Category: Statements

  • GENEVA, Switzerland (8 May 2025) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is gravely concerned over the widespread violence and repression committed by the police against peaceful May Day protesters. 

    On 1 May 2025, in commemoration of International Workers’ Day, various labor unions, alliances and civil society groups organized peaceful rallies and protests across major cities in Indonesia. 

    The groups protested against the rising authoritarianism and poor policies–under the administration of President Prabowo Subianto and Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka–which are detrimental to the welfare and protection of workers’ rights. 

    “The violent repression against protestors weakens democratic voices in Indonesia. FORUM-ASIA calls on the Indonesian Government to do a systematic review of the conduct of its police forces and to ensure accountability for the brutality committed against peaceful protestors,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    The protests demanded a repeal of the problematic Omnibus Law on Job Creation as well as the recently amended National Armed Forces Law which cemented increasing military involvement in civilian affairs. 

    The protesters also called for the enactment of the Domestic Workers Protection Bill which would provide protection for informal workers. Likewise, they demanded the ceasure of the strategic national projects that threaten the livelihoods of indigenous communities.

     

    Police brutality

    The protests held in front of the Parliamentary complex were met with police brutality. 

    The police reportedly arbitrarily arrested 14 protestors–including four paramedics–according to the Advocacy Team for Democracy (TAUD). Thirteen of the arrested were reportedly subjected to beatings and assault resulting in significant injuries. 

    To disperse the peaceful protests, the police reportedly blasted water canons and shot tear gas. 

     

    Violence against journalists 

    One journalist was reportedly attacked in Jakarta. A group of people in plain clothes–who are suspected to be part of the police–also reportedly threatened and forced the journalist to delete their coverage of the protests. 

    In Semarang, plain clothes individuals had also reportedly beaten a journalist from Tempo and student journalists from various student alliances covering the protests. 

    The police allegedly prevented the student journalists from taking videos of protestors being beaten after their arrests. 

     

    Call to action

    The Indonesian Government should ensure compliance with the concluding observations from the Human Rights Committee following its second periodic review of obligations before the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,) which states that the government should ensure that law enforcement  receives regular training on the use of force as guided by the Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials and the United Nations Human Rights Guidance on Less-Lethal Weapons in Law Enforcement. 

    “The Indonesian police force has become an active perpetrator of human rights violations in Indonesia. This should not be the norm. The police should facilitate peaceful protests and never use excessive force against those merely exercising their right to peacefully assemble. This culture of impunity should not be tolerated for it could  ultimately uproot Indonesia’s hard fought democracy,” said Bacalso.  

    The post [Statement] INDONESIA: Investigate police brutality during Peaceful May Day Protests, hold perpetrators accountable  first appeared on FORUM-ASIA.

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (5 May 2025) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) strongly condemns the violence, intimidation, and arbitrary arrests carried out by the West Sumatra police against peaceful protesters seeking to evaluate the performance of the West Sumatra police chief. 

    This arrest undermines the rule of law and sets a dangerous precedent for all human rights defenders across Indonesia.

    FORUM-ASIA calls on the Indonesian Government to uphold its constitutional and international human rights obligations. It should uphold people’s freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. Silencing dissent through violence and detention is an attack against democracy and the rule of law. 

    The government must also ensure that human rights defenders–including lawyers and legal aid providers–can safely carry out their invaluable work without fear of reprisals.

     

    “FORUM-ASIA is deeply alarmed by the police’s use of excessive force against protesters who were simply exercising their right to peaceful protest. The police must face sanctions for their repressive actions. Likewise, the arrest of legal aid providers is a grave violation of human rights protections,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    What happened

    The Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation, a FORUM-ASIA member organization, received a report regarding the West Sumatra police’s use of repressive force during a peaceful demonstration organized by the West Sumatra Civil Society Coalition on 21 April 2025. This was the second wave of the protest, following a similar event on 17 April.

    The protest was staged in front of the West Sumatra Regional Police Headquarters, coinciding with the West Sumatra police chief’s first 100 days in office. Protesters were requesting a dialogue with the police chief. 

    The protest began peacefully until the police issued first and second warnings, followed by the deployment of water cannons. Shortly after, the police started making arrests.

    Twelve individuals were arrested, four of whom are legal aid providers from the Padang Legal Aid Foundation. The four were present at the demonstration for the purpose of providing legal assistance to protestors. 

    One protester had to be rushed to the hospital due to injuries sustained from alleged police beatings. The police also reportedly attempted to conduct urine testing on the arrested. The reason, however, remains unclear. 

    As of 22 April, 11 people have been released, while one individual remains in detention. 

    Call to Action

    The police’s use of excessive force violates the fundamental freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly as well as the right to fair legal protection as guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution of Indonesia, the Criminal Procedure Code, and international human rights instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

    The arrest of legal aid providers violates Indonesia’s law on legal aid, which guarantees that they cannot be criminally charged or sued in civil court for actions taken in the course of their duties. Likewise, they are entitled to legal protection, security, and safety while delivering legal assistance.

    This is yet another example of violations of the freedom of peaceful assembly and association. The protesters and legal aid providers should never have been arrested in the first place.

    FORUM-ASIA calls for an independent and impartial investigation into the police’s reported use of excessive force against peaceful protesters. All victims must have access to remedy. 

     


    For the PDF version of this statement, click here

    The post [Statement] INDONESIA: West Sumatra police must respect people’s right to peaceful protest, government must recognize role of legal aid providers first appeared on FORUM-ASIA.

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (29 April 2025) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) and the Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI) welcome the recommendation of the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI)-Sub-Committee on Accreditation (SCA) to downgrade the accreditation of the National Human Rights Commission of India (NHRCI).

    On 23 April 2025, the SCA recommended downgrading the NHRCI from “A” to “B” status.

    This means that the NHRCI–as a national human rights institution–is currently only partially compliant with the Paris Principles, which set the minimum standards for the independence, effectiveness, and credibility of such institutions. National human rights institutions like the NHRCI are mandated to protect, promote, and monitor human rights at the national level.

    The decision came after the SCA’s much-anticipated review of the NHRCI in March 2025, following two consecutive deferrals in 2023 and 2024.

    “The SCA’s recommendation to downgrade the NHRCI is pivotal in signalling the effectiveness and independence of GANHRI’s accreditation process. This further encourages civil society to hold public institutions accountable and help ensure that national human rights institutions are effectively doing their duties. We urge the NHRCI to take this as an opportunity to strengthen its operations in line with the SCA’s recommendations,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    FORUM-ASIA and ANNI acknowledge the complexity and challenges surrounding this decision. In its report, the SCA noted “attempts by the Indian national authorities to engage members of the SCA relative to the accreditation process of the NCHR, including the involvement of various foreign missions.”

    We join civil society in commending the GANHRI-SCA for its steadfast commitment in ensuring transparency, independence, and impartiality throughout its rigorous accreditation process. These are reflected in the SCA’s objective observations and sound recommendations to the NHRCI.

     

    Reasons behind downgrading

    The decision to downgrade the NHRCI was made following concerns over the Commission’s failure to address the previous recommendations issued by the SCA in 2017, 2023, and 2024.

    Such recommendations align with longstanding concerns raised by civil society:

    1. Allowing the police to interfere in NHRCI investigations.
    2. Lack of an open selection and appointment process for its leadership.
    3. Lack of pluralism in its leadership and staff composition.
    4. Inadequate efforts in addressing issues related to shrinking civic space and violations against human rights defenders.
    5. Lack of meaningful cooperation with civil society actors.

    “The [NHRCI’s] independence and effectiveness has not been sufficiently maintained in line with the requirements of the Paris Principles,” the SCA stated.

     

    Moving forward with meaningful reforms

    “FORUM-ASIA and ANNI urge the NHRCI to seize this opportunity to intensify its advocacy to introduce amendments to the Protection of Human Rights Act of 1993 (PHRA) in order to strengthen its compliance with the Paris Principles,” said Bacalso.

    We join the SCA in urging the NHRCI to advocate for amending Section 11 of the PHRA. Doing so would help end government secondment of police officers as investigative staff, eliminate government appointment of a senior civil servant as Secretary General, and empower the NHRCI to independently recruit for the said position.

    In addition, we call on the NHRCI to ensure gender balance in its leadership and staff composition. As noted by the SCA, amendments to the PHRA must formalize a transparent, open, and participatory selection and appointment process for its Commissioners.

    The NHRCI should strengthen its engagement and cooperation with Indian civil society in fulfilling its investigative, advisory, and protection functions. In particular, we look forward to the Commission’s role in providing stronger protections for human rights defenders as well as the victims and survivors of human rights violations.

    While civil society acknowledges the steps the Commission has taken to address some of SCA’s concerns, we hope that under the new leadership of Chairperson Shri Justice V Ramasubramanian, the NHRCI will undertake deeper reform to strengthen  its independence, effectiveness, and compliance with the Paris Principles.

    FORUM-ASIA and ANNI remain committed to constructively engaging with the NHRCI, with the shared aim of strengthening national human rights protections in India.

    **


    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
     is a network of 89 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

     


    For the PDF version of this statement, click here

    The post [Statement] INDIA: Civil society welcomes recommendation to downgrade NHRCI, meaningful reforms must follow first appeared on FORUM-ASIA.

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (22 April 2025)–The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) strongly condemns the politically motivated sentencing of Chinese human rights lawyer Lu Siwei to 11 months in prison and a fine of 10,000 yuan (USD 1,370). 

    FORUM-ASIA demands the immediate quashing of Lu Siwei’s conviction. We call for his unconditional release. The judicial persecution of lawyers and human rights defenders (HRDs) in China must end. 

    The sentence was handed down by the Chenghua District Court in a closed-door trial held on 18 April 2025. Lu Siwei was accused of “illegally crossing the border” from China to Laos. This charge demonstrates the Chinese Government’s long-standing strategy of criminalizing HRDs through legal prosecution while also denying them access to due process.

    The court’s decision to proceed in secrecy and to deny public access to the trial is highly concerning. During the hearing, spectators were not allowed and courtroom passes were not issued. Lu Siwei’s friends and supporters were intimidated through surveillance and police harassment. 

    Transnational repression

    As a lawyer, Lu Siwei has represented people in politically sensitive cases, including the 12 Hong Kong activists arrested in 2020 and fellow Chinese human rights lawyer Yu Wensheng. 

    Since 2021, Lu Siwei has been systematically oppressed for his human rights work. He has been disbarred from legal practice, banned from international travel, put on intrusive surveillance, and repeatedly harassed. 

    His disbarment came after allegations that one of his online speeches claimed to “endanger national security.” This move is part of the broader crackdown on independent legal professionals in China. Lu Siwei’s arrest is a part of transnational repression, with grave implications for the safety of exiled HRDs across the region. 

    On 23 July 2023, Lu Siwei–who held a US visa and a Chinese passport–was arrested by police in Laos while trying to travel to Thailand. He was planning to fly to the US to safely reunite with his family. 

    Despite the international community’s calls to protect Lu Siwei, Laos forcibly repatriated him to China after a month-long detention. This incident paints a troubling pattern wherein some governments in the ASEAN region are evidently helping China target dissidents. Instead of offering HRDs’ protection, these governments remain complicit with China’s efforts to silence and punish dissent. This is effectively turning the region into a hostile space for exiled HRDs and activists.

    Call to action

    “Lu Siwei’s sentencing is a disturbing pattern of criminalization and intimidation faced by human rights defenders in China and across the region. This  not only violates China’s obligations under international human rights law but also emboldens other authoritarian regimes to follow suit,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    FORUM-ASIA calls on ASEAN member states to cease all cooperation with transnational repression. ASEAN member states should uphold their international human rights obligations and ensure that their territories do not become extension zones of authoritarian control.

    We call on the international community to express solidarity with Lu Siwei and to join our calls for justice and protection of all HRDs.

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (8 April 2025) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) welcomes the decision of the South Korean Constitutional Court to uphold the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol.

    “This ruling is a critical step in reaffirming South Korea’s commitment to the rule of law and democracy. It sends a strong message that the illegal declaration of martial law cannot be justified under any circumstances,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    FORUM-ASIA urges Acting President Han Duck-soo and the incoming government to take decisive action to restore and strengthen democratic institutions. This includes comprehensive legal and institutional reforms that not only amend the martial law provisions, but also ensure the full protection of freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly.

    What happened

    On 4 April 2025, the Constitutional Court upheld the motion of impeachment against Yoon. 

    With Yoon’s removal, a presidential election must be held within 60 days, presumably on 3 June. Han Duck Soo will remain in charge as acting president until the election result is announced. National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik also stated intentions to review the Constitution to curb presidential powers.  

    On 3 December 2024, President Yoon declared emergency martial law in an unprecedented attempt to suppress the majority-opposition parliament. The decree banned all political activities, silenced dissent, restricted media freedoms, and criminalized public protests and strikes. 

    Although voted out by the parliament shortly after the martial law announcement, Yoon’s actions sparked widespread condemnation, raising concerns over South Korea’s deteriorating democratic space. A series of protests happened around the National Assembly. Network outages reportedly happened, affecting social media access, thereby impacting people’s freedom of expression and right to access information. 

    Yoon was then suspended through the parliament’s impeachment motion. Prime Minister Han Duck-soo then served as acting president, but was briefly suspended by the parliament and replaced by the Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok before being reinstated by the Constitutional Court.

    Concerns over independence of  National Human Rights Commission of Korea

    Civil society expressed concerns over the National Human Rights Commission of Korea’s (NHRCK) continued support for President Yoon Suk Yeol despite his Martial Law declaration. 

    On 10 February 2025, NHRCK commissioners passed a controversial resolution advocating for the protection of the president’s right to defense during his impeachment trial.  Civil society argued that the NHRCK’s decision undermined the Commission’s independence and credibility by lending legitimacy to the President’s undemocratic martial declaration. 

    The NHRCK leadership also attempted to undermine the Constitutional Court’s authority throughout the impeachment trial. The  Chairperson, for example, criticized the Constitutional Court in his letter to the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights where he echoed the same arguments put forward by Yoon’s defense attorney. In a Facebook post, Commissioner Kim Yong-won appeared to incite violence against members of the Constitutional Court in the event of an unfavourable ruling. 

    Despite protests and attempted resignations, the Commission is yet to issue a formal condemnation or initiate an investigation into the human rights violations committed during the state of emergency. 

    Civil society noted how Yoon’s martial law measures severely violated people’s rights, including press freedom as well as freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. Citizens faced arbitrary arrests, detention, and warrantless searches in direct contravention of international human rights standards and South Korea’s constitutional principles.

    Following such concerns, the Sub-Committee on Accreditation of Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI-SCA) initiated a special review of the NHRCK’s “A-status” accreditation. 

    By upholding Yoon’s impeachment, the Constitutional Court was met with public cheers but also opposition from supporters of the beleaguered leader. 

    Nevertheless, this ruling proves that democracy and the  rule of law are very much alive in South Korea, providing inspiration across Asia and beyond. 

    Call to action

    FORUM-ASIA urges the South Korean Government to establish transparent and independent governance mechanisms to prevent future human rights violations. Likewise, it should ensure accountability for past abuses. 

    The government should promote inclusive political participation to prevent any future attempts to undermine the country’s democratic progress.

    FORUM-ASIA–alongside the Asian NGO Network of National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI) and Korean civil society–urges the NHRCK to uphold its “A-status” by adhering to the Paris Principles. To do this, the Commission must reaffirm its independence and immediately investigate and publicly oppose all forms of abuses linked to martial law.

    South Korea should seize this opportunity to reinforce its democratic foundations and uphold the fundamental rights and freedoms of its people.

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • 30 March 2025

    Press Statement: Civil society calls for disaster relief for earthquake survivors and affected communities in Myanmar

    Aid agencies must ensure relief is not exploited by the military junta

    We—the undersigned 265 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations—express our deepest sorrow for communities across Myanmar and Thailand devastated by the earthquake on 28 March 2025. As Myanmar faces yet another humanitarian crisis amidst the military junta’s intensifying campaign of terror against the Myanmar people, it is imperative that the international community immediately mobilize resources and direct disaster emergency relief to survivors and affected communities of the earthquake. This must be channeled through local community groups and frontline responders in collaboration with the National Unity Government (NUG), Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs), and civil society. We emphasize that these disaster relief efforts, through any implementing partners, must not be exploited, manipulated, or weaponized by the military junta for its political and military gain.

    The earthquake on Friday—a severe 7.7 magnitude and the region’s most devastating in nearly seven decades—has caused over 2,500 confirmed deaths[1] and left communities across Myanmar shattered, homes and religious infrastructure destroyed, and tens of thousands of lives in peril. With hospitals overwhelmed, roads and bridges collapsed, and aftershocks threatening further destruction, immediate and unimpeded humanitarian assistance is crucial. Areas hit by the earthquake include Sagaing, Mandalay, Magwe, and Bago Regions, eastern and southern Shan State, and Naypyidaw. Most of these areas are under the effective control and administration of the NUG, EROs, and People’s Defense Forces. In affected areas under its control as well as under the resistance’s control, the junta will attempt to weaponize aid to attack and leverage gains over the resistance movement. Myanmar’s history provides stark warnings about the dangers of channeling aid through the military junta.

    During Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the then military regime cynically weaponized disaster relief efforts to manipulate results of its sham referendum. International aid was obstructed from entering the country and withheld from desperate survivors to coerce their favorable vote for the military-drafted constitution in exchange for aid—all measures employed to secure its control and meddling in politics. Many local volunteers from the democratic movement were arrested and imprisoned by the regime for attempting to deliver assistance. This heavily delayed critical assistance and caused masses of civilian casualties. Once aid was finally allowed into Myanmar, the military regime and their officials diverted and misused it for personal and political gain, including benefiting constituencies with ties to the regime. This is but one example of the Myanmar military’s grotesque manipulation of human suffering for consolidation of political power and personal profit.

    The military’s pattern of aid exploitation persists today, as evidenced by the junta’s obstruction and manipulation of relief efforts in response to recent natural disasters, namely Cyclone Mocha in 2023 and Typhoon Yagi in 2024, and its relentless commission of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity against civilians across the country. Even after the earthquake on Friday, the military junta repeatedly bombed civilian areas in Chaung U Township in Sagaing Region, Phyu Township in Bago Region, and Naung Cho Township in northern Shan State—areas under its illegitimate declaration of state of emergency for natural disaster management. Earlier this month, the junta had already shut down seven private hospitals in Mandalay following an accusation of their employment of healthcare professionals from the Civil Disobedience Movement, severely limiting healthcare capacity in Mandalay, now torn by the earthquake. Against this backdrop, the junta has systematically imposed years-long internet and phone line shutdowns, coupled with an aggressive crackdown on VPN usage, significantly restricting the flow of information about the devastation inside Myanmar and hindering emergency response efforts. The junta’s callous contempt for human life, even in the face of widespread earthquake devastation, underscores its unsuitability to oversee aid—and more importantly, its willingness to manipulate any humanitarian response.

    At this critical time, we welcome the NUG’s announcement of a two-week pause in its offensive military operations in earthquake-affected areas, effective today. However, the military junta has continued dropping bombs in earthquake-affected Pauk Township, Magwe Region, as recently as this morning. We look to the UN’s and ASEAN’s facilitation to ensure the junta ceases all military offensives, especially the immediate halt of ongoing airstrikes.

    As communities across Myanmar mobilize to support one another amidst the devastation, we call on United Nations agencies, the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre), neighboring countries, international organizations, and the wider international community to collaborate directly with Myanmar’s legitimate stakeholders—namely the NUG and EROs—and civil society to ensure aid is not obstructed, manipulated, or weaponized by the junta. Aid can and must reach earthquake survivors and affected communities without delay through border-based channels which have proven the most effective. The NUG’s swift activation of the Emergency Operation Coordination Committees following the earthquake exemplifies its readiness and capacity to lead relief efforts in collaboration with ethnic and community partners. We commend the prompt and impactful responses to this disaster, particularly through crowd-funding efforts, including by the NUG and Myanmar Earthquake Response Coordination Unit comprised of Myanmar civil society organizations, which have already provided essential support to affected communities.

    We once again remind the international community, particularly aid agencies, that humanitarian assistance must be guided by the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, do no harm, and operational independence. The UN Country Team must fully embody these principles in their action, remembering the hard lessons learned from past engagements on aid with the military junta and past military regimes. Disaster response to this latest catastrophe must prioritize collaboration with stakeholders who demonstrably value the lives, safety and well-being of the Myanmar people—the NUG, EROs, and civil society—while actively preventing the junta from obstructing or exploiting aid delivery. Failure to do so will deepen the already dire humanitarian crisis and guarantee further abuses by an illegal body notorious for its active destruction of human lives.

    We urge the UN, neighboring countries, and the wider international community to remember Myanmar’s painful history of the military’s manipulation of aid in times of natural disasters, and act resolutely to protect affected and vulnerable communities from exploitation and further suffering. The people of Myanmar deserve aid that alleviates suffering—not aid weaponized against them.

    For more information, please contact:

     

    Signed by 265 civil society organizations, including 7 organizations that have chosen not to disclose their name.

    1. #MilkTeaAlliance Calendar Team
    2. #MilkTeaAlliance Friends of Myanmar
    3. 5/ of Zaya State Strike
    4. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
    5. A-Yar-Taw People Strike
    6. Action Committee of Basic Education Students (ACBES)
    7. Ah Nah Podcast – Conversations with Myanmar
    8. All Aung Myay Thar San Schools Strike Force
    9. All Burma Democratic Front in New Zealand
    10. All Burma Federation of Student Unions (Monywa District)
    11. Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI)
    12. Alliance of Students’ Union – Yangon (ASU-Yangon)
    13. ALTSEAN-Burma
    14. Anti-Junta Alliance Yangon-AJAY
    15. Anti-junta Forces Coordination Committee (AFCC -Mandalay)
    16. Arakan Rohingya National Union (ARNU)
    17. ASEAN Civil Society Conference/ASEAN People’s Forum Philippines Process
    18. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
    19. Asia Pacific Solidarity Coalition (APSOC)
    20. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    21. Asian Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD)
    22. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
    23. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
    24. Association of Spring Rainbow (ASR)
    25. Association Suisse-Birmanie
    26. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
    27. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
    28. Auckland Zomi Community
    29. Aung San Suu Kyi Park Norway
    30. Basic Education General Strike Committee (BEGSC)
    31. Basic Education Worker Unions – Steering Committee (BEWU-SC)
    32. Blood Money Campaign (BMC)
    33. Burma Affairs and Conflict Study (BACS)
    34. Burma Action Ireland
    35. Burma Campaign UK (BCUK)
    36. Burma Canadian Network
    37. Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, NZ)
    38. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK)
    39. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
    40. Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
    41. Campaign for a New Myanmar
    42. Campaign for Popular Democracy
    43. CDM Medical Network (CDMMN)
    44. Chanmyatharzi Township People’s Strike
    45. Chaung Oo Township Youth Strike Committee
    46. Chin Community in Norway
    47. Chin Community of Auckland
    48. Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO)
    49. Chindwin (West) Villages Women Strike
    50. Civil Information Network (CIN)
    51. Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
    52. Civil Society Organizations Coordination Committee (Monywa)
    53. Co-operative University Mandalay Students’ Strike
    54. Coalition Strike Committee – Dawei
    55. Community Resource Centre
    56. Creative Home (CH)
    57. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
    58. CRPH Funding Ireland
    59. CRPH Support Group, Norway and members organizations
    60. Daung Sitthe Strike
    61. Dawei (Ashaetaw) Women Strike
    62. Dawei Youths Revolutionary Movement Strike Committee
    63. Defend Myanmar Democracy (DMD)
    64. Democracy for Ethnic Minorities Organization (DEMO)
    65. Democratic Party for a New Society, Norway
    66. Depayin Township Revolution Steering Committee
    67. Depayin Women Strike
    68. Doh Atu – Ensemble pour le Myanmar
    69. Educational Initiatives Prague
    70. Emergency Management Committee – Mandalay
    71. Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
    72. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
    73. ETOs Watch Coalition
    74. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
    75. Former Political Prisoners and New Generation Group – Monywa
    76. Free Burma Campaign (South Africa) (FBC (SA))
    77. Free Rohingya Coalition (FRC)
    78. Friends Against Dictatorship (FAD)
    79. From Singapore to Myanmar (FS2M)
    80. Gangaw Women Strike
    81. Gender Equality Network (GEN)
    82. General Strike Collaboration Committee (GSCC)
    83. General Strike Committee of Basic and Higher Education (GSCBHE)
    84. General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB)
    85. Generation Wave (GW)
    86. Generations’ Solidarity Coalition of Nationalities (GSCN)
    87. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution (GMSR)
    88. Human Rights and Development Foundation (HRDF)
    89. Human Rights Educators Network (HREN)
    90. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
    91. Human Rights Working Group
    92. India for Myanmar
    93. Industries Strike
    94. Info Birmanie
    95. Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID)
    96. Inter Pares
    97. International Association, Myanmar-Switzerland (IAMS)
    98. International Campaign for the Rohingya
    99. International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ESCR-Net)
    100. International Peace Bureau
    101. Italia-Birmania
    102. Jubilee Campaign
    103. Justice & Equality Focus (JEF)
    104. Justice For Myanmar (JFM)
    105. Justice Movement for Community-Innlay
    106. K’cho Ethnic Association (Europe)
    107. Kachin Association Norway
    108. Kachin Legal Aid Group (KLAG)
    109. Kachin State Civilian Movement
    110. Kachin Student Union
    111. Kachin Women Association Thailand (KWAT)
    112. Kalay Township Strike Force
    113. Kalay Women Strike
    114. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
    115. Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN)
    116. Karenni National Women’s Organization (KNWO)
    117. Karenni Society New Zealand Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
    118. Keng Tung Youth
    119. Kontras
    120. Kyae Lak Myay
    121. Kyain Seikgyi Spring Revolution Leading Committee
    122. Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC)
    123. La Communauté Birmane de France
    124. Latpadaung Region Strike Committee
    125. LGBT Alliance
    126. LGBT Alliance Myanmar (Kalay Region)
    127. LGBT Alliance Myanmar (Kyaukse Region)
    128. LGBT Community Yangon
    129. LGBT Union – Mandalay
    130. Magway People’s Revolution Committee
    131. Magway Region Human Rights Network
    132. Maharaungmyay Township People’s Strike
    133. Mandalar University Students’ Strike
    134. Mandalay Alliance Coalition Strike
    135. Mandalay Medical Family (MFM)
    136. Mandalay Regional Youth Association – Revolution Core Group
    137. Mandalay Strike Force (MSF)
    138. Mandalay Women Strike
    139. Mandalay Youth Strike
    140. Mandalay-based People’s Strike
    141. Mandalay-Based University Students’ Unions (MDY_SUs)
    142. MayMyo Strike Force
    143. Mekong Watch
    144. Milk Tea Alliance Thailand
    145. Minority Affairs Institute
    146. Monywa LGBT Strike
    147. Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee
    148. Monywa Women Strike
    149. Monywa-Amyint Road Strike Leading Committee
    150. Monywa-Amyint Road Women Strike
    151. Movement for Alternatives and Solidarity in Southeast Asia
    152. Multi-Religions Strike
    153. Muslim Youth Network
    154. Mya Taung Strike
    155. Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP)
    156. Myanmar Action Group Denmark
    157. Myanmar anti-military coup movement in New Zealand
    158. Myanmar Campaign Network (Australia)
    159. Myanmar Catholic Community In Norway
    160. Myanmar Community Group Christchurch New Zealand
    161. Myanmar Community Group Dunedin New Zealand
    162. Myanmar Community in Italy
    163. Myanmar Community in Norway
    164. Myanmar Emergency Fund – Canada
    165. Myanmar Engineers – New Zealand
    166. Myanmar Global Support Foundation
    167. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
    168. Myanmar Hindu Union
    169. Myanmar Institute of Information Technology Students’ Strike
    170. Myanmar Labor Alliance (MLA)
    171. Myanmar Labour News
    172. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
    173. Myanmar Students’ Union in New Zealand
    174. Myaung Youth Network
    175. MyaYar Knowledge Tree
    176. Myingyan Civilian Movement Committee
    177. Nelson Myanmar Community Group New Zealand
    178. Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma)
    179. Network of University Student Unions – Monywa
    180. New Myanmar Foundation (NMF)
    181. New Zealand Campaign for Myanmar
    182. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
    183. New Zealand Karen Association
    184. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
    185. NLD Organization Committee (International) Norway
    186. No Business With Genocide
    187. 12 Basic Education Branch High School (Maharaungmyay) Students’ Union
    188. North Dagon & East Dagon News
    189. Norway Matu Community
    190. Norway Rvwang Community
    191. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica
    192. OCTOPUS (Youth Organization)
    193. Pa-O Women’s Union (PWU)
    194. Pale Township People’s Strike Steering Committee
    195. Politics for Women Myanmar
    196. Progressive Muslim Youth Association (PMYA)
    197. Progressive Voice (PV)
    198. Pyi Gyi Tagon Strike Force
    199. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
    200. Queers of Burma Alternative (QBA)
    201. Rainbows Talk
    202. Representative Committee of University Teacher Associations (RC of UTAs)
    203. Rohingya Community in Norway
    204. Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network (RMCN)
    205. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
    206. Samgha Sammaga-Mandalay
    207. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
    208. Save the Natural Resource (SaNaR)
    209. Seinpann Strike
    210. Shan Community (New Zealand)
    211. Shan MATA
    212. Shwe Pan Kone People`s Strike Steering Committee
    213. Sisters 2 Sisters
    214. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
    215. Solidarity for People’s Education and Lifelong Learning
    216. Southern Initiative
    217. Southern Youth Development Organization
    218. Stop the War Coalition Philippines
    219. Sujata Sisters Group (NZ)
    220. Support Group for Democracy in Myanmar (NL)
    221. Swedish Burma Committee
    222. Ta’ang Women’s Organization (TWO)
    223. Taze Strike Committee
    224. Taze Women Strike
    225. Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB)
    226. Thakhin Kodaw Mhine Peace Network (Monywa)
    227. Thayat Chaung Women Strike
    228. The 88 Generation Peace and Open Society (Monywa)
    229. The Ladies Organization
    230. The Mekong Butterfly
    231. Think Centre, Singapore
    232. Twitter Team for Revolution (TTFR)
    233. S. Campaign for Burma
    234. Union Aid Abroad – APHEDA
    235. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee
    236. University Students’ Unions Alumni Force
    237. Volunteers in Myanmar
    238. Wetlet Revolution Leading Committee
    239. Wetlet Township Women Strike
    240. White Coat Society Yangon (WCSY)
    241. Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar (WAC-M)
    242. Women Alliance Burma (WAB)
    243. Women for Justice
    244. Women Lead Resource Center (WLRC)
    245. Women Peace Network (WPN)
    246. Women’s Organization Of Political Prisoners (WOPP)
    247. Women’s Peace Network (WPN)
    248. Yadanabon University Students’ Union (YDNBUSU)
    249. Yangon Deaf Group
    250. Yangon Women Strike
    251. Yasakyo Township People`s Strike Steering Committee
    252. Yinmarpin and Salingyi All Villages Strike Committee
    253. Youth Empowerment
    254. Youth for Democratization of Myanmar (UDM)
    255. Zomi Christian Fellowship of Norway
    256. Zomi Community Norway
    257. စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသ သပိတ်အင်အားစု
    258. ယိမ်းနွဲ့ပါး
    259. သမိုင်းသယ်ဆောင်သူများ

     

    [1] Statistics by Myanmar Earthquake Response Coordination Unit, a local coordination group

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (26 March 2025) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) remains concerned over Hong Kong’s declining civic space and fundamental freedoms one year after the adoption of the Safeguarding National Security Ordinance. 

    The ordinance–also known as “Article 23”–expands government powers to combat dissent in the name of national security defense, reinforcing the National Security Law (NSL) that China imposed on Hong Kong in 2020.

    FORUM-ASIA is in solidarity with Hong Kong pro-democracy defenders, echoing their calls for the peaceful restoration of fundamental freedoms as well as the repeal of Article 23 and all other repressive laws.

    “Five years after the implementation of the National Security Law and a year after Article 23, fundamental freedoms in Hong Kong have significantly declined, ultimately silencing journalists, civil society organizations, and pro-democracy defenders. This has led to the exile or arrests of protesters, activists, and former opposition lawmakers. FORUM-ASIA calls on the government to immediately restore Hong Kong’s once vibrant civil society,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.


    Charges and arrests under Article 23

    Both Article 23 and the NSL have increased the Chinese Government’s influence over Hong Kong. In fact, both laws continue to undermine the “One Country, Two Systems” framework, under which Hong Kong exercises a high degree of autonomy while preserving its own economic, social systems, and common law system. 

    Article 23 raises the maximum prison sentence for sedition from two to seven years, which could further increase to 10 years if the offense involves “collusion with an external force.” As of March 2025, five individuals have been formally charged with sedition under Article 23. Meanwhile, 11 out of the 16 arrested have been released without charges.

    The most recent charge was made against a bus technician for “knowingly publishing publications with seditious intent” on social media–between March 2024 and January 2025–with the aim of inciting “hatred, contempt, or disaffection” toward the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the Hong Kong Police Force, and the judiciary. He was arrested on 21 January 2025.

    Among the prominent figures arrested is Chow Hang-tung, a young human rights lawyer who served as a vice-chair for the now-disbanded Hong Kong Alliance in Support of the Patriotic Democratic Movement of China (HKA). 

    Already detained under NSL since 2021, she was among the six individuals taken into custody by the national security police in May 2024, marking the first arrests under Article 23. The arrests were linked to a Facebook group that voiced support for Chow.

    Chow Hang-tung was sentenced to multiple jail terms. In 2021 she was sentenced to 12 months in prison  under the NSL for “inciting subversion of state power” for her involvement in the 2020 Tiananmen vigil and in 2022 she was jailed for another 15 months for “inciting others to participate in an unauthorized assembly” during the 2021 Tiananmen vigil. Further, she was convicted in 2023 with other 2 pro-democracy activists, under the NSL and sentenced to 4.5 months in prison for “not complying with the requirement to provide information” regarding the HKA, following accusations that the HKA is a “foreign agent.” 

    On 6 March 2025, while still in prison  for the conviction with other 2 pro-democracy activists in 2023, the Court of Final Appeal ruled that government prosecutors had redacted key facts in the sentencing of Chow Hang-tung and other two, depriving them of a fair trial and resulting in a miscarriage of justice. The judges also dismissed the prosecution’s claim that it was not required to prove in court that the HKA (disbanded in 2021) was a foreign agent. This ruling marked a rare victory for the pro-democracy movement.

    The situation has also been dire for Hong Kong journalists 

    In September 2024, Chung Pui-Kuen–former editor of the shuttered independent news organization Stand News–was sentenced to 21 months in prison for sedition. 

    Meanwhile, Patrick Lam, the Stand News’ former editor-in-chief–received an 11-month sentence. After his conviction, Lam was later on released on health grounds. This case marked the first trial and national security-related conviction against media workers in Hong Kong.

    Around this time, many Hong Kong journalists reportedly received defamatory emails and letters at their homes and workplaces, according to the Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA). Private Facebook groups circulated hateful content targeting media outlets and journalists, naming at least 36 reporters and sharing their photos. Some posts included death threats, with images of journalists and HKJA members placed alongside knives and shooting targets.

    New Cybersecurity Law

    On 20 March 2025–coinciding with the first anniversary of the implementation of Article 23–the Hong Kong Legislative Council enacted the Protection of Critical Infrastructures (Computer Systems) Bill.

    The new law allows the Hong Kong Government to obtain court warrants to access computer systems and install software on critical infrastructure such as IT, financial services, and telecommunications but excluding government systems. It enables the Security Bureau to establish a Commissioner’s Office which can demand “relevant information” from private companies–even without a warrant–based on suspected offense. 

    The new law also allows the government to investigate and impose heavy compliance requirements on internet service providers, media organizations, and financial institutions. 

    All these could expand the government’s ability to restrict media freedom and increase surveillance by accessing private company data without limitations.

    Call to Action

    “There is an urgent need for democracies to take immediate and coordinated action to address the decline of fundamental freedoms in Hong Kong. The international community should pay close attention and continuously monitor Hong Kong’s human rights situation,” said Bacalso. 

    FORUM-ASIA calls on the Hong Kong Government to repeal all restrictive laws affecting fundamental freedoms and democracy in the region, including Article 23, the 2020 NSL, National Security Law and Cybersecurity Law. 

    Likewise, we urge authorities to end its  crackdown against activists, independent media, and civil society.


    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 88 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • JOINT STATEMENT

     

    Indonesia: Rejection of the Problematic and Rushed Amendments to Law No. 34/2004 on the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI Law)

    Jakarta, 17th March 2025 – Civil society organizations strongly reject the proposed amendments to Law No. 34/2004 on the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI Law), which pose a serious threat to democracy, civilian supremacy over the military, and human rights in Indonesia. 

    Following the fall of President Suharto’s “New Order” regime in 1998, Indonesia undertook reforms to dismantle the dual function (dwifungsi) of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), which allowed military personnel to be involved in government, political affairs, and law enforcement, extending their influence far beyond their traditional defense functions. These reforms were intended to restore civilian supremacy over the military, strengthen democratic governance, and improve human rights protections. A key milestone in this process was the enactment of the Law No. 34/2004 on the TNI (TNI Law), which sought to ensure the neutrality of the military in politics and governance.

    However, Indonesia’s military reform has not only stalled, it has actually regressed. Under the administration of President Prabowo Subianto, the government is actively pushing for a controversial revision of the 2004 TNI Law, that would allow active military personnel the authority to hold 16 governmental positions and significantly expand the military’s non-combat roles. In particular, Commission I (DPR RI) member Tubagus (TB) Hasanuddin, has indicated that the proposed amendments would allow the military to engage in non-combat operations, including direct involvement in drug interdiction. 

    This proposed amendment raises serious concerns. Giving the military a role in civilian law enforcement – particularly in cooperation with the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) and the police –  creates legal and political ambiguities reminiscent of  the “war on drugs” approach, that have often been associated with human rights abuses. Moreover, increased military involvement in civilian affairs directly undermines the principle of civilian supremacy over the military, a fundamental tenet of Indonesia’s security sector reform.

    The proposed revision has met with strong and widespread opposition from civil society groups, as it not only fails to advance the TNI’s reform agenda but also significantly reverses its progress. 

    First, Article 47 of the circulating draft of the TNI Bill, obtained by our organizations, states that active TNI personnel may hold positions in ministries or other institutions that require their expertise, in accordance with the presidential policy. This provision creates legal uncertainty and potentially undermines the law enforcement role of the military. While both the military and the police are classified as civil servants (ASN) in Indonesia, they operate under different ethical codes and enforcement mechanisms. Unlike police officers, TNI personnel are subject to the jurisdiction of the military courts. If active military personnel in ASN positions commit crimes, they would still be tried in a military court – which is known to have little to no transparency – rather than in a civilian court. If the House of Representatives and the government are truly committed to upholding the mandate of reform, civilian supremacy, democracy, and  human rights, their priority should be to revise the Military Tribunal Law rather than to amend the TNI Law. Instead, the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR-RI) has failed to take up the long-overdue revision of the Military Tribunal  Law.

    Second, the proposed revision of the TNI Law includes a troubling expansion  of the military’s authority in “operations other than war” (OMSP) to address cyber threats, including those that target cognitive and virtual dimensions such as social manipulation and information pollution. This vague and overly broad mandate risks militarizing  cyberspace, effectively granting the TNI a role in policing online activities.  Such an expansion, however, is highly susceptible to abuse. By framing cyber threats  as existential threats – or even classifying them as cyberwarfare – the government could justify coercive measures, including censorship, mass and intrusive surveillance, and restrictions on online freedom of expression, which severely undermine fundamental human rights. 

    Third, the revision of the TNI Law has been rushed through with minimal public participation and a severe lack of transparency in the drafting process. This is in direct contradiction to  the principle of meaningful and worthwhile public participation in lawmaking. On 14 – 15 March 2025, the government and the DPR-RI held a closed-door meeting at the Fairmont Hotel in Jakarta to expedite the discussion of the TNI Bill. This directly contradicts an earlier statement by DPR Deputy Speaker, Adies Kadir, who stated that the bill would not be passed before the 2025 Eid holiday – the House of Representatives recess period – and that its approval  could only take place in the next parliamentary session. Instead of following a transparent legislative process,  the Government and the DPR chose to discuss the bill behind closed doors at a luxury hotel over the weekend, raising serious concerns about the lack of transparency and public accountability, and the absence of evidence-based policymaking.

    This blatant disregard for transparency  violates Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) – to which Indonesia is a state party– which guarantees the right to participate in public affairs, including legislative processes. Additionally, it contravenes the commitments Indonesia made in the 4th cycle of the Universal Periodic Review in 2022, where the government pledged to enhance meaningful and inclusive dialogues with the national human rights institution, civil society organizations, academia and other stakeholders. Such secrecy casts doubt on the legitimacy of the process and raises alarms over the motives behind these amendments. A lack of transparency in legislative processes often correlates with efforts to limit criticism and oversight, which are essential functions of the press.

    Furthermore, the government’s rush to amend the TNI Law stands in stark contrast to its prolonged inaction on other critical human rights commitments. Despite pledging for over a decade, Indonesia has failed to ratify key international human rights treaties, including the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED), the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture (OP-CAT), the Genocide Convention, and the Rome Statute – all of which are crucial for the protection and enforcement of human rights.

    Adding to these concerns, activists who have voiced their opinions and concerns over the proposed revision to the TNI Law have faced escalating intimidation and harassment. Colleagues from The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS) have reported anonymous threats, visits from unidentified individuals, and even police summons for “clarifications” from the Greater Jakarta Metropolitan Regional Police (Polda Metro Jaya). These incidents followed a peaceful intervention by KontraS members on 15 March 2025, when they entered the Fairmont Hotel meeting room to peacefully urge lawmakers to halt the closed-door deliberation. 

    In light of the concerns raised, the undersigned civil society organizations: 

    1. STRONGLY REJECT the rushed and deeply flawed process of the TNI Law revision.
    2. URGE the Indonesian Commission I of the House of Representatives to immediately suspend all  discussions on the TNI Bill until a transparent, inclusive, and accountable process is established, and that no further steps are taken toward its passage until legal reforms are made to safeguard civilian supremacy, accountability and human rights.
    3. DEMAND  that the Indonesian Government  guarantee comprehensive protection of human rights defenders, activists and civil society organizations who have expressed  concerns over the problematic revision of the TNI Law and who face intimidation or harassment for their participation in this democratic process.

     

    Sincerely,

    • Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture (ACAT) Germany 
    • ACAT Belgique Belgium België
    • Accountability Counsel
    • Advocacy Forum Nepal
    • Aksi Kamisan New York City
    • All Arakan Students’ & Youths’ Congress – AASYC
    • AMAN Indonesia
    • Amnesty International Chapter UNNES
    • Amnesty International Indonesia
    • Arus Pelangi
    • ASEAN Youth Forum (AYF)
    • ASEAN Civil Society Conference/ASEAN People’s Forum Philippine Process
    • Asia Citizen Future Association (ACFA), Taiwan
    • Asia Development Alliance 
    • Asia Alliance Against Torture (A3T)
    • Asia Democracy Network (ADN)
    • Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
    • Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD)
    • Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    • Association Of Indonesian Migrants  
    • Asosiasaun Chega! Ba Ita (ACbit)
    • Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
    • Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
    • Aung San Suu Kyi Park Norway
    • Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM) 
    • Blood Money Campaign (BMC)
    • Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) Indonesia
    • BALAOD Mindanaw, Philippines
    • Beranda Perempuan Indonesia- Jambi
    • Bullyid Indonesia
    • Bumi Setara
    • Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR)
    • Center for Legal and Social Studies (CELS), Argentina
    • Center for Indonesia’s Strategic Development Initiatives (CISDI)
    • Center of AI and Tech Innovation for Democracy (PIKAT)
    • Center on Sexuality Studies (SGRC UI)
    • Chin Community in Norway
    • CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    • Civil Society Coalition against Organized Crime (the Coalition) 
    • Community Resource Center (CrC) Thailand
    • Cross Cultural Foundation (CrCF) Thailand 
    • CRPH Support Group, Norway and members organizations 
    • Collective Campaign for Peace (COCAP), Nepal
    • Collectif des Associations Contre l’Impunité au Togo (CACIT)
    • Commission for Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS Aceh)
    • Community Legal Aid Institute (LBH Masyarakat)
    • Confederation of Indonesia People Movement (KPRI)
    • Defence of Human Rights and Public Services Trust Pakistan
    • Defence of Human Rights, Pakistan
    • Defend Myanmar Democracy (DMD)
    • Democratic Party for a New Society, Norway
    • Digital Democracy Resilience Network (DDRN)
    • Doctors Without Stigma (DTS) 
    • Down Syndrome Care Foundation Indonesia(YAPESDI)
    • East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN/U.S.)
    • ECPM – Together Against the Death Penalty 
    • Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
    • Extinction Rebellion Indonesia (XR.id)
    • FAIR Law Firm
    • FAMM Indonesia 
    • Federal Association of Vietnamese Refugees in the Federal Republic of Germany
    • Federasi Serikat Buruh Persatuan Indonesia (FSBPI)
    • FIAN Indonesia
    • FIAN International
    • Forum Cik di Tiro
    • Foundation for Labour and Employment Promotion, Thailand
    • Free Hearts
    • Generation Wave (GW)
    • Generations’ Solidarity Coalition of Nationalities (GSCN) 
    • Gerakan Media Merdeka (Geramm)
    • Girl Up Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember
    • GRAM (Gerakan Megamendung)
    • Harm Reduction International (HRI)
    • Health Opportunity Network (HON), Thailand 
    • Hadomi Timor, Timor Leste
    • HAYAT, Malaysia
    • Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
    • Human Rights Journalists Network Nigeria 
    • Human Rights Law Centre, Australia
    • Human Rights Law Chambers, Sri Lanka
    • Human Rights Myanmar
    • In Defense of Human Rights and Dignity Movement (iDEFEND)
    • India for Myanmar 
    • Indonesia Budget Center
    • Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW)
    • Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI)
    • Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI)
    • Indonesian Mental Health Association (IMHA)
    • Indonesian Planned Parenthood Association – Bengkulu (IPPA – Bengkulu)
    • Indonesian Planned Parenthood Association – Special Region of Yogyakarta (IPPA – Yogyakarta)
    • Indonesian Planned Parenthood Association – Aceh (IPPA – Aceh)
    • Institute of Research and Advocacy (Link-AR Borneo)
    • Indonesia Association of Human Rights Lecturer (SEPAHAM-Indonesia)
    • International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW AP)
    • International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID)
    • Irish Council for Civil Liberties
    • International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims (IRCT)
    • JCYCN, Nepal
    • Jaringan Advokasi Nasional untuk Pekerja Rumah Tangga (JALA PRT)
    • Jaringan Akademisi Gerakan Anti Kekerasan Terhadap Perempuan (JARAK)
    • Just Access e.V.
    • Justice & Equality Focus (JEF)
    • Jong Columbia (Indonesian students at Columbia University)
    • K’cho Ethnic Association( Europe)
    • Kachin Association Norway
    • Keng Tung Youth
    • Kyae Lak Myay
    • Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC) 
    • Kalyanamitra
    • Kampoeng Tjibarani
    • KIPP Indonesia
    • Kenapa Harus Peduli
    • Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC)
    • Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu (KIPP) Indonesia
    • Komite Pemilih Indonesia
    • Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia 
    • Konsorsium Pembaruan Agraria
    • Konfederasi Persatuan Buruh Indonesia (KPBI)
    • Kolektif Sanggar Puan
    • Korean House for International Solidarity(KHIS), South Korea
    • Lab Demokrasi
    • LaporIklim
    • LaporSehat
    • Legal Dignity
    • Lentera Gayatri
    • Lembaga Bantuan Hukum (LBH) Jakarta
    • Lingkar Keadilan Ruang
    • Lintas Feminist Jakarta (Jakarta Feminist)
    • Liyang Network
    • Magway Region Human Right Network 
    • Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
    • Manushya Foundation 
    • Media and Creative Industry Workers Union for Democracy (SINDIKASI) Yogyakarta
    • MEDICAL ACTION GROUP Inc., Philippines
    • Melbourne Bergerak
    • Mexiro A.C. 
    • Migrant CARE Indonesia
    • #MilkTeaAlliance Calendar Team
    • #MilkTeaAlliance Friends of Myanmar
    • Movement for Alternatives and Solidarity in Southeast Asia (MASSA) 
    • Myanmar Catholic Community In Norway
    • Myanmar Community in Norway
    • Myanmar Hindu Union
    • MyaYar Knowledge Tree
    • New Myanmar Foundation
    • NLD Organization Committee (International) Norway
    • Norway Matu Community
    • Norway Rvwang Community
    • Nyan Lynn Thit Analytical (NLTA) 
    • Needle n’ Bitch
    • Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND Burma)
    • Olive organization 
    • Omega Research Foundation
    • Open Contracting Partnership 
    • Pakistan Development Alliance 
    • Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity (PACTI) 
    • Progressive Muslim Youth Association (PMYA)
    • Progressive Voice (PV)
    • Palasara Widya Indonesia Foundation
    • ProgreSIP.id Media Kelas Pekerja
    • PeaceGeneration Indonesia 
    • People’s Voter Education Network. 
    • Perkumpulan Lintas Feminis Jakarta (Jakarta Feminis)
    • Perpustakaan Jalanan D.I.Y
    • Platform C, South Korea 
    • Protection International
    • Psychological Responsiveness  NGO, Mongolia
    • Public Virtue Research Institute
    • Pusat KOMAS
    • Pusat Pembangunan Rakyat Mandiri (MANDIRI), Malaysia
    • Queers of Burma Alternative (QBA)
    • Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU), Bangladesh
    • Relawan Edukasi Antihoax Indonesia (REDAXI)
    • Remotivi
    • Right to Life Human Rights Center, Sri Lanka 
    • Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
    • Réseau des Organisations de la Société civile pour l’Observation et le Suivi des Élections en Guinée – ROSE 
    • Rohingya Community in Norway
    • Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network (RMCN)
    • Sadar Setara
    • Samsara
    • Shan MATA 
    • Sisters2Sisters 
    • Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
    • Southern Initiative 
    • Save All Women and Girls
    • SHARE, center for Sexual rigHts And Reproductive justicE (South Korea)
    • Sindikasi Pemilu dan Demokrasi (SPD)
    • Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet)
    • South East Asia Collaborative Policy Network (SEA CPN)
    • Solidaritas Perempuan
    • Solidarity for People’s Education and Lifelong Learning (SPELL)
    • Southeast Asia Public Interest Lawyers (SEAPIL)
    • Suar Perempuan Lingkar Napza Nusantara Foundation (SPINN), Indonesia 
    • Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
    • Sukaar Welfare Organization
    • Students For Liberty (SFL) Indonesia
    • Studi Agama Kritis
    • Support Group and Resource 
    • TAPOL, UK
    • Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)
    • The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
    • The Indonesian Centre for Law and Policy Studies (PSHK Indonesia)
    • The Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (IMPARSIAL)
    • The Legal Resources Centre, South Africa
    • The May 18 Foundation, South Korea
    • The People Participation, Initiative and Partnership Strengthening Foundation (YAPPIKA)
    • The PRAKARSA
    • The Sunny Center Foundation Usa Inc.
    • Think Centre, Singapore 
    • Think Path Indonesia Legal Office
    • Transparency International Indonesia
    • Transitional Justice Asia Network (TJAN)
    • Transitional Justice Working Group (TJWG) South Korea
    • Trend Asia  
    • Terra-1530
    • Viet Tan
    • WCC Mawar Balqis
    • WITNESS
    • Weaving Women’s Voices in Southeast Asia (WEAVE)
    • Women Lead Resource Center
    • Women’s Legal Centre, South Africa
    • Women Study Center Solo/Pusat Kajian Perempuan Solo (PUKAPS)Watch Indonesia! e.V.
    • Workers And Families  (KABAR BUMI)
    • World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) 
    • Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Keadilan Banten (LBH Keadilan)
    • Yangon Deaf Group
    • Youth Empowerment
    • Youth for Democratization of Myanmar (UDM)
    • ZINE THINK
    • Zomi Christian Fellowship of Norway
    • Zomi Community Norway
    • 2030 Youth Force Indonesia
    • ယိမ်းနွဲ့ပါး
    • သမိုင်းသယ်ဆောင်သူများ

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • GENEVA, Switzerland (13 March 2025) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) condemns the judicial harassment and excessive use of force committed by Bangladeshi authorities against peaceful protestors–demanding justice for survivors of gender-based violence–in a rally staged in Dhaka on 11 March 2025.

    The deliberate targeting of student human rights defenders (HRDs)–including women human rights defenders (WHRDs)–illustrates Bangladesh’s persistent criminalization of dissent, further shrinking an already-repressed civic space.

    Such actions reflect the interim government’s troubling continuation of repressive tactics characteristic of former regimes.

    “FORUM-ASIA demands Bangladeshi authorities to immediately drop all charges against the student human rights defenders and unnamed protestors, prioritizing their safety and protection from further harassment. Instead of violently cracking down on dissent, Bangladesh must uphold people’s freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and association,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, executive director of FORUM-ASIA.

     

    What happened

    On 11 March 2025, students peacefully marched from Shahbagh area toward the Chief Advisor’s residence in the capital Dhaka under the banner “Bangladesh Against Rape and Abuse.” The peaceful protest was partly triggered by widespread public outrage following the reported rape of an eight-year-old girl, a case emblematic of the widespread violence against women and girls in Bangladesh.

    Protestors demanded urgent state action as well as the resignation of the Home Affairs Advisor for the failure to respond to such violence.

    The peaceful demonstration was violently intercepted by police when protestors attempted to bypass a barricade, resulting in clashes and injuries on both sides. Police allege that protestors initiated the violence; however, protestors and eyewitness accounts indicated that authorities escalated tensions by employing disproportionate force, leading to avoidable injuries.

    Authorities subsequently escalated the situation by filing a First Information Report (FIR) against 12 prominent student HRDs—including three WHRDs—from the Bangladesh Students Union, Student Federation, and Student Front, and 70 to 80 unnamed protestors. The FIR accuses the students of unlawful assembly, rioting, obstruction of public servants, and assault.

    Several named defenders have also highlighted how they were falsely implicated despite not even being present at the protest site at the time of the incident. The authorities, however, have maintained the charges, thereby placing the student defenders at immediate and serious risk of arbitrary arrest, harassment, and prolonged persecution.

    Such actions severely violate Bangladesh’s obligations to protect fundamental freedoms under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which it is a state party. These also contradict the interim government’s promises of democratic reform, transparency, and accountability, thus undermining the legitimacy of state institutions and further eroding public trust.

    The excessive police response to student protests has become increasingly common under the interim government. In January 2025, peaceful demonstrators advocating for the rights of indigenous communities were violently dispersed with batons, water cannons, and sound grenades, injuring over 20 individuals. By specifically targeting the very student voices that facilitated its rise to power after the 2024 July-August protests, the interim government now risks reversing the country’s hard-won democratic gains and deepening the erosion of civic freedoms.

     

    Call to Action

    Aside from dropping all charges against the peaceful protestors, the interim government should also immediately undertake comprehensive actions to combat gender-based violence. This includes establishing robust and survivor-centred judicial processes, accountability mechanisms, and specific protections for survivors and women human rights defenders.

    Furthermore, authorities must ensure that the police do not use excessive force against individuals who are merely practicing their right to peaceful protest.

    “This violent suppression of peaceful protestors demanding accountability for sexual violence underscores Bangladesh’s deeply entrenched culture of impunity and repression against civic activism,” stressed Bacalso.

    “The interim government’s failure to break away from these repressive practices undermines its legitimacy and betrays the student-led mass movement that brought it to power,” Bacalso added.

    **


    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
     is a network of 89 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

     

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (12 March 2025) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) commemorates the 21st anniversary of the enforced disappearance of Thai human rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit. We are calling for truth, justice, accountability, and redress for Somchai and his family.

    FORUM-ASIA urges the Government of Thailand to decisively reopen its investigation into Somchai’s case to prove its compliance with domestic and international laws.

    “Throughout these 21 years, all we have encountered are ‘attempts to deny, ignore, and erase’ Somchai’s enforced disappearance, turning it into an ‘absolute disappearance,’” Somchai’s family said through a statement in Thai.

     

    Obstructed truths, long-delayed justice

    Somchai served as the Deputy Head of the Human Rights Commission of Thailand’s Lawyer Council as well as the President of the Muslim Lawyers Club.

    On 12 March 2004, eyewitnesses saw a group of individuals forcibly dragging Somchai into a car in Bangkok’s Ramkhamhaeng Road. Despite strong circumstantial evidence suggesting Somchai’s death, his fate and whereabouts remain unknown.

    Somchai’s case has been largely met with systemic negligence. Thai authorities have denied Somchai’s family of their fundamental right to know the truth, having refused to launch any meaningful investigation and thereby failing to hold the perpetrators accountable.

    Such efforts to erase Somchai from public memory is a direct assault on justice.

     

    In 2006, the Bangkok Criminal Court acquitted four police officers of charges related to coercion and gang robbery despite clear evidence. Only Police Major Ngern Thongsuk was convicted of coercion. In 2011, however, the conviction was overturned by the Court of Appeals.

    In 2014, the Supreme Court rejected the admissibility of phone evidence that could have implicated the police officers in Somchai’s disappearance. In 2016, the Ministry of Justice’s Department of Special Investigation closed the case, declaring that no culprits had been found. No one has ever been held accountable for Somchai’s disappearance.

    Somchai’s wife, Angkhana Neelapaijit, is still facing threats and reprisals as she continues to demand answers.

    Call to action

    “Despite Thailand’s enactment of the Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act in 2022 and ratification of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance in 2024, these laws remain insufficiently enforced. Hence, incidents of torture and forced disappearances continue,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    “Now a  member of the UN Human Rights Council, Thailand must set a good example by meaningfully resolving Somchai’s case alongside many other cases of enforced disappearances in the country,” Bacalso added.

    There are 77 unresolved cases of alleged enforced disappearances in Thailand as of July 2024, according to the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.

    Somchai’s vocal opposition to Martial Law–which allowed authorities to detain people without charge–made him a target. His invaluable human rights work, however, shall never be forgotten. Somchai’s peaceful fight against abuse of power–including the ill-treatment of Muslim communities in Thailand’s southern provinces–continues to inspire today’s younger generation of human rights defenders.

    Somchai and his family–alongside other victims of enforced disappearances and their loved ones– should be able to access justice, reparations, and adequate assistance. Perpetrators should be held accountable.

    FORUM-ASIA is in solidarity with Somchai, his family, and all human rights defenders impacted by enforced disappearances.

     

    **


    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
     is a network of 89 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

     

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • On January 8, CPJ joined 29 press freedom and advocacy organizations in a statement demanding the immediate release of Venezuelan journalist Carlos Correa, director of Caracas-based press freedom group Espacio Público, who was forcibly disappeared the previous day in the capital. 

    On January 9, CPJ signed another joint statement along with six organizations urging the Brazilian government to take a stand on the disappearance by hooded individuals, allegedly Venezuelan officials, of Correa. Brazil maintains a long-term relationship with Venezuela and sent an observer to follow the July elections. Brazil’s President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has said he won’t recognize the results until the official figures are released, which hasn’t happened.

    That statement called for “the international community, and in particular the Brazilian government, to press for clarification and accountability regarding the disappearance of Carlos Correa and other violations committed in Venezuela against opponents, protesters, journalists, and human rights defenders in recent months.”

    Read the full statements in Spanish and Portuguese.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The nephew of former Prime Minister Hun Sen has threatened to sue a prominent businessman who alleged that US$9 million was stolen from a Chinese investor who sought government approval for a mine.

    Hun To posted an open letter on social media on Wednesday in response to accusations made by Heng Sithy, a businessman who filed a complaint with Cambodia’s Ministry of Justice on Jan. 5.

    Hun To stated that Heng Sithy’s comments in the complaint and on social media were “untrue, misleading, malicious and defamatory.” He also said he was “ready to file a counterclaim and fight a legal battle with Heng Sithy.” His letter was also published by the government-aligned Fresh News online news site.

    Heng Sithy’s complaint alleged that Hun To accepted the $9 million from Chinese businessman Sun Ruifeng but never followed up with promised support for the proposed mine in eastern Mondulkiri province.

    Hun To gathers with supporters of the Cambodian People's Party at a campaign event in Phnom Penh, July 26, 2013.
    Hun To gathers with supporters of the Cambodian People’s Party at a campaign event in Phnom Penh, July 26, 2013.
    (Heng Sinith/AP)

    Heng Sithy also posted a statement on Facebook on Thursday, denying Hun To’s allegation that Heng Sithy had threatened to kill Hun To. Heng Sithy pointed out that Hun To has the protection of Hun Sen and top state institutions.

    “Since you were a child, Hun To, you have been a bad person who did not go to school, did not know how to read, abused people, kidnapped their daughters, stole their systems, abused businessmen and lured them to your house to drink,” he wrote in the statement.

    “In Cambodia, no one dares to threaten to kill you.”

    RFA was unable to reach Hun To or Heng Sithy for comment on the allegations.

    Family fixer

    Hun To is the cousin of Prime Minister Hun Manet and has long been viewed as the family’s fixer for some of its business interests.

    Last year, he settled a defamation lawsuit with The Australian newspaper over a story that linked him to human trafficking, cyber scams and drug importation.

    He was featured prominently in The Sting, a 2012 book by investigative journalist Nick McKenzie about Australian law enforcement’s attempts to tackle the international drugs trade.

    According to McKenzie, Hun To was a target of an Australian police investigation in 2003 into the smuggling of heroin from Cambodia to Australia in timber shipments.

    McKenzie claimed Hun To only evaded arrest thanks to the intervention of Australian Embassy officials in Phnom Penh seeking to avoid a diplomatic incident. When confronted with the accusations in 2012, Hun To claimed to have no connections to the drugs trade.

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    In July, Hun To scored an apparent victory after he secured an out-of-court settlement over a years-long dispute with The Australian.

    The outlet agreed to retract a 2-year-old story it had published about Hun To that “some readers may have understood” to have alleged that he “was linked to human trafficking, cyber scams and drug importation,” the paper wrote.

    The retraction marked the conclusion of a defamation case Hun To had brought against The Australian in 2022. It came just after the Australian government had declined to renew his visa, Radio Free Asia reported earlier this year – even though he had spent decades living part-time in the country and he and his family owned extensive business and property interests around Melbourne.

    Stripped of okhna title

    Heng Sithy said in Thursday’s statement that he was prepared to sue Hun To in the United Kingdom, Australia, the United States and China.

    It was unclear how Heng Sithy was connected to Sun Ruifeng and the proposed mine.

    As chairman of Phnom Penh-based Maritime Development Group, Heng Sithy donated $1 million to the government during the Covid-19 outbreak and $100,000 to the Cambodian Red Cross in 2022.

    But last month he was stripped of his okhna title –- an honorary bestowed upon Cambodians who are involved in business and have been generous with donations to charity or the government. He left Cambodia late last year.

    The Ministry of Justice has remained silent on his complaint, which also named several senior officials as being involved in corruption and online gambling in Cambodia.

    Translated by Yun Samean. Edited by Matt Reed.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Khmer.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Bangkok, Thailand (29 November 2024)–The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is deeply concerned over the excessive force used against protesters demanding the release of former Prime Minister Imran Khan from prison.

    “The suppression of dissent–as evidenced by the intimidations and arrests made against protesters –undermines democratic principles and threatens people’s fundamental rights and freedoms. The use of excessive force against protesters is never acceptable,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

     

    What happened

    On 24 November 2024, Khan’s supporters–led by his wife Bushra Bibi–began their exodus towards the capital Islamabad to demand the former Prime Minister’s release. Ahead of the march, thousands were already reportedly arrested.

    By 25 November, thousands had reached Islamabad, determined to march towards “Democracy Square.” Authorities responded by banning public gatherings; deploying police, army, and paramilitary soldiers; implementing a nationwide security lockdown and internet blackouts; and barricading major roads with ship containers.

    As the crowd broke into barricades–protecting an area housing the parliament and other key government offices–security forces dispersed protesters by firing tear gas. Live and rubber bullets were reportedly used, however, these are yet to be verified. As of 27 November, the police said they have arrested nearly 1,000 protesters.

    Khan’s party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, then announced the “temporary suspension” of the protests. The clash between protesters and security forces left six people dead, two of whom are protesters and four are paramilitary troops, according to the media. Meanwhile, at least 50 injuries were reported. Exact figures, however, are yet to be released.

    Following the clashes, The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan called for a “purposeful political dialogue” among involved parties.

    Khan has been imprisoned since August 2023 over a corruption case. In 2022, he was ousted through a no-confidence vote in parliament. This comes after the Supreme Court ruled that Khan acted “unconstitutionally.” Khan and his supporters claim that he was arrested over politically-motivated charges.

     

    Reasons behind the protests

    Apart from their calls for Khan’s freedom, protesters were also demanding the release of political prisoners.

    In addition, protesters want to repeal a constitutional amendment regarding the selection of Supreme Court justices.

    Lastly, Khan’s supporters are demanding for free and fair elections, labelling the February 2024 elections as a “stolen mandate.”

     

    Excessive force is unacceptable

    “Freedom of peaceful assembly and association makes for a crucial bedrock of democracy and is enshrined in international human rights standards, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), to which Pakistan is a state party. Any use of force by authorities must adhere to the principles of legality, necessity, and proportionality,” Bacalso explained.

    The deployment of excessive security measures, suspension of mobile and internet services, and banning of public gatherings raise serious concerns about Pakistan’s shrinking civic space.

    FORUM-ASIA urges the Government of Pakistan to:

    1. Immediately cease all forms of excessive force against protesters and ensure that security forces act in compliance with international human rights laws and standards.
    2. Release individuals who were arbitrarily detained during the protests.
    3. Initiate an independent investigation into the reported incidents of violence and hold those responsible accountable.

    The Government of Pakistan must ensure an enabling environment where all citizens can peacefully and freely express their views without fear of reprisals.  FORUM-ASIA will continue  to monitor and support efforts to protect people’s freedom of peaceful assembly in Pakistan.

    For the PDF copy of the statement, click here.

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • The undersigned organisations express concern over the Thai Government’s recent attempt  to pass the Draft Act on Associations and Foundations 2024, which, if adopted, would lead to violations of  the right to freedom of association and further undermine democracy in the country.

    We call on the Thai Government and Parliament to scrap the Draft Act at once and instead prioritize efforts  to protect civic space and promote democracy in the country.

     

    A Threat to Freedom of Association

    The Draft Act on Association and Foundation 2024 was introduced to the public by the Government of Thailand in October 2024. Similar to its predecessor – the Draft Act on the Operations of Not-for-Profit Organizations,  which  was suspended by the Thai Parliament in 2022 – the current  Draft contains numerous provisions that contravene international human rights law and standards. Among its contentious measures, the Draft mandates the registration of all associations and foundations (Section 6), requires a minimum of at least 30 members to establish an association (Section 12) and imposes mandatory reporting of foreign funding (Section 8).

    Furthermore,  the Draft Act grants unfettered powers to the authorities to dissolve or suspend foundations and organisations whose activities are deemed to violate the law, against public morality, threaten national security, or  disturb public spaces without due process of law (Section 26, 31, 48). Organizations may also be dissolved or suspended on minor grounds, including having fewer than thirty members and allowing “another person who is not a director of the association to make a statement”(Section 31). The establishment and objectives of associations as well as the qualifications of members,  must comply with public morality and national security. (Section 14,17,34).  The vague terms and onerous requirements places undue burden on civil society organisations, particularly those advocating for human rights and democracy.

     

    Targeting Civil Society as “Foreign Influence” and “Threats to National Security and Stability”

    If passed, the Draft Act would perpetuate a securitization and negative narrative against civil society, portraying its actions as foreign interference/foreign influence. In addition to requiring the reporting of foreign funds (Section 8), the Draft Act uses vague grounds such as national security and economic interest to restrict registration and the activities of civil society (Section 26, 31, 48). It also imposes disproportionate reporting requirements and allows authorities to inspect  organisations without prior  notice, significantly undermining the right to privacy for both  organisations and individuals involved.

    Such provisions, justified under the pretext of combating foreign influence, foreign money laundering and counter-terrorist financing, have  been deemed a misinterpretation of recommendation 8 of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) – the anti-money laundering intergovernmental watchdog which Thailand is a member. Recommendation 8 and its interpretative note explicitly stipulates that “measures adopted by countries to protect the NPO sector from terrorist abuse should not disrupt or discourage legitimate charitable activities.” Rather than adopting a blanket approach, FATF suggests a -targeted and risk-based strategy  that ensures civil society can continue to thrive.

     

    Lack of transparency and public participation

    The Thai government’s disregard for civil society input is evident in the current draft of the Act, which retains the most egregious provisions from the previous version.  Despite widespread objections, restrictive measures that undermine the independence and operations of civil society groups remain unchanged.  While the government invited public feedback to the Draft Act from October 28 to November 26, 2024, it remains uncertain whether these inputs will be thoroughly considered or adopted.  In response, the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand, NHRCT, organised a public consultation on the 8th November, where CSOs unanimously recommended the Draft Act to be repealed in its entirety. Their concerns included the flawed drafting process which lacked public consultation/hearing, the potential harm posed by ambiguous terms such as public morality and national security, as well as the disproportionate criminal sanctions and punishments against the organizations and individuals involved.

     

    Thailand’s (lack of) Commitment as Human Rights Council (HRC)  Member

    As a  recently elected member of the HRC for  2025, Thailand must lead by example and align its domestic laws with the highest  international human rights standards. However, the Draft Act clearly violates the right to freedom of association guaranteed in international law and standards, including the right for civil society organisations to freely exercise the rights to association and expression, including through activities such as seeking, obtaining and disseminating ideas and information. The international human rights law and standards also recognise the crucial role of civil society in advocating for human rights; engaging in governance and the conduct of public affairs; and accessing and communicating with international human rights bodies, among other issues.

    International human rights law and standards also affirm that these rights must be guaranteed for all organisations, regardless of their registration status. Thailand’s adherence to these principles is essential to uphold its commitments as a HRC member.

    In 2021, three UN Special Rapporteurs- on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association; the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression; and on the situation of human rights defenders) sent a communication to the Royal Thai Government raising expressing concerns about the previous draft. The communication, along with advocacy efforts made by civil society to call for the repeal contributed to the Thai parliament’s decision to suspend the Draft  in 2021. If the current draft is passed in its current form, it will further highlight Thailand’s  failure to comply with international and universal human rights standards.

     

    Call for Action

    As the public consultation closes  on  26 November 2024, we urge the Government and Parliament of Thailand to halt discussions and repeal the 2024 Draft Act in its entirety.  Passing this Draft Act will further erode  civic and democratic  space in the country.

    We emphasize that Thailand,  as a member of the UN Human Rights Council must honor its commitment to uphold international and universal standards of human rights.

    Additionally, we call for the international community to closely monitor the process to ensure transparency and accountability.

     

    Signatories:

    1. ALTSEAN Burma
    2. Asia Democracy Network
    3. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    4. Association of Women for Awareness and Motivation (AWAM Pakistan)
    5. Bytes For All, Pakistan
    6. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC)
    7. Cambodian League for the Promotion & Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO)
    8. Centre for Human Rights and Development
    9. Centre for the Sustainable Use of Natural and Social Resources (CSNR)
    10. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    11. DAKILA
    12. Defence of Human Rights
    13. Dignity, Mongolia
    14. ENLAWTHAI Foundation (EnLAW)
    15. Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
    16. Fortify Rights
    17. Forum for Dignity Initiatives
    18. Human Rights Alert
    19. Human Rights Now
    20. Human Rights Online Philippines (HRonlinePH)
    21. ILI Foundation
    22. KHIS – Korean House for International Solidarity
    23. Madaripur Legal Aid Association (MLAA)
    24. Maldivian Democracy Network
    25. National Commission for Justice and Peace, NCJP
    26. PBHI Indonesia
    27. Peoples Empowerment Foundation (PEF)
    28. Protection International
    29. Psychological Responsiveness NGO
    30. Pusat Komas
    31. Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU),
    32. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
    33. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights
    34. Think Centre, Singapore
    35. YLBHI (Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation)

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (26 November 2024) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is concerned over the Indian Government’s ongoing land acquisitions in Indian-administered Kashmir for the sake of railway line expansion. This threatens the fundamental rights and livelihoods of impacted communities.

    For months, residents in Pulwama and Shopian districts have been protesting the expropriation of their orchards and homes which happened without consultation or consent.

    “FORUM-ASIA is in solidarity with the people of Kashmir. Development cannot come at the cost of disempowerment, displacement, and dispossession. The voices and rights of the people must be respected to achieve just and sustainable progress,” echoed Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    The railway expansion project is just one example of a persistent pattern of land grabbing in Kashmir as facilitated by the systemic denial of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) among affected communities.

    This pattern not only contravenes international human rights standards but also violates people’s right to development.

    “What is the point of development that steals the bread and butter of farmers, and then claims to make roads and railways for them.” – impacted resident from Kashmir.

    Blatant disregard for human rights in Kashmir

    The railway expansion project displaces families and strips them of generational livelihoods.

    It severely undermines the region’s apple industry—a cornerstone of Kashmir’s economy and a lifeline for families—and further jeopardises the economic, social, and cultural rights of its people.

    “Our lives are intricately connected to our land. As far as I can remember, apple farming has been central to our family’s economy. I have sensed land-anxiety among all the landowners. We have many fears regarding loss of our land. Many farmers wonder whether a subway wasn’t a better option [than a railway], saving our lands and being at par with global-level urbanisation.” – impacted resident from Kashmir.

    Amidst Kashmir’s ongoing unemployment crisis, the limited livelihood options available have become even more valuable. Residents have also expressed fears about the worsening rural economic distress.

    All these problems further destabilize the people’s right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment.

    The absence of genuine consultation and the refusal to honor the communities’ right to say no reflects broader governance issues in Kashmir, where voices of the people are systematically silenced. This is evidenced by a severe crackdown on civil society and people’s freedom of expression, which has resulted in an environment that prevents people from speaking out for fear of repercussions. In November 2024 alone, FORUM-ASIA documented two cases of environmental human rights defenders being detained under the draconian Public Safety Act, 1978 for protesting damage from hydropower projects and a waste disposal plant.  Additionally, most notably, three years after his detention, Khurram Parvez’s wrongful incarceration remains an emblematic example of the consequences of voicing dissent.

    The ongoing land grabbing represents more than just localised struggles; they are part of a larger political strategy to alter the socio-economic and demographic fabric of Kashmir. This was witnessed by the revocation of the region’s special status in 2019, which has subsequently resulted in increased land grabbing by the Indian Government for its political and economic agenda.

    The stripping of Kashmir’s autonomy has only added to unemployment rates, allowing non-locals to apply for jobs and to buy land for both public and private use.

     

    Call to action

    FORUM-ASIA urges the Indian Government to halt all land acquisitions linked to railway expansion in Kashmir until a transparent, participatory, and rights-based process is established as prescribed in the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013. This includes FPIC from affected communities, respecting their right to say no to projects that threaten their livelihoods and heritage.

    We also call on the Indian Government to provide fair compensation and alternatives to already-displaced families while safeguarding their socio-economic and cultural rights.

    Lastly, we ask the Indian Government to comply with its international obligations to protect people’s right to inclusive development and to preserve the region’s ecological and economic sustainability.

    ##

    About FORUM-ASIA:

    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 85 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

    • Communication and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA, communication@forum-asia.org

     


     

    For the PDF version of this statement, click here

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (22 November 2024) –  The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) expresses concern over the Asian Development Bank’s (ADB) revised Environmental and Social Framework (ESF). While the revised draft–released in September 2024–includes some positive amendments, there is still a long way to go before the ESF can truly protect and support human rights defenders (HRDs) and impacted communities.

    History of violations in ADB-financed projects

    Over the years, ADB-financed projects have been marred by human rights and environmental rights violations.

    Across Asia and the Pacific, their investments have displaced communities, damaged the environment, and violated communities’ right to free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). HRDs who dare speak up are met with retaliation and reprisals. All of these violations occur in the absence of remedies.

    Moreover, the ADB has also been complicit in investing in projects in countries with shrinking civic space.

    Despite its laundry list of violations, the ADB has been slow in accepting accountability, deflecting blame to clients and leaving communities helpless without any effective mechanisms for remedies.

    Provisions in the revised ESF

    The ESF is meant to provide policies and standards to manage environmental and social risks in projects funded by the ADB, and ensure that these projects contribute positively to sustainable development while minimizing adverse impacts. With the revised ESF currently out for comments, FORUM-ASIA acknowledges the ADB’s efforts to improve its provisions and language to make it more community-centric.

    However, there is still substantive scope for improvement.

    Retaliation and reprisals against HRDs
    FORUM-ASIA commends the explicit mention of zero tolerance towards reprisals in ADB-financed projects as well as the removal of prior good faith efforts before approaching the ADB’s accountability mechanism. However, the expectation for those facing retaliation to seek help from borrower/client-led grievance mechanisms is hugely problematic since the borrowers/clients often directly or indirectly perpetrate reprisals themselves.

    The ADB is not just a financier of development projects. It must acknowledge that ownership of projects’ impacts should be shared between the Bank and its borrowers/clients, including the responsibility to prevent harm and to protect communities and their environment.

    The ADB must therefore adopt a more hands-on approach to address cases of reprisals at an institutional level. It should grant impacted communities direct access to the Bank–sidestepping the borrower/client–to ensure the safety and security of HRDs.

    The ESF must clearly outline steps the ADB will take if cases of reprisals do occur, including specific provisions on supporting and protecting concerned individuals or communities. It must also include concrete disciplinary procedures for holding perpetrators accountable.

    Meaningful and sustained engagement with communities
    FORUM-ASIA recognises the ADB’s efforts to ensure meaningful consultations with impacted communities. However, this responsibility still primarily lies with borrowers/clients since the ESF provides them the discretion to decide what the consultations would look like and how they would be reported back to the ADB.

    Very often, these consultations are a mere checkbox exercise where concerns and grievances do not get documented or receive any follow through.

    Moreover, when FPIC is sought from communities, “good faith negotiation” is misused by the borrower/client to coerce communities–often through misinformation, threats, or false promises–to give their consent.

    The ADB must create binding standards for borrowers/clients to act as a yardstick to ensure that stakeholder consultations can be defined as “meaningful.”

    The ESF must also list clear expectations on the role of communities at every stage of the project, from design to evaluation and exit.

    The ADB must explicitly acknowledge that FPIC is fluid and can be withdrawn anytime even after initial consent is given, following which it has an institutional responsibility to respect the community’s decisions.

    Civic space
    FORUM-ASIA commends the ADB for mentioning “civic space and freedoms of expression, association and assembly” in the Environmental and Social Risk Classification as a criterion for evaluating risk in the context in which the project is developed or implemented. However, there is no mention of how and by whom civic space will be evaluated.

    The ADB must develop a clear set of guidelines highlighting how benchmarks related to civic space and fundamental freedoms will be measured as well as how it will impact the Bank’s investment decisions. This should recognize how restricted civic space increases risks of reprisals, decreases chances of meaningful engagement, and increases risks of corruption by undermining the role of HRDs as watchdogs.

    To counter this, the ADB must adopt measures to ensure that communities and HRDs operating in such settings are given additional considerations, so that they can freely express themselves without fear of retaliation.

    Digital risks
    FORUM-ASIA supports the inclusion of language around the use and assessment of digital technologies in ADB-financed projects. However, as defined in the ESF, digital risk has a narrow scope, extending only to issues around cybersecurity, data privacy, and data management.

    In reality, digital risks extend far beyond the protection of ADB and its borrowers/clients from digital threats.

    Increasingly, HRDs and communities are subjected to intimidation, harassment, and abuse in digital spaces.

    The ESF should extend the definition of digital risks to include risks and threats towards communities and HRDs in online spaces, especially in contexts of shrinking civic space. This should include clear guidelines on how the ADB will respond in cases of online retaliation and reprisals.

    Adherence to international standards and norms
    FORUM-ASIA welcomes language around obligations towards international instruments and internationally recognised standards, including the explicit mention of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the Paris Agreement, the Sustainable Development Goals, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, and the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework.

    However, the ESF fails to mention key human rights instruments beyond the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, and the UN Resolution on the Human Right to a Clean, Healthy and Sustainable Environment.

    These international instruments are key principles that serve as a foundation for the ADB to be able to fulfil its commitments in the ESF.

    The ESF needs to clearly recognise these international human rights standards as a benchmark for compliance, if national legislation is weaker or absent. This also needs to be complemented with capacity development for ADB staff and its borrowers/clients, so that they understand and adhere to these principles in their respective policies and operations.

    Going forward 

    “With this revised ESF, the ADB’s Board of Directors has an opportunity to set industry-wide best practices on human rights considerations in the Bank’s operations in the region,” said Mary Aileen Diez Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    FORUM-ASIA urges the ADB to strengthen the language in the ESF to include stronger protection for communities and HRDs against retaliation and reprisals, including threats experienced online.

    The ADB must adopt a more proactive approach in preventing and addressing cases of reprisals.

    We call on the ADB to ensure that “meaningful consultations” with communities truly respect the community’s right to say no and are undertaken in a binding, inclusive, and accountable manner going beyond the broad definition set in the ESF.

    Lastly, we encourage the ADB to adopt stronger language around adherence to international human rights standards and norms, overruling national legislation in cases where the latter is weaker.

     

     

    ##

     

    About FORUM-ASIA:

    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 85 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

    • Communication and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA, communication@forum-asia.org

    For the PDF version of this statement, click here

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • We, the undersigned organisations, urge the Cambodian Government to end its reprisals and judicial harassment against the Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights (CENTRAL) and Eang Vuthy, Executive Director of Equitable Cambodia (EC).

    Silencing dissent through judicial harassment

    The Cambodian Government, together with government-aligned unions, has been conducting a coordinated smear campaign against CENTRAL, a leading labour rights watchdog. This is yet another example of the deteriorating human rights situation in Cambodia.

    On 15th July 2024, the National Audit Authority launched an audit against CENTRAL–on the request of the Ministry of Interior–following CENTRAL’s report criticising restrictions on freedom of association among Better Factories Cambodia-registered factories. The report identified areas of improvement to help support workers avail their rights and voice their grievances. Since the launch of the report, CENTRAL has been repeatedly targeted through protests outside their offices, legal complaints against their staff, and petitions initiated by government-aligned unions to investigate CENTRAL. The initiation of this investigation is a routine tactic used by the Cambodian Government to intimidate human rights defenders (HRDs), discredit the reputation of civil society organisations, and fracture their operations.

    Since 2012, EC has been a vocal proponent for communities impacted by land grabbing and the exploitation of natural resources. In 2016, Eang Vuthy also faced judicial harassment. In 2017, EC was forced to arbitrarily suspend their operations for a month.

    In March 2024, Eang Vuthy was charged with ‘incitement to commit a felony or disturb social security,’ which is punishable by up to two years in prison. This is a blatant attempt to stop Eang Vuthy and EC from supporting communities seeking legal remedies.

    EC has also been involved in a high-profile case against the International Financial Corporation’s (IFC) predatory lending practices in Cambodia’s microfinance sector. The case is currently under investigation by the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman, IFC’s accountability mechanism.

    The fabricated criminal charges against Eang Vuthy alludes to the impunity which allows the government and private sector to operate large-scale ‘development’ projects without any accountability.

    Cambodia’s deteriorating human rights situation 

    The latest cases against CENTRAL and Eang Vuthy are reflective of the worsening targeting and increasing number of judicial harassment cases against HRDS and human rights groups in Cambodia.

    In July 2024, 10 HRDs associated with the environmental group Mother Nature were convicted and sentenced on baseless charges of plotting against the government and insulting the king.

    Similarly in 2023, NagaWorld union leader Chhim Sithar and eight members of the Labor Rights Supported Union of Khmer Employees of NagaWorld were convicted of ‘incitement to commit a felony or disturb social security.’ They were sentenced to prison for peacefully demanding higher wages and the reinstatement of union members who were unjustly fired.

    In the lead up to the 2023 elections, FORUM-ASIA alongside partners expressed grave concern over the country’s descent into authoritarianism, following a blatant disregard for electoral integrity amidst escalating violence and political repression. CIVICUS rated Cambodia’s civic space as ‘repressed’, wherein HRDs are at risk of surveillance, intimidation, imprisonment, and death.

    The government’s repeated attacks on civil society sends a clear message: obey or be silenced.

    The cases against CENTRAL and Eang Vuthy could set a dangerous precedent, which allows the government to openly stifle dissent. This could create an environment of fear where people eventually stop speaking out, hence paving the way to total authoritarianism.

    Call to action

    We call on the Cambodian Government to immediately drop the investigation and charges against CENTRAL and Eang Vuthy, in line with Article 41 of the Constitution of Cambodia which guarantees freedom of expression and assembly to all.

    As a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Cambodian Government needs to adhere to its principles by upholding people’s right to freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention as stated in Article 9.

    We remind investors, international financial institutions, and donor governments of their human rights obligations, emphasising the need for them to hold the Cambodian Government accountable for the erosion of human rights and shrinking of civic space in the country.

     

    Signatories

    1. Accountability Counsel, Global
    2. ALTSEAN-Burma, Thailand
    3. Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM), Philippines
    4. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, Regional, Asia
    5. Asia Pacific Gathering on Extractives and Human Rights, Regional (Asia)
    6. Asia Pacific Network of Environmental Defenders (APNED), Asia Pacific
    7. Association of Women for Awareness and Motivation (AWAM), Pakistan
    8. BALAOD Mindanaw, Philippines
    9. Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyzstan
    10. Bytes For All, Pakistan, Pakistan
    11. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association, Cambodia
    12. Centre for Human Rights and Development, Mongolia
    13. Community Resource Centre, Thailand
    14. Development Action for Women Network (DAWN), Philippines
    15. Defence of Human Rights , Pakistan
    16. Defenders in Development campaign, Global
    17. Friends with Environment in Development, Uganda
    18. Global Labor Justice, Washington, DC, U.S.
    19. Habitat International Coalition-Housing and Land Rights Network, Middle East and North Africa
    20. Humanitarian Enhancement Aid for Resilient Transformation-HEART, Bangladesh
    21. Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self-Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL), Philippines/ Global
    22. Indonesia Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI), Indonesia
    23. Jaringan Advokasi Tambang/JATAM, Indonesia
    24. KARAPATAN, Philippines
    25. Kenya Human Rights Commission, Kenya
    26. Korean House for International Solidarity, South Korea
    27. KRuHA, Indonesia
    28. Madaripur Legal Aid Association (MLAA), Bangladesh
    29. Mesa nacional para las migraciones y refugiados en rd(MENAMIRD), Republica dominicans
    30. mines,minerals &People, India
    31. MiningWatch Canada, Canada
    32. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement , Sri Lanka
    33. Natural Resource Women Platform, Liberia
    34. OECD Watch network, Global (based in the Netherlands)
    35. Oil Workers’ Rights Protection Organization Public Union, Azerbaijan
    36. Oyu Tolgoi Watch, Mongolia
    37. People’s Watch, Madurai, India
    38. Public Association “Dignity”, Kazakhstan
    39. Progressive Voice
    40. Reality of Aid – Asia Pacific, Philippines
    41. Recourse, The Netherlands
    42. Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU), Bangladesh
    43. SNAPAP, Algeria
    44. Social Rights Advocacy Centre, Canada
    45. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM), Malaysia
    46. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, Philippines
    47. The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS), Indonesia
    48. The Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation, Indonesia – Jakarta
    49. Think Centre, Singapore
    50. TKPT Indonesia, Indonesia
    51. Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, India
    52. WALHI PAPUA, PAPUA
    53. YLBHI, Indonesia
    54. Youth for Green Communities, Uganda

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  •  

    October 21, 2024

    We, the undersigned organizations, call upon World Bank President Ajay Banga to condemn the Cambodian government’s assault on human rights groups, including reprisals against World Bank project stakeholders.

    In recent months, there has been a worrying escalation in the Cambodian government’s repression of critical voices. This has included attacks on two prominent human rights groups, Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights (CENTRAL) and Equitable Cambodia.  In both cases, the reprisals are linked to the groups’ legitimate human rights activities, and in particular to their efforts to ensure human and labor rights protections in projects supported by the World Bank Group.

    We call on World Bank Group leadership to demand that these attacks be stopped and to use its leverage, consistent with its Position Statement on Retaliation Against Civil Society and Project Stakeholders, to ensure human rights defenders and civil society organizations in the country can continue their work without facing further reprisals. 


    Attack on leading labor watchdog 

    CENTRAL is one of Cambodia’s leading labor rights organizations. On June 28, 2024, the Ministry of Interior requested that the National Audit Authority of Cambodia (NAA) conduct an audit of CENTRAL and a “national security” audit was launched on July 15, 2024. The audit request came just weeks after CENTRAL published a report assessing the effectiveness of Better Factories Cambodia (BFC), a joint program between the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank aimed at improving working conditions in the garment sector by assessing the compliance of 660 participating factories with international labor standards.  CENTRAL’s report found evidence that BFC was failing to identify freedom of association violations in participating factories and made several recommendations to improve BFC’s program, including by making their compliance reports available to workers and providing a grievance mechanism to allow workers to contest its findings.  

    The decision to launch a national security audit was preceded by escalating actions by government-aligned unions, including protests outside CENTRAL’s offices, legal complaints against CENTRAL’s staff, and petitions to the Cambodian government to investigate CENTRAL. The audit, which is clearly a response to CENTRAL’s report on the BFC project, has been roundly condemned by the American Apparel and Footwear Association and the Fair Labor Association (representing the apparel brands that source from Cambodia’s factories), United Nations Special Rapporteurs, and national and international civil society organizations. The ILO and IFC have yet to comment.

     

    Attack on leading development watchdog

    Eang Vuthy, Executive Director of the Cambodian land rights NGO Equitable Cambodia (EC), is facing baseless criminal charges due to his organization’s advocacy on behalf of communities affected by harmful development projects. At the end of March 2024, Mr. Eang received a summons informing him that he had been charged with Incitement to Commit a Felony or Disturb Social Security—punishable by up to two years in prison—and ordered to appear before an investigating judge at Phnom Penh Capital Court for questioning on 4 April 2024. 

    Since 2012, Equitable Cambodia has played a key role in helping communities seek redress for human rights abuses caused by large-scale development and private investment projects—including several World Bank-backed projects—through strategic advocacy and litigation. As a result, the organization and Mr. Eang has faced years-long attacks and judicial harassment, including a defamation charge against him in August 2016 and a six-month-long suspension of the organization in 2017.

    The latest criminal complaint against Mr. Eang, filed by the Ministry of Interior, is the most serious attack so far. Moreover, the charges concern Equitable Cambodia’s legitimate activities and day-to-day work supporting communities to file formal complaints to international accountability mechanisms to seek recourse for harms that they have suffered.  These include a high-profile complaint regarding predatory lending and human rights violations caused by microfinance institutions backed by the IFC. The IFC’s Ombudsman was conducting its investigation mission on the case in March-April 2024, when Mr. Eang received his court summons notifying him that he had been criminally charged. He has strong reason to believe that the charges are a reprisal for this work.

    A trial and conviction of Mr. Eang would set a dangerous precedent and would have very serious and far-reaching consequences for civil society in Cambodia.

     

    Cambodia’s closing civil society space

    These attacks are part of a broader crackdown on civil society that must be stopped before the last remaining democratic space in the country is closed. 

    In the years that followed the Paris Peace Agreements in 1991, which ended over two decades of war and horrific atrocities in Cambodia, a vibrant civil society and free press took hold and helped to advance a new era of democracy and human rights in the Southeast Asian nation. This began to change with the adoption of highly restrictive NGO and telecommunications laws in 2015. This was followed by a string of politically motivated prosecutions of opposition party leaders and elected officials, trade unionists and human rights defenders over the past decade, alongside the shutdown of over thirty independent news organizations. Since Hun Manet became Prime Minister last year, this crackdown on critical voices has escalated to target Cambodia’s leading non-partisan human rights organizations. 

    While the Cambodian government has a history of repressing and jailing members of the political opposition, the Ministry of Interior’s attempt to criminalize the otherwise legal day-to-day work of registered human rights NGOs and their leaders represents a new level of repression, that threatens the existence of all remaining independent NGOs in Cambodia that provide critical support to the most vulnerable people in the country.

     

    The World Bank Must Speak Out 

    There are numerous international institutions that provide development assistance to Cambodia, and which have a responsibility to intervene in defense of Equitable Cambodia and CENTRAL, but perhaps none more than the World Bank Group. That is because the recent attacks are believed to be in retaliation for the organizations’ work addressing World Bank programs.   

    In 2018, IFC adopted a Position Statement on Retaliation Against Civil Society and Project Stakeholders, where it states that it does not tolerate any action by a client that amounts to retaliation – including threats, intimidation, harassment, or violence – against those who voice their opinion regarding the activities of IFC or its clients. In this statement, the bank notes that “respect for human rights includes the ability of stakeholders to engage freely with IFC and its clients.”  In 2021 IFC also published a “Good Practice Note for the Private Sector, Addressing the Risks of Retaliation Against Project Stakeholders”, which outlines the steps that IFC’s clients should take to screen for, prevent and address reprisals.

    We call upon World Bank President Ajay Banga to make clear to the Cambodian government that the Bank will enforce its policy of zero tolerance for retaliation. This means that, before approving any new investments in Cambodia, the World Bank Group Board should verify that the legal harassment of CENTRAL and Equitable Cambodia has stopped and its staff are able to continue to freely engage in their legitimate human rights activities in support of project-affected communities and workers.  

     

    Signed by:

     

    1 Accountability Counsel Global / USA
    2 Action Labor Rights Myanmar
    3 African Law Foundation ( AFRILAW) Nigeria
    4 AFWA International INDONESIA
    5 Altraqualità Soc. Coop. Italy
    6 ALTSEAN-Burma Myanmar
    7 Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM) Philippines
    8 Asia Indigenous Peoples Network on Extractive Industries and Energy (AIPNEE) Philippines
    9 Asia Pacific Network of Environmental Defenders Regional
    10 Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) Regional, Asia
    11 Asian NGO Coalition Philippines
    12 Association romande des Magasins du Monde Switzerland
    13 BALAOD Mindanaw Philippines
    14 Bank Information Center USA
    15 Batani Foundation USA/Russia
    16 Brücke Le Pont Switzerland
    17 BUILDING AND WOOD WORKERS INTERNATIONAL ASIA PACIFIC MALAYSIA
    18 Buliisa Initiative for Rural Development Organisation Uganda
    19 Business & Human Rights Resource Centre United Kingdom
    20 Campagna Abiti Puliti Italy
    21 CAOI Colombia
    22 Care For Environment Cameroon
    23 CEDHA US/Argentina
    24 CEE Bankwatch Network Georgia
    25 Center for Civic Governance and Environmental Justice Kenya
    26 Center for Human Rights and Environment USA
    27 Center for International Environmental Law United States
    28 Centre for community mobilization and support NGO Armenia
    29 Centre for Financial Accountability India
    30 Centre for Human Rights and Development Mongolia
    31 Centre for the Politics of Emancipation Serbia
    32 Centro Nuovo Modello di Sviluppo Italy
    33 CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation South Africa
    34 Civil Rights Defenders Sweden
    35 Clean Clothes Campaign International Office Netherlands
    36 Clean Clothes Campaign, East Asia East Asia (we are regional)
    37 Climate Activist Defenders (CAD) Germany
    38 Coalition for Equality-Bir Duino Kyrgyzstan
    39 Collectif Ethique sur l’Etiquette France
    40 Community Resource Centre Thailand
    41 COMPPART Foundation for Justice and Peace building Nigeria Nigeria
    42 Consumers’ Association of Penang Malaysia
    43 Corporate Accountability Lab USA
    44 Defence of Human Rights Pakistan
    45 Defenders in Development campaign Global
    46 Diakonia Sweden Sweden
    47 dressedandstripped.fr France
    48 Ecolur informatioanal NGO Armenia
    49 EILER Philippines
    50 Environmental Defender Law Center Brazil
    51 Environmental Legal Assistance Center (ELAC) Inc. Philippines
    52 Equo Garantito Italy
    53 Ethical Consumer Research Association United Kingdom
    54 FAIR ITALY
    55 Fédération romande des consommateurs FRC Switzerland
    56 FEMNET e.V. Germany
    57 FIAN Germany Germany
    58 Focus on the Global South Philippines
    59 Fondazione Finanza Etica Italy
    60 Forest Peoples Programme UK
    61 ForumCiv Sweden
    62 Front Line Defenders (The International Foundation for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders) Ireland / Global
    63 Future Light Center Myanmar
    64 GAIA Asia Pacific Asia pacific
    65 Gender Action Global
    66 Global Labor Justice United States
    67 Green Advocates International (Liberia) Liberia
    68 Green leaf Advocacy and Empowerment Center Nigeria
    69 Growthwatch India
    70 GSBI – Gabungan Serikat Buruh Indonesia Indonesia
    71 Haine Curate Romania
    72 Human Rights Watch International
    73 Inclusive Development International Global / USA
    74 Indian Social Action Forum India
    75 Indigenous Women Legal Awareness Group (INWOLAG) Nepal
    76 Initiativ Kambodja Sweden
    77 Initiative for Green Planet (IGP) UGANDA
    78 Institute for Critique and Social Emancipation Albania
    79 Instituto Maíra Brazil
    80 International Accountability Project Global / USA
    81 International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders Global
    82 Jamaa Resource Initiatives Kenya
    83 JUHUDI Community Support Center Kenya
    84 Just Ground The Netherlands
    85 Kampagne für Saubere Kleidung Deutschland e.V. Germany
    86 KASBI Indonesia
    87 Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law Kazakhstan
    88 Kilusan para sa Repormang Agraryo at Katarungang Panlipunan (KATARUNGAN) Philippines
    89 KRuHA Indonesia
    90 Labour Behind the Label UK
    91 Large Movements APS Italy
    92 Lawyers’ Association for Human Rights of Nepalese Indigenous Peoples (LAHURNIP) Nepal
    93 Liga Ng kababaihang manggagawa sa cavite economic zone Philippines
    94 London Mining Network United Kingdom
    95 Lumière Synergie pour le Développement SENEGAL
    96 MADPET (Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture) Malaysia
    97 Manushya Foundation Thailand
    98 MAP Foundation Thailand
    99 Maquila Solidarity Network Canada
    100 Marian Women Producers Cooperative Philippines
    101 McCain Institute U.S.
    102 Mekong Watch Japan
    103 MENA Fem Movement For Economic, Development, and Ecological Justice Egypt
    104 MenaFem Movement for Economic Development and Ecological Justice Mena
    105 Migrant CARE Indonesia
    106 MiningWatch Canada Canada
    107 Natural Resource Women Platform Liberia, West Africa
    108 NaZemi Czechia
    109 NGO Forum on ADB Regional
    110 No Business With Genocide USA
    111 North South Initiative Malaysia
    112 Not1More UK / International
    113 OECD Watch Netherlands
    114 Oil Refinery Residents Association Uganda
    115 Oil-Workers Rights Protection Organization (OWRPO) Azerbaijan
    116 Oyu Tolgoi Watch Mongolia
    117 PA’Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan” Kyrgyzstan
    118 Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum Pakistan
    119 Partners for Dignity & Rights United States
    120 Peace Point Development Foundation-PPDF Nigeria
    121 Peregrine Environmental Consulting United States
    122 Policy Action Initiative Kenya
    123 PROGRESS Indonesia
    124 Project on Organizing, Development, Education, and Research (PODER) Mexico
    125 Protection International (PI) Belgium
    126 Psychological Responsiveness NGO Mongolia
    127 Public Association “Dignity” Kazakhstan
    128 Public Eye Switzerland
    129 Pusat Komas Malaysia
    130 ReAct Asia Limited China, Hong Kong SAR
    131 Reality of Aid – Asia Pacific Philippines
    132 Recourse Netherlands
    133 Rivers without Boundaries Coalition Mongolia
    134 Schone Kleren Campagne the Netherlands
    135 SETEM Spain
    136 SOLIFONDS Switzerland
    137 SOMO – The Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations Netherlands
    138 SPN Indonesia
    139 Steps Without Borders NGO Mongolia
    140 Stiftung Asienhaus Germany
    141 Students for International Labor Solidarity United States
    142 SÜDWIND-Institut Germany
    143 Swedwatch Sweden
    144 TENAGANITA Malaysia
    145 The Bretton Woods Project United Kingdom
    146 The Circle United Kingdom
    147 The Oakland Institute United States
    148 TRADE UNION RIGHTS CENTRE INDONESIA
    149 Trend Asia Indonesia
    150 Unen khatamj NGO Mongolia
    151 Unia Trade union Switzerland
    152 UNION FOR CIVIL LIBERTY (UCL) Bangkok
    153 Urgewald Germany
    154 USB Automotive
    155 VIHDA Cebu, Philippines
    156 VPOD Schweiz Schweiz
    157 Witness Radio Uganda
    158 Work Better Innovations UK
    159 Worker-driven Social Responsibility Network USA
    160 workers assistance center, inc. philippines
    161 World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders Switzerland
    162 Youth for Green Communities (YGC) Uganda
    163 ZICET Zimbabwe

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • Kathmandu, Nepal (16 October 2024) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) expresses deep sorrow over the passing of Professor G.N. Saibaba, a renowned academic and human rights defender, who died on 12 October 2024 due to postoperative complications.

    Professor Saibaba, 57, who was wheelchair-bound with a 90 per cent disability due to polio, spent a decade unjustly imprisoned under India’s draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) of 1967. His case exemplifies how, despite his physical vulnerability, he was disproportionately targeted and criminalised for his advocacy, shedding light on the lengths to which the state would go to silence dissent.

    “His death must not be dismissed as merely a natural consequence of his illness; it is the result of institutional neglect and systemic injustice, reflecting a state apparatus that criminalises dissent and threatens the lives and dignity of perceived critics of the government,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

     

    Unjust Prosecution under UAPA

    Professor Saibaba’s arrest and subsequent conviction under the UAPA in 2014 exemplify how national security laws in India are routinely used to silence dissent and curtail the legitimate exercise of fundamental freedoms.

    The charges against him–alleged links to banned Maoist organisations–were never substantiated by evidence. Yet Saibaba spent nearly a decade behind bars, violating his right to a fair trial and due process as enshrined in the Indian Constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which India is a state party.

    The vague provisions of the UAPA were used to silence his advocacy for marginalised communities, including Dalits and Adivasis, and his criticism of state abuses. His imprisonment, especially given his severe disability, amounted to arbitrary detention under international human rights standards.

    Saibaba remained incarcerated until his acquittal in March 2024, only months before his death. This was his second acquittal; he had previously been acquitted in October 2022, but the Indian Supreme Court extraordinarily stayed his release.

     

    Denial of Medical Care and Torture in Detention

    While imprisoned, Professor Saibaba’s health worsened due to the deliberate denial of medical care by prison authorities, violating India’s obligations under international health rights and the Nelson Mandela Rules. Despite his polio condition, he developed serious ailments, including heart disease and pancreatitis, during nearly a decade of incarceration without proper healthcare.

    Subjected to conditions amounting to torture, including prolonged solitary confinement in ananda cell, a small, windowless cell, the only person ever held in the prison’s 90-year history. Saibaba was repeatedly denied essential medical care, causing severe and irreversible damage to his health. Saibaba’s accounts of mistreatment include instances of him being dragged by his legs and physically abused. His deteriorating health and eventual death are a direct consequence of the state’s refusal to acknowledge his right to life, dignity, and medical care, all of which are guaranteed under the ICCPR.

    A similar pattern of institutional neglect and medical denial led to the death of Father Stan Swamy, an 84-year-old tribal rights defender, in July 2021. Arrested in 2020 as part of the Bhima Koregaon 16 (BK-16)—a group of scholars, activists, and lawyers—on unsubstantiated charges of Maoist links, Father Swamy was subjected to systemic neglect throughout his detention.

    “His death, like Saibaba’s, exposes the state’s calculated use of imprisonment as a tool of repression, employing neglect and deprivation to silence dissent by systematically trying to break those who challenge the state’s  authority,” added Bacalso.

     

    Criminalization of Dissent and Shrinking Civic Space

    The UAPA, often justified as a  counter-terrorism measure, has become a tool for systematically targeting HRDs, including journalists and academics. The 2019 amendment, which allows for the designation of individuals as terrorists without due process, has further enabled the government to detain HRDs for prolonged periods without trial. The unabated use of this law has created a chilling effect on dissent in India, allowing the state to imprison activists indefinitely without accountability.

    “Professor Saibaba’s death serves as a reminder of the human cost of repressive laws and state persecution. We call for the immediate and unconditional release of all individuals who remain unjustly incarcerated under UAPA,” further added Bacalso.

    Professor Saibaba’s case is emblematic of the broader criminalisation of dissent in India, where legitimate criticism of the state or its policies is branded as ‘unlawful activity.’ His case is also indicative of the highly restrictive civic space in India, where freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly are under sustained attack.

     

    Call to Action

    FORUM-ASIA calls on the Government of India to immediately repeal the UAPA, which is incompatible with India’s obligations under international human rights law, and abused by the government to silence its critics.

    We are in solidarity with Professor Saibaba’s family, friends, and colleagues and demand a full, independent investigation into the circumstances leading to his death, including the denial of medical care and accountability for the torture and ill-treatment he endured in prison.

     

    India must guarantee the humane treatment of all persons deprived of their liberty, in compliance with its obligations under the ICCPR, and in line with the Convention Against Torture (CAT), the Nelson Mandela Rules, and the Bangkok Rules. These include ensuring access to adequate medical care, providing detention conditions that meet international standards, and ending the use of prolonged solitary confinement.

    Professor Saibaba’s death underscores deep institutional failures and a repressive legal framework that fosters a hostile environment for dissenting voices in India. India must prioritise fostering an enabling environment where HRDs can carry out their work without fear of reprisals, including by adopting a comprehensive legal framework for their protection.

    ##

    About FORUM-ASIA:

    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 85 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

    • Communication and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA, communication@forum-asia.org

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • 8 October 2024 – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR), and Front Line Defenders (FLD), urgently call on the relevant authorities of the Central Government of India and the State Government of Manipur to take immediate and effective measures to ensure the safety of Babloo Loitongbam and his immediate family and colleagues.

    Loitongbam is an Indian human rights defender and lawyer. He is the Executive Director of Human Rights Alert (HRA), a Manipur-based human rights organisation. He has been a vocal advocate for peace and co-existence amidst the ongoing inter-ethnic violence in Manipur between the Meities and Kukis communities, which erupted in May 2023.

    Hailing from the majority community of the Meiteis, Loitongbam has continually worked for the protection of human rights and peace in the state. However, radical groups have falsely accused him of siding with the Kuki militants and have targeted him for providing legal aid to displaced Myanmar refugees seeking asylum in the state.

     

    Threats and Violence against Babloo Loitongbam

    On 5 October 2023, Loitongbam’s house and residential office in Imphal was vandalised by unidentified perpetrators allegedly by the members of the radical group Arambai Tenggol. On the same day, the Imphal-based radical group Meitei Leepun also issued a boycott call against him, further escalating the threats to his safety.

    In September 2024, Loitongbam faced renewed threats from the Meitei Leepun. On 22 September 2024, Meitei Leepun issued a warning for him to cease his peacebuilding efforts. The following day, on 23 September 2024, approximately 50 individuals visited his house, threatening his family with severe consequences unless he limited his public appearance and stopped his human rights work.

    On 23 September 2024, Lointongbam issued a statement reaffirming his three-decade-long career in human rights advocacy, firmly denying any links to Kuki militant groups or individuals. He described these allegations as unfounded and reinforced his commitment to peace and justice in Manipur.

    To date, law enforcement authorities have taken no meaningful action to investigate these attacks or hold the perpetrators accountable. Likewise, the allegations against Loitongbam have not been investigated and lack any legal merit, appearing to be politically motivated attempts to discredit his long-standing work in human rights.

     

    Call to Action

    The case of Loitongbam underscores the pressing need for the Government of India to ensure that human rights defenders, both in Manipur and throughout India, can carry out their work without fear of reprisal. Therefore, we call upon the relevant authorities to take immediate and effective measures to ensure the safety and security of Babloo Loitongbam, his family, and the staff at Human Rights Alert. We further urge the government to conduct an independent and impartial investigation into the threats against Loitongbam’s life, the vandalism of his residence, and the baseless accusations levied against him.

    Such actions are important not only to safeguard the rights of HRDs but also to align with India’s obligations under international human rights law and the treaties and conventions to which it is a state party. This includes adherence to the rights to freedom of expression and association as outlined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Upholding these commitments is key to fostering an environment conducive to the protection and promotion of human rights in India.

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  •  Kathmandu, Nepal (9 October 2024) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) condemns the arbitrary detention of climate activist Sonam Wangchuk and 150 climate marchers, by police in Delhi.  Their two-day detention, following their 800-kilometre march from Leh in Ladakh to Delhi, infringes on their fundamental right to peaceful assembly and highlights a disregard for fundamental freedoms and climate justice.

    The peaceful “Delhi Chalo Padyatra” organised by the Leh Apex Body and the Kargil Democratic Alliance, advocated for environmental protection, climate justice, and greater autonomy for Ladakh.

    Upon arriving in  Delhi on 30 September 2024, Wangchuk and fellow marchers were detained, preventing a demonstration at the Rajghat memorial on the eve of Gandhi Jayanti on 2 October 2024. After five days of arbitrary detention, they were released but faced further arbitrary treatment when their protest at Jantar Mantar in Delhi, was denied. Their detention led to an indefinite hunger strike by Wangchuk. Ladakh also observed a bandh (strike) until Wangchuk’s release.

    “The detention of Sonam Wangchuk and other marchers, along with the prevention of their gathering, is a clear violation of fundamental freedoms, including the right to peaceful assembly, as enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Constitution of India,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

     

    Demand for Inclusion in the Sixth Schedule

    A key demand of the march is the restoration of  local autonomy for Ladakh, 

    Following the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special constitutional status in 2019, the erstwhile state was bifurcated into two Union Territories–Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh. Ladakh was placed under direct central governance, stripping its residents of decision-making power and autonomy over their lands and resources.

    This decision was not welcomed as it left the people of Ladakh without sufficient decision-making power, fuelling concerns over their lands and resources. Since then, there has been a growing demand for Ladakh’s inclusion under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, which provides for autonomous governance of tribal areas. This framework, currently applied to several northeastern states in India, grants legislative, executive and judicial powers to safeguard the lands, cultures and resources of tribal communities.

    With 97 per cent of Ladakh’s population being tribal, the inclusion in the Sixth Schedule is important to protect the region’s fragile ecology and culture, while strengthening local autonomy.

     

    Importance of Sixth Schedule for Ladakh

    Ladakh’s unique geography, with its high-altitude terrain and fragile Himalayan ecosystem, places it on the frontlines of India’s climate crisis. Home to thousands of glaciers, glacial lakes, and endangered species such as the snow leopard and wild yak, the region faces mounting environmental challenges.

    Ladakh is already experiencing severe consequences of climate change–glacier melting, water scarcity, and frequent flash floods. These issues are worsened by large-scale urbanisation, unregulated tourism, increased militarisation, pollution, and aggressive development projects.

    Rising temperatures, pollution, and diminishing rainfall are accelerating glacier melt at an unprecedented rate, causing a major water shortage that impacts drinking water supplies, irrigation and energy generation. Polluted rivers are further degrading the water quality, harming both local livelihoods and aquatic ecosystems. Nomadic herders, especially those raising pashmina or cashmere-producing goats, are losing their pastureland to expanding military infrastructure and development projects.

    In 2023, a new industrial policy proposed shifting land transfer powers from democratically elected local hill councils to a Union government-appointed administration, without meaningful environmental safeguards. This policy, which encouraged outside investments in Ladakh’s manufacturing sectors, disregarded the need to protect its ecological balance. Following community backlash, the policy was put on hold.

    Inclusion in the Sixth Schedule would empower the people of Ladakh to implement climate-resilient policies and sustainably manage their resources. Autonomous governance would enable local communities to pursue ecologically sensitive development and resist harmful practices, such as unregulated mining or large-scale construction, protecting both Ladakh’s environment and indigenous cultures.

    Despite numerous calls for constitutional protection, the Indian government has yet to acknowledge the region’s climate sensitivity or grant it inclusion in the Sixth Schedule. This lack of local autonomy undermines efforts to address the pressing climate challenges in the region effectively.

     

    Climate Injustice and Need for Self-governance in Ladakh

    The call for autonomy in Ladakh is inseparable from the broader fight for climate justice, both of which have been undermined in recent years.

    One stark example is from the recent decision of the Central government to approve seven hydropower projects on the Indus River and its tributaries in Ladakh. These projects will involve massive pollution and increased black carbon emissions, accelerating glacier melt. Additionally, several mining companies are eyeing the region’s mineral-rich resources for extraction. These rapid, unchecked development projects, implemented without free, prior and informed consent from local communities, pose a grave threat to Ladakh’s fragile ecosystem.

    For years, climate activists like Wangchuk have stressed the need for local governance to address Ladakh’s environmental crises. In January 2024, Wangchuk undertook a five-day climate fast, and in March 2024, he took part in an extreme 21-day fast. The march to Delhi is the continuation of this movement, calling for Ladakh’s inclusion in the Sixth Schedule and greater accountability in addressing the climate crisis.

    The memorandum presented by Wangchuk and the marchers also demands that the government accelerate efforts toward carbon neutrality by 2070, in line with India’s international commitments under the Paris Agreement and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

     

    Call to action

    FORUM-ASIA calls upon the Government of India to cease the pattern of suppressing peaceful dissent and protest through such arbitrary measures.

    “The government urgently includes Ladakh under the Sixth Schedule to empower indigenous communities to manage their resources, protect the environment, and preserve the culture. Local communities must be key stakeholders in decisions affecting their lands, lives and livelihoods, upholding both their democratic rights and ecological sustainability,” Bacalso added.

    We call on the Government of India to adhere to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and recognise, respect, and uphold the fundamental rights and freedoms of the indigenous peoples of Ladakh concerning their territories and resources.

    Both global and local action will be essential to respond to the climate crisis. While States strive to meet their international climate commitments, localised governance solutions are needed to empower Indigenous and frontline communities, like those in Ladakh, to protect their environment and livelihoods.

     

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    About FORUM-ASIA:

    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 85 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

    • Communication and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA, communication@forum-asia.org

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • 6 Oct 2024 – As the region’s leaders chart the way ahead via ASEAN Vision 2045, it is imperative to ensure that human rights are at the forefront. We urge ASEAN leaders to develop and adopt a comprehensive ASEAN Environmental Rights Framework, one that ensures economic growth does not come at the cost of human rights with emphasis on the right to environment, including full recognition and protection for environmental human rights defenders and Indigenous Peoples, and accountability for perpetrators of human rights violations and environmental degradation, both state and non-state actors. A thriving economy should not be equated with a “dirty economy.” Moreover, based on the latest NDCs of the Member States, greenhouse gas emissions are projected to keep increasing until 2030, and most ASEAN Member States’ NDCs remain incompatible with the 1.5 degrees Celsius pathway. An inclusive ASEAN Environmental Rights Framework is essential for safeguarding the rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities, who have lived harmoniously with nature for generations, playing a vital role in protecting biodiversity throughout the ASEAN region.

    The path to realising this vision faces significant challenges. The current process for creating the ASEAN Environmental Rights Framework lacks transparency, with no publicly accessible official drafts or clear mechanisms for holding governments accountable or for including civil society participation. This lack of openness, transparency and accountability undermines the potential for a robust framework.

    “The ASEAN region is home to diverse Indigenous Peoples who are at the forefront of combating the climate crisis through their sustainable ways of life and yet face multiple challenges brought about by imposed development in their territories. An ASEAN Environmental Rights Framework that recognizes Indigenous Peoples’ rights to their land and territories and to Free Prior and Informed Consent is much needed. The drafting and finalisation of the Framework should ensure the meaningful engagement of Indigenous Peoples.”, said Robie Halip from Right Energy Partnership with Indigenous Peoples (REP).

    We note that as of March 2024 the draft ASEAN declaration on environmental rights included bracketed text calling for particular respect for the role of Indigenous Peoples. This important inclusion must not be removed from the final declaration.

    “As a region, ASEAN can become a global pioneer in protecting environmental rights. These human rights are crucial in addressing the ongoing triple planetary crisis—climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution. Our region is among the hardest hit by climate change impacts, and an environmental rights framework that holds big polluters accountable for loss and damages and calls for liability and redress for impacted ASEAN communities is paramount to help ASEAN countries mitigate and address the impacts of climate change,” said Rayhan Dudayev, Senior Regional Campaign Strategist (Legal and Political), Greenpeace Southeast Asia.

    “Despite AICHR’s leadership in the regional process of developing the Declaration, FORUM-ASIA has monitored the document’s watering down, noting the removal of crucial elements related to the recognition and protection of civil society participation as well as the rights of Indigenous Peoples and environmental rights defenders. The process of developing the said document lacked inclusivity since inputs from civil society were apparently disregarded. Meanwhile, human rights defenders–including Indigenous Peoples’ communities–continue to face criminalization and intimidation for peacefully resisting irresponsible development projects. If ASEAN continues its wilful ignorance of the voices from the ground, the declaration will just become another document that’s out of touch with reality,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    As negotiations on the declaration continue among member states, it is crucial to reflect on the consequences of inaction. Across ASEAN, too many environmental defenders have been injured, forcibly disappeared or lost their lives while fighting to protect our shared environment. By 2045, we do not want to see a region where people suffer from worsening poverty and health conditions, increasing conflicts and limited living space due to climate change impacts, and biodiversity loss that stifles economic prosperity.

    We hope that Malaysia will pave the way to and champion an inclusive ASEAN Environmental Rights Framework, as it prepares to host the ASEAN Summit in 2025. Malaysia has the opportunity to chart an ASEAN future where both people and the environment can thrive for generations. [ends]

    Contacts:

    Cornelius Damar Hanung
    East Asia – ASEAN Programme Manager FORUM-ASIA,
    ea-asean@forum-asia.org

    Rayhan Dudayev
    Greenpeace Southeast Asia
    rdudayev@greenpeace.org
    +62 811 1401 392

    Robie Halip
    Right Energy Partnership with Indigenous Peoples (REP)
    robie@rightenergypartnership.org

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • BANGKOK, Thailand (3 October 2024) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) calls on ASEAN leaders to proactively fulfill its obligations to respect, protect, and promote human rights in Southeast Asia in compliance with international human rights standards.

    As the ASEAN Summit is set to take place on 6-11 October 2024, ASEAN leaders must reflect on the region’s alarming record of human rights abuses and commit to addressing these violations.

     

    Democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space

    The fundamental freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and association continue to shrink alongside the rise of authoritarianism and militarism in Southeast Asia.

    Following the February 2021 attempted coup, Myanmar’s civilian population has increasingly endured a long list of atrocities in the hands of the military junta. ASEAN has continuously failed to address this crisis.  In 2024, the military junta ordered forced conscription against its people to exact more control amidst growing resistance. Despite mounting evidence of  political prisoners being killed and subjected to torture, the military junta continues to carry out its crimes with impunity. The junta’s actions not only devastate the Myanmar people’s remaining freedoms but also further exacerbates the country’s dire human rights and humanitarian situation.

    Indonesia’s general elections, held in February 2024, was enveloped by abuse of power and nepotism. Following the elections, the parliament fast-tracked discussions to approve problematic bills: the Broadcast Bill which would ban investigative journalism and portrayals of LGBTQIA+ lifestyles; the Police Bill which would expand police authority to control cyberspace; and the Military Bill which would restore the military’s dual function which was abolished after the fall of Soeharto. Parliament also attempted to pass the Regional Election Bill to allow President Joko Widodo’s youngest son to run despite not meeting qualifications. This incident  resulted in nationwide protests which were met with law enforcement’s excessive use of force. Such practices blatantly excluded civil society participation thus undermining Indonesia’s democratic reforms.

    In August 2024, Thailand’s Constitutional Court dissolved the Move Forward Party–despite the fact that it won the most seats in the 2023 general elections–for its campaign to amend the lèse-majesté (royal defamation) law. The latter punishes anyone who allegedly “insults” the monarchy. The law has been used to curtail political participation. The Court’s decision is a great setback to Thailand’s pro-democratic movements, raising the alarm for those who are being persecuted for their activism. In 2024, a young activist tragically died while in custody after holding a hunger strike to demand justice system reforms.

     

    Meanwhile in Cambodia, members of the Candlelight Party–the country’s biggest political opposition–are being subjected to judicial harassment. Human rights defenders and organizations–including FORUM-ASIA members ADHOC and LICHADO–are also being persecuted.

     

    Deteriorating environmental rights 

    The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission for Human Rights has led in the development of the ASEAN Environmental Rights Declaration, solidifying ASEAN’s commitment to fulfilling the right to a safe, clean and sustainable environment. However, FORUM-ASIA has monitored the watering down of the Declaration, noting the removal of crucial elements relating to the recognition and protection of civil society participation as well as the rights of indigenous peoples and environmental rights defenders. The process of developing the said document also lacked transparency since inputs from civil society were apparently disregarded.

    Human rights defenders–including indigenous peoples’ communities–continue to face criminalization and intimidation for peacefully resisting irresponsible development projects. For example, the Awyu and Moi communities in West Papua are being forcefully evicted from their indigenous lands to pave way for palm oil plantations. Meanwhile, 10 Cambodian environmental activists were convicted for campaigning against the destruction of their country’s natural resources. In August 2024 alone, over 70 activists were arrested ahead of a planned rally against the Cambodia-Laos-Vietnam Development Triangle Areas Agreement.

     

    Alarming trend of transnational repressions

    Since last year’s ASEAN summit, 385 activists and human rights defenders have been subjected to intimidation, harassment, arrests, and violence in retaliation for  calling out their respective governments’ human rights violations.

    Under the Chairship of Laos, bearing the theme “enhancing connectivity and resilience,” ASEAN member states are increasingly cooperating to prosecute human rights defenders, representing the growing trend of transnational repression.

    In February 2024, Cambodian activists Lem Sokha, Phan Phana, and Kung Raiya were arrested ahead of Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet’s official visit to Thailand. The arrests occurred despite their refugee status. At present, Vietnamese indigenous and religious rights defender Y Quynh Bdap–who was also granted refugee status in Thailand–is facing extradition.

     

    Exclusion of minority rights

    We commend Thailand’s marriage equality law,  the first of its kind in the entire region.

    However, a lot of work is yet to be done. Throughout Southeast Asia, LGBTQIA+ rights remain unrecognized, leaving the community without proper legal protection, resulting in their continued exclusion and harassment.

    Furthermore, discussions at the ASEAN-level have continuously excluded the recognition of human rights defenders, environmental rights defenders, and indigenous people.

     

    Call to action 

    “FORUM-ASIA calls on ASEAN leaders to formally recognize the urgent need to address the region’s alarming trend of human rights violations,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    As stated in Article 1.7 of the ASEAN Charter,  ASEAN should“strengthen democracy, enhance good governance, and the rule of law, and to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms, with due regard to the rights and responsibilities of the Member States of ASEAN.” Likewise under Article 1.13, the ASEAN must “promote a people-oriented ASEAN in which all sectors of society are encouraged to participate in and benefit from, the process of ASEAN integration and community building.”

    “To fulfill its purpose, ASEAN must foster regional consensus in addressing human rights violations and in strengthening its commitment to preventing future violations,” Bacalso stressed. FORUM-ASIA urges ASEAN to repeal repressive laws, cease the targeting of human rights defenders, and recognize and protect the rights of minorities including indigenous and LGBTQIA+ communities.

    As stated in its 2025 Community Vision, ASEAN must realize an “inclusive and responsive community that ensures our peoples enjoy human rights and fundamental freedoms as well as thrive in a just, democratic, harmonious and gender-sensitive environment in accordance with the principles of democracy, good governance and the rule of law.” However, ASEAN and its leaders have evidently failed to achieve this vision. ASEAN must therefore incorporate the highest standard of human rights protection in the development of its 2045 Community Vision.

    ##

    About FORUM-ASIA:

    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 85 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

    • Communication and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA, communication@forum-asia.org

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • 57th regular session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Item 2: General Debate on the oral update by the High Commissioner

     

    Oral statement delivered by Muda Tariq

    On behalf of Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) and Amnesty International

     

    11 September 2024

     

    Mr. President,

    We thank the High Commissioner for his global update.

    Bangladesh stands at a crossroads. Steps that Bangladesh and the international community take now to follow up on the demands of the student movement that, as the High Commissioner stated, “carried human rights as its torch”, are critical for opening the way in Bangladesh for a future rooted in human rights principles.

    We appreciate the openness of the interim government to engage with the High Commissioner’s Office and the positive steps taken in the past month, in particular, the accession to the International Convention on Enforced Disappearances and the establishment of a domestic commission of inquiry on enforced disappearances.

    However, systems that have long enabled the deepening inequality, systemic discrimination, rampant corruption, shrinking of civic space, and serious human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and targeted harassment of human rights defenders, civil society actors, journalists and perceived critics, and impunity for these violations remain.

    State institutions, including the judiciary, national human rights institutions and law enforcement and national security agencies lack public confidence owing to years of political interference and instrumentalisation against critics and the political opposition.

    With such long-standing concerns, entrenched impunity, and emerging reports of attacks against religious minorities and reprisals against members and supporters of the former government, international oversight and participation, through a Human Rights Council mandate, are crucial for ensuring credibility, public confidence, and effectiveness of domestic investigations.

    Such a mandate from the Council would provide much-needed sustained stability and support for any domestic process in this transition.

    Thank you.

     

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  •  

    Kathmandu, Nepal (13 September 2024) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) strongly condemns the imposition of curfews, restrictions on the internet, and disproportionate use of force in Manipur amidst ongoing protests. 

    These actions undermine fundamental human rights and exacerbate the already volatile situation.

     

    Ongoing crisis in Manipur

    Since May 2023, Manipur–located in northeastern India and governed by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)–has been engulfed in violent ethnic clashes between the Meitei and Kuki communities. 

    The conflict erupted over issues related to the sharing of economic benefits, land rights, and quotas in government jobs and education. At least 225 people have since died and 60,000 displaced, according to government figures. 

    After a brief lull, the conflict re-escalated on 1 September 2024, when fighting broke out between the two communities. Some attacks involved the use of drones to drop explosives, claiming at least 11 lives. 

    Student-led protests then emerged, demanding the removal of Manipur state’s top police official and security advisor for their alleged failure to control the ongoing conflict. Protestors also expressed their frustration over the authorities’ inability to address the root causes of the said conflict.

    The police blocked the student’s march towards the Raj Bhawan (Governor’s Residence). The police reportedly used excessive force against protestors, employing tear gas and stun grenades to disperse the crowd. Around 45 people were injured in the clashes.

    The government has further intensified the situation by imposing a 5-day state-wide internet shutdown, suspending mobile data and VPN access under the pretext of preventing “misinformation.” On 12 September 2024, the authorities in Manipur lifted the restrictions on broadband, while other restrictions persist. Pertinently, Manipur has a troubling record of using prolonged internet blackouts to suppress dissent, including the world’s longest in 2023, which lasted over 5,000 hours.

    On September 11 and 12, authorities also ordered the closure of public and private colleges in Manipur.

    Despite the protracted and violent nature of the conflict, the Indian Government–led by the BJP–has only offered a muted response. Allegations of complicity have also surfaced against the local BJP-led government. This includes a potentially incriminating audio recording submitted to the Commission of Inquiry, which the Ministry of Home Affairs established to investigate the violence in Manipur. The said audio recording allegedly features the voice of a high-ranking politician who supports the use of 51 mm mortar, lethal military-grade bombs during the unrest in parts of Manipur in 2023. 

    A Manipuri human rights defender, who wished to be anonymous for fear of reprisals stated: “The Indian government has failed to protect the people of Manipur by allowing the ethnic conflict to simmer. Inquiry commissions must submit their reports, and urgent action is needed before the situation worsens.”

    Human rights defenders, including journalists, in Manipur are facing increasing risks. Most recently, on 11 September, unidentified assailants shot at the house of Yambem Laba, a journalist and former acting president of the Manipur Human Rights Commission. Laba, a long-standing critic of Manipur’s Chief Minister, had recently signed a press release by the Good Governance Party accusing him of “abandoning” the Meiteis. 

    Previously, other human rights defenders and civil society actors have also faced similar threats and harassment for their criticism of the government and/or radical extremist groups in Manipur. 

    Mainstream media has also been accused of perpetuating biased narratives, often framing the Manipur conflict as a religious clash between the predominantly Hindu Meitei and Christian Kuki communities, while overlooking the deeper ethnic, economic, and political complexities. Selective coverage–as influenced by powerful groups, political interests, or fear of reprisal–could further distort the portrayal of the situation.

    United Nations experts have also highlighted the “inadequate humanitarian response” in Manipur, calling for timely and robust investigations to ensure accountability. 

    Despite this, the international community has made minimal efforts to address the continuing human rights violations. 

     

    Call to action

    FORUM-ASIA urges the authorities in Manipur to immediately halt the use of excessive force against peaceful protesters and to lift the arbitrary internet shutdown. 

    We remind the government of its duty to protect people’s fundamental rights, including freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and access to information. We call on the state government to respect and uphold its obligations under international human rights law, particularly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

    The authorities must also prioritise the safety and security of HRDs and journalists, and ensure they can carry out their work without fear of reprisal.

    “Instead of resolving the root causes of the conflict at hand, the Manipur state chose an iron-fisted response. Such actions stifle legitimate dissent and perpetuate a culture of impunity,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    “FORUM-ASIA is in solidarity with the people of Manipur. We call for an immediate end to the ongoing human rights violations. The Indian Government must engage in meaningful and transparent dialogue, initiate reforms to restore peace, and ensure accountability for perpetrators,” Bacalso added.

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  •  

    57th regular session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Item 2: Interactive dialogue on the OHCHR report on Sri Lanka

     

    Oral statement delivered by Ahmed Adam       

    On behalf of Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), Amnesty International and International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH)

    9 September 2024

     

    Mr. President,

    We thank the High Commissioner for his report.

    We echo the High Commissioner’s emphasis on the need for transformational change in the country.

    Such transformational change requires a clear commitment backed by genuine political will to finally provide justice, truth and reparations for crimes under international law committed during the internal armed conflict in Sri Lanka and to prosecute individuals suspected of criminal responsibility, including many who continue to hold senior government positions. It also requires allowing for the memorialisation of victims in the North and the East and releasing without delay of military held land in the area.

    The 2022 economic crisis further underlines the need to meaningfully address the crisis of impunity and the rule of law that has beset the country since the end of the war, in order to ensure political and economic stability.

    However, with no real willingness from any of the governments in the past 15 years since the end of the war to: ensure justice and accountability; protect the rights of victims; break from a culture of persecution and silencing of advocates for justice and human rights including the families of victims; and with no clear and strong commitment from any of the leading presidential candidates on accountability and human rights, the stage appears to be set for the continuation of cycles of violations and impunity.

    In this context, it is imperative that the Council takes action based on a principled position on human rights rather than political considerations, to renew the mandates of  OHCHR’s Sri Lanka Accountability Project and that of OHCHR to monitor and report on the situation for a minimum of two years.

    Failure to do so would amount to betrayal of the tens of thousands of victims and their families who, in the absence of any possibility for domestic accountability, depend on the Council’s efforts towards justice, truth and reparations.

    Thank you.

     

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • KATHMANDU, Nepal (11 September 2024) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) strongly condemns the Government of Pakistan’s recent enactment of the Peaceful Assembly and Public Order Act of 2024.

    The swiftly passed legislation represents a clear infringement on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, as enshrined in Article 16 of the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan and Article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Pakistan is a state party.

     

    How the law threatens the right to peaceful protest

    On 2 September 2024, the Peaceful Assembly and Public Order Bill was introduced in the Senate and was hurriedly pushed through the legislative process, with the Senate Standing Committee approving it the next day.

    Despite objections from the opposition, the bill was passed both by the Senate and National Assembly in a matter of days. By 8 September 2024, presidential assent was obtained in undue haste, raising concerns about procedural fairness and the credibility of the legislative process.

    Although the new law applies only to Islamabad, it sets a dangerous precedent for the rest of the country, threatening to normalize the criminalization of peaceful protests.

    The timing of the law’s introduction is particularly concerning. It comes just a week before a planned rally by the opposition party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf in Islamabad. The law has been introduced amid a wave of protests not just by the opposition but also by civil society groups, trade unions, religious organizations, and even government employees.

    This new law drastically expands the power of authorities to restrict or ban public assemblies–defined as a public or political gathering of more than 15 people–under vague and overly broad criteria, such as the “disruption of daily activities.” Such language grants the state excessive power to limit assemblies on arbitrary grounds.

    Under the law, the maximum penalty for participating in “unlawful assemblies” is increased from six months to three years or more, with repeat offenders facing sentences of up to ten years. This poses a severe risk of criminalizing dissent.

    Event coordinators are required to submit a written application to the district magistrate at least seven days before the gathering, who must then assess the situation and obtain security clearance before granting permission.

    The law also allows for the designation of “red zones” or “high-security zones,” where assemblies are prohibited. Even with permission, the police have the authority to disperse gatherings at any time.

     

    Call to action

    FORUM-ASIA calls upon the Government of Pakistan to immediately repeal the Peaceful Assembly and Public Order Act 2024 as it is in direct contravention of the country’s international human rights obligations, particularly those under the ICCPR.

    “Through vague language and the pretext of public order, this new law could further erode civic freedoms and silence dissent. In recent years, FORUM-ASIA has documented a systematic dismantling of civic space in Pakistan, with targeted attacks on the fundamental freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. This legislation deepens the risk of entrenching repression and the weaponization of laws to silence dissenting voices,” said Mary Aileen, Executive Director, FORUM-ASIA.

    “FORUM-ASIA urges Pakistan to respect and uphold people’s fundamental freedoms of peaceful assembly, association, and expression. Rather than resorting to repressive legal measures that further shrink civic space, the government must work towards creating a conducive environment that allows for legitimate political dissent,” Bacalso stressed.

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    About FORUM-ASIA:

    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 85 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

    • Communication and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA, communication@forum-asia.org

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • 57th regular session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Item 2: Enhanced Interactive Dialogue on Afghanistan

     

    Oral statement delivered by Sara Nabil

    On behalf of Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)

    9 September 2024

     

    Mr. President,

    In the past three years, I, like many other women human rights defenders, victims and survivors from Afghanistan, have come to this Council asking for some hope of justice for the crimes visited upon the people of the country by its illegitimate rulers, the Taliban.

    But time and again, we have seen the rest of the world make compromises to appease the Taliban. None of the compromises by the international community has  resulted in the Taliban relenting its war on human rights. They become further emboldened.

    Accommodating Taliban’s demands to keep women and civil society out of the recent political consultations on the situation in the country was rewarded with a new edict silencing the voices of women and consolidating the system of gender apartheid they have imposed on women and girls in the country, and banning the Special Rapporteur from visiting the country.

    Marginalised minorities communities such as Shia Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Sikhs and Hindus are in constant fear of persecution.

    The Taliban continues to maintain its grip on power through force, violently punishing any form of criticism or any expression that is perceived to be contradictory to the rulings of the regime.

    Taliban has shown that any perception of a changed Taliban is nothing more than an illusion.

    Yet the world is edging dangerously close to accepting Taliban rule as the new normal, while our demands for accountability remain unheard as our hopes for justice fade.

    It is finally time for the Council to heed our calls and establish an independent accountability mechanism for Afghanistan to investigate, collect and preserve evidence of all past and ongoing crimes. If not now, how far does the situation need to deteriorate before the Council deems it necessary to take appropriate action.

    Thank you.

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  • 57th regular session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Item 2: Interactive dialogue on the report of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar

     

    Oral statement delivered by Jasmine Velasquez

    On behalf of Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)

    9 September 2024

     

    Mr. President,

    We welcome the report of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and appreciate the progress in investigations, including investigations into crimes committed following the attempted coup in February 2021, despite the highly volatile situation in the country. We also welcome the analytical reports issues by the Mechanism this year.

    We urge the Mechanism to continue to prioritise a victim-centred approach which emphasises the protection and welfare of victims in its investigations and to enhance outreach to victim and survivor groups including leaders of the Rohingya community.

    Seven years after the targeted violence that may constitute genocide and crimes against humanity forcing over 700,00 Rohingya to take refuge in Bangladesh, Rohingya in Myanmar are once again facing the prospects of recurrence of similar atrocities.

    The actions, that may constitute crimes against humanity and war crimes by both the military and the Arakan Army in the escalating conflict in Rakhine State pose an existential threat to Rohingya remaining in Rakhine State.

    This situation underlines the need for accountability for all actors implicated in crimes against Rohingya including the military and the Arakan Army. In this regard, we welcome the Mechanism’s commitment to investigate alleged crimes regardless of the affiliation or ethnicity of the perpetrators or victims.

    We urge member states to continue to provide support and cooperation for the Mechanism to effectively carryout its mandate.

    We call on member states to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court under article 14 of the Rome Statue.

    Thank you.

     

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.

  •  BANGKOK, Thailand (9 September 2024) – The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is deeply concerned over the escalating number of enforced disappearance, abduction, and arbitrary arrests of human rights defenders in the Philippines.

    “FORUM-ASIA is alarmed over the rapidly growing cases of enforced disappearances under the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Tactics of repression and intimidation are increasingly being used against human rights defenders and dissenting voices,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

    Alarming patterns of arrests and abductions

    On 29 August 2024, peasant rights advocate and former political prisoner Cirila Estrada and her companion Victor Pelayo were reported missing in Capiz Province. Two days later, they were reportedly arrested by the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police-Criminal Investigation and Detection Group. In 2010, Estrada was imprisoned for trumped-up charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives. In 2012, her case was dismissed.

    On 28 August 2024, environmental rights and indigenous rights advocate Felix Salaveria Jr. –was reportedly abducted. Salaveria is a founding member of civil society organisations advocating for indigenous peoples, Tabak (Tunay na Alyansa ng Bayan Alay sa mga Katutubo) and Katribu (Kabataan para sa Tribung Pilipino).

    On 23 August 2024, James Jazmines–the brother of Alan Jazmines, a consultant for the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, which is a coalition of national democratic revolutionary justice groups, trade unions, indigenous rights groups, and leftist parties in the Philippines–was reported missing in Tabaco City, Albay Province. James previously served as the information officer of independent labour centre Kilusang Mayo Uno.

    Filipino human rights group KARAPATAN, a FORUM-ASIA member organisation, has provided evidence suggesting that state security forces were involved in these abductions. Witnesses also recounted how a group of uniformed policemen entered Salaveria’s home and confiscated his personal belongings.

    Alleged involvement of security forces 

    Since Marcos Jr. assumed office in 2022, at least 14 individuals have gone missing after reportedly being abducted by armed men. Such abductions have long been used to instil fear and to silence critics, especially among environmental human rights defenders and labour rights defenders.

    In July 2023, environment and youth activist Rowena Dasig was arrested by the 85th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army while conducting a study on the negative impacts of the Atimonan One Energy Project on both communities and the environment. On 22 August 2024, Dasig was acquitted of trumped-up charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives. On the same day, she was scheduled for release from the Lucena City District Jail. However, Dasig has been missing since her release. Dasig’s lawyers and paralegals are concerned over the possibility that Dasig may have been abducted by the military allegedly due to their frustration over the acquittal of such fabricated charges.

    Meanwhile, labour rights defender William Lariosa has been missing since 10 April 2024. Lariosa was allegedly taken by the 48th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army. Before his disappearance, Lariosa and his family have reportedly received threats and harassment from state forces.

    On 2 September 2023, community volunteers and environmental rights defenders Jonila Castro and Jhed Tamano were allegedly abducted by armed men in Orion, Bataan Province. Similar to other activists, Castro and Tamano had reportedly faced intimidation and harassment prior to their disappearance. Two weeks later, on 19 September, Castro and Tamano were freed. They confirmed they had been abducted by the military and threatened during their arrest.

    In August 2024, the Philippine Movie and Television Review and Classification Board attempted to ban a documentary–centering on the enforced disappearance of activist Jonas Burgos alongside other cases of abducted human rights defenders–from public viewing. Due to pressure from civil society, the authorities later lifted the ban and classified the movie as suitable for viewers aged 16 and above.

    Call to action

    FORUM-ASIA calls for the immediate and safe return of all Filipino human rights defenders who have gone missing.

    While the Philippines outlawed enforced disappearances with the passage of the 2012 Anti-Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance Act, the law has failed to effectively prevent disappearances and hold perpetrators accountable.

    “The Involuntary Disappearance Act stipulates that those responsible for enforced disappearances can face life imprisonment. Section 8 of the said Act requires government security agencies to issue certifications regarding the whereabouts or absence of a missing person. However, the law has miserably failed to prevent disappearances and to ensure the resurfacing of the victims. This exacerbates the Philippines’ culture of impunity and injustice, where human rights violators are essentially shielded from scrutiny and accountability,” Bacalso explained.

    “The Philippine Government must take decisive actions to enforce the 2012 Involuntary Disappearance Act by investigating, prosecuting, and punishing perpetrators of enforced disappearances to the full extent of the law,.” Bacalso continued.

    As mandated by law, all security agencies are required to provide information on the whereabouts of missing individuals. There should be independent investigations into the alleged involvement of state security forces in the abduction of activists. Likewise, the government must take prompt actions to end enforced disappearances; to seek truth and justice; to hold perpetrators accountable; to provide reparations for victims, survivors, and their families; and to guarantee non-repetition.

    The Philippine Government must implement stronger measures to support and protect human rights defenders, making sure that they are able to carry out their invaluable work without fear of reprisals.

     

     

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    About FORUM-ASIA:

    The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 85 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

    For media inquiries, please contact:

    • Communication and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA, communication@forum-asia.org

     

    This post was originally published on FORUM-ASIA.