American governments which had been anti-decolonisation by the Dutch government towards the West Papuans since 1963. The West Papuans oppose violence against anyone.”

    Haluk said that while watching President Jokowi’s calls over the situation in Myanmar he had felt upset and angry because the Indonesian government had made the public question its democratic principles.

    The Indonesian government condemned Myanmar’s military but at the same time the government’s actions against Papua were anti-humanitarian and anti-democratic.

    “Honestly, I was angry, emotional, upset, but also I laughed out loud.

    ‘The problem in your backyard’
    “You always talk about democracy, human rights, being a hero for those over there, but what about those in front of your eyes – the problem in your backyard is the problem of Papua,” Haluk said.

    “What did President Jokowi do [to solve Papuan conflict]? Has he finished [the Papuan conflict] with 11 visits? Has he finished [the Papuan conflict) with building the Port Numbay Red Bridge?

    “Is it by holding PON XX [National Sports Week in October 2021 in Papua] and building facilities with a value of trillions of rupiah? Is it by sending TNI/POLRI [Indonesian military and police] troops from outside Papua?” he said.

    Haluk said that all that Jakarta had done would never resolve the political conflict between West Papua and the Indonesian government for the past 58 years – 1963-2021.

    The Indonesian government must think about concrete steps to resolve the crisis.

    “I convey to President Jokowi that now is the time for him to talk about Myanmar and it is indeed time to resolve political conflicts and human rights violations, crimes against humanity that continue to increase in West Papua,” he said.

    Haluk said there were several concrete steps that President Jokowi could take.

    President must honour promises
    The President must fulfil his promise to the chair of the UN Human Rights Council to come to West Papua.

    “That is in accordance with President Jokowi’s promise to the chair of the UN Human Rights Council in February 2018 in Jakarta.”

    He said the president must also fulfil his promise in 2015 that foreign journalists would be  allowed to freely enter Papua. Not only journalists, but also for all international communities to visit Papua.

    “Allow access for international journalists, foreign diplomats, academics, members of the senate and congress as well as the international community to visit West Papua,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Selpius Bobi, an activist for the victims of March 16, 2006, said last week that the Indonesian government had never stopped suppressing the freedom of indigenous Papuans.

    The events that put him in prison 15 years ago were still ongoing. He said it was better for the state to admit its mistakes in West Papua.

    “The Indonesian state must courageously, honestly and openly acknowledge to the public the deadly scenario behind the March 16, 2006 tragedy which it was responsible for and apologise to the victims,” he said.

    Freeport clash and tragedy
    Three policemen and an airman were killed and 24 other people wounded during a clash with Papuan students who had been demanding the closure of PT Freeport’s Grasberg mine.

    Indonesia committed violence against the Papuan people to take away its natural wealth.

    “We declare that PT Freeport Indonesia must be closed and let us negotiate between the United States, Indonesia and West Papua as responsibility and compensation for the West Papuan people who were sacrificed because of the unilateral cooperation agreement related to mining exploitation,” he said.

    He also urged President Jokowi to immediately stop the crimes that were rampant in West Papua.

    “Stop violence, stop military operations, stop sending TNI-POLRI, stop kidnappings and killings, stop stigmatisation and discrimination, stop arbitrary arrest and imprisonment for West Papuan human rights activists, and immediately withdraw non-organic troops from the Land of Papua, revoke the Papua Special Autonomy Law and stop the division of the province in the Land of Papua.”

    This article has been translated by a Pacific Media Watch project contributor.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Kristianto Galuwo in Jayapura

    The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) has responded to comments by the President of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, who recently condemned violence by the military junta against pro-democracy protesters in Myanmar.

    The executive director of the ULMWP in Papua, Markus Haluk, said that the Papuan people also strongly condemned the actions of the Myanmar military junta which had seized power by violating the principles of democracy and human rights of the Myanmar people.

    “We condemn the anti-democratic military action of Myanmar, that is the principle of the people of West Papua,” he said.

    “The West Papuans reject the Indonesian and American governments which had been anti-decolonisation by the Dutch government towards the West Papuans since 1963. The West Papuans oppose violence against anyone.”

    Haluk said that while watching President Jokowi’s calls over the situation in Myanmar he had felt upset and angry because the Indonesian government had made the public question its democratic principles.

    The Indonesian government condemned Myanmar’s military but at the same time the government’s actions against Papua were anti-humanitarian and anti-democratic.

    “Honestly, I was angry, emotional, upset, but also I laughed out loud.

    ‘The problem in your backyard’
    “You always talk about democracy, human rights, being a hero for those over there, but what about those in front of your eyes – the problem in your backyard is the problem of Papua,” Haluk said.

    “What did President Jokowi do [to solve Papuan conflict]? Has he finished [the Papuan conflict] with 11 visits? Has he finished [the Papuan conflict) with building the Port Numbay Red Bridge?

    “Is it by holding PON XX [National Sports Week in October 2021 in Papua] and building facilities with a value of trillions of rupiah? Is it by sending TNI/POLRI [Indonesian military and police] troops from outside Papua?” he said.

    Haluk said that all that Jakarta had done would never resolve the political conflict between West Papua and the Indonesian government for the past 58 years – 1963-2021.

    The Indonesian government must think about concrete steps to resolve the crisis.

    “I convey to President Jokowi that now is the time for him to talk about Myanmar and it is indeed time to resolve political conflicts and human rights violations, crimes against humanity that continue to increase in West Papua,” he said.

    Haluk said there were several concrete steps that President Jokowi could take.

    President must honour promises
    The President must fulfil his promise to the chair of the UN Human Rights Council to come to West Papua.

    “That is in accordance with President Jokowi’s promise to the chair of the UN Human Rights Council in February 2018 in Jakarta.”

    He said the president must also fulfil his promise in 2015 that foreign journalists would be  allowed to freely enter Papua. Not only journalists, but also for all international communities to visit Papua.

    “Allow access for international journalists, foreign diplomats, academics, members of the senate and congress as well as the international community to visit West Papua,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Selpius Bobi, an activist for the victims of March 16, 2006, said last week that the Indonesian government had never stopped suppressing the freedom of indigenous Papuans.

    The events that put him in prison 15 years ago were still ongoing. He said it was better for the state to admit its mistakes in West Papua.

    “The Indonesian state must courageously, honestly and openly acknowledge to the public the deadly scenario behind the March 16, 2006 tragedy which it was responsible for and apologise to the victims,” he said.

    Freeport clash and tragedy
    Three policemen and an airman were killed and 24 other people wounded during a clash with Papuan students who had been demanding the closure of PT Freeport’s Grasberg mine.

    Indonesia committed violence against the Papuan people to take away its natural wealth.

    “We declare that PT Freeport Indonesia must be closed and let us negotiate between the United States, Indonesia and West Papua as responsibility and compensation for the West Papuan people who were sacrificed because of the unilateral cooperation agreement related to mining exploitation,” he said.

    He also urged President Jokowi to immediately stop the crimes that were rampant in West Papua.

    “Stop violence, stop military operations, stop sending TNI-POLRI, stop kidnappings and killings, stop stigmatisation and discrimination, stop arbitrary arrest and imprisonment for West Papuan human rights activists, and immediately withdraw non-organic troops from the Land of Papua, revoke the Papua Special Autonomy Law and stop the division of the province in the Land of Papua.”

    This article has been translated by a Pacific Media Watch project contributor.

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • By Eleisha Foon, RNZ Pacific journalist

    The race is on to reach Pasifika communities in New Zealand to counter the spread of misinformation about the covid-19 vaccine.

    Pacific and Māori communities have the highest risk of dying from covid-19 and that has caused leaders and doctors within this group to work hard to dispel fears and misinformation about what it might mean to get the jab.

    “People can have confidence that the vaccine is effective and safe,” said Auckland University public health professor Dr Collin Tukuitonga, who has 40 years’ experience in medicine.

    The amount of research, testing and studies behind the vaccine was “phenomenal”, he said.

    People with reservations have every right to ask questions – but they can rest assured there is nothing to be worried about, he said.

    “It is highly effective. There is increasing evidence that it reduces transmission to others and protects us all as a nation and community.”

    There have also been very few side effects so far, besides a headache and sore arm and most medication and vaccines have side effects anyway, he said.

    “In Israel, where they have pretty much vaccinated everyone, they have found the vaccine to reduce hospitalisation and infection.”

    Widespread vaccination against covid-19 was an important tool in efforts to control the pandemic.

    What to know about covid-19 Pfizer vaccine

    • New Zealand has secured 10 million doses of the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine – enough for 5 million people to get two doses.
    • The vaccine is for people over 16 years because it is yet to be tested on a younger age group.
    • Like all medicines, the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine may cause side effects like a headache and/or sore arm in some people. These are common, are usually mild and don’t last long.
    • Nine out of 10 people will be protected.
    • There has been at least 250m doses given around the world.
    • New Zealand’s Medicines and Medical Devices Safety Authority, Medsafe is closely monitoring the safety of the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine.
    • Impacts of the vaccine are monitored and reported to the World Health Organization (WHO).
    Dr Collin Tukuitonga
    Dr Collin Tukuitonga … “People can have confidence that the vaccine is effective and safe.” Image: SPC

    Cultural nuances when communicating to Island communities

    The Pacific peoples’ ethnic group is the fourth largest major ethnic group in New Zealand, behind European, Māori and Asian ethnic groups.

    The Ministry of Health has been on a mission to communicate helpful information to people about the vaccination.

    Anyone calling the Covid Healthline can speak with someone in their own language, with access to interpreters for more than 150 languages, including te reo Māori and the nine main Pacific languages.

    Māori and Pacific providers hold trusted relationships with the whānau they serve and play a crucial role to maximize uptake and achieve equity, a Ministry of Health spokesperson said.

    Dr Tukuitonga praised Associate Minister of Health ‘Aupito William Sio for organising meetings with Pacific leaders and groups about the vaccine – which sometimes included up to 500 people over Zoom.

    A Ministry of Health spokesperson said it planned to support district health boards to engage with people who may be hesitant about getting a vaccine dose.

    Otara Health chairperson Efeso Collins.
    Manukau councillor Fa’anānā Efeso Collins … a conversation approach is needed to connect with Māori and Pacific communities. Image: Jessie Chiang/RNZ

    But Manukau councillor Fa’anānā Efeso Collins was “not convinced” that the Ministry of Health had been taking the “right approach” to connect with Māori and Pacific communities – although small improvements were only just being made.

    “Those of us who were raised in the islands have an oral tradition. The Ministry of Health need to understand that just sending out information on a sheet of A4 or link on a website isn’t the way you engage with these communities.”

    He wanted “trusted community champions” to be sent into communities to have a korero and discussion around the table.

    Change could only truly happen in family homes, he said, where they can air any fears around the vaccine and address certain distrust when it comes to public institutions.

    “If we don’t take a conversation approach then we will always allow misinformation to win the battle and that’s where I believe the Ministry of Health have fallen over, because we haven’t trusted local organisations to go into the community and talk to the families,” Fa’anānā said.

    Church influence and community champions
    About 70 percent of Pacific Islanders attend church regularly, so leaders of these congregations are being reminded of the influential role they play as a vaccine messenger.

    Fa’anānā planned to help those on the fence about the vaccine in his South Auckland electorate.

    He encouraged the importance of “a conversation after church … with a coffee and a muffin to talk through distrust to make a difference”.

    Social workers and community groups who already have trusted connections with whānau would also be valuable in helping vulnerable people who had digested misinformation.

    There were still small groups across the country who did not believe in vaccines and their views had led to the spread of misinformation and wild allegations, founded on rumours and falsehoods.

    “The Tamakis of this world are a nuisance,” Dr Tukuitonga said, but believed overall that most Pacific peoples would choose the vaccine.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    Indonesian police have broken up a protest action against the extension of Special Autonomy (Otsus) in Papua that took place on Jalan Imam Barjo in the Central Java provincial capital of Semarang – and they blamed covid health protocols.

    Before being broken up, the protesters from the Papuan People’s Petition (PRP) were repeatedly warned by police not to continue the action on the grounds that the crowds of protesters were violating health protocols during the covid-19 pandemic, reports CNN Indonesia.

    “We ask that you obey the law and comply with the rules. Please disperse voluntarily because there is still a pandemic and we must be disciplined about health protocols, don’t gather and create crowds,” Semarang metropolitan district deputy police chief Assistant Superintendent Iga Nugraha told the protesters at the demonstration on Friday.

    “One again, please understand.”

    Despite being asked to negotiate, police continued to ask the demonstrators to disperse immediately.

    Earlier, the protesters had tied themselves together in a barricade using ropes to prevent police from breaking up the action.

    Because the demonstrators insisted on going ahead with the action, police finally took action and tried to disperse them. A clash was unavoidable and the protesters fought back resulting in police arresting several people who were alleged to be the provocateurs.

    The action rejecting the extension of Special Autonomy for Papua was held as a reaction to protests by sections of Papuan society which are part of the PRP who feel that they have not gained any benefits from the Special Autonomy status which has had no impact on the Papuan people’s welfare.

    Translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Pandemi, Polisi Bubarkan Aksi Tolak Otsus Papua di Semarang”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    Indonesian police have broken up a protest action against the extension of Special Autonomy (Otsus) in Papua that took place on Jalan Imam Barjo in the Central Java provincial capital of Semarang – and they blamed covid health protocols.

    Before being broken up, the protesters from the Papuan People’s Petition (PRP) were repeatedly warned by police not to continue the action on the grounds that the crowds of protesters were violating health protocols during the covid-19 pandemic, reports CNN Indonesia.

    “We ask that you obey the law and comply with the rules. Please disperse voluntarily because there is still a pandemic and we must be disciplined about health protocols, don’t gather and create crowds,” Semarang metropolitan district deputy police chief Assistant Superintendent Iga Nugraha told the protesters at the demonstration on Friday.

    “One again, please understand.”

    Despite being asked to negotiate, police continued to ask the demonstrators to disperse immediately.

    Earlier, the protesters had tied themselves together in a barricade using ropes to prevent police from breaking up the action.

    Because the demonstrators insisted on going ahead with the action, police finally took action and tried to disperse them. A clash was unavoidable and the protesters fought back resulting in police arresting several people who were alleged to be the provocateurs.

    The action rejecting the extension of Special Autonomy for Papua was held as a reaction to protests by sections of Papuan society which are part of the PRP who feel that they have not gained any benefits from the Special Autonomy status which has had no impact on the Papuan people’s welfare.

    Translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Pandemi, Polisi Bubarkan Aksi Tolak Otsus Papua di Semarang”.

    .pf-button.pf-button-excerpt { display: none; }

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    The indigenous people of West Papua have rejected the extension of special autonomy and the planned expansion of new provinces announced by the central government of Indonesia.

    The rejection comes from grassroots communities across West Papua and Papuan students who are studying in Indonesia and overseas.

    Responding to the expansion of a new province, Mimika students demonstrated in front of the Ministry of Home Affairs, Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara, central Jakarta, this week.

    Representing Mimika students throughout Indonesia and abroad, about 30 students who are currently studying in Jakarta, took part in the protest on Monday.

    A statement received by Asia Pacific Report said that the Mimika regency students throughout Papua, Indonesia, and globally rejected the division of the Central Papua province and return the provincial division to the MRP and DPRP of Papua Province, and return the customary institutions (LEMASA & LEMASKO) to the tribal and Kamoro indigenous communities in Mimika regency.

    DPRP stands for Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Papua (Papua People’s Representative Council) and MRP stands for Majelis Rakyat Papua (Papuan People’s Assembly). LEMASA stands for Lembaga Masyarakat Adat Suku Amungme (Indigenous Community Institution of Amungme Tribe). LEMASKO stands for Lemabaga Masyarakat Suku Komoro (Indigenous Community Institution of Komoro Tribe).

    Jony Jangkup, general coordinator of students from Mimika regency said that they had previously taken action in Timika, but this was never followed up by the regional government, therefore they approached the Ministry of Home Affairs office.

    ‘Two major tribes’
    “In Mimika, there are two major tribes, namely the Amungme and the Kamoro. However, in this area there is PT Freeport, which limits the movement of indigenous people of Papua.

    “Apart from that, there were frequent repressive actions there. The Ministry of Home Affairs must communicate with the regent to encourage an open deliberation of the two institutions to regulate their customary territories and lands,” said Jangkup.

    “We ask that the division of Central Papua Province not be carried out unilaterally between the central government and the regents of the Mapago customary area. We fully support the decision of the MRP and the Papuan provincial government,” said the statement.

    The statement also said that if the central government in Jakarta did not follow up on their demands, the students would mobilise the masses in the region and occupy the centre of the government offices in Mimika and the head office of PT Freeport which is based in Mimika.

    “We reject the declaration of the expansion of the Central Papua province, which was carried out by the regents and DPRD (Regency People’s Representative Council), LMA (Jakarta-backed indigenous people’s institutions) and stakeholders unilaterally on Thursday, February 4, 2021 in Mimika,” said the statement.

    Creating new provinces
    Previously, Tirto.id reported that the central government wanted to create three new provinces in Papua to bring the total to five. This expansion plan has actually been public for a long time.

    Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs Mahfud MD refirrmed this plan after a meeting with the Chairman of the MPR (People’s Consultative Assembly) Bambang Soesatyo, Minister of Home Affairs Tito Karnavian, and representatives of the TNI-Polri at the MPR / DPR Building, Jakarta, on 11 September 2020.

    Mahfud said this expansion was an order of Law Number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province.

    “The affirmation of Article 76 concerning the division of Papua, which is planned to be divided into five, plus three from the current one,” he said.

    Article 76 of the Special Autonomy Law states, ” The expansion of the Papua Province into provinces shall be carried out with the approval of the MRP and the DPRP giving close attention to the social-cultural unity, the readiness of the human resources, and the economic ability and development in the future.”

    However, the Chairman of Papuan People’s Assembly, Timotius Murib, said the conditions in Article 76 would not be fulfilled because the plan to expand the province in Papua had been rejected.

    Murib said President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo had never met them even though he had visited Papua several times.

    Development ‘too top-down’
    He said that development in Papua was too ‘top-down’. The President had not heard the aspirations of the indigenous people, in many ways, including the issue over this division.

    The government had failed to develop Papua because activities were not controlled by the community or indigenous Papuans.

    “It is also this ‘top-down’ development model that ultimately creates distrust from the Papuan people and makes the perception that Indonesia is gripping Papua even stronger,” he said.

    He also criticised Papuans for being pro-pemekaran (expansion). He called them “a group that is indirectly committing genocide or eradicating indigenous Papuans in the Land of Papua.”

    Meanwhile, Suara Papua reported that the Central Highlands of Papua Indonesia Student Alliance (AMPTPI) had issued a motion of no confidence to the chairman of the Papua DPR (Papua People’s Representative Council).

    The motion was over the fact that the institution was not pro-Papuan.

    AMPTPI secretary-general Ambrosius Mulait said his party gave the motion of no-confidence to the Chairman of the Papua DPRP, which ignores and contradicts the aspirations of the Papuan people.

    Mimika students 2
    Papuan students demonstrating in central Jakarta on Monday. Image: APR special

    Discriminatory policies
    “The Papuan people have a “Memoria Passionist” because of Jakarta’s policies which are discriminatory and racist against Papuans. If the legislature is not true, this is the impression that will give the people,” he said.

    “The good thing is that the chairperson of the Papua DPRP resigns respectfully, so as not to have a bad impact on the fate of the Papuan people in the future.”

    He said that the provincial government and the chairperson of the DPRP, as branches of the central government, should not ignore the aspirations of the Papuan people.

    The regional government should have acted as a bridge in following up the aspirations of the Papuan people related to the rejection of the extension of Special Autonomy and the expansion of New Autonomous Region in Papua, he said.

    Mulait said that efforts to solve problems in Papua in a holistic manner but out of sync with the legislative conditions would give a bad impression to the Papuan people.

    “The DPRP must accommodate the aspirations of the people, not the aspirations of certain groups that appear to be detrimental to the people. The destruction within the Papuan DPRP member fraction is a manifestation of the inability of the legislature to carry out the oversight and control function over government policies,” said Mulait.

    He said that the two camps in the Papua Legislative Internal Affairs gave a bad impression about the history of the Papuan Parliament.

    The chairman of the Papua DPRP is able to summarise all factions because since he was appointed as a member of the Papua DPRP, no new breakthroughs have been made. The impact of the two camps in the DPRP Papua has had a bad political effect on Papuans.

    This report has been compiled by a special West Papuan correspondent drawing on Papuan media reports.

    Mimika students 3
    Papuan students demonstrating in central Jakarta on Monday. Image: APR special

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    The indigenous people of West Papua have rejected the extension of special autonomy and the planned expansion of new provinces announced by the central government of Indonesia.

    The rejection comes from grassroots communities across West Papua and Papuan students who are studying in Indonesia and overseas.

    Responding to the expansion of a new province, Mimika students demonstrated in front of the Ministry of Home Affairs, Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara, central Jakarta, this week.

    Representing Mimika students throughout Indonesia and abroad, about 30 students who are currently studying in Jakarta, took part in the protest on Monday.

    A statement received by Asia Pacific Report said that the Mimika regency students throughout Papua, Indonesia, and globally rejected the division of the Central Papua province and return the provincial division to the MRP and DPRP of Papua Province, and return the customary institutions (LEMASA & LEMASKO) to the tribal and Kamoro indigenous communities in Mimika regency.

    DPRP stands for Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Papua (Papua People’s Representative Council) and MRP stands for Majelis Rakyat Papua (Papuan People’s Assembly). LEMASA stands for Lembaga Masyarakat Adat Suku Amungme (Indigenous Community Institution of Amungme Tribe). LEMASKO stands for Lemabaga Masyarakat Suku Komoro (Indigenous Community Institution of Komoro Tribe).

    Jony Jangkup, general coordinator of students from Mimika regency said that they had previously taken action in Timika, but this was never followed up by the regional government, therefore they approached the Ministry of Home Affairs office.

    ‘Two major tribes’
    “In Mimika, there are two major tribes, namely the Amungme and the Kamoro. However, in this area there is PT Freeport, which limits the movement of indigenous people of Papua.

    “Apart from that, there were frequent repressive actions there. The Ministry of Home Affairs must communicate with the regent to encourage an open deliberation of the two institutions to regulate their customary territories and lands,” said Jangkup.

    “We ask that the division of Central Papua Province not be carried out unilaterally between the central government and the regents of the Mapago customary area. We fully support the decision of the MRP and the Papuan provincial government,” said the statement.

    The statement also said that if the central government in Jakarta did not follow up on their demands, the students would mobilise the masses in the region and occupy the centre of the government offices in Mimika and the head office of PT Freeport which is based in Mimika.

    “We reject the declaration of the expansion of the Central Papua province, which was carried out by the regents and DPRD (Regency People’s Representative Council), LMA (Jakarta-backed indigenous people’s institutions) and stakeholders unilaterally on Thursday, February 4, 2021 in Mimika,” said the statement.

    Creating new provinces
    Previously, Tirto.id reported that the central government wanted to create three new provinces in Papua to bring the total to five. This expansion plan has actually been public for a long time.

    Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs Mahfud MD refirrmed this plan after a meeting with the Chairman of the MPR (People’s Consultative Assembly) Bambang Soesatyo, Minister of Home Affairs Tito Karnavian, and representatives of the TNI-Polri at the MPR / DPR Building, Jakarta, on 11 September 2020.

    Mahfud said this expansion was an order of Law Number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province.

    “The affirmation of Article 76 concerning the division of Papua, which is planned to be divided into five, plus three from the current one,” he said.

    Article 76 of the Special Autonomy Law states, ” The expansion of the Papua Province into provinces shall be carried out with the approval of the MRP and the DPRP giving close attention to the social-cultural unity, the readiness of the human resources, and the economic ability and development in the future.”

    However, the Chairman of Papuan People’s Assembly, Timotius Murib, said the conditions in Article 76 would not be fulfilled because the plan to expand the province in Papua had been rejected.

    Murib said President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo had never met them even though he had visited Papua several times.

    Development ‘too top-down’
    He said that development in Papua was too ‘top-down’. The President had not heard the aspirations of the indigenous people, in many ways, including the issue over this division.

    The government had failed to develop Papua because activities were not controlled by the community or indigenous Papuans.

    “It is also this ‘top-down’ development model that ultimately creates distrust from the Papuan people and makes the perception that Indonesia is gripping Papua even stronger,” he said.

    He also criticised Papuans for being pro-pemekaran (expansion). He called them “a group that is indirectly committing genocide or eradicating indigenous Papuans in the Land of Papua.”

    Meanwhile, Suara Papua reported that the Central Highlands of Papua Indonesia Student Alliance (AMPTPI) had issued a motion of no confidence to the chairman of the Papua DPR (Papua People’s Representative Council).

    The motion was over the fact that the institution was not pro-Papuan.

    AMPTPI secretary-general Ambrosius Mulait said his party gave the motion of no-confidence to the Chairman of the Papua DPRP, which ignores and contradicts the aspirations of the Papuan people.

    Papuan students demonstrating in central Jakarta on Monday. Image: APR special

    Discriminatory policies
    “The Papuan people have a “Memoria Passionist” because of Jakarta’s policies which are discriminatory and racist against Papuans. If the legislature is not true, this is the impression that will give the people,” he said.

    “The good thing is that the chairperson of the Papua DPRP resigns respectfully, so as not to have a bad impact on the fate of the Papuan people in the future.”

    He said that the provincial government and the chairperson of the DPRP, as branches of the central government, should not ignore the aspirations of the Papuan people.

    The regional government should have acted as a bridge in following up the aspirations of the Papuan people related to the rejection of the extension of Special Autonomy and the expansion of New Autonomous Region in Papua, he said.

    Mulait said that efforts to solve problems in Papua in a holistic manner but out of sync with the legislative conditions would give a bad impression to the Papuan people.

    “The DPRP must accommodate the aspirations of the people, not the aspirations of certain groups that appear to be detrimental to the people. The destruction within the Papuan DPRP member fraction is a manifestation of the inability of the legislature to carry out the oversight and control function over government policies,” said Mulait.

    He said that the two camps in the Papua Legislative Internal Affairs gave a bad impression about the history of the Papuan Parliament.

    The chairman of the Papua DPRP is able to summarise all factions because since he was appointed as a member of the Papua DPRP, no new breakthroughs have been made. The impact of the two camps in the DPRP Papua has had a bad political effect on Papuans.

    This report has been compiled by a special West Papuan correspondent drawing on Papuan media reports.

    Mimika students 3Papuan students demonstrating in central Jakarta on Monday. Image: APR special

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • By a special Asia Pacific Report correspondent

    Intan Jaya has started Lent with bitter sorrow after losing three young Papuan men alleged to have been shot and brutally tortured to death by the Indonesian military in a local health centre.

    Sources said that the armed conflict has caused more than 1000 indigenous West Papuans in Intan Jaya evacuate to the church complex of the Catholic Church of Santo Mikael Bilogai.

    Suara Papua reports that the TNI (Indonesia National Army) beat and tortured three youths to death at the Bilogai Health Center, Intan Jaya.

    Last Monday morning (February 15), there was a shooting by the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army) in Intan Jaya in which a TNI soldier was killed.

    The TNI conducted sweeps around the village of Mamba and a young man, civilian Janius Bagau, was shot in the left arm.

    At noon, Bagau was evacuated to the Puskesmas (health centre) in a car belonging to the regent from the crime scene in Amaesiga, reports said.

    Two other young men, Justinus Bagau and Soni Bagau, from the victim’s family were in the car to look after the victim at the Puskesmas while he received medical treatment.

    Tortured, beaten to death
    At the health centre, the TNI came during the night and interrogated the three men while torturing and beating them to death, the reports said.

    “Janius is the victim who was previously shot from Amaesiga. The two people [Soni and Justinus] were healthy. They were at the Puskesmas to look after Janius. But they were examined and interrogated, then beaten until all three died at the Puskesmas last night,” said a source who did not want to be named.

    They were beaten to death at the Bilogai Health Centre in Yokatapa, Sugapa.

    “Soni Bagau and Justinus Bagau, both of them joined the Regent’s car, which brought Janius Bagau from Amaesiga to the Bilogai Health Center so that the victim would receive treatment,” the source explained.

    The three victims were reportedly buried in Tambabuga, Bilogai Village. The location of these three burials is not far from the official residence of the Intan Jaya regent.

    There is widespread opposition to the central government plan for extending the special autonomy status over two Indonesian-ruled Melanesian provinces, Papua and West Papua provinces (collectively known as West Papua).

    Meanwhile, the fate of 45,000 refugees from Nduga still remains unclear.

    A source said there had been a further displacement of about 1000 people in Intan Jaya from the districts heavily occupied by police and military forces.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The three youths killed by the TNI military at Bilogai Health Centre, Sugapa, on February 15 – Janius Bagau (1), Justinus Bagau (2) and Soni Bagau (3). Image: Suara Papua

    By a special Asia Pacific Report correspondent

    Intan Jaya has started Lent with bitter sorrow after losing three young Papuan men alleged to have been shot and brutally tortured to death by the Indonesian military in a local health centre.

    Sources said that the armed conflict has caused more than 1000 indigenous West Papuans in Intan Jaya evacuate to the church complex of the Catholic Church of Santo Mikael Bilogai.

    Suara Papua reports that the TNI (Indonesia National Army) beat and tortured three youths to death at the Bilogai Health Center, Intan Jaya.

    Last Monday morning (February 15), there was a shooting by the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army) in Intan Jaya in which a TNI soldier was killed.

    The TNI conducted sweeps around the village of Mamba and a young man, civilian Janius Bagau, was shot in the left arm.

    At noon, Bagau was evacuated to the Puskesmas (health centre) in a car belonging to the regent from the crime scene in Amaesiga, reports said.

    Two other young men, Justinus Bagau and Soni Bagau, from the victim’s family were in the car to look after the victim at the Puskesmas while he received medical treatment.

    Tortured, beaten to death
    At the health centre, the TNI came during the night and interrogated the three men while torturing and beating them to death, the reports said.

    “Janius is the victim who was previously shot from Amaesiga. The two people [Soni and Justinus] were healthy. They were at the Puskesmas to look after Janius. But they were examined and interrogated, then beaten until all three died at the Puskesmas last night,” said a source who did not want to be named.

    They were beaten to death at the Bilogai Health Centre in Yokatapa, Sugapa.

    “Soni Bagau and Justinus Bagau, both of them joined the Regent’s car, which brought Janius Bagau from Amaesiga to the Bilogai Health Center so that the victim would receive treatment,” the source explained.

    The three victims were reportedly buried in Tambabuga, Bilogai Village. The location of these three burials is not far from the official residence of the Intan Jaya regent.

    There is widespread opposition to the central government plan for extending the special autonomy status over two Indonesian-ruled Melanesian provinces, Papua and West Papua provinces (collectively known as West Papua).

    Meanwhile, the fate of 45,000 refugees from Nduga still remains unclear.

    A source said there had been a further displacement of about 1000 people in Intan Jaya from the districts heavily occupied by police and military forces.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • In August 2020, following the Belarusian presidential election, opposition protests began in the Eastern European country. The protesters, backed by imperialist forces abroad, called for the resignation of Alexander Lukashenko. In response, pro-government demonstrations were also held in defense of Lukashenko.

    Since then, political tensions have remained high in Belarus, where the threat of a new color revolution looms. I recently spoke with Nadezhda Sablina, a Belarusian columnist for the Minskaya Pravda, a local paper in the country. Nadezhda provides an anti-imperialist overview for what is taking place.

    The post The Fight For Belarus appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    Scores of students from the Papuan Student Association (IMP) in Medan, North Sumatra, have held a protest action this week in front of the North Sumatra University (USU) Rectorate Bureau Building protesting against alleged racism by a professor, reports CNN Indonesia.

    During the action on Tuesday, the students demanded that the professorship of USU’s Yusuf Leonard Henuk be revoked, that he be expelled from the USU because he has tarnished the university’s good name, and that police investigate the case.

    “We’re asking that Henuk be removed from his position as a USU professor. We also ask that he be prosecuted,” said action coordinator Yance Emany at the demonstration.

    “On Twitter he likened Papuans to monkeys and said that Papuans were stupid. These kinds of cases cannot be allowed to be protected at USU or in Indonesia.”

    Emany also threatened to hold protest actions with even more people if the USU authorities failed to follow up on their demands.

    “End racism against Papuans. If there is no response we will come back with even more people. We ask for the Bapak [Mr] USU rector’s cooperation.

    “We as Papuan students oppose racism. We ask that there no longer be any racism against the Papuan people,” he said.

    Pledge to study student demands
    USU rector Muryanto Amin took the opportunity to pledge that he would first study the student’s demands. He said they would gather evidence and summon Henuk – who currently works at the USU agricultural faculty – and ask for clarification.

    “Later we will study the Papuan students’ demands and whether or not the person concerned committed an ethical violation. The person concerned is a lecturer at USU. Later we will summon him to then determine what steps will be undertaken,” he said.

    Last month on January 2, Henuk posted a tweet on his Twitter account @ProfYLH about former National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) commissioner Natalius Pigai which smacked of racism.

    Henuk uploaded a photograph of Pigai alongside a monkey looking at a mirror. The photograph was accompanied with the caption “Indeed, does Pigai have any capacity in this country”.

    In another posting he tweeted: IT’S BEEN PROVEN THAT PAPUANS ARE INDEED STUPID, THE PROBLEM IS PAPUANS WHO ARE CONSIDERED SMART SUCH AS @NataliusPigai2 CAN BE DECEIVED BY THE DEVIL @VeronicaKoman. ALL PAPUAN ARE CONTROLLED BY THE DEVIL/DAEMONS SO THEY DAMAGE THE ENTIRE CHRISTIAN FAITH. WHERE IS THE ROLE OF THE PAPUAN CHURCH?”.

    When sought separately for confirmation, Henuk denied that his posting was a form of racism.

    For Henuk, it was a “satirical allusion” about Pigai who he believed was arrogant.

    ‘A satirical allusion’
    Henuk said the public should focus on the mirror in the posting, not the photograph of the monkey placed alongside Pigai’s picture.

    “It was a satirical allusion, an allusion that he should self-reflect. Why’s he [Pigai] so arrogant. I don’t agree with the way he hit out at Hendropriyono”, said Henuk when sought for confirmation by CNN Indonesia.

    “In relation to my posting, that’s what’s called an illustration [the photograph of the monkey], a reflection that he should reflect, self-introspection. So I say if you don’t want to be attacked then don’t attack other people,” he added.

    With regard to saying that Papuans are stupid, Henuk said the statement was directed at Papuans who supported pro-independence leader Benny Wanda and exiled Papuan human rights activist and lawyer Veronica Koman.

    “It was just a satirical allusion, right. In saying stupid I meant Papuans who still support Koman and Wenda. Meaning they’re stupid. This country is already independent, but many Papuans still believe in Wenda and Koman,” he claimed.

    “Many of my friends are church people, why doesn’t the church function to make Papuan people aware. Come on lets enjoy the independence that God has given us.

    “I’m a person from eastern Indonesia, I’m envious of Papua, because Jokowi [President Joko Widodo] has built really good roads in Papua, but what have we got in East Nusa Tenggara?,” he claimed.

    IndoLeft News notes:
    Former State Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief retired general Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono recently called for the forced removal of some two million indigenous Papuans to the island of Manado in an apparent response to last year’s December 1 declaration by the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) of a West Papuan provisional government headed by ULMWP Chairperson Benny Wenda.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Mahasiswa Papua Tuntut USU Copot Gelar Profesor Yusuf Henuk”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    Scores of students from the Papuan Student Association (IMP) in Medan, North Sumatra, have held a protest action this week in front of the North Sumatra University (USU) Rectorate Bureau Building protesting against alleged racism by a professor, reports CNN Indonesia.

    During the action on Tuesday, the students demanded that the professorship of USU’s Yusuf Leonard Henuk be revoked, that he be expelled from the USU because he has tarnished the university’s good name, and that police investigate the case.

    “We’re asking that Henuk be removed from his position as a USU professor. We also ask that he be prosecuted,” said action coordinator Yance Emany at the demonstration.

    “On Twitter he likened Papuans to monkeys and said that Papuans were stupid. These kinds of cases cannot be allowed to be protected at USU or in Indonesia.”

    Emany also threatened to hold protest actions with even more people if the USU authorities failed to follow up on their demands.

    “End racism against Papuans. If there is no response we will come back with even more people. We ask for the Bapak [Mr] USU rector’s cooperation.

    “We as Papuan students oppose racism. We ask that there no longer be any racism against the Papuan people,” he said.

    Pledge to study student demands
    USU rector Muryanto Amin took the opportunity to pledge that he would first study the student’s demands. He said they would gather evidence and summon Henuk – who currently works at the USU agricultural faculty – and ask for clarification.

    “Later we will study the Papuan students’ demands and whether or not the person concerned committed an ethical violation. The person concerned is a lecturer at USU. Later we will summon him to then determine what steps will be undertaken,” he said.

    Last month on January 2, Henuk posted a tweet on his Twitter account @ProfYLH about former National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) commissioner Natalius Pigai which smacked of racism.

    Henuk uploaded a photograph of Pigai alongside a monkey looking at a mirror. The photograph was accompanied with the caption “Indeed, does Pigai have any capacity in this country”.

    In another posting he tweeted: IT’S BEEN PROVEN THAT PAPUANS ARE INDEED STUPID, THE PROBLEM IS PAPUANS WHO ARE CONSIDERED SMART SUCH AS @NataliusPigai2 CAN BE DECEIVED BY THE DEVIL @VeronicaKoman. ALL PAPUAN ARE CONTROLLED BY THE DEVIL/DAEMONS SO THEY DAMAGE THE ENTIRE CHRISTIAN FAITH. WHERE IS THE ROLE OF THE PAPUAN CHURCH?”.

    When sought separately for confirmation, Henuk denied that his posting was a form of racism.

    For Henuk, it was a “satirical allusion” about Pigai who he believed was arrogant.

    ‘A satirical allusion’
    Henuk said the public should focus on the mirror in the posting, not the photograph of the monkey placed alongside Pigai’s picture.

    “It was a satirical allusion, an allusion that he should self-reflect. Why’s he [Pigai] so arrogant. I don’t agree with the way he hit out at Hendropriyono”, said Henuk when sought for confirmation by CNN Indonesia.

    “In relation to my posting, that’s what’s called an illustration [the photograph of the monkey], a reflection that he should reflect, self-introspection. So I say if you don’t want to be attacked then don’t attack other people,” he added.

    With regard to saying that Papuans are stupid, Henuk said the statement was directed at Papuans who supported pro-independence leader Benny Wanda and exiled Papuan human rights activist and lawyer Veronica Koman.

    “It was just a satirical allusion, right. In saying stupid I meant Papuans who still support Koman and Wenda. Meaning they’re stupid. This country is already independent, but many Papuans still believe in Wenda and Koman,” he claimed.

    “Many of my friends are church people, why doesn’t the church function to make Papuan people aware. Come on lets enjoy the independence that God has given us.

    “I’m a person from eastern Indonesia, I’m envious of Papua, because Jokowi [President Joko Widodo] has built really good roads in Papua, but what have we got in East Nusa Tenggara?,” he claimed.

    IndoLeft News notes:
    Former State Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief retired general Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono recently called for the forced removal of some two million indigenous Papuans to the island of Manado in an apparent response to last year’s December 1 declaration by the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) of a West Papuan provisional government headed by ULMWP Chairperson Benny Wenda.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Mahasiswa Papua Tuntut USU Copot Gelar Profesor Yusuf Henuk”.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: Koro Vaka’uta, an RNZ Pacific journalist, reports on a Māori-Pasifika culture shift in Aotearoa New Zealand as the country today marks 181 years since the signing of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi between indigenous Māori and the British crown colonisers.


    A brown, bicultural generation is changing the face of New Zealand.

    That’s according to the Minister for Pacific Peoples, ‘Aupito Sua William Sio, who has previously told RNZ Pacific that as many as two thirds of New Zealand born-Pasifika now had Māori whakapapa as well.

    He says that although the Māori-Pasifika dynamic is not a new phenomenon, there is definitely a more apparent and visible presence now.

    “You go back to the 1960s and 70s when New Zealanders invited the Pacific workforce to fill the booming manufacturing industry, the freezing works and the forestry and you trace where the people were in South Auckland, in the Waikato regions in Tokoroa, Rotorua and up north, and you will find people who descend from relationships during that workplace,” he says.

    “Now that our communities have migrated to the regions, they are settled, they’ve got jobs and are really putting their roots in the ground. I’m seeing that more and more.

    “And I’m trying to describe it as the Generation Six Bs – people who are brown, obviously, but they’re brainy, they’re beautiful and bicultural. They’re bilingual, and they’re bold.”

    Minister for Pacific Peoples, Aupito William Sio
    Minister for Pacific Peoples ‘Aupito William Sio … “I will have ongoing conversations with my Māori caucus colleagues.” Image: Koro Vaka’uta/RNZ

    “They’re brainy, they’re beautiful and bicultural. They’re bilingual, and they’re bold.” – ‘Aupito William Sio

    So how does this shape the minister’s approach to what the government does?

    Collaborating at grassroots level
    Since 2018,  ‘Aupito has wanted to formalise the so-called “tuakana-teina” relationship between Māori and Pacific people in an effort to collaborate more at grassroots level.

    “I will have ongoing conversations with my Māori caucus colleagues, I think in the last three years in regional New Zealand, we were recognising this and so were my Māori ministers, and so interestingly enough when I said to the Minister of Provincial Growth Fund at the time, I was saying ‘are you seeing what I’m seeing with this diversity of young Pasifika who whakapapa to Māori?’

    “He said, ‘yes I am starting to see these long names on the land register’, and even the Minister of Youth Affairs at the time was also acknowledging that he was capturing that diversity.”

    ‘Aupito said these conversations would continue to see how best Māori and Pasifika could work together.

    However, he conceded data could often be unreliable when it came to Pasifika and Māori people, as those collecting the information often lumped them together.

    Lourdes Vano is one person who refuses to be put into a single box.

    Of Cook Island, Samoan and Ngāti Kahungunu ki Wairoa stock, the university student and aspiring politician was on a journey of learning about all three cultures.

    ‘Learning my ancestry’
    “It’s just learning all the different words, and also learning my ancestry, learning about my tupuna, and how they all fit together and where they all come from and what our family tree history is.”

    Greens' Lourdes Vano
    Lourdes Vano stood for the Green Party in the last election. Image: Jogai Bhatt/RNZ

    Vano’s efforts were not just for her.

    “I’m also doing this so that my siblings don’t have to make too much of a trip to find out about themselves, which is a really, really important sort of taonga, a gift that I want to pass on to them.

    “I’ve always felt strongest when I know when I learn more about myself and I learn more about my tupuna and where I’ve come from, and I want to be able to give them that feeling as well.”

    Vano says she doesn’t want her whānau to face as many barriers as she had.

    “A lot of those barriers include what has happened in the process of colonisation where things have been cut off from us or gatekept from us where we have to pay money or we have to jump through a couple of loops to get to our own history.”

    For Vano, straddling multiple cultures can be challenging.

    ‘Including my islands’
    I have found myself in the past leaning into different parts of myself, depending on my environment, depending on where I am. But recently I’ve been trying to notice when I’m doing that. One of the ways that I’m trying to break out of that is including my islands in my pepeha and never refusing any part of myself.”

    She points to Green MP Teanau Tuiono as inspiration. From Ngāpuhi and Atiu in the Cook Islands, he talked about his whakapapa during his maiden speech to Parliament in December.

    Green MP Teanau Tuiono
    Green MP Teanau Tuiono … talked about his whakapapa during his maiden speech to Parliament. Image: RNZ

    People had asked if he was half Māori and half Pasifika.

    “Nah, bro. If anything, I’m whole,” Tuiono said in the House.

    “I don’t think anyone is half anything. If anything, I’m double. If I was a beer, I would be Double Brown. If I was the flavour down at the dairy, I’ll be twice as nice but the only half the price. I am two peas in the cultural pod.”

    Vano says she has now grown to see the beauty of being both Tagata Pasifika and Tangata Whenua.

    “I did struggle with it at first trying to figure out where I fit in but I think the more I learn about these things, the more beautiful it becomes to me and how lucky I am to be able to connect to so many different places and so many very cool places.

    Many different communities
    “I’m really glad that I am a part of so many different communities that work so well together and have always worked so well together and we were doing amazing things thousands of years ago.They were sailing the ocean hundreds of people at a time and hundreds and hundreds of miles away to get to an island,” Vano says.

    Hine Funaki is of Ngāpuhi, Ngāti Whatua, Ngāi Tahu and Tongan heritage and is a doctoral student at Te Herenga Waka Victoria University.

    Hine Funaki
    Hine Funaki … on a journey that began when she was a toddler at Kōhanga Reo and primary school where she learnt in a full immersion Māori environment. Image: RNZ

    She is also on a journey. One that began when she was a toddler at Kōhanga Reo and primary school where she learnt in a full immersion Māori environment.

    However, things changed at high school.

    “I just went straight into mainstream thinking that, you know, it wasn’t going to get you anywhere. I kind of bought into their narrative, better off learning Spanish or Mandarin or something else so that you can travel and make money and all this Pākehā or Western concept of success. So I started trying to follow that path and it wasn’t working for me.”

    Funaki dropped out of high school at 16, with no qualification, thinking that was her lot in life. She then fell pregnant at 19 and had her son at 20. Her moment of clarity.

    “I just knew that he couldn’t go down that same path that I went down, and believe those lies.”

    Pivotal moment
    So Funaki enrolled as an adult university student and reached another pivotal moment when meeting someone who would eventually become her mentor.

    “In my third year of undergrad, I had Cherie Chu, she was in Pacific education and her courses were completely different to the two years that I was doing prior to that, I was with Pākehā lecturers all the time.

    “The assignments I didn’t understand, I didn’t understand the literature. I just felt so unconfident and inadequate. And then in my third year, I finally met somebody who made the class inclusive, assessments inclusive and accessible. The literature, I understood it.”

    Funaki continues to play it forward, mentoring young Māori and Pacific students as they try to navigate a world which has not always welcomed them.

    “I can’t turn off the fact that I walk in these multiple different worlds. And so I carry that lens with me all the time and so I think of spaces all the time, physical spaces, relational spaces, theoretical spaces, and so if that space feels safe with certain people, then I feel like I can navigate it a bit more smoothly. Even if I’m still figuring it out. I can do it without feeling ashamed.

    “Like I can mess up, and it’s okay, but if it’s in a space like predominantly Pākehā, Western, white spaces, if that whakamā is there, I won’t feel safe to even try and instead I just try and push back or I select spaces that I go to that I know I will feel more comfortable.”

    But when Funaki and her colleagues addressed a workshop about how more professors could be Māori and Pasifika, she realised it was important to share stories for change.

    Changing the dynamic
    Funaki says it is about claiming spaces and changing the dynamic so that she comes from a perspective of pushing for change and not delivering trauma on a silver platter for others to consume.

    Funaki keeps advocating for her people, driven by her heritage, both from the Pacific and Aotearoa.

    “I can’t just be quiet and complacent. I can’t not say anything or call anything out when injustice is happening, like I feel the need to even more speak up because of my ancestors. When you know you have Pasifika descent in your family who migrated over for the idea of wanting better, or the land of milk and honey.

    “You feel this obligation to give back and to do something with that sacrifice they have given. So having this Tongan inside of me and knowing that even though I’m not immersed fully in the Tongan culture, I still feel proud that that’s in my blood.”

    Funaki says her Māori heritage and the struggles in institutions like universities, gave her even more motivation.

    But still, it could be physically, mentally and spiritually tiring. Funaki said it was her pride in who she was that maintained her.

    “That ancestral link, that blood that we have. What our people did to even get here. That’s not by chance or accident. That was navigation, that was intelligence. That’s science. Our people are smart and always have been, for generations. So I’m proud to be Māori and Tongan.”

    Proud of his mixed heritage
    Haereiti Hetet is someone else who is proud of his mixed heritage. The Fijian rugby international represented his mother’s whakapapa, from Ngāti Maniapoto and Ngāti Tuwharetoa, when he turned out for the Māori All Blacks in 2019, ironically against Fiji. He said being involved in that team made him want to learn more of the Māori language.

    Haereiti Hetet (17) represented the 2019 Maori All Blacks
    Haereiti Hetet, 17, represented the Maori All Blacks against Fiji in 2019 … rugby allowed greater access to both his cultures. Image: RNZ/PHOTOSPORT

    Although born and bred in Otorohanga, and surrounded mostly by his Māori whānau, Hetet said rugby had allowed greater access to both his cultures. When it came to his time with the Flying Fijians in 2020 and the Māori All Blacks the year before, both teams took time and made space to acknowledge their wairua, whether it be Fijian prayers and hymns sung multiple times during the day, or karakia and waiata with the Māori team.

    “I’m probably still trying to really, fully connect. I want to understand both languages still, it’s still an ongoing journey,” Hetet says.

    However, it was challenging trying to connect and learn two cultures and languages in the course of what has become a busy life.

    “Throughout the day, you run out of time, you go to work, I’m still trying to train regularly to stay in good condition, just in case somebody comes up. I also have a small family as well, so it’s just finding a balance.”

    Hetet says he is trying to find an hour, or a half an hour to keep his learning going. He hopes one day to get to his father’s [former Fijian international Joe Veitayaki] island of Matuku to take his cultural journey to the next level, but in the meantime he will continue to connect via his marae and community in Aotearoa.

    And as Aotearoa marked another Waitangi Day, he believes it is a good opportunity for Māori to have their voice heard as they continue to fight for land and rights as tangata whenua.

    Waitangi Day unsettling
    But for Hine Funaki – Waitangi Day is unsettling.

    “To me it’s like this constant reminder of, let’s pretend we have this romanticised lens of a bicultural partnership and then let’s even claim multiculturalism, because we are a multi-ethnic nation and it’s like this time to celebrate and put on these pretty window dressings for another year.”

    But Funaki says it is lies.

    “Where’s the part where you acknowledge your treaty roles, where’s the part where partnership actually means something and doing something together as equals? That doesn’t mean junior partnerships,” she says.

    Te Tii Marae, Waitangi. 2017.
    Te Tii Marae, Waitangi in 2017 … the 1840 Tititi o Waitangi means bicultural partnership. Image: Claire Eastham-Farrelly/RNZ

    Lourdes Vano understands that hurt. For her, the day is an opportunity for education and information.

    “If you don’t know what to do on Waitangi Day and you’re scared of contributing to something that you don’t know completely about, use it as a day for education. Ranginui Walker’s Struggle Without End is a really good starter book about Māori history and New Zealand/Aotearoa and really sets the scene and gives so much context for Waitangi Day.”

    Vano says people could also use it as a day to find out how they could support tangata whenua.

    They sound like words from this growing Generation B – so named by ‘Aupito William Sio – Brown, Brainy, Beautiful, Bicultural, Bilingual and Bold.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: Koro Vaka’uta, an RNZ Pacific journalist, reports on a Māori-Pasifika culture shift in Aotearoa New Zealand as the country today marks 181 years since the signing of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi between indigenous Māori and the British crown colonisers.


    A brown, bicultural generation is changing the face of New Zealand.

    That’s according to the Minister for Pacific Peoples, ‘Aupito Sua William Sio, who has previously told RNZ Pacific that as many as two thirds of New Zealand born-Pasifika now had Māori whakapapa as well.

    He says that although the Māori-Pasifika dynamic is not a new phenomenon, there is definitely a more apparent and visible presence now.

    “You go back to the 1960s and 70s when New Zealanders invited the Pacific workforce to fill the booming manufacturing industry, the freezing works and the forestry and you trace where the people were in South Auckland, in the Waikato regions in Tokoroa, Rotorua and up north, and you will find people who descend from relationships during that workplace,” he says.

    “Now that our communities have migrated to the regions, they are settled, they’ve got jobs and are really putting their roots in the ground. I’m seeing that more and more.

    “And I’m trying to describe it as the Generation Six Bs – people who are brown, obviously, but they’re brainy, they’re beautiful and bicultural. They’re bilingual, and they’re bold.”

    Minister for Pacific Peoples ‘Aupito William Sio … “I will have ongoing conversations with my Māori caucus colleagues.” Image: Koro Vaka’uta/RNZ

    “They’re brainy, they’re beautiful and bicultural. They’re bilingual, and they’re bold.” – ‘Aupito William Sio

    So how does this shape the minister’s approach to what the government does?

    Collaborating at grassroots level
    Since 2018,  ‘Aupito has wanted to formalise the so-called “tuakana-teina” relationship between Māori and Pacific people in an effort to collaborate more at grassroots level.

    “I will have ongoing conversations with my Māori caucus colleagues, I think in the last three years in regional New Zealand, we were recognising this and so were my Māori ministers, and so interestingly enough when I said to the Minister of Provincial Growth Fund at the time, I was saying ‘are you seeing what I’m seeing with this diversity of young Pasifika who whakapapa to Māori?’

    “He said, ‘yes I am starting to see these long names on the land register’, and even the Minister of Youth Affairs at the time was also acknowledging that he was capturing that diversity.”

    ‘Aupito said these conversations would continue to see how best Māori and Pasifika could work together.

    However, he conceded data could often be unreliable when it came to Pasifika and Māori people, as those collecting the information often lumped them together.

    Lourdes Vano is one person who refuses to be put into a single box.

    Of Cook Island, Samoan and Ngāti Kahungunu ki Wairoa stock, the university student and aspiring politician was on a journey of learning about all three cultures.

    ‘Learning my ancestry’
    “It’s just learning all the different words, and also learning my ancestry, learning about my tupuna, and how they all fit together and where they all come from and what our family tree history is.”

    Greens' Lourdes VanoLourdes Vano stood for the Green Party in the last election. Image: Jogai Bhatt/RNZ

    Vano’s efforts were not just for her.

    “I’m also doing this so that my siblings don’t have to make too much of a trip to find out about themselves, which is a really, really important sort of taonga, a gift that I want to pass on to them.

    “I’ve always felt strongest when I know when I learn more about myself and I learn more about my tupuna and where I’ve come from, and I want to be able to give them that feeling as well.”

    Vano says she doesn’t want her whānau to face as many barriers as she had.

    “A lot of those barriers include what has happened in the process of colonisation where things have been cut off from us or gatekept from us where we have to pay money or we have to jump through a couple of loops to get to our own history.”

    For Vano, straddling multiple cultures can be challenging.

    ‘Including my islands’
    I have found myself in the past leaning into different parts of myself, depending on my environment, depending on where I am. But recently I’ve been trying to notice when I’m doing that. One of the ways that I’m trying to break out of that is including my islands in my pepeha and never refusing any part of myself.”

    She points to Green MP Teanau Tuiono as inspiration. From Ngāpuhi and Atiu in the Cook Islands, he talked about his whakapapa during his maiden speech to Parliament in December.

    Green MP Teanau TuionoGreen MP Teanau Tuiono … talked about his whakapapa during his maiden speech to Parliament. Image: RNZ

    People had asked if he was half Māori and half Pasifika.

    “Nah, bro. If anything, I’m whole,” Tuiono said in the House.

    “I don’t think anyone is half anything. If anything, I’m double. If I was a beer, I would be Double Brown. If I was the flavour down at the dairy, I’ll be twice as nice but the only half the price. I am two peas in the cultural pod.”

    Vano says she has now grown to see the beauty of being both Tagata Pasifika and Tangata Whenua.

    “I did struggle with it at first trying to figure out where I fit in but I think the more I learn about these things, the more beautiful it becomes to me and how lucky I am to be able to connect to so many different places and so many very cool places.

    Many different communities
    “I’m really glad that I am a part of so many different communities that work so well together and have always worked so well together and we were doing amazing things thousands of years ago.They were sailing the ocean hundreds of people at a time and hundreds and hundreds of miles away to get to an island,” Vano says.

    Hine Funaki is of Ngāpuhi, Ngāti Whatua, Ngāi Tahu and Tongan heritage and is a doctoral student at Te Herenga Waka Victoria University.

    Hine Funaki Hine Funaki … on a journey that began when she was a toddler at Kōhanga Reo and primary school where she learnt in a full immersion Māori environment. Image: RNZ

    She is also on a journey. One that began when she was a toddler at Kōhanga Reo and primary school where she learnt in a full immersion Māori environment.

    However, things changed at high school.

    “I just went straight into mainstream thinking that, you know, it wasn’t going to get you anywhere. I kind of bought into their narrative, better off learning Spanish or Mandarin or something else so that you can travel and make money and all this Pākehā or Western concept of success. So I started trying to follow that path and it wasn’t working for me.”

    Funaki dropped out of high school at 16, with no qualification, thinking that was her lot in life. She then fell pregnant at 19 and had her son at 20. Her moment of clarity.

    “I just knew that he couldn’t go down that same path that I went down, and believe those lies.”

    Pivotal moment
    So Funaki enrolled as an adult university student and reached another pivotal moment when meeting someone who would eventually become her mentor.

    “In my third year of undergrad, I had Cherie Chu, she was in Pacific education and her courses were completely different to the two years that I was doing prior to that, I was with Pākehā lecturers all the time.

    “The assignments I didn’t understand, I didn’t understand the literature. I just felt so unconfident and inadequate. And then in my third year, I finally met somebody who made the class inclusive, assessments inclusive and accessible. The literature, I understood it.”

    Funaki continues to play it forward, mentoring young Māori and Pacific students as they try to navigate a world which has not always welcomed them.

    “I can’t turn off the fact that I walk in these multiple different worlds. And so I carry that lens with me all the time and so I think of spaces all the time, physical spaces, relational spaces, theoretical spaces, and so if that space feels safe with certain people, then I feel like I can navigate it a bit more smoothly. Even if I’m still figuring it out. I can do it without feeling ashamed.

    “Like I can mess up, and it’s okay, but if it’s in a space like predominantly Pākehā, Western, white spaces, if that whakamā is there, I won’t feel safe to even try and instead I just try and push back or I select spaces that I go to that I know I will feel more comfortable.”

    But when Funaki and her colleagues addressed a workshop about how more professors could be Māori and Pasifika, she realised it was important to share stories for change.

    Changing the dynamic
    Funaki says it is about claiming spaces and changing the dynamic so that she comes from a perspective of pushing for change and not delivering trauma on a silver platter for others to consume.

    Funaki keeps advocating for her people, driven by her heritage, both from the Pacific and Aotearoa.

    “I can’t just be quiet and complacent. I can’t not say anything or call anything out when injustice is happening, like I feel the need to even more speak up because of my ancestors. When you know you have Pasifika descent in your family who migrated over for the idea of wanting better, or the land of milk and honey.

    “You feel this obligation to give back and to do something with that sacrifice they have given. So having this Tongan inside of me and knowing that even though I’m not immersed fully in the Tongan culture, I still feel proud that that’s in my blood.”

    Funaki says her Māori heritage and the struggles in institutions like universities, gave her even more motivation.

    But still, it could be physically, mentally and spiritually tiring. Funaki said it was her pride in who she was that maintained her.

    “That ancestral link, that blood that we have. What our people did to even get here. That’s not by chance or accident. That was navigation, that was intelligence. That’s science. Our people are smart and always have been, for generations. So I’m proud to be Māori and Tongan.”

    Proud of his mixed heritage
    Haereiti Hetet is someone else who is proud of his mixed heritage. The Fijian rugby international represented his mother’s whakapapa, from Ngāti Maniapoto and Ngāti Tuwharetoa, when he turned out for the Māori All Blacks in 2019, ironically against Fiji. He said being involved in that team made him want to learn more of the Māori language.

    Haereiti Hetet (17) represented the 2019 Maori All BlacksHaereiti Hetet, 17, represented the Maori All Blacks against Fiji in 2019 … rugby allowed greater access to both his cultures. Image: RNZ/PHOTOSPORT

    Although born and bred in Otorohanga, and surrounded mostly by his Māori whānau, Hetet said rugby had allowed greater access to both his cultures. When it came to his time with the Flying Fijians in 2020 and the Māori All Blacks the year before, both teams took time and made space to acknowledge their wairua, whether it be Fijian prayers and hymns sung multiple times during the day, or karakia and waiata with the Māori team.

    “I’m probably still trying to really, fully connect. I want to understand both languages still, it’s still an ongoing journey,” Hetet says.

    However, it was challenging trying to connect and learn two cultures and languages in the course of what has become a busy life.

    “Throughout the day, you run out of time, you go to work, I’m still trying to train regularly to stay in good condition, just in case somebody comes up. I also have a small family as well, so it’s just finding a balance.”

    Hetet says he is trying to find an hour, or a half an hour to keep his learning going. He hopes one day to get to his father’s [former Fijian international Joe Veitayaki] island of Matuku to take his cultural journey to the next level, but in the meantime he will continue to connect via his marae and community in Aotearoa.

    And as Aotearoa marked another Waitangi Day, he believes it is a good opportunity for Māori to have their voice heard as they continue to fight for land and rights as tangata whenua.

    Waitangi Day unsettling
    But for Hine Funaki – Waitangi Day is unsettling.

    “To me it’s like this constant reminder of, let’s pretend we have this romanticised lens of a bicultural partnership and then let’s even claim multiculturalism, because we are a multi-ethnic nation and it’s like this time to celebrate and put on these pretty window dressings for another year.”

    But Funaki says it is lies.

    “Where’s the part where you acknowledge your treaty roles, where’s the part where partnership actually means something and doing something together as equals? That doesn’t mean junior partnerships,” she says.

    Te Tii Marae, Waitangi. 2017.Te Tii Marae, Waitangi in 2017 … the 1840 Tititi o Waitangi means bicultural partnership. Image: Claire Eastham-Farrelly/RNZ

    Lourdes Vano understands that hurt. For her, the day is an opportunity for education and information.

    “If you don’t know what to do on Waitangi Day and you’re scared of contributing to something that you don’t know completely about, use it as a day for education. Ranginui Walker’s Struggle Without End is a really good starter book about Māori history and New Zealand/Aotearoa and really sets the scene and gives so much context for Waitangi Day.”

    Vano says people could also use it as a day to find out how they could support tangata whenua.

    They sound like words from this growing Generation B – so named by ‘Aupito William Sio – Brown, Brainy, Beautiful, Bicultural, Bilingual and Bold.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Former Cook Islands Prime Minister Henry Puna … narrow win over Micronesian candidate in PIF leadership vote. Image: Johnny Blades/RNZ

    By Jonathan Pryke in Sydney

    After a divisive marathon meeting into the early hours of Thursday, Pacific leaders have emerged with a new Secretary-General of the Pacific Islands Forum. Cook Islands’ former Prime Minister Henry Puna was elected 9–8, with one abstention.

    A break from the consensus tradition of the Forum, the appointment leaves the region bitterly divided.

    To make matters worse, the Fiji government appears to have used the distraction of the meeting to swoop in and deport University of South Pacific vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia.

    The university, seen by many as a beacon of Pacific regionalism, had been embroiled in a long and very public dispute between the new VC and the old guard backed by the Fiji government.

    The move to deport the VC sends this dispute nuclear, with many of the same red-eyed leaders who just wrangled over the new secretary-general also members of the university’s governing council, and now facing the potential of an emergency special meeting to discuss this latest move.

    The past 24 hours have been incredibly damaging for Pacific regionalism and unity, the repercussions of which will be felt for years to come.

    The very fabric of Pacific regionalism looks to be tested unlike any time in recent history.

    Where does this leave North Pacific?
    Some immediate questions are clear.

    1. Where does this leave the North Pacific? Adamant that it was a Micronesian’s turn to run the Forum, five members had coalesced around former minister and current US ambassador Gerald Zackios of the Marshall Islands as their candidate. Some Micronesian leaders had threatened to leave the Forum if Zackios were not chosen, and from reports of their moods since the vote, they may look to follow through. Even if they don’t take that step, don’t expect them to be too involved in the Forum in the near future.
    2. What happens next for the leadership struggle at the University of the South Pacific? Even if the governing council can convince the Fiji government to overturn the deportation of the VC, the damage has been done. It is highly unlikely he would return, or that any high-calibre international candidate would be interested in taking his place while the serious allegations of financial mismanagement at the university remain unresolved. The donors and Pacific nations which contribute towards financing the university may look to place the USP in some form of administration to sort it all out – likely in the face of protests from Fiji.
    3. Where does this leave Fiji? Its government had already ruffled feathers by nominating a candidate for the secretary-general position (who did not make it to the final round of voting) so soon after fully re-engaging with the Forum. Now, by moving against USP’s vice-chancellor at the same time as Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama was sitting in a Leaders Meeting, aggravated bilateral tensions will linger in every corner of the Pacific.

    With the covid-19 crisis and border closures forcing countries to look inwards more than ever, regionalism was already struggling, and the Forum was facing a slow-burning relevance crisis.

    Fiji needs charm campaign
    Fiji is looking to host the 2021 Forum Leaders Meeting in August, with Bainimarama going so far as to extend an invitation to US President Joe Biden.

    Fiji will have to roll out the charm campaign across the region in the next few months if they expect Pacific leaders to push for the meeting to go ahead at all.

    Professor Pal Ahluwalia 2USP’s Australian Professor Pal Ahluwalia … deported on a flight to Brisbane on Thursday. Image: PMW screenshot

    Finally, where does this leave Pacific regionalism? Outsiders can be forgiven for thinking the Pacific is a unified bloc, thanks to their prominent advocacy on climate change.

    The past 24 hours, however, reveal just how divided the Pacific can be. While we don’t yet know which candidates each country voted for, there is a clear rift right down the middle of the Pacific.

    With the covid-19 crisis and border closures forcing countries to look inwards more than ever, regionalism was already struggling, and the Forum was facing a slow-burning relevance crisis.

    How regionalism can be revitalised in an era of deep division and no physical interactions is an incredible challenge.

    Freshly elected Secretary-General Puna has a massive job on his hands dealing with the fallout, to say nothing of the larger challenges the Forum was already facing.

    Jonathan Pryke is director of the Lowy Institute’s Pacific Islands Programme. His research is interested in all aspects of the Pacific Islands, including economic development in the Pacific Islands region, Australia’s relationship with the Pacific, the role of aid and the private sector in Pacific Islands development and Pacific labour mobility. This article was republished from The Interpreter with permission.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Pryke in Sydney

    After a divisive marathon meeting into the early hours of Thursday, Pacific leaders have emerged with a new Secretary-General of the Pacific Islands Forum. Cook Islands’ former Prime Minister Henry Puna was elected 9–8, with one abstention.

    A break from the consensus tradition of the Forum, the appointment leaves the region bitterly divided.

    To make matters worse, the Fiji government appears to have used the distraction of the meeting to swoop in and deport University of South Pacific vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia.

    The university, seen by many as a beacon of Pacific regionalism, had been embroiled in a long and very public dispute between the new VC and the old guard backed by the Fiji government.

    The move to deport the VC sends this dispute nuclear, with many of the same red-eyed leaders who just wrangled over the new secretary-general also members of the university’s governing council, and now facing the potential of an emergency special meeting to discuss this latest move.

    The past 24 hours have been incredibly damaging for Pacific regionalism and unity, the repercussions of which will be felt for years to come.

    The very fabric of Pacific regionalism looks to be tested unlike any time in recent history.

    Where does this leave North Pacific?
    Some immediate questions are clear.

    1. Where does this leave the North Pacific? Adamant that it was a Micronesian’s turn to run the Forum, five members had coalesced around former minister and current US ambassador Gerald Zackios of the Marshall Islands as their candidate. Some Micronesian leaders had threatened to leave the Forum if Zackios were not chosen, and from reports of their moods since the vote, they may look to follow through. Even if they don’t take that step, don’t expect them to be too involved in the Forum in the near future.
    2. What happens next for the leadership struggle at the University of the South Pacific? Even if the governing council can convince the Fiji government to overturn the deportation of the VC, the damage has been done. It is highly unlikely he would return, or that any high-calibre international candidate would be interested in taking his place while the serious allegations of financial mismanagement at the university remain unresolved. The donors and Pacific nations which contribute towards financing the university may look to place the USP in some form of administration to sort it all out – likely in the face of protests from Fiji.
    3. Where does this leave Fiji? Its government had already ruffled feathers by nominating a candidate for the secretary-general position (who did not make it to the final round of voting) so soon after fully re-engaging with the Forum. Now, by moving against USP’s vice-chancellor at the same time as Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama was sitting in a Leaders Meeting, aggravated bilateral tensions will linger in every corner of the Pacific.

    With the covid-19 crisis and border closures forcing countries to look inwards more than ever, regionalism was already struggling, and the Forum was facing a slow-burning relevance crisis.

    Fiji needs charm campaign
    Fiji is looking to host the 2021 Forum Leaders Meeting in August, with Bainimarama going so far as to extend an invitation to US President Joe Biden.

    Fiji will have to roll out the charm campaign across the region in the next few months if they expect Pacific leaders to push for the meeting to go ahead at all.

    Professor Pal Ahluwalia 2
    USP’s Australian Professor Pal Ahluwalia … deported on a flight to Brisbane on Thursday. Image: PMW screenshot

    Finally, where does this leave Pacific regionalism? Outsiders can be forgiven for thinking the Pacific is a unified bloc, thanks to their prominent advocacy on climate change.

    The past 24 hours, however, reveal just how divided the Pacific can be. While we don’t yet know which candidates each country voted for, there is a clear rift right down the middle of the Pacific.

    With the covid-19 crisis and border closures forcing countries to look inwards more than ever, regionalism was already struggling, and the Forum was facing a slow-burning relevance crisis.

    How regionalism can be revitalised in an era of deep division and no physical interactions is an incredible challenge.

    Freshly elected Secretary-General Puna has a massive job on his hands dealing with the fallout, to say nothing of the larger challenges the Forum was already facing.

    Jonathan Pryke is director of the Lowy Institute’s Pacific Islands Programme. His research is interested in all aspects of the Pacific Islands, including economic development in the Pacific Islands region, Australia’s relationship with the Pacific, the role of aid and the private sector in Pacific Islands development and Pacific labour mobility. This article was republished from The Interpreter with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Māni Dunlop, RNZ News Māori News Director

    New Zealand’s Waitangi Tribunal has heard the voices of Māori women have been marginalised for far too long and the impact of colonisation has caused the negation of rights over their bodies, minds, and beliefs.

    The Mana Wāhine Inquiry is underway in Kerikeri – it is the first of the pre-hearings – which are exploring the tikanga of mana wāhine and the pre-colonial understanding of wāhine in te ao Māori; of which will set the context for the inquiry.

    The inquiry includes a number of wāhine-related claims – but the original claim was made in 1993 by 16 leaders – Dame Areta Koopu, Dame Whina Cooper, Dame Mira Szaszy, Ripeka Evans, Dr Erihapeti Murchie, Dame Georgina Kirby, Dame June Mariu, Violet Pou, Hine Potaka, Dame Aroha Reriti-Crofts, Dr Papaarangi Reid, Donna Awatere-Huata, Lady Rose Henare, Katerina Hoterene, Te Para (Mabel) Waititi, and Kare Cooper-Tate.

    Lawyer for the original claim Natalie Coates had said the wāhine had much support behind them from others at the time it was presented in person 28 years ago.

    The claim was triggered by the removal of Dame Mira Szaszy from the shortlist of appointees to the Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Commission.

    The inquiry will examine the inherent mana and iho of ngā wāhine Māori; the systemic discrimination, deprivation and inequities experienced by wāhine Māori; and the extent to which the Crown’s conduct in this respect had been, and is, Treaty non-compliant.

    Hineahuone was truly present at Turner centre in Kerikeri as claimants, their lawyers, and whānau packed into the room to begin the first pre-hearing of the inquiry.

    First to give evidence
    One of the original claimants, Ripeka Evans, who also put in a claim on behalf of the hapū and iwi of Te Tai Tokerau alongside Dr Papaarangi Reid, was first to give evidence yesterday.

    Fighting back tears, she urged the tribunal to complete the claim in her lifetime – something that some of the original claimants were unable to witness. She said it would be remiss of her to not acknowledge how special this moment was.

    After many joined her in acknowledging the significance of the beginning of these hearings, Evans told the tribunal and a packed public gallery – it was “time for business”.

    She emphasised the inherent power, authority and status of wāhine in te ao Māori and the role of her tīpuna who signed the Treaty of Waitangi, who she called the founding mothers.

    Mana Wāhine Inquiry at Waitangi Tribunal
    The Mana Wāhine Inquiry in Kerikeri … traditional roles of men and women as essential parts of the collective whole. Image: RNZ

    She described the traditional roles of men and women as essential parts of the collective whole, both forming part of the whakapapa that linked Māori to the beginning of the world and women in particular played a key role in linking the past with the present and the future.

    Evans provided the historic context of the impact of colonisation.

    “The colonial frame in which the colonising culture that looked to men as leaders and chiefs – this caused the negation of wāhine Māori mana motuhake and rangatiratanga over their whenua, taonga, mātauranga, hearts, bodies, minds and beliefs.”

    Power, authority and status the bottom lines
    She hoped that the inquiry would look at the power, authority and status as the three bottom lines that claimants were there to address at these tūāpapa hearings, to not just talk about, but find solutions for the future.

    When asked by the tribunal to go back to what triggered the original claim and the role of the Crown in removing Dame Mira from the shortlist, she talked to the wider context of the Crown’s role in being silence on these particular.

    Evans said, although the Crown had provided funding for the inquiry, this was not enough to show they had learnt a lesson after 28 years.

    “The fact that we are here today, I have to call it out, the Crown funding for this claim is for the Crown to bring it – not for me – not for the claimants to come and tell their stories.

    “It beggars belief that the lesson of the last 28 years his that the Crown has not woken up yet about mana wāhine and about the opportunities that that presents for those big issues.”

    “And we are still looking to the tribunal as our ray of hope – we don’t have deep pockets.”

    The hearing is set down until Thursday and will hear from more original claimants and other notable wāhine Māori leaders.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    More leading Indonesian figures have made racial slurs against Natalius Pigai, former chair of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) – and all West Papuans, says United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) interim president Benny Wenda.

    “Since the illegal Indonesian invasion in 1963, Indonesian elites have made clear their racist plans to destroy Melanesian West Papuans as a distinct people,” said Wenda in a statement.

    Last month retired General Hendropriyono, former head of the Indonesian intelligence agency (BIN) and special forces (Kopassus) general, claimed that two million West Papuans should be separated from their Melanesian brothers and sisters in the Pacific and moved to the island of Manado in Indonesia.

    “This is racial ethnic cleansing, a genocidal fantasy at the highest levels of the Indonesian state,” Wenda said.

    Last week, one of President Jokowi’s most prominent supporters called a leading West Papuan human rights defender a “monkey”, the same racial slur that sparked the 2019 West Papua Uprising.

    Ambronicus Nababan, chair of the Pro Jokowi-Amin Volunteers (Projamin), made the racial comment about Natalius Pigai, former head of Indonesia’s leading human rights group.

    “These remarks stand in a long tradition. When Indonesia invaded our land, General Ali Moertopo said the Papuan people should be transferred to the moon,” Wenda said in the statement.

    ‘Obstacle to development’
    “In 2016, General Luhut Panjaitan said the Papuans should be transferred to the Pacific. Indonesia’s rulers have always seen us as sub-human, as an obstacle to ‘development’ that needs to be ethnically cleansed and killed.

    “My people rose up against this racism and colonisation in 2019. Thousands of students returned from the rest of Indonesia in an exodus from racism, dozens were killed by Indonesia, and hundreds arrested.

    “The Indonesian state punished those who spoke out with over 100 years of collective prison time. The killers and racists in the army, police and state-backed militias were allowed to go free.”

    These are not just statements from Indonesian officials, Wenda’s statement said.

    They were linked to the military operations that had displaced more than 60,000 people since December 2018. The racist attitudes “justify treating us as second-class citizens, torturing and imprisoning us for exercising our rights to free expression under international law”.

    Indonesia’s settler colonial project in West Papua had been built on racism.

    Wenda said this was why the ULMWP provisional government was formed on December 1 last year.

    ‘We are no longer accepting Indonesian law’
    “We are no longer accepting any Indonesian law, policy or proposal. We will not bow down to Indonesian rule any more. The provisional government is issuing the following four points:

    1. We reject all forms of Indonesian law enforced in West Papua;
    2. We support the 83 countries demanding Indonesia allow the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights into West Papua;
    3. The solution to West Papuan suffering is an independence referendum; and
    4. All West Papuans must unite behind the provisional government.

    “It is time to end this: no more torture, no more displacement, no more killing, no more discrimination. To all my people, those who are working in the Indonesian government, in the civil service, professionals, exiles, lawyers, those inside, in the highlands, coasts, islands and towns – we are no longer Indonesian citizens.

    “We are forming our own Melanesian nation. Come behind the provisional government, and we will peacefully reclaim our country and refuse Indonesia’s illegal occupation of our territory.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Ena Manuireva in Auckland

    It seems a long time ago – some 124 days – since Mā’ohi Nui deplored its first covid-19 related deaths of an elderly woman on 11 September 2020 followed by her husband just hours later, both over the age of 80.

    The local territorial government was indeed saddened about the loss and sent its condolences to the grieving family and relatives.

    The opening of Mā’ohi Nui’s borders two months earlier on July 15 by the French High Commissioner, Dominique Sorain, in consultation with Tahiti’s President Edouard Fritch – who promptly agreed due to economic reasons – has led to today’s covid-19 pandemic crisis.

    The latest figures at the time of writing show 124 covid-19 deaths, 40 people in hospital (including 19 patients on ventilators), and 80 new cases, making it a total of more than 17,400.

    About 17,500 vaccine doses were available last week on January 7 for more than 8000 people but, unfortunately, one expects more deaths before the injection programme is rolled out.

    Tahiti covid-19 statistics
    Mā’ohi Nui and covid-19, as many deaths as days since the first fatality on 11 September 2020 (as at January 13). Image: Tahiti-Infos

    These are sobering figures when entering January 2021 on the Gregorian calendar – and equally the Tahitian chart speaks of the Pleiades constellation, or Matari’i i Ni’a, foretelling abundance that extends from November to May.

    Sadly, for the mourning families the only season of abundance appears to be the losses of the most vulnerable in our society – our elders.

    It is also quite revealing that information about covid-19 cases are on a drip-feed from the Ministry of Health, with its minister doctor Jacques Raynal comparing covid-19 from the beginning to a mere flu.

    And sometimes he was at pains to explain the differences between “cured” and “convalescing” patients.

    It is clear that the local government, along with the highest representative of the French government, were unprepared and remained ill-equipped with this pandemic, a déjà-vu situation.

    The spectre of Jacques Chirac and nuclear past
    The most populated islands of the Society archipelago (Tahiti and Moorea) have been under curfew from December 14 to January 15, 2021, and that might be extended.

    The only hospital centre of French Polynesia is at Ta’aone in Tahiti and that caters for the covid-19 patients. It has done so to the best of the hospital staff’s abilities. The same hospital complex is now at the centre of another dispute between pro-independent member of the Parliament Eliane Tevahitua and Health Minister Raynal, who sent an open invitation to the members of the hospital board (Tevahitua being a member), confirming in a ministerial letter that the name of the hospital would become Jacques Chirac, named after the late former French president.

    For good measure, the family of President Chirac gave their approval and are honoured by such a gesture.

    It is believed that the trade-off is that the Jacques Chirac Square in the capital Pape’ete (a name given to it by former Tahitian president Gaston Flosse) will be renamed “Tahua Tumarama” which in the indigenous language Mā’ohi means the “stage of rising light” (resembling the aftermath of a nuclear bomb).

    The naming of the Chirac square was more than 20 years ago, which was in itself very controversial at the time, due to the fact that a plaque was erected not far from that very square to commemorate the people who had died (and are still dying) from the 30-year French nuclear testing programme started on 2 July 1966.

    President Chirac resumed the suspended nuclear testing from September 1995 to May 1996.

    Some historical information about the Jacques Chirac hospital complex should be shared. It was a former military base reserved for French military personal and kitted with bungalows.

    The hospital opened in 1966 for the Centre of Experimentation of the Pacific (CEP) where the majority of French military were based before or after their missions to Fangataufa, Hao, Mangareva and Moruroa.

    As children, we used to enjoy Ta’aone since the maritime military base gave onto a beautiful beach where we sunbathed and surfed, a popular place with the local population.

    Those memories seem to send us back to the nuclear testing period some two generations ago and it might be fitting that such a hospital complex should carry the name of one of the French presidents.

    What is more telling – or unfortunate – is the fact that the name Jacques Chirac appears to carry the signs of death whether related to the square next to the monument dedicated to those who died from the nuclear testing, or to this new hospital where people are being cared for but where unfortunately 124 people have so far died from covid-19, and many more from diseases related to nuclear fallout.

    Éliane Tevahitua
    Pro-independence party parliamentarian Élaine Tevahitua … challenge over the naming of Tahiti’s main covid hospital after the late French President Jacques Chirac. Image: La Depeche de Tahiti

    The reply of independent parliamentarian and Oscar Temaru
    Back to the request of joining the local government in naming the hospital, pro-independence parliamentarian Tevahitua’s response to such an invitation did not fail to tell the health minister and the local government of the independent party Tavini Huira’atira’s (and her) “deep disappointment and disapproval” of such a neo-colonialist stand “to the detriment of the indigenous Polynesian people”.

    “While the Mā’ohi people are trying to regain their own history and at a time when your government is promoting the use of the Mā’ohi languages in public space, it would have been more judicious to name the hospital Tiurai, an indigenous traditional tahu’a (doctor) who dedicated his life to caring and healing people’s pain for free”.

    Ironically, Tiurai died from the Spanish flu pandemic in 1918.

    In the same vein through my latest communication with Oscar Temaru, the leader of the independence party Tavini Huira’atira, has shown how his approach to local toponymy favoured illustrious and respected Mā’ohi figures who deserved to be honoured by the people, instead of the name of some coloniser.

    While at the helm of the country as president (on and off from 2004 to 2009), Temaru changed the name of one of the most important avenues of the capital Pape’ete from Avenue Bruat (the first French governor) to Avenue Pouvana’a a O’opa after the famous indeopendence leader. A judicious political move as this historical avenue is considered to be the heart of the political and administrative arena.

    Ave Pouvana’a a O’opa
    Old Avenue Bruat (left) in the heart of Pape’ete … now known as Avenue Pouvana’a a O’opa after the Tahitian independence hero. Image: Tahiti Heritage

    This was a move that evidently did not please the French authorities, although naming rights is a competence held by the local government.

    Not without irony
    It is not without some irony that Temaru declared that there are some Tahitian politicians who are more French than the French and who reluctantly adhered to the new name.

    According to Temaru, it is more “the mentality of our own people that he has been trying to change from the very beginning of his struggle against the French colonial power”.

    Unfortunately, today a pro-France local government has turned the clock back and are perpetuating the neo-colonialism agenda.

    It would have been more appropriate to maintain the original name of the hospital as Ta’aone, which means the rolling of the sand.

    Most of the hospitals in Pape’ete and its neighbouring districts carry a colonial name (Chirac, Prince, Malardé and Cardella) apart, from a psychiatric hospital with an indigenous name of Vaiami and a clinic called Paofai.

    It might give us an idea of how we, the indigenous people are been perceived and how, while we name buildings by their geographical location, colonisers are obsessed with seeing names of illustrious figures on temporary edifices in an effort to give them permanence and relevancy.

    Ena Manuireva is a Mangarevian originally from the south of “French” Polynesia who has lived in New Zealand for many years and is currently a doctoral studies candidate in Te Ara Poutama at Auckland University of Technology. He contributes articles for Asia Pacific Report.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Cremation at the funeral of Papuan teenager Mispo Gwijangge … he was wrongly accused, jailed and then set free to his death from torture. Image: Tabloid Jubi

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    West Papuans are facing the start of 2021 with sorrowful news about the death of Mispo Gwijangge, a victim of accusations and torture over alleged crimes he did not commit.

    Some human rights advocates and lawyers, including Amnesty International Indonesia, have expressed their condolences for his death in Wamena on January 6, reports Tabloid Jubi.

    Amnesty International Indonesia says Gwijangge was charged over the killing of 17 PT Istaka Karya workers in Nduga at the end of 2018.

    The Papua Advocacy Team found a number of irregularities in the case.

    Gwijangge, who was not fluent in the Indonesian language, explained through the help of an interpreter that he did not commit the murders he was accused of.

    He said he was in a refugee camp in Wamena when the murder of PT Istaka Karya took place on December 2, 2018. Gwijangge was sentenced to death, even though he was still under age, who should not have been given a death sentence, say advocates.

    Michel Himan, one of Gwijangge’s defence lawyers who handled the case, while expressing his deep condolences, said that Gwijangge had been arrested on 12 May 2018. He was only 14 years old when he was detained at the Jayawijaya police headquarters.

    In prison cell for 333 days
    For 333 days, he remained in a prison cell and was often tortured.

    Himan said that without the knowledge of his family Gwijangge had been transferred to Jakarta for “security reasons”, while the trial of another case at the same time went smoothly.

    Gwijangge was forced to accept this unjust legal process. He had never committed the murder, say advocates.

    Himan, who is known as a prominent young lawyer from Papua in the Indonesian capital, recalls his conversation with Gwijangge at Salemba prison in Jakarta.

    “Mispo said, ‘I never went to school. I can’t read and write and have never been out of town, always live in the village, I’ve never been involved as alleged, I don’t know anything.’

    “’I just wanted to go home because no one takes care of my mum. My mum is alone in the jungle [temporary refugee camp], Mispo told Himan while staring at the clouds.

    “My head is dizzy, and I am worried about my mother, I just wanted to get back to Papua as soon as possilble,” Himan recalls about what Gwijangge told him.

    Pneumonia, back pain
    Gwijangge was badly sick with pneumonia and back pain as a result of the torture he had received.

    “We were all worried about his situation at that time. We have done our best to help him for the sake of healing,” said Himan.

    Tabloid Jubi reports that according to Mispo’s older sister with initials DG, Gwijangge had still been traumatised after being arrested in the middle of last year. He was accused of being involved in the murder of dozens of Trans Papuan Highway workers in Nduga regency in early December 2018.

    “He didn’t want to take medication. He was worried that someone would try to find fault with him, and then he would be arrested again,” said DG.

    Gwijangge’s family decided to take care of him from home.

    Nduga refugees volunteer Raga Kogeya said it was natural that Mispo Gwijangge had still been traumatised. The youth had been arrested and accused of crimes he did not commit.

    At that time, the threat was the maximum of a death penalty.

    Luckily, the panel of judges at the Central Jakarta District Court, who tried the Gwijangge case, rejected all of the charges against him by the public prosecutor.

    The judges were willing to consider various irregularities presented by Gwijangge’s legal team. Finally, they decided to drop the prosecution and to free him from detention.

    This report has been compiled by a special Pacific Media Watch correspondent. Tabloid Jubi articles are republished with permission.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.