Category: Technology

  • Less than two weeks ago, Supreme Court investigators looking into the leak of the Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization draft opinion had reportedly “narrowed their inquiry to a small number of suspects.” Ten days after that news, the Supreme Court issued a report stating that the investigation had in fact failed to determine who was behind the draft opinion leak.

    The public report provides insights into the investigative process undertaken by the court, identifies a number of inadequate security controls, and provides recommendations to remedy the problems. That means the report is doubly instructive for would-be future leakers: It provides both a list of successful operational security techniques leakers may have employed to evade detection, as well as, thanks to the recommendations, forward-looking lessons on pitfalls to avoid in the future.

    Investigative Dead Ends

    The investigation team used a number of techniques to attempt to identify the leaker, all of which proved to be dead ends.

    They examined all available printer logs but found that Court printers have limited logging capabilities. The team also investigated email logs to determine if anyone had emailed the opinion draft to a third party; while staff had emailed copies of the draft to others on staff, there was no evidence that the opinion draft was emailed to anyone else.

    The investigation looked not just at court-issued devices, but also at call and text records as well as billing statements of employees’ personal devices. Though the team reported that the court’s logging was rudimentary and thus did not yield any results that could identify a leaker, the key takeaway for future leakers is that much like organization-provided devices, personal devices should likewise not be used in the service of leaking. Instead, the principle of one-time use should be adopted: Temporary devices should be safely acquired and used for acquisition and dissemination of leak materials, after which the device should promptly be disposed of by secure means.

    Court investigators paid particular attention to reviewing the legal search histories conducted by staff, aiming to “determine whether an employee might have researched the legality of disclosing confidential case-related information.” Notably, the investigation team obtained this legal search history “directly from the service providers.” Though it’s not clear which search providers were examined, the report could be referring to subscription databases like LexisNexis, highlighting the fact that leakers should be careful to avoid using third-party services, as a leak investigation may seek to obtain records from them. The report doesn’t state whether the investigative team subpoenaed the service providers, whether the providers shared the search histories without a subpoena, or whether investigators were able to view the histories through internal means like staff or administrative accounts, or invoices from the search providers that could include itemized search terms.

    The report said investigators reviewed “the statements and conduct of personnel who displayed attributes associated with insider-threat behavior — violation of confidentiality rules, disgruntled attitude, claimed stressed, anger at the Court’s decision, etc.” In other words, as I predicted when the investigation was launched, the team deployed “sentiment analysis” tactics to attempt to identify disaffected staff (though this line of inquiry ignores the possibility that the draft may have been leaked by someone who supported the opinion). It is thus important for leakers to not display discontentment, either publicly or privately (including via “private messages,” which may not be particularly private).

    The investigators sought to determine whether they could identify any connections between court staff and journalists, particularly anyone affiliated with Politico, which first published the draft opinion. This is why it’s important not to have visible contact with reporters; avoid following them on social media and access their contact information ideally using a separate disposable device, or at least not using organization-supplied hardware.

    Though investigators analyzed the digital images of the opinion draft published by Politico, comparing it to copies obtained from court photocopiers and printers, they were unable to find anything of “evidentiary value.” In addition to not using company-provided or otherwise trackable devices when producing copies, would-be leakers should consider even going so far as to introduce errant stray markings that may lead investigators down dead ends.

    The report mentions that the team analyzed an unspecified “item relevant to the investigation” for fingerprints. While they did find fingerprints with outside assistance, they were unable to match them to “any fingerprints of interest.” The report is curiously vague as to what the item of interest was; it could, for instance, be a rogue USB stick that was found to contain a copy of the opinion. Given that it’s not entirely unusual for leak investigations to sweep for physical prints as well as digital ones — Elon Musk, in his leak investigations at Tesla, also reportedly lifted fingerprints from printouts found near a photocopier — leakers should be careful not to leave any fingerprints when accessing or handling any sensitive materials.

    Future Measures

    The report makes it a point to state that the detailed recommendations on how to improve court policies and practices will only be shared with the justices and court officers in a private annex, because releasing them to the public “could unwisely expose Court operations and information to potential bad actors.” Nonetheless, the public report does provide a broad list of recommendations that are instructive for future leakers.

    The team’s primary finding is that “too many personnel have access to certain Court-sensitive documents” and that there is an “inability to actively track who is handling and accessing these documents.” Though the recommendations from this finding are likely in the private annex, we can assume that the team may suggest the court implement more stringent access controls and tracking mechanisms.

    The tracking mechanisms may involve detailed audit logs of which users viewed, copied, printed, or otherwise interacted with a given file, as well as uniquely watermarking versions of files to identify the owner of a given copy of a document, should it be leaked. There are a variety of ways to uniquely fingerprint a document, ranging from modifying the spacing of paragraphs, words, or characters to making slight modifications to the syntactic or semantic structure.

    The report also found that “there are inadequate safeguards in place to track the printing and copying of sensitive documents” and that the court should “institute tracking mechanisms using technology that is currently available for this purpose.” Such technologies could include everything from detailed print histories, which log document name and size as well as username and IP address, to a Machine Identification Code embedded as a series of microdots or other watermarks on a printed page, which can identify the source printer as well as the date and time a document was printed.

    With those tracking mechanisms in place, a leaker would need to avoid printing or photocopying documents using organization-provided hardware. To err still further on the side of safety, if physical copies need to be made, a device that can be linked to the leaker, like a home printer, should be avoided, and instead a device should only be used for the purposes of producing the leaked document (whether via printing or taking a photo) and then promptly and safely disposed of.

    The court investigators may have failed to identify the source of the leaked opinion draft, but their report does help future leakers better protect their own identities.

    The post How to Leak From the Supreme Court appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • While mining companies seek to downplay the destructive impacts of deep-sea mining, undercover videos obtained by Greenpeace show how such mining activities pollute the ocean, reports Ben Radford.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • Marcel Lehel Lazar walked out of Federal Correctional Institute Schuylkill, a Pennsylvania prison, in August 2021. The 51-year-old formerly known only as Guccifer had spent over four years incarcerated for an email hacking spree against America’s elite. Though these inbox disclosures arguably changed the course of the nation’s recent history, Lazar himself remains an obscure figure. This month, in a series of phone interviews with The Intercept, Lazar opened up for the first time about his new life and strange legacy.

    Lazar is not a household name by unauthorized access standards — no Edward Snowden nor Chelsea Manning — but people will be familiar with his work. Throughout 2013, Lazar stole the private correspondence of everyone from a former member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to “Sex and the City” author Candace Bushnell.

    There’s an irony to his present obscurity: Guccifer’s prolific career often seemed motivated as much by an appetite for global media fame than any ideology or principle. He acted as an agent of chaos, not a whistleblower, and his exploits provided as much entertainment as anything else. It’s thanks to Guccifer’s infiltration of Dorothy Bush Koch’s AOL account that the world knows that her brother — George W. Bush — is fond of fine bathroom self-portraiture.

    “Right now, having this time on my hands, I’m just trying to understand what this other me was making 10 years ago.”

    “I knew all the time what these guys are talking about,” Lazar told me with a degree of satisfaction. “I used to know more than they knew about each other.”

    Ten years after his email rampage, Lazar said that, back then, he’d hoped not for celebrity but to find some hidden explanation for America’s 21st century slump — a skeleton key buried within the emails of the rich and famous, something that might expose those causing our national rot and reverse it. Instead, he might have inadvertently put Donald Trump in the White House.

    When Guccifer — a portmanteau of Lucifer and Gucci, pronounced with the Italian word’s “tch” sound — breached longtime Clinton family confidant Sidney Blumenthal’s email account, it changed the world almost by accident. Buried among the thousands of messages in Blumenthal’s AOL account he stole and leaked in 2013 were emails to HDR22@clintonemail.com, Hillary Clinton’s previously unknown private address. The account’s existence, and later revelations that she had improperly used it to conduct official government business and transmit sensitive intelligence data, led to something like a national panic attack: nonstop political acrimony, federal investigations, and depending on who you ask, Trump’s 2016 victory.

    In the end, the way Guccifer might be best remembered was in the cooptation of his wildly catchy name for a Russian hacker persona: Guccifer 2.0. The latter Guccifer would hack troves of information from Democratic National Committee servers, a plunder released on WikiLeaks.

    Eventually, a federal indictment accused a cadre of Russian intelligence operatives of using the persona Guccifer 2.0 to conduct a political propaganda campaign and cover for Russian involvement. As the Guccifer 2.0 version grew in infamy, becoming a central figure in Americans’ wrangling over Russian interference in the 2016 election, the namesake hacker’s exploits faded from memory.

    When I reached Lazar by phone, he was at home in Romania. He had returned to a family that had grown up and apart from him since he was arrested by Romanian police in 2014.

    “I am still trying to connect back with my family, with my daughter, my wife,” Lazar said. “I’ve been away more than eight years, so this is a big gap, which I’m trying to fill with everything that takes.”

    He spends most of his time alone at home, reading about American politics and working on a memoir. His wife supports the family as a low-paid worker at a nearby factory. Revisiting his past life for the book has been an odd undertaking, Lazar told me.

    “It’s like an out-of-body experience, like this Guccifer guy is another guy,” he said. “Right now, having this time on my hands, I’m just trying to understand what this other me was making 10 years ago.”

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    Lazar, known as Guccifer, opened up to The Intercept for the first time about his new life and strange legacy.

    Photo: Nemanja Knežević for The Intercept

    Lazar has little to say of the two American prisons where he was sentenced to do time after extradition from Romania. Both were in Pennsylvania — a minimum-security facility and then a stint at the medium-security Schuylkill, which he described simply and solemnly as “a bad place.” He claimed he was routinely denied medical care, and says he lost many of his teeth during his four-year term.

    On matters of his crime and punishment, Lazar contradicted himself, something he did often during our conversations. He wants to be both the righteous crusader and the steamrolled patsy. He repeatedly brought up what he considers a fundamental injustice: He revealed Clinton’s rule-breaking email setup and then cooperated with the Department of Justice probe, only to wind up in federal prison.

    “Hillary Clinton swam away with the ‘reckless negligence’ or whatever Jim Comey called her,” Lazar said. “I did the time.”

    Lazar was quick to rattle off a list of other high-profile officials who either knew about the secret Clinton email account all along or were later revealed to have used their own. “So much hypocrisy, come on man,” he said. “So much hypocrisy.”

    And yet he pled guilty to all charges he faced and today fully admits what he did was wrong — sort of.

    “To read somebody else’s emails is not OK,” he said. “And I paid for this, you know. People have to have privacy. But, you see, it’s not like I wanted to know what my neighbors are talking about. But I wanted to know what these guys in the United States are speaking about, and this is the reason why. I was sure that, over there, bad stuff is happening. This is the reason why I did it, not some other shady reason. What I did is OK.”

    “I was inspired with the name, at least, because my whole Guccifer project was, after all, a failure.”

    Though he takes pride in outing Clinton’s private email arrangement, Lazar said he found none of what he thought he’d uncover. The inbox-fishing expedition for the darkest secrets of American power instead mostly revealed their mediocre oil paintings and poorly lit family snapshots. He conceded that Guccifer’s legacy may be that Russian intelligence cribbed his name.

    “I was inspired with the name, at least,” Lazar said, “because my whole Guccifer project was, after all, a failure.”

    2023_MarcelLehelLazar_TheIntercept_NK_-22

    Lazar shows old photos and his current ID photographs in his wallet while walking around Arad, Romania, on Jan. 8, 2023.

    Photo: Nemanja Knežević for The Intercept

    It can be difficult to tell where the Guccifer mythology ends and Lazar’s biography begins. Back in his hometown of Arad, a Transylvanian city roughly the size of Syracuse, New York, Lazar seems ambivalent about the magnitude of his role in American electoral history. “I don’t feel comfortable talking about me,” he told me. When I pressed in a later phone call, Lazar described 2016 as something of an inevitability: “Trump was the bullet in the barrel of the gun. He was already lingering around.”

    While Lazar says James Comey’s October surprise memo to Congress — that Clinton’s emailing habits were still under investigation — was what “killed Hillary Clinton,” he didn’t deny his indirect role in that twist.

    “Everything started with this mumbo jumbo email server, with this bullshit of email server,” he said. “So, if it was not for me, it was not for [Hillary’s] email server to start an investigation.”

    Lazar now claims he very nearly breached the Trump inner circle in October 2013. “I was about to hack the Trump guys, Ivanka and stuff,” he told me. “And my computer just broke.”

    How does it feel to have boosted, even accidentally, Donald Trump, a bona fide American elite? Though he described the former president as mentally unstable, a hero of Confederate sympathizers, and deeply selfish, Lazar is unbothered by his indirect role in 2016: “I feel like a regular guy. I don’t feel anything special about myself.”

    At times, the retired hacker clearly still relishes his brief global notoriety. I asked him what it felt like to see his hacker persona usurped by Russian intelligence using the “Guccifer 2.0” cutout: Was it a shameless rip-off, or a flattering homage? Lazar said he first learned that Russia had cribbed his persona from inside a detention center outside D.C. He perked up.

    “I was feeling good, it was like a recognition,” he said. “It made me feel good, because in all these 10 years, I was all the time alone in this fight.”

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    A sculptural sign along a highway announces the city of Arad in Romania on Jan. 8, 2023.

    Photo: Nemanja Knežević for The Intercept

    Lazar described his fight — a term he used repeatedly — as a personal crusade against the corrupt and corrupting American elite, based on his own broad understanding of the idea pieced together from reading about it online. It’s hard to dismiss out of hand.

    “Look at the last 20 years of politics of United States,” Lazar explained. “It’s all lies, and it went so low in the mud. You know what I’m saying? It stinks.”

    The quest to find and expose some smoking gun that could explain American decline became an obsession, one he said kept him in front of a computer for 16 hours a day, guessing Yahoo Mail passwords, scouring his roughly 100 victims’ contact books, and plotting his next account takeover. He understood that it might seem odd passion for a Romanian ex-cabbie.

    “I am Romanian, I am living in this godforsaken place. Why I’m interested in this? Why? This is a good question,” he told me. “For us, for guys from a Communist country, for example Romania which was one of the worst Communist countries, United States was a beacon of light.”

    George W. Bush changed all that for him. “In the time after 2000, you come to realize it’s all a humbug,” he said. “It’s all a lie, right? So, you feel the need, which I felt myself, to do something, to put things right, for the American people but for my soul too.”

    It’s funny, Lazar told me, that his greatest admirers seemed to have been Russian intelligence, not the American people he now claims to have been working to inform. “We have somehow the same mindset,” Lazar mused. “Romania was a Communist country; they were Communists too.”

    Hackers are still playing a game Guccifer mastered.

    Since Lazar began this fight, the playbook he popularized — break into an email account, grab as many personal files as you can, dump them on the web, and seed the juiciest bits with eager journalists like myself — has become a go-to tactic around the world. Whether it’s North Korean agents pillaging Sony Pictures’ salacious email exchanges or an alleged Qatari hack of Trump ally Elliott Broidy exposing his foreign entanglements, hackers are still playing a game Guccifer mastered.

    Despite having essentially zero technical skills — he gained access to accounts largely by guessing their password security questions — Lazar knew the fundamental truth that people love reading the private thoughts of powerful strangers. Sometimes these are deeply newsworthy, and sometimes it’s just a perverse thrill, though there’s a very fine line between the two. Even the disclosure of an innocuous email can be damaging for a person or organization presumed by the public to be impenetrable. When I brought this up to Lazar, his modesty slipped ever so slightly.

    He said, “I am sure, in my humble way, I was a new-roads opener.”

    2023_MarcelLehelLazar_TheIntercept_NK_-6

    A portrait of Lazar in Arad, Romania, on Jan. 8, 2023.

    Photo: Nemanja Knežević for The Intercept

    The Lazar I’ve met on the phone was very different from the Guccifer of a decade ago. Back then he would send rambling emails to Gawker, my former employer, largely consisting of fragmented screeds against the Illuminati. The word, which he said he’s retired, nods to a conspiracy of global elites that wield unfathomable power.

    “I’d like to call them, right now, ‘deep state,’” he said. “But Illuminati was back then a handy word. Of course, it has bad connotations, it’s like a bad B movie from Hollywood.”

    Unfortunately for Lazar, the “deep state” — a term of Turkish origin, referring to an unaccountable security state that acts largely in secret — has in the years since his arrest come to connote paranoid delusion nearly as much as the word “Illuminati” does. Whatever one thinks of the deep state, though, the notion is as contentious and popular among internet-dwelling cranks — especially, and ironically for Lazar, Trump followers. Whatever you want to call it, Lazar believed he’d find it in someone else’s inbox.

    “My ultimate goal was to find the blueprints of bad behavior,” he said.

    Some would argue that, in Blumenthal’s inbox, he did. Still, after a full term of the Trump administration, the idea of bad behavior at the highest levels of power being something kept hidden in secret emails almost feels quaint.

    While Lazar’s past comments to the media have included outright fabrications, racist remarks, and a reliance on paranoid tropes, he seemed calmer now. On the phone, he was entirely lucid, and thoughtful more often than not, even on topics that clearly anguish him. Prison may have cost him his teeth, but it seems to have given him a softer edge than he had a decade ago. He is still a conspiratorially minded man, but not necessarily a delusional one. He plans to remain engaged with American politics in his own way.

    “I don’t care about myself,” he told me, “but I care about all the stuff I was talking about, you know, politics and stuff.” He said, “I’m gonna keep keeping one eye on American politics and react to this. I’m not gonna let the water just flow. I’m gonna intervene.”

    This time, he says he’ll fight the powers that be by writing, not guessing passwords. “I am more subtle than I was before,” he tried to assure me.

    “I’m gonna keep keeping one eye on American politics and react to this. I’m not gonna let the water just flow. I’m gonna intervene.”

    At one point in our conversations, Lazar rattled off a sample of the 400 books he said he read in prison, sounding as much like a #Resistance Twitter addict as anything else: “James Comey, Andrew McCabe, Michael Hayden, James Clapper, all their biographies, which nobody reads, you know?”

    While he still makes references to the deep state and “shadow governments” and malign influence of the Rockefeller family, he’s also quick to reference obscure FBI brass like Peter Strzok and Bill Priestap, paraphrase counterintelligence reports, or cite “Midyear Exam,” the Department of Justice probe into Clinton’s email practices.

    It’s difficult to know if this more polished, better-read Lazar has become less conspiratorial, or whether the country that imprisoned him has become so much more so that it’s impossible to tell the difference. Lazar is a conspiracy theorist, it seems, in the same way everyone became after 2016.

    Lazar, the free man, alluded to knowing that Guccifer was in over his head. He admitted candidly that he lied in an NBC News interview about having gained access to Clinton’s private email server, a claim he recanted during a later FBI interview, because he naively hoped the lie would grant him leverage to cut a better deal after his extradition. It didn’t, nor did his full cooperation with the FBI’s Clinton email probe.

    When I asked Lazar whether he worried about the consequences of stealing the emails of the most famous people he could possibly reach, he said he believed creating celebrity for himself, anathema to most veteran hackers, would protect him from being disappeared by the state. In the end, it did not.

    “At some point,” he said, “I lost control.”

    The post Guccifer, the Hacker Who Launched Clinton Email Flap, Speaks Out After Nearly a Decade Behind Bars appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Every Sunday about a dozen high school teenagers gather without their iPhones on a little hill in Prospect Park, Brooklyn, USA. They form a circle and quietly start to read serious books (Dostoevsky, Boethius) (paperbacks or hardbacks), or draw in sketchbooks, or just serenely sit listening to the wind.

    As the New York Times reporter Alex Vadukul wrote last month these youngsters have had enough of the addictive Internet Gulag run by corporate incarcerators. “Social media and phones are not real life,” said Lola Shub a senior at Essex Street Academy. She expressed the group’s consensus: “When I got my flip phone, things instantly changed. I started using my brain. It made me observe myself as a person.”

    Before peer group sanctions get to them, I’ve got to have a couple of these daily “self-liberators” on my Ralph Nader Radio Hour. This is a rebellion that needs support and diffusion.

    These youngsters may not know the full extent of how corporate giants like Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok have broken up families. These corporate predators are separating millions of kids for 5 to 6 hours a day from their parents, communities and nature with iPhones and tablets.

    Among the books in their satchels should be Susan Linn’s latest, Who’s Raising the Kids? Big Tech, Big Business, and the Lives of Children. These young mavericks would learn just how premeditated these company bosses are in tempting, seducing, then addicting youngsters and moving them into the Internet prison (en route to Zuckerberg’s mad metaverse). Marketing strategists use peer pressure and cultivate narcissistic behavior. Numerous studies and public hearings have shown the physical, mental and emotional harm done to children by relentless corporate hucksters’ direct marketing to them and bypassing parental authority and guidance.

    A few other high school students in Manhattan and Brooklyn are joining this escape from the grip of commercial-driven “virtual reality” and connecting with the realities they will have to confront as they grow into adulthood.

    The teenagers, who have formed the “Luddite Club”, are trying to liberate themselves in a world of technology that envelopes them without a framework of ethics and law.

    They may gain further self-confidence and knowledge about the controlling processes around them by reading the “think-for-yourself” book – You Are Your Own Best Teacher! (in print only) by Claire Nader. Fifty-four topics will give young readers solid self-confidence and better classroom performance, and the book’s liberation exercises will spark their curiosity, imagination and intellect.

    Curious young people may also want to follow the lawsuits against Facebook, TikTok, Snapchat and YouTube “which also operate social media products that cause similar injuries to adolescents.” The large law firm Beasley Allen in Montgomery, Alabama is “handling lawsuits for teenagers who became addicted to social media and suffered serious mental health consequences, including anxiety, depression, eating disorders, body dysmorphia, ADD/ADHD, self-harm and suicidal ideation.”

    These lawyers have plenty of experts who will back them to make the connections between these affiliations and the deliberate actions driven by these greedy companies who know full well the consequences of their relentless drive for profits. Many of these executives restrict their own children’s Internet time. They know!

    The post Teenage iPhone Rebellion in Brooklyn first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Click here to read “7 Facts Fauci Knew But Hid From the Public”


    Click here to read more about this Tesla accident.


    Click here to read more about California’s descent into digital slavery.


    Here’s what Canada is trying to normalize:

    The Truth Barrier

    “In 2021, only 486 people died using California’s assisted suicide program, but that same year in Canada, 10,064 used MAID to die that year. MAID has now grown so popular that Canada has both anti-suicide hotlines to try and stop people killing themselves, as well as pro-suicide hotlines for people wanting to end their lives…

    “Dr. Kathryn Edwards, a well-known vaccinologist who served on the data monitoring committee charged with ensuring the safety and efficacy of the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine, previously worked as a paid consultant and advisor to Pfizer.”

    Read the full article here.

    The post Fauci’s Lies, Self-driving Car Accidents, Assisted Suicide, and More first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Whether it’s scrolling on your smartphone, sharing content on social media, or using facial scanners at travel points, every digital interaction generates data. What many don’t realize is that data — which can include information about your location, relationships, and even physical features — is turned over to private companies and the government without their knowledge.

    “Big Tech” can use this data to profit off our private information or make us vulnerable to manipulation, exploitation, or abuse. Citing these vulnerabilities, President Biden called for Congress to take action in a Wall Street Journal op-ed on Wednesday.

    “We’ve heard a lot of talk about creating committees. It’s time to walk the walk and get something done,” he wrote.

    It’s true, the time for regulation to prevent exploitation by “Big Tech” is overdue — but it’s not just “Big Tech” in and of itself we should be concerned about, but also its applications. It’s crucial to consider how law enforcement and the government also can use our data without our consent in ways that can increase the risk of wrongful accusations, arrests, and convictions.

    The Problem With Big Data Technologies

    Big data technologies can create serious risk of wrongful conviction when applied as surveillance tools in criminal investigations. These technologies are often deployed before being fully tested and have already been proven to have disparate impacts on people of color. For example, the use of facial recognition technology has been increasing, despite being known to misidentify people of color at higher rates. Such technology has led to the wrongful arrests of at least four innocent Black people.

    Surveillance technology that uses algorithmic tools may weaponize information about a person’s identity, behavior, and relationships against them — even when that information is inaccurate. Cristian Diaz Ortiz, an El Salvadorian teenager awaiting asylum, was arrested and slated for deportation after he was wrongly labeled a member of the international criminal gang MS-13 and included in a gang database. Law enforcement categorized him as a gang member based on algorithmic inferences because he had been “hanging out with friends around his neighborhood.”

    Even if a surveillance technology is accurate, it can still increase the risk of wrongful arrest by distorting suspect development. By their nature, big data-driven tools cast a wide net and can generate a pool of potential suspects that includes innocent people.

    In doing so, they can lead law enforcement to focus their investigations on innocent people. In 2018, Jorge Molina was arrested for a murder he did not commit after a new technology described as a “Google dragnet” found that Mr. Molina had been logged into his email on a device near the location of the murder. The device belonged to someone else and had been near the murder location, though Mr. Molina never was.

    Once an innocent person is singled out and becomes a person of interest, tunnel vision can set in to the point where even powerful exculpatory evidence won’t shake an investigator’s belief in an innocent person’s guilt. The day after Mr. Molina’s arrest, a detective told the district attorney’s office that it was “highly unlikely” that he had committed the murder, yet Mr. Molina was not released for several more days.

    This kind of investigatory tunnel vision has serious real world implications. For example, exoneration data shows that pre-trial exculpatory DNA results were explained away or dismissed in nearly 9% of the 325 DNA exonerations in the United States between 1989 and 2014.

    Investigative technologies like these are still unregulated in the United States. Not only are there no requirements for how rigorously they must be tested before being deployed, there also are no rules ensuring full disclosure around them.

    This means that people charged with a crime might not be told what technologies police used to identify them. And even if they do know which technologies were used, they may not have access to the information about how the tool works or what data was used in their case. Because so many of these technologies are proprietary, defendants are not allowed access to the source code and even basic information about the data usage and processing while mounting their legal defense.

    Congress Must Take Action

    We agree with President Biden that it’s time to set limits. And while the president emphasized the need for “clear limits on how companies can collect, use and share highly personal data — your internet history, your personal communications, your location, and your health, genetic and biometric data,” we believe Congress must go a step further.

    Congress must make explicit in its anticipated bill that it will regulate how investigative tools are used in criminal investigations to protect people’s data and prevent wrongful convictions, including how data may or may not be collected, used, or stored in those investigations. Doing so would ensure the just application of algorithmic technologies far more efficiently than piecemeal regulation of individual technologies — especially given the constant proliferation of new tools.

    Once a company or a government agency extracts data about your physical traits, location, or identity, that information is theirs forever and can be used by them in perpetuity. Without regulation, we can’t fully protect people — and in particular, vulnerable communities and historically criminalized communities — from data harms.

    President Biden is right about this: We must take action to protect our data. And we look forward to working with Congress to advance equity in data privacy and protections in the criminal legal system to ensure their simultaneous contributions to public safety, strengthening communities, and the just and equitable administration of justice.

    The post ‘Big Tech’ Regulation Must Address Data Use in Criminal Investigations appeared first on Innocence Project.

  • The future of vegan cheese is being crafted by Climax Foods, a Berkeley, CA startup founded by Dr. Oliver Zahn, a scientist who previously worked for forward-thinking companies GoogleX, SpaceX, and Impossible Foods. 

    The startup has thus far raised $27 million to fund its mission of recreating the world’s most desired animal foods by unlocking what it calls a “smarter path from plants to food.” This path is paved by technology supported by two years of rigorous research that resulted in a “deep plant intelligence” platform Climax is using to bring its first products to market. 

    VegNews.VeganBlueCheese.ClimaxFoods

    Climax Foods

    On the horizon are vegan “moonshot” cheeses—or products that are intended to be disruptive and future-oriented—in four varieties: Blue, Brie, Feta, and Chèvre. Cultured and aged, these cheeses are made with a combination of seeds, legumes, and plant oils, avoiding allergens and GMOs to appeal to a broader consumer base. These cholesterol-free vegan cheeses were also developed to compete with traditional dairy cheeses on taste, nutrition, and price—the three main drivers of purchases.  

    “We see a bright future as the foundational work that Climax has done to unlock the full flavor potential of plants will open countless doorways to an exciting planet-supporting food industry,” Tom Chi of At One Ventures, a co-founder of GoogleX and one of the company’s early investors, said in a statement.

    How deep tech can improve vegan cheese

    Can plants really make better cheese than cows? Zahn thinks so. Born in Bavaria, Germany, Zahn’s work is informed by his understanding of the intricacies of space and time and motivated by a desire to affect positive change on a global scale.

    VegNews.VeganCheeseDrOliverZahn.ClimaxFoods

    Climax Foods

    “We started from a profound appreciation for the complex flavors and textures of dairy products,” Zahn said in a statement. “Cows have made our milk for thousands of years. However, less than 10 percent of the plants they eat get turned into food for humans, which has led to significant environmental and health problems in today’s much more crowded world.” 

    Working inside a converted chocolate factory in Berkeley, CA, Zahn and his team of 40 scientists began developing their vegan cheeses inside based on a deep understanding of their dairy counterparts on a molecular level. To best approximate dairy cheeses, Climax relies on its machine-learning frameworks to identify the ideal building blocks for its recipes using the world’s 300,000 edible known plants. 

    “It is human nature to rethink ancient practices, so we came up with a smarter way,” he said. “By using data science to accelerate plant-based ingredient and process discoveries, we are saving thousands of years of tinkering to create products that are just as tasty as the cow-based predecessors without the downsides, today.”

    The startup recently served its vegan cheeses at tasting events in New York City, Los Angeles, and San Francisco. Currently, Climax is expanding beyond its Berkeley facility with a new cheese production plant in Petaluma—led by cheese industry veteran Caroline Di Gusto—and plans to debut its first products to the public through soon-to-be-announced distribution partners in the coming months.  

    VegNews.SpaceX-Moonshot

    Climax Foods

    “As the company’s first end-to-end production facilities, these locations will allow us to significantly increase the speed and scale of our production and distribution,” Di Gusto said in a statement. “Throughout the process, we’ve sought out ways to improve the company’s cost structure and sustainability of operations. We are set to produce plant-based cheeses at price parity with dairy for North American distribution.”

    In the future, Climax will focus on additional “moonshot” categories that can be improved with its animal-free approach.

    VegNews.VeganBrie.ClimaxFoods

    Climax Foods

    “Our technology and ingredient discoveries will soon power the replacements of bigger categories with successors that will be equally delicious and nutritious but more sustainable and—because our products are not heavily processed—substantially more economical and environmentally friendly,” Zahn said. 

    The cow-free future of cheese 

    Globally, dairy cheese is valued at $800 billion and producing it at this large scale comes with a number of downsides, including contributing to environmental degradation and animal exploitation. Luckily, in addition to Climax, a growing number of companies are working to improve dairy cheese (and plant-based cheese) using technologies such as artificial intelligence and microbial fermentation. 

    While Climax is showcasing its capabilities in the world of artisan cheeses, fellow California-based company New Culture is focusing on commercializing an improved version of mozzarella—America’s most-consumed cheese.

    VegNews.NewCultureNew Culture

    New Culture’s approach focuses on microbial fermentation, where microbes take the place of cows in producing real (but animal-free) casein, a functional protein that delivers the desirable stretch and melt of dairy cheeses. While New Culture can make a variety of vegan cheeses using this innovative protein, it is initially focusing on mozzarella to create the biggest impact. 

    The company is getting ready to launch its innovative animal-free mozzarella at pizzerias nationwide this year, supported by agribusiness giant ADM and CJ CheilJedang (a $23 billion South Korean company that holds a 25-percent stake in the United States frozen pizza market). 

    This post was originally published on VegNews.com.

  • Highway surveillance footage from Thanksgiving Day shows a Tesla Model S vehicle changing lanes and then abruptly braking in the far-left lane of the San Francisco Bay Bridge, resulting in an eight-vehicle crash. The crash injured nine people, including a 2-year-old child, and blocked traffic on the bridge for over an hour.

    The video and new photographs of the crash, which were obtained by The Intercept via a California Public Records Act request, provides the first direct look at what happened, confirming witness accounts of what happened at the time. The driver told police that he had been using Tesla’s new “Full Self-Driving” feature, the report notes, before the Tesla’s “left signal activated” and its “brakes activated,” and it moved into the left lane, “slowing to a stop directly in [the second vehicle’s] path of travel.”



    Just hours before the crash, Tesla CEO Elon Musk had triumphantly announced that Tesla’s Full Self-Driving capability was available in North America, congratulating Tesla employees on a “major milestone.” By the end of last year, Tesla had rolled out the feature to over 285,000 people in North America, according to the company.


    The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, or NHTSA, has said that it is launching an investigation into the incident. Tesla vehicles using its Autopilot driver assistance system — Full Self-Driving mode has an expanded set of features atop Autopilot — were involved in 273 known crashes from July 2021 to June of last year, according to NHTSA data. Teslas accounted for almost 70 percent of 329 crashes in which advanced driver assistance systems were involved, as well as a majority of fatalities and serious injuries associated with them, the data shows. Since 2016, the federal agency has investigated a total of 35 crashes in which Tesla’s “Full Self-Driving” or “Autopilot” systems were likely in use. Together, these accidents have killed 19 people.

    In recent months, a surge of reports have emerged in which Tesla drivers complained of sudden “phantom braking,” causing the vehicle to slam on its brakes at high speeds. More than 100 such complaints were filed with NHTSA in a three-month period, according to the Washington Post.

    The child injured in the crash was a 2-year-old who suffered an abrasion to the rear left side of his head as well as a bruise, according to the incident detail report obtained by The Intercept. In one photograph of the crash, a stroller is parked in front of the car in which the child was injured.

    An eight-car pile-up on November 24, 2022 on San Francisco’s Bay Bridge.

    An eight-car pile-up on Nov. 24, 2022, on San Francisco’s Bay Bridge.

    Photo: California Highway Patrol


    As traditional car manufacturers enter the electric vehicle market, Tesla is increasingly under pressure to differentiate itself. Last year, Musk said that full self-driving was an “essential” feature for Tesla to develop, going as far as saying, “It’s really the difference between Tesla being worth a lot of money or worth basically zero.”

    The term “Full Self-Driving” has been criticized by other manufacturers and industry groups as misleading and even dangerous. Last year, the autonomous driving technology company Waymo, owned by Google’s parent company, announced that it would no longer be using the term.

    “Unfortunately, we see that some automakers use the term ‘self-driving’ in an inaccurate way, giving consumers and the general public a false impression of the capabilities of driver assist (not fully autonomous) technology,” Waymo wrote in a blog post. “That false impression can lead someone to unknowingly take risks (like taking their hands off the steering wheel) that could jeopardize not only their own safety but the safety of people around them.”

    Though Waymo doesn’t name any names, the statement was “clearly motivated by Musk’s controversial decision to use the term ‘Full Self Driving,’” according to The Verge.

    Along the same lines, the premier lobbying group for self-driving cars recently rebranded from the “Self-Driving Coalition for Safer Streets” to the “Autonomous Vehicle Industry Association.” The change, the industry group said, reflected its “commitment to precision and consistency in how the industry, policymakers, journalists and the public talk about autonomous driving technology.”

    Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg has also been critical of the emerging driver assistance technologies, which he stresses have not replaced the need for an alert human driver. “I keep saying this until I’m blue in the face: anything on the market today that you can buy is a driver assistance technology, not a driver replacement technology,” Buttigieg said. “I don’t care what it’s called. We need to make sure that we’re crystal clear about that — even if companies are not.”

    Though the language may be evolving, there are still no federal restrictions on the testing of autonomous vehicles on public roads, though states have imposed limits in certain cases. Tesla has not announced any changes to the program or its branding, but the crash was one of multiple that month. Several days prior to the Bay Bridge accident, on November 18 in Ohio, a Tesla Model 3 crashed into a stopped Ohio State Highway Patrol SUV which had its hazard lights flashing. The Tesla is likewise suspected of having been in self-driving mode and is also being investigated by NHTSA.

    NHTSA is also investigating a tweet by Musk in which he said that Full Self-Driving users would soon be given the option to turn off reminder notifications for drivers to keep their hands on the steering wheel. “Users with more than 10,000 miles on FSD Beta should be given the option to turn off the steering nag,” a Twitter user posted on New Year’s Eve, tagging Musk.

    “Agreed, update coming in Jan,” Musk replied.

    Additional reporting by Beth Bourdon.

    The post Exclusive: Surveillance Footage of Tesla Crash on SF’s Bay Bridge Hours After Elon Musk Announces “Self-Driving” Feature appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    To many people, the notion that cellphones or cell towers might present a health risk long ago receded into a realm somewhere between trivial concern and conspiracy theory. For decades, the wireless industry has dismissed such ideas as fearmongering, and federal regulators have maintained that cellphones pose no danger. But a growing body of scientific research is raising questions, with the stakes heightened by the ongoing deployment of hundreds of thousands of new transmitters in neighborhoods across America. ProPublica recently examined the issue in detail, finding that the chief government regulator, the Federal Communications Commission, relies on an exposure standard from 1996, when the Motorola StarTAC flip phone was cutting edge, and that the agency brushed aside a lengthy study by a different arm of the federal government that found that cellphone radiation caused rare cancers and DNA damage in lab animals. The newest generation of cellphone technology, known as 5G, remains largely untested.

    Here’s what you need to know:

    Do cellphones give off radiation?

    Yes. Both cellphones and wireless transmitters (which are mounted on towers, street poles and rooftops) send and receive radio-frequency energy, called “nonionizing radiation.” The amount of this radiation absorbed by the human body depends on how close a person is to a phone and a cell transmitter, as well as the strength of the signal the phone needs to connect with a transmitter. Cellphones displaying fewer bars, which means their connection with a transmitter is weak, require stronger power to communicate and so produce more radiation. Wireless transmitters, for their part, emit radiation continually, but little of that is absorbed unless a person is very close to the transmitter.

    What does the science say about this? Is it harmful?

    That’s the multibillion-dollar question. Government-approved cellphones are required to keep radiation exposure well below levels that the FCC considers dangerous. Those safeguards, however, have not changed since 1996, and they focus exclusively on the unlikely prospect of “thermal” harm: the potential for overheating body tissue, as a microwave oven would. The government guidelines do not address other potential forms of harm.

    But a growing body of research has found evidence of health risks even when people are exposed to radiation below the FCC limits. The array of possible harms ranges from effects on fertility and fetal development to associations with cancer. Some studies of people living near cell towers have also confirmed an array of health complaints, including dizziness, nausea, headaches, tinnitus and insomnia, from people identified as having “electromagnetic hypersensitivity.”

    The most sensational — and hotly debated — health fear about wireless radiation is cancer. In 2011, the International Agency for Research on Cancer, an arm of the World Health Organization, cited troubling but uncertain evidence in classifying wireless radiation as “possibly carcinogenic to humans.” In 2018, a study by the federal government that was nearly two decades in the making found “clear evidence” that cellphone radiation caused cancer in lab animals. A major study in Italy produced similar results.

    Do cellphones pose any special health risks for kids?

    Some experts say they do, citing studies suggesting children’s thinner, smaller skulls and developing brains leave them more vulnerable to the effects of cellphone radiation. The American Academy of Pediatrics embraces this concern and has for years urged the FCC to revisit its radiation standards, saying they don’t adequately protect kids. More than 20 foreign governments, as well as the European Environment Agency, urge precautionary steps to limit wireless exposure, especially for children.

    What about risks in pregnancy?

    A Yale study found hyperactivity and reduced memory in mice exposed to cellphone radiation in the womb, consistent with human epidemiological research showing a rise in behavioral disorders among children who were exposed to cellphones in the womb. Dr. Hugh Taylor, the author of the mouse study and chair of the obstetrics, gynecology and reproductive sciences department at the Yale School of Medicine, told ProPublica: “The evidence is really, really strong now that there is a causal relationship between cellphone radiation exposure and behavior issues in children.”

    What does the U.S. government say about cellphone radiation?

    The key federal agencies — the FCC and the Food and Drug Administration — have echoed the wireless industry and a number of other groups in rejecting evidence of any “nonthermal” human health risk, saying it remains unproven. The government websites also reject the claim that children face any special risk.

    In 2019, during the administration of President Donald Trump, the FCC shut down a six-year review of its 1996 wireless-radiation safety standards. The agency rejected pleas to make the standards more stringent, saying it had seen no evidence its safeguards were “outdated or insufficient to protect human safety.” In 2021, however, a federal appeals court ordered the FCC to revisit the issue, saying the agency had ignored evidence of an array of noncancer harms to humans, animals and the environment, and that its decision to uphold its exposure standard failed to meet “even the low threshold of reasoned analysis.” The FCC has taken no formal action since then.

    Why is the issue not resolved?

    Determining wireless radiation’s health effects with certainty is difficult. Researchers cannot ethically subject people to endless hours of cellphone radiation to gauge the results. Scientists have to rely on alternatives such as animal studies or epidemiological research, where challenges include getting subjects to accurately recount their wireless use and pinpointing the specific causes of disease or harm. Many health effects of toxic exposure, especially cancer, take years or decades to appear. And the mechanisms of how wireless radiation could affect the body at the cellular level are poorly understood.

    Research funding on the issue has also been scarce in the U.S., despite frequent calls for more study. Research (and researchers) raising health concerns have come under sharp attack from industry, and government regulators have remained skeptical. A key FDA official, for example, dismissed the relevance of the federal study that found “clear evidence” of cancer in lab animals, saying it wasn’t designed to test the safety of cellphone use in humans, even though his agency had commissioned the research for that reason.

    Linda Birnbaum, who led the federal agency that conducted the cellphone study, said that while proof of harm remains elusive, what is known means that precautions are merited. “Do I see a smoking gun? Not per se,” she told ProPublica. “But do I see smoke? Absolutely. There’s enough data now to say that things can happen. … Protective policy is needed today. We really don’t need more science to know that we should be reducing exposures.”

    If I’m concerned about the risk, are there precautions I can take to protect myself and my family?

    Because exposure varies dramatically with your proximity to the source of the radiation, experts say a key to minimizing risk is increasing your distance from the phone. This means keeping any cellphone that’s turned on away from direct contact with your body. Don’t keep it in your bra, in your pocket or (especially if you’re pregnant) against your abdomen, they say. And instead of holding the phone against your head when you talk, use a speaker or wired earphones. (Wireless headsets, such as AirPods, also emit some radiation.) Try to avoid making calls when the phone is telling you the signal is weak because that boosts the radiation level. You can also limit exposure by simply reducing how much time you spend talking on your cellphone and texting instead, they say. Using an old-fashioned landline avoids the problem altogether.

  • During the outage, some users were unable to log in to their Twitter account via desktops or laptops

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • Climate change — caused primarily by capitalism’s incessant burning of fossil fuels — is happening faster than even the most pessimistic scientists predicted, causing freak weather events and mass displacement worldwide. From floods submerging one third of Pakistan to temperatures of 100 degrees Fahrenheit (100°F) in the Siberian Arctic, evidence abounds that rich countries better cut off their…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Paul Blount started small. When he set up a semiconductor chip company in his basement in 2006, he was the only employee. He had spent a decade at the chip behemoth Hittite Microwave Corporation, and he saw room in the market for a boutique design outfit.

    About a decade later, a man named Haoyang Yu did almost exactly the same thing, setting up his own lean chip company, Tricon, in Lexington, Massachusetts, just 30 miles from Blount’s home. A tipster, whom Blount would later acknowledge was linked to his company, went to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, writing that their new competitor “smells a bit fishy.”

    The tipster said it was suspicious that no one in their orbit had heard of Yu. “None of us here know this person or this company and there is 100% no way that they could come up with this product line in 6 months,” wrote the tipster. Both Yu and Blount marketed tiny, mass-produced chips called monolithic microwave integrated circuits, or MMICS, which can be used in everything from cellphones to military radar systems. Some MMICs are under export controls, which means that they can only be sent to certain end users and destinations with a license from the Commerce Department. Without evidence, the tipster hinted that Tricon might be violating export control regulations. “They are most likely reselling someone else’s part and what makes me nervous is that at least one is 3A001.b.2.d part,” the tipster wrote, referring to an export control classification number covering certain MMIC chips.

    Yu, who also goes by Jack, was in fact no stranger to the industry. He had moved to Amherst in 2002 to study engineering at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. After graduation he stayed in New England, eventually settling in Lexington with his wife and two young children. He worked at Hittite after Blount left, staying on after the company was acquired by Analog Devices in 2014. The year Yu started Tricon, he left Analog to work as a software engineer at a company that counts MMIC makers among its clients. At one point, he had even visited Blount’s company, Custom MMIC, to demonstrate software to a group that included Blount.

    Nonetheless, the tip to the FBI set off a cascade of events that would upturn Yu’s world. Investigators came to see him as a national security threat, zeroing in on what they imagined were unsavory links to China, where Yu, now a U.S. citizen, was born. They mounted a secret camera on a pole outside his house and enlisted the local trash company to set aside his family’s garbage after collecting it so agents could covertly rifle through it. In May, after spending five nights in jail, three months with a clunky ankle bracelet tracking his movements, and over two and a half years in legal limbo, he stood trial for a slew of felonies, including export control violations, immigration fraud, and wire fraud. Prosecutors also accused Yu’s wife, Yanzhi Chen, of wire fraud after she refused to cooperate.

    Then, just as quickly as it had come together, the case against the couple seemed to unravel. The U.S. government largely failed to convince a Boston jury, which in June acquitted Yu on 18 of 19 counts. Shortly after the trial, U.S. Attorney for the District of Massachusetts Rachael Rollins dropped all charges against Chen, saying in a statement that the decision was a result of a “continuing assessment of the evidence.”

    Early on in the investigation, a Defense Counterintelligence and Security Agency agent labeled Haoyang Yu as a national security threat.

    Early on in the investigation, a Defense Counterintelligence and Security Agency agent labeled Haoyang Yu as a national security threat.

    Screenshot: The Intercept/United States District Court


    Court documents reveal a series of missteps, including a confounding export control classification and a failed sting operation. The lone charge of which Yu was ultimately convicted, possessing stolen trade secrets, had no connection to China.

    “There were so many mistakes,” Chen told The Intercept recently. “We have had three very dark years.”

    What prosecutors did have was evidence that Yu had transferred prototype chip design files onto his Google Drive while working at Analog Devices, naming two of the files Pikachu and Dragonair after Pokémon characters. Analog later abandoned the prototypes, some of which Yu had worked with while at the company, and in all but one case, the jury was unconvinced that the designs constituted trade secrets.

    Yu’s lawyers contend that such a case would have normally been dealt with through a low-stakes civil lawsuit filed by Analog Devices. That didn’t happen, they argue, because of Yu’s ethnicity. “Yes, he had some files on his computer that should have been deleted,” said Yu’s attorney William Fick of Fick & Mark in his closing statement at trial. But for the U.S. government, “[i]f you are a hammer, everything looks like a nail.”

    “The root problem behind a specific set of cases remains: the way that our own government still sees foreignness as a threat.”

    Federal prosecutors, working closely with the FBI and large corporations, have brought dozens of cases over the last decade involving alleged technology theft by China. In 2018, amid rising tensions with Beijing, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions gave the crackdown a name: the China Initiative. The initiative was scrapped earlier this year, following concerns from the American Civil Liberties Union and Asian American advocacy groups that it entailed racial profiling, but the biases that contributed to the program’s downfall endure, activists say. “The root problem behind a specific set of cases remains: the way that our own government still sees foreignness as a threat,” said Aryani Ong, co-founder of Asian American Federal Employees for Nondiscrimination. FBI Director Christopher Wray said in January that the bureau has over 2,000 open investigations involving China and technology. And perhaps no technology is more pivotal to geopolitical strategy than semiconductor chips, which are essential components of electronic devices and important to breakthroughs in computing.

    “MMICs have cutting-edge military applications ranging from electronic warfare to signals intelligence to military communications,” said Emily de La Bruyère, a co-founder of Horizon Advisory, a consulting firm focused on China. “China and the U.S. are locked in a battle — not just for advanced semiconductor technology, but also for influence over the global semiconductor value chain.” In just the past few months, President Joe Biden signed into law the CHIPS Act, which is aimed at strengthening domestic semiconductor chip manufacturing, and the Commerce Department unveiled unprecedented new restrictions on the sale of semiconductor technology to entities within China. Last week, Reuters reported that the Chinese government was readying an infusion of 1 trillion yuan ($143 billion) into its semiconductor industry.

    Convictions in China Initiative and related cases have led to years of prison time. But many cases have fallen apart because prosecutors made inappropriate leaps, activists say.

    “We are deeply concerned that the Yu case is yet another continuation of biased targeting policies and practices,” said Jeremy Wu, founder of APA Justice Task Force, a group formed in the wake of several botched prosecutions of Chinese American scientists. “His case exemplifies another tragic ordeal.”

    For Yu and Chen, the ordeal is not yet over. For his sole conviction, Yu now faces up to 10 years in prison and a $250,000 fine. His lawyers are trying to get the charge thrown out ahead of sentencing, arguing that prosecutors inflated a workplace dispute into a national security threat and that the entire investigation was tainted by bias. A judge will soon rule on whether the government is selectively enforcing the law by targeting Yu for his ethnicity, in violation of the U.S. Constitution.

    Yu, his lawyers, and a spokesperson for the U.S. attorney’s office in Boston declined to comment for this story, citing ongoing legal proceedings. When asked about the case by phone, Blount declined to comment and quickly hung up.

    Haoyang Yu at Boston Veterans day parade 2022.

    Haoyang Yu at the Boston Veterans Parade in November 2022.

    Photo: Courtesy of Yanzhi Chen

    “We Make Business”

    Chen and Yu met online in the early aughts, when they were students pursuing graduate degrees in different parts of the United States. He was from the north of China, and she was from the south. He struck her as whip-smart and diligent, and after dating long-distance for a year, they married and settled in New England. They had two kids, and Chen stayed home to raise them while Yu worked as an engineer.

    In 2013, they moved to Lexington for its excellent public schools, buying a house on a quiet street near the town’s Great Meadow. They grew to love the historic Boston suburb, which two and a half centuries after the outbreak of the Revolutionary War is now a wealthy bedroom community with a large Asian American population. Chen volunteered at her kids’ school and for local groups, and at her urging, Yu ran unsuccessfully for a seat on Lexington’s Town Meeting.

    Initially, Chen told The Intercept, Yu’s goals for Tricon were modest. Yu registered the company in Chen’s name — a structure sometimes used to protect assets — and listed a box at a nearby UPS Store as the company’s mailing address. Business was slow. Chen advised him to focus on recouping his investment, not turning a profit. Since Yu was happiest when he was busy, she said she recommended the Town Meeting candidacy partly as a distraction.

    “I never expected it to bring so much trouble,” she said of Tricon.

    The investigation into Yu began in earnest a month after the complaint linked to Blount, when the Defense Counterintelligence and Security Agency received a second tip about Tricon. A DCSA agent compiled an internal report, which was later entered into the court record, describing the second tipster as a government contractor with a security clearance. The contractor speculated that Yu “could be using” the contractor’s “products pictures and datasheets to market for HIS own company.” The agent labeled the report as involving foreign intelligence, China, and a “person reasonably believed to be an officer or employee of, or otherwise acting on behalf of, a foreign power” — presumably, Yu.

    MMIC is often pronounced “mimic,” and copying competitors’ products is common in the chip industry, as are allegations of theft. Shortly before the tipster went to the FBI, Yu’s previous employer Analog Devices had accused three former employees of taking proprietary material upon leaving the company. That case took the form of a lawsuit against the former employees’ new workplace, Macom, and the matter was handled in civil court, with Analog paying its own legal fees. It quickly ended in a settlement.

    But Yu’s case was different. Because the U.S. government alleged that it involved a potential national security threat, four federal intelligence agencies conducted the sprawling 18-month investigation. And while Analog Devices provided information, federal prosecutors ultimately decided which charges to press, and U.S. taxpayers covered the ballooning investigative and legal costs.

    Agents from the FBI, Department of Homeland Security, Commerce Department, and U.S. Navy worked together to bring down a man they envisioned as a sophisticated technological spy.

    Agents from the FBI, Department of Homeland Security, Commerce Department, and U.S. Navy worked together to bring down a man they envisioned as a sophisticated technological spy. In addition to putting Yu under surveillance, they followed Chen around town as she drove their kids to and from sports practices and obtained a search warrant to comb through Yu’s email accounts.

    From the start, the U.S. government’s investigation didn’t go quite as planned. Early on, an undercover agent with DHS’s Homeland Security Investigations force wrote to Yu, posing as representative of a potential buyer named “XY Atallah” from Jordan. The agent asked about a chip with specifications close to those that fall under export controls. “If good price, we can make business,” he wrote. The agent repeated the stereotypical phrase in a follow-up email the next day: “We make business.”

    Yu suggested lower-frequency chips that could be legally exported to Jordan without a license. When the undercover agent posing as Atallah declined, insisting on the higher-frequency chip and saying he could pay upfront, Yu walked away from the deal. Agents also found emails that Yu had exchanged with a potential buyer in Spain. After the buyer asked about controlled chips, Yu noted that he did not have an export license for the products and asked if the buyer had a licensed representative in the United States — a legal way of moving the product overseas, provided that Spain was the final destination. That deal didn’t go through, either.

    Nor did the investigation uncover solid evidence of crimes involving China. In March 2019, an HSI agent alleged in an internal report that Yu had stolen designs and technical data from his former employer to produce his own MMIC chips and sell them to entities in China in violation of export control regulations. The agent also contended that Yu had consulted for a Chinese company, claiming that the payment was evidence of “additional export violations to China.” Eventually, though, the government dropped both allegations.

    The HSI agent also claimed that Tricon had illegally exported one chip without seeking an export license. But a semiconductor industry expert hired by Yu’s lawyers would later show that the relevant export control classification had only been issued at the request of an investigator after Yu came under scrutiny.

    Companies that suspect their technology or designs have been taken generally “want to set an example for their own employees,” said Matthew Brazil, a former export controls official and resident fellow at the Jamestown Foundation focused on Chinese intelligence operations, after reviewing some of the court documents in Yu’s case. “That’s often a corporate response. But it’s not clear where the espionage component was in this case.” (Yu was never charged with espionage, but the U.S. government has in the past charged export control violations in cases alleged to involve spying or technology transfer.)

    “It backfired because they turned non-criminal cases into criminal cases. And that never ends well.”

    One reason that investigators pressed the national security angle may have to do with timing. In November 2018, less than a year after Yu came under investigation, Sessions announced the China Initiative. Yu’s name does not appear on a list of sample initiative cases released by the Justice Department and last updated in November 2021, but the effort was clearly important for Andrew Lelling, the U.S. attorney in Boston at the time. He was one of a handful of federal prosecutors on the initiative’s steering committee. Lelling, who is now in private practice, declined to comment on this and several other issues.

    “If your name is tied to it, then you want to see it succeed,” said Robert Fisher, an attorney with Nixon Peabody in Boston who successfully defended a China Initiative case brought by Lelling’s office. The priority placed on China-related cases led to an uptick in flimsy charges around the country, Fisher said. “It backfired because they turned non-criminal cases into criminal cases. And that never ends well.”

    AP20023801013407

    Then-U.S. Attorney Andrew Lelling, center, speaks outside federal court on Jan. 23, 2020, in Boston.

    Photo: Charles Krupa/AP

    “You Lied to Us”

    Early one morning in June 2019, shortly before Yu’s family was scheduled to fly back to China to see relatives, Chen returned home from dropping off their children at school to find cars lining the street. Their house was swarming with agents and local police, around 20 officers in all.

    Agents from the Commerce Department and Homeland Security approached and asked her to get inside their vehicle, she said. In the car, according to a transcript of the interview, they drilled her about Tricon.

    Chen told the agents that her husband was an uptight engineer, always doing everything by the book. Although the business was in her name, she said that he only let her do basic tasks for the company, not because he had anything to hide but because he wanted them done perfectly. “He’s a control freak,” she said, adding that she had helped him mail chips to sites in Europe and the United States but that he insisted on packing all the materials himself. She said that she didn’t really understand MMIC technology.

    “Yeah, neither do I,” one of the agents admitted.

    Later in the interview, the other agent accused her of lying. “I don’t want to see you get in trouble for anything, you know, that you lied to us about,” he said.

    “I was so confused,” Chen told The Intercept. While she didn’t understand the technology he worked with, she did know that her husband’s business was little more than a side project.

    Meanwhile, inside their house, agents were rummaging through the family’s belongings as another pair of investigators from the Commerce Department and Homeland Security questioned Yu. When he asked whether he needed a lawyer, they brushed off the question. Over the course of the interview, Yu mentioned an attorney five more times. But instead of stopping so that he could contact one, the agents kept questioning him.

    When Yu declined to answer a query, musing that his remarks could be misinterpreted, one agent launched into a heated speech. “I appreciate that you want to try to protect yourself, but Haoyang, we’re past that. The question now is, are you willing to do the right thing?” The agent offered a sample confession: “Like, ‘Yes, I did it. I’m ashamed. I’m embarrassed. I shouldn’t have done it. I had financial problems and I was trying to do the best thing I could for my family and this is the way that I saw to get out of that. It was a terrible choice.’ Like — whatever.”

    But Yu stayed quiet.

    Inside the agents’ vehicle, Chen said she watched, stunned, as he was led away in handcuffs. “I didn’t know why they took my husband away,” she said. “It is a really weird feeling.”

    After the street cleared out, she walked into her house and surveyed the aftermath. The agents had taken their computers, cellphones, and papers printed with Chinese characters that had no connection to Yu’s business, she said, including notes on potential travel destinations and the addresses of her college classmates. In the kitchen, a chipmunk scurried across the floor. The back door had been left open during the raid, and the animal had found its way inside. She shooed it out and sat down to cry. Then she forced herself to get up and put the house in order before her kids arrived home from school.

    Later that day, Lelling’s office issued a press release describing Yu as “a Chinese born naturalized US citizen.” “Theft of trade secrets from American companies is a pervasive economic and national security threat,” Lelling was quoted as saying. The press release continued: “Yu is charged with a massive theft of proprietary trade secret information.”

    Singled Out?

    As the couple’s cases moved toward trial, Yu’s defense team hired a semiconductor expert, Manfred Schindler, a consultant who had worked with several leading chip companies. Schindler wrote in an affidavit that small outfits like Tricon were common in the MMIC industry, and that companies commonly reverse engineer one another’s chips. “[M]ultiple manufacturers commonly sell individual items with very similar or even identical designs and performance characteristics,” he wrote. (Schindler declined to comment, citing a confidentiality agreement with Yu’s lawyers.)

    More explosively, Schindler took issue with the export control category that the U.S. government said governed one of Tricon’s chips. At the time, three of the charges against Yu hinged on that classification. The designation was unusual, Schindler wrote, because chips with similar specifications — including the one that prosecutors alleged Yu had copied — typically do not trigger export controls. He determined that the U.S. government had introduced the designation at the request of an agent investigating Yu and had never publicized the rule. The rule seemed to have been tailor-made for Yu.

    Another setback came in January of this year, when the U.S. attorney’s office in Massachusetts dropped charges in a controversial China Initiative case against Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor Gang Chen (no relation to Yanzhi Chen). He had been charged with wire fraud and accused of omitting affiliations with Chinese institutions on Department of Energy grant applications that he submitted electronically. Prosecutors abandoned the charges after determining that some of the alleged affiliations did not exist and that Chen had no obligation to declare the others. Gang Chen’s defenders alleged that he was the victim of blatant racism and bias; 170 MIT faculty members signed a statement in his defense. The Justice Department scrapped the China Initiative the following month.

    Rollins had inherited both the Gang Chen and Yu cases from Lelling. Yu’s lawyers hoped to get charges thrown out in his case as well.

    Instead, Rollins’s office went ahead with the prosecution. But by the time Yu stood trial, the allegations against him had changed. Prosecutors dropped the export control violation charges connected to the chip that Schindler had flagged after the Commerce Department reclassified it as not requiring a license. In a superseding indictment, they charged Yu with new export control violations, for sending two chip designs to a foundry, or chip factory, in Taiwan.

    Yu’s Tricon was what’s known as “fabless,” meaning the company didn’t fabricate the chips in-house. Instead, Yu designed chips which were then manufactured in foundries. In recent years, Commerce Department officials have grown more aggressive about how they interpret regulations with regard to the export of design files, but historically, companies including Analog Devices have at times not sought licenses for similar exports. “[Fabless] suppliers often use off-shore fabs and package houses, yet most US military contractors don’t seem to care about this,” the industry publication Microwaves 101 notes in an explainer on MMIC suppliers. “Go figure!”

    Using files found in Yu’s Google Drive and on devices seized from his home, prosecutors alleged that he had stolen the designs for “dozens” of chips from Analog Devices. And, in a sort of legal hall of mirrors, they tacked on charges that depended on other charges sticking. In his interview ahead of becoming a U.S. citizen in February 2017, Yu had asserted that he’d never committed or tried to commit a crime for which he had not been arrested. Prosecutors alleged that this was fraud because he had committed a crime: trade secrets theft, the crime they were charging him with.

    GettyImages-119892117-final

    A detail shot of the semiconductor chip that was developed for use in car radar systems. Photos taken at Analog Devices in Wilmington, Mass., on July 5, 2011.

    Photo: Yoon S. Byun/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

     “Why Are You Challenging Him?”

    The drama began even before the trial started, when a prosecutor tried to ensure that an Asian American man was not chosen for the jury. The judge questioned the prosecutor’s motive. The potential juror, the judge noted, “is Asian; why are you challenging him? I see no reason to challenge him.”

    When the prosecutor replied that the objection was based on the man’s profession, the judge asked what that was. Silence ensued. “You don’t even know what the profession is,” the judge admonished the prosecutor. (Court documents, which give only the man’s first name and last initial, reveal that he worked as a nurse and paraprofessional for a public school system.) The government ended up withdrawing the objection, and the man remained on the jury.

    As the trial got underway, prosecutors returned again and again to the Pokémon characters. “[N]o one names things after Pokémon characters at work when they intend to be found out,” said Assistant U.S. Attorney Amanda Beck. They accused Yu of adopting a fake name because, in his work with Tricon, he used the English name Jack. They emphasized his use of multiple email addresses, claiming that it was a signature of criminals violating export controls. They suggested it was odd that Yu had registered Tricon in his wife’s name rather than his own and used the address of a UPS store for the business rather than his home. And they called as a witness an employee of Win Semiconductors, the Taiwanese firm that had manufactured Yu’s chips, who testified that the designs Tricon had sent the firm appeared unoriginal.

    Then, halfway through the trial, Blount, Yu’s Boston-area competitor, took the stand. In 2020, he had sold Custom MMIC for a reported $96 million. He later started a new company, Kapabl Engineering. When cross-examined by the defense, Blount admitted that he had met Yu before, though he said he did not remember the encounter. He conceded that Kapabl Engineering was, like Tricon, registered in his wife’s name. Just as Tricon had a bare-bones website, Kapabl Engineering had a site that Blount conceded was “rudimentary.” And much as Tricon had sent designs to Taiwan to be manufactured without obtaining an export license, Custom MMIC had sent designs to France without a license until 2019, the year Yu was arrested.

    “Custom never got an export license to send the GDS to France?” asked Fick, Yu’s attorney, referring to a chip design file.

    “We did not, no,” Blount answered.

    “And is that because you were intentionally violating the law?” Fick asked.

    “No,” Blount said.

    Blount also admitted that he was connected to the tip to the FBI. “We brought this matter to the FBI back in 2017,” he said.

    The jury deliberated for five hours. After they largely cleared Yu of the charges, Rollins’s office boasted in a press release about the single charge that had stuck, calling it “the first-ever conviction following a criminal trial of this kind in the District of Massachusetts.” Few observers saw it as a win for the government, though. The trade publication Law360 recently listed the trial among a string of losses by the U.S. attorney’s office.

    “The verdict revealed this case for what it truly is: a trumped-up civil dispute between a multibillion-dollar, global technology company and its former employee concerning alleged trade secrets,” wrote Yu’s attorneys in a recent filing. “The government’s relentless pursuit of Mr. Yu was driven, at least in part, by its baseless and offensive assumption that he was a Chinese spy, secretly loyal to China and, thus, a danger to the national security of the United States.”

    If Yu had been white, his attorneys contend, the trade secrets spat might have been handled through a lawsuit in civil court, without the threat of prison time.

    Yu’s attorneys now argue that the law has been selectively enforced, and that the U.S. government gave too much weight to information provided by Blount and Analog Devices. If Yu had been white, they contend, the trade secrets spat might have been handled through a lawsuit in civil court, without the threat of prison time — as had happened when Analog Devices accused the three former employees of taking proprietary material to Macom. That lawsuit, in fact, involved data for several of the exact same Analog Devices products at issue in Yu’s case, with the difference that the Macom engineers were accused of stealing much more data than Yu, and that, according to Yu’s attorneys, one of them actually confessed to taking trade secrets.

    Proving that Yu was singled out will be a challenge. Traditionally, the burden of proof for a selective enforcement motion rests on the defense, and no lawyer has successfully argued it in a China Initiative or related case. But in November, Judge William G. Young reversed an earlier decision on the topic, ordering the U.S. government to turn over to the defense additional evidence connected to Yu’s prosecution.

    In one filing, Yu’s lawyers cited comments Lelling made to Science in 2020, in which they say he acknowledged that prosecutors were seeking out ethnic Chinese defendants. “[U]nfortunately, a lot of our targets are going to be Han Chinese,” Lelling said at the time. “If it were the French government targeting U.S. technology, we’d be looking for Frenchmen.’”

    In an email to The Intercept, Lelling took issue with that interpretation. “No one was targeting people based on ethnicity — we were looking for conduct,” he wrote.

    Chen’s hopes now center on the judge dismissing the case. But she is clear-eyed about Yu’s chances. “The success rate is very low,” she said, adding, “I don’t know why the government has invested so much on us. We are just normal people.”

    Meanwhile, in August, Analog Devices finally filed a civil lawsuit against Yu. By the time it winds through the courts, he may be in federal prison.

    The post A Competitor Put the FBI on Haoyang Yu’s Trail. The Investigation Didn’t Go as Planned. appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Micah Lee's twitter account is seen displayed on a mobile phone screen

    Photo Illustration: The Intercept/Getty Images


    I’ve been writing critically about billionaire Elon Musk since he took over Twitter — particularly about his “free speech” hypocrisy and his censorship of left-wing accounts. This must have angered him. Last week, he suspended me and eight other journalists from Twitter.

    We had all pointed out that Musk censored a Twitter account, @ElonJet, which used public data to post the location of his private jet, but that @ElonJet had moved to rival social networks, like Mastodon, that didn’t censor the account. Musk accused us of “doxxing” him by posting “assassination coordinates” and then tried to blame his outburst on an alleged stalking incident that had nothing to do with the @ElonJet account.

    My suspension lasted just a few days before my account was reinstated. When people visit my Twitter profile, it no longer says “account suspended,” and it looks as if I’m back on the platform. Friends and strangers alike have reached out to me saying it’s good to see that I’m back on Twitter. It’s an illusion.

    In reality, I’m still locked out of my Twitter account unless I agree to delete a specific tweet at the behest of the billionaire. Several of the other suspended journalists are in the same boat. (Twitter, where the communications team was decimated by Musk’s layoffs, did not immediately reply to a message for comment.)

    When I log in to my Twitter account, the site is replaced with the message: “Your account has been locked.” Twitter accuses me of violating its rules against posting private information. (In the 13 years that I’ve used Twitter, I’ve never violated any rules, and my account has never been suspended or locked until now.)

    To unlock my account, I must remove the offending tweet, which in my case said, “Twitter just banned Mastodon’s official Twitter account @joinmastodon with 174,000 followers, probably because it tweeted a link to @ElonJet’s Mastodon account. Twitter is now censoring posting the link, but the user is @elonjet@mastodon.social.”

    remove tweet screenshot

    Screenshot: Micah Lee


    I didn’t want to bend the knee to the Mad King of Twitter, so I submitted an appeal. “My tweet is about Twitter censoring rival social network Mastodon,” I wrote. “This is suppression of speech that never would have happened before Elon Musk took over.” After two days, I received an update from Twitter: “Our support team has determined that violation did take place, and therefore we will not overturn our decision.”

    My alleged offense is that I posted private information to Twitter by linking to @ElotJet’s account on Mastodon or, in my case, mentioning the username and showing the link in a screenshot. This is on its face absurd — I didn’t post private information, much less “assassination coordinates” — but a quick Twitter search for https://mastodon.social/@ElonJet shows that plenty of other accounts have posted this same link yet aren’t locked out.

    I’m not the only suspended journalist that’s locked out of my account. Some journalists like Drew Harwell of the Washington Post have written on Mastodon about being locked out. “For anyone wondering,” Harwell wrote, “I’m still unable to access Twitter until I delete this tweet, which is factual journalism that doesn’t even break the location rule Twitter enacted a few days ago.” He appended a screenshot of the tweet.

    And in an interview on CNN, Donie O’Sullivan, another suspended journalist, explained that his account is locked as well. “Right now, unless I agree to remove that tweet at the behest of the billionaire, I won’t be allowed to tweet on the platform,” he said. He also submitted an appeal.

    Mashable’s Matt Binder was unsuspended following the mass banning, but he wrote on Mastodon that when he wrote to a Twitter official to ask how he had broken company policy, he was then locked out. “Seems they forgot to force me to delete the tweet the first time, like they did the other suspended journalists,” he wrote.

    Steve Herman of Voice of America, whose account was also suspended last week, told CNN over the weekend: “When I got up this morning, I saw a bunch of news stories that my account had been reinstated with those of the others. Well, that’s not exactly true.” Herman explained that Musk was demanding he delete three offending tweets, all about @ElotJet.

    The New York Times reported that the account of its suspended journalist, Ryan Mac, was also locked, contingent on whether he chooses to delete posts that Twitter flagged as violating rules against posting private information.

    Other journalists who were suspended for their @ElonJet-related tweets are now fully back, including Aaron Rupar and Tony Webster.

    I personally don’t plan on submitting to Musk’s petty demands. We’ll see if anything changes. In the meantime, you can follow me on Mastodon at @micahflee@infosec.exchange, and The Intercept at @theintercept@journa.host.

    The post Elon Musk Is Still Silencing the Journalists He Banned From Twitter appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Twitter executives have claimed for years that the company makes concerted efforts to detect and thwart government-backed covert propaganda campaigns on its platform.

    Behind the scenes, however, the social networking giant provided direct approval and internal protection to the U.S. military’s network of social media accounts and online personas, whitelisting a batch of accounts at the request of the government. The Pentagon has used this network, which includes U.S. government-generated news portals and memes, in an effort to shape opinion in Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Kuwait, and beyond.

    The accounts in question started out openly affiliated with the U.S. government. But then the Pentagon appeared to shift tactics and began concealing its affiliation with some of these accounts — a move toward the type of intentional platform manipulation that Twitter has publicly opposed. Though Twitter executives maintained awareness of the accounts, they did not shut them down, but let them remain active for years. Some remain active.

    The revelations are buried in the archives of Twitter’s emails and internal tools, to which The Intercept was granted access for a brief period last week alongside a handful of other writers and reporters. Following Elon Musk’s purchase of Twitter, the billionaire starting giving access to company documents, saying in a Twitter Space that “the general idea is to surface anything bad Twitter has done in the past.” The files, which included records generated under Musk’s ownership, provide unprecedented, if incomplete, insight into decision-making within a major social media company.

    Twitter did not provide unfettered access to company information; rather, for three days last week, they allowed me to make requests without restriction that were then fulfilled on my behalf by an attorney, meaning that the search results may not have been exhaustive. I did not agree to any conditions governing the use of the documents, and I made efforts to authenticate and contextualize the documents through further reporting. The redactions in the embedded documents in this story were done by The Intercept to protect privacy, not Twitter.

    The direct assistance Twitter provided to the Pentagon goes back at least five years.

    On July 26, 2017, Nathaniel Kahler, at the time an official working with U.S. Central Command — also known as CENTCOM, a division of the Defense Department — emailed a Twitter representative with the company’s public policy team, with a request to approve the verification of one account and “whitelist” a list of Arab-language accounts “we use to amplify certain messages.”

    “We’ve got some accounts that are not indexing on hashtags — perhaps they were flagged as bots,” wrote Kahler. “A few of these had built a real following and we hope to salvage.” Kahler added that he was happy to provide more paperwork from his office or SOCOM, the acronym for the U.S. Special Operations Command.

    Twitter at the time had built out an expanded abuse detection system aimed in part toward flagging malicious activity related to the Islamic State and other terror organizations operating in the Middle East. As an indirect consequence of these efforts, one former Twitter employee explained to The Intercept, accounts controlled by the military that were frequently engaging with extremist groups were being automatically flagged as spam. The former employee, who was involved with the whitelisting of CENTCOM accounts, spoke with The Intercept under condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly.

    In his email, Kahler sent a spreadsheet with 52 accounts. He asked for priority service for six of the accounts, including @yemencurrent, an account used to broadcast announcements about U.S. drone strikes in Yemen. Around the same time, @yemencurrent, which has since been deleted, had emphasized that U.S. drone strikes were “accurate” and killed terrorists, not civilians, and promoted the U.S. and Saudi-backed assault on Houthi rebels in that country.

    Other accounts on the list were focused on promoting U.S.-supported militias in Syria and anti-Iran messages in Iraq. One account discussed legal issues in Kuwait. Though many accounts remained focused on one topic area, others moved from topic to topic. For instance, @dala2el, one of the CENTCOM accounts, shifted from messaging around drone strikes in Yemen in 2017 to Syrian government-focused communications this year.

    On the same day that CENTCOM sent its request, members of Twitter’s site integrity team went into an internal company system used for managing the reach of various users and applied a special exemption tag to the accounts, internal logs show.

    One engineer, who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to speak to the media, said that he had never seen this type of tag before, but upon close inspection, said that the effect of the “whitelist” tag essentially gave the accounts the privileges of Twitter verification without a visible blue check. Twitter verification would have bestowed a number of advantages, such as invulnerability to algorithmic bots that flag accounts for spam or abuse, as well as other strikes that lead to decreased visibility or suspension.

    Kahler told Twitter that the accounts would all be “USG-attributed, Arabic-language accounts tweeting on relevant security issues.” That promise fell short, as many of the accounts subsequently deleted disclosures of affiliation with the U.S. government.

    The Internet Archive does not preserve the full history of every account, but The Intercept identified several accounts that initially listed themselves as U.S. government accounts in their bios, but, after being whitelisted, shed any disclosure that they were affiliated with the military and posed as ordinary users.

    This appears to align with a major report published in August by online security researchers affiliated with the Stanford Internet Observatory, which reported on thousands of accounts that they suspected to be part of a state-backed information operation, many of which used photorealistic human faces generated by artificial intelligence, a practice also known as “deep fakes.”

    The researchers connected these accounts with a vast online ecosystem that included “fake news” websites, meme accounts on Telegram and Facebook, and online personalities that echoed Pentagon messages often without disclosure of affiliation with the U.S. military. Some of the accounts accuse Iran of “threatening Iraq’s water security and flooding the country with crystal meth,” while others promoted allegations that Iran was harvesting the organs of Afghan refugees.

    The Stanford report did not definitively tie the sham accounts to CENTCOM or provide a complete list of Twitter accounts. But the emails obtained by The Intercept show that the creation of at least one of these accounts was directly affiliated with the Pentagon.

    “It’s deeply concerning if the Pentagon is working to shape public opinion about our military’s role abroad and even worse if private companies are helping to conceal it.”

    One of the accounts that Kahler asked to have whitelisted, @mktashif, was identified by the researchers as appearing to use a deep-fake photo to obscure its real identity. Initially, according to the Wayback Machine, @mktashif did disclose that it was a U.S. government account affiliated with CENTCOM, but at some point, this disclosure was deleted and the account’s photo was changed to the one Stanford identified as a deep fake.

    The new Twitter bio claimed that the account was an unbiased source of opinion and information, and, roughly translated from Arabic, “dedicated to serving Iraqis and Arabs.” The account, before it was suspended earlier this year, routinely tweeted messages denouncing Iran and other U.S. adversaries, including Houthi rebels in Yemen.

    Another CENTCOM account, @althughur, which posts anti-Iran and anti-ISIS content focused on an Iraqi audience, changed its Twitter bio from a CENTCOM affiliation to an Arabic phrase that simply reads “Euphrates pulse.”

    The former Twitter employee told The Intercept that they were surprised to learn of the Defense Department’s shifting tactics. “It sounds like DOD was doing something shady and definitely not in line with what they had presented to us at the time,” they said.

    Twitter and CENTCOM did not respond to requests for comment.

    “It’s deeply concerning if the Pentagon is working to shape public opinion about our military’s role abroad and even worse if private companies are helping to conceal it,” said Erik Sperling, the executive director of Just Foreign Policy, a nonprofit that works toward diplomatic solutions to foreign conflicts.

    “Congress and social media companies should investigate and take action to ensure that, at the very least, our citizens are fully informed when their tax money is being spent on putting a positive spin on our endless wars,” Sperling added.

    Nick Pickles, public policy director for Twitter speaks during a full committee hearing on "Mass Violence, Extremism, and Digital Responsibility" on September 18, 2019 in Washington, DC. (Photo by Olivier Douliery / AFP)        (Photo credit should read OLIVIER DOULIERY/AFP via Getty Images)

    Nick Pickles, public policy director for Twitter, speaks during a full committee hearing on “Mass Violence, Extremism, and Digital Responsibility,” in Washington, D.C., on Sept. 18, 2019.

    Photo: Olivier DoulieryAFP via Getty Images


    For many years, Twitter has pledged to shut down all state-backed disinformation and propaganda efforts, never making an explicit exception for the U.S. In 2020, Twitter spokesperson Nick Pickles, in a testimony before the House Intelligence Committee, said that the company was taking aggressive efforts to shut down “coordinated platform manipulation efforts” attributed to government agencies.

    “Combatting attempts to interfere in conversations on Twitter remains a top priority for the company, and we continue to invest heavily in our detection, disruption, and transparency efforts related to state-backed information operations. Our goal is to remove bad-faith actors and to advance public understanding of these critical topics,” said Pickles.

    In 2018, for instance, Twitter announced the mass suspension of accounts tied to Russian government-linked propaganda efforts. Two years later, the company boasted of shutting down almost 1,000 accounts for association with the Thai military. But rules on platform manipulation, it appears, have not been applied to American military efforts.

    The emails obtained by The Intercept show that not only did Twitter whitelist these accounts in 2017 explicitly at the behest of the military, but also that high-level officials at the company discussed the accounts as potentially problematic in the following years.

    In the summer of 2020, officials from Facebook reportedly identified fake accounts attributed to CENTCOM’s influence operation on its platform and warned the Pentagon that if Silicon Valley could easily out these accounts as inauthentic, so could foreign adversaries, according to a September report in the Washington Post.

    Twitter emails show that during that time in 2020, Facebook and Twitter executives were invited by the Pentagon’s top attorneys to attend classified briefings in a sensitive compartmented information facility, also known as a SCIF, used for highly sensitive meetings.

    “Facebook have had a series of 1:1 conversations between their senior legal leadership and DOD’s [general counsel] re: inauthentic activity,” wrote Yoel Roth, then the head of trust and safety at Twitter. “Per FB,” continued Roth, “DOD have indicated a strong desire to work with us to remove the activity — but are now refusing to discuss additional details or steps outside of a classified conversation.”

    Stacia Cardille, then an attorney with Twitter, noted in an email to her colleagues that the Pentagon may want to retroactively classify its social media activities “to obfuscate their activity in this space, and that this may represent an overclassification to avoid embarrassment.”

    Jim Baker, then the deputy general counsel of Twitter, in the same thread, wrote that the Pentagon appeared to have used “poor tradecraft” in setting up various Twitter accounts, sought to potentially cover its tracks, and was likely seeking a strategy for avoiding public knowledge that the accounts are “linked to each other or to DoD or the USG.” Baker speculated that in the meeting the “DoD might want to give us a timetable for shutting them down in a more prolonged way that will not compromise any ongoing operations or reveal their connections to DoD.”

    What was discussed at the classified meetings — which ultimately did take place, according to the Post — was not included in the Twitter emails provided to The Intercept, but many of the fake accounts remained active for at least another year. Some of the accounts on the CENTCOM list remain active even now — like this one, which includes affiliation with CENTCOM, and this one, which does not — while many were swept off the platform in a mass suspension on May 16.

    In a separate email sent in May 2020, Lisa Roman, then a vice president of the company in charge of global public policy, emailed William S. Castle, a Pentagon attorney, along with Roth, with an additional list of Defense Department Twitter accounts. “The first tab lists those accounts previously provided to us and the second, associated accounts that Twitter has discovered,” wrote Roman. It’s not clear from this single email what Roman is requesting – she references a phone call preceding the email — but she notes that the second tab of accounts — the ones that had not been explicitly provided to Twitter by the Pentagon — “may violate our Rules.” The attachment included a batch of accounts tweeting in Russian and Arabic about human rights violations committed by ISIS. Many accounts in both tabs were not openly identified as affiliated with the U.S. government.

    Twitter executives remained aware of the Defense Department’s special status. This past January, a Twitter executive recirculated the CENTCOM list of Twitter accounts originally whitelisted in 2017. The email simply read “FYI” and was directed to several Twitter officials, including Patrick Conlon, a former Defense Department intelligence analyst then working on the site integrity unit as Twitter’s global threat intelligence lead. Internal records also showed that the accounts that remained from Kahler’s original list are still whitelisted.

    Following the mass suspension of many of the accounts this past May, Twitter’s team worked to limit blowback from its involvement in the campaign.

    Shortly before publication of the Washington Post story in September, Katie Rosborough, then a communications specialist at Twitter, wrote to alert Twitter lawyers and lobbyists about the upcoming piece. “It’s a story that’s mostly focused on DoD and Facebook; however, there will be a couple lines that reference us alongside Facebook in that we reached out to them [DoD] for a meeting. We don’t think they’ll tie it to anything Mudge-related or name any Twitter employees. We declined to comment,” she wrote. (Mudge is a reference to Peiter Zatko, a Twitter whistleblower who filed a complaint with federal authorities in July, alleging lax security measures and penetration of the company by foreign agents.)

    After publication, the Twitter team congratulated one another because the story minimized Twitter’s role in the CENTCOM psyop campaign. Instead, the story largely revolved around the Pentagon’s decision to begin a review of its clandestine psychological operations on social media.

    “Thanks for doing all that you could to manage this one,” wrote Rebecca Hahn, another former Twitter communications official. “It didn’t seem to get too much traction beyond verge, cnn and wapo editors promoting.”

    The U.S. military and intelligence community have long pursued a strategy of fabricated online personas and third parties to amplify certain narratives in foreign countries, the idea being that an authentic-looking Persian-language news portal or a local Afghan woman would have greater organic influence than an official Pentagon press release.

    Military online propaganda efforts have largely been governed by a 2006 memorandum. The memo notes that the Defense Department’s internet activities should “openly acknowledge U.S. involvement” except in cases when a “Combatant Commander believes that it will not be possible due to operational considerations.” This method of nondisclosure, the memo states, is only authorized for operations in the “Global War on Terrorism, or when specified in other Secretary of Defense execute orders.”

    In 2019, lawmakers passed a measure known as Section 1631, a reference to a provision of the National Defense Authorization Act, further legally affirming clandestine psychological operations by the military in a bid to counter online disinformation campaigns by Russia, China, and other foreign adversaries.

    In 2008, the U.S. Special Operations Command opened a request for a service to provide “web-based influence products and tools in support of strategic and long-term U.S. Government goals and objectives.” The contract referred to the Trans-Regional Web Initiative, an effort to create online news sites designed to win hearts and minds in the battle to counter Russian influence in Central Asia and global Islamic terrorism. The contract was initially carried out by General Dynamics Information Technology, a subsidiary of the defense contractor General Dynamics, in connection with CENTCOM communication offices in the Washington, D.C., area and in Tampa, Florida.

    A program known as “WebOps,” run by a defense contractor known as Colsa Corp., was used to create fictitious online identities designed to counter online recruitment efforts by ISIS and other terrorist networks.

    The Intercept spoke to a former employee of a contractor — on the condition of anonymity for legal protection — engaged in these online propaganda networks for the Trans-Regional Web Initiative. He described a loose newsroom-style operation, employing former journalists, operating out of a generic suburban office building.

    “Generally what happens, at the time when I was there, CENTCOM will develop a list of messaging points that they want us to focus on,” said the contractor. “Basically, they would, we want you to focus on say, counterterrorism and a general framework that we want to talk about.”

    From there, he said, supervisors would help craft content that was distributed through a network of CENTCOM-controlled websites and social media accounts. As the contractors created content to support narratives from military command, they were instructed to tag each content item with a specific military objective. Generally, the contractor said, the news items he created were technically factual but always crafted in a way that closely reflected the Pentagon’s goals.

    “We had some pressure from CENTCOM to push stories,” he added, while noting that he worked at the sites years ago, before the transition to more covert operations. At the time, “we weren’t doing any of that black-hat stuff.”

    The post Twitter Aided the Pentagon in its Covert Online Propaganda Campaign appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.


  • Twitter headquarters in San Francisco, California, US, on Tuesday, Nov, 29, 2022. Twitter Inc. said it ended a policy designed to suppress false or misleading information about Covid-19, part of Musk's polarizing mission to remake the social network as a place for unmoderated speech. Photographer: David Paul Morris/Bloomberg via Getty Images

    Twitter headquarters in San Francisco on Nov. 29, 2022.

    Photo: David Paul Morris/Bloomberg via Getty Images

    The votes are in, the people have spoken, and Dominion has chosen the winner. Elon Musk will be stepping down as CEO of Twitter!

    As of the moment this was written, there’s been no confirmation from Musk that he’ll actually follow through on this, and if so, when. It will certainly be interesting to see if he does. But also, who cares? Ultimately it makes little or no difference.

    It’s important at moments like this to remember how capitalism works. Ready? Here it is: The people who own corporations decide what the corporations do. These owners usually hire a board of directors, which in turn hires the company’s chief executive officer. If the board doesn’t like the CEO’s performance, they replace him or her. If the owners don’t like the board, they replace them.

    Of course, it can get more complicated than this. In a publicly traded company — i.e., one in which anyone can buy shares at the current price on a stock market — there’s often extremely diffuse ownership. The largest shareholders in many of America’s companies now are index funds such as those offered by Vanguard, which in turn are owned by millions of people. This often creates what’s called a “principal-agent problem,” a situation in which the principals (in this case, the company’s owners) have a hard time exerting control over their agent (the management). If you have a 401(k), you almost certainly own teeny-tiny amounts of all of America’s biggest companies but have no influence over or even knowledge of how they’re run. Corporate managers constantly take advantage of this dynamic to enrich themselves at the expense of their company’s owners (not to mention at the expense of nonmanagement employees).

    There are also anomalous corporate structures such as that of Meta, aka Facebook. Meta has Class A shares, which are publicly traded and provide one vote each in corporate governance matters. And over the past year, the value of Meta’s Class A stock has declined almost 70 percent. With a normal company, Mark Zuckerberg, who owns only about 13 percent of Meta’s Class A stock, would be facing a shareholder revolt and likely be ousted as CEO. But Meta also has Class B shares, which aren’t publicly traded and get 10 votes per share. Zuckerberg owns 90 percent of the company’s Class B shares, which ultimately gives him about 60 percent of the voting power over what the company does. Hence he is autonomous and unfireable.

    Neither of these situations apply to Twitter, however. It is privately held, meaning that you can’t just call up a stockbroker and buy some shares in it. There is only one class of stock, but that’s fine for Musk, because he owns the majority of it. He is free to appoint anyone he wants to run the company. After he bought it, he appointed himself. But even if he now abides by this poll and hires someone else, he will still ultimately be in charge. If he doesn’t like a new CEO’s performance for any reason or no reason, he can replace them.

    The main trouble is simply that Twitter is a bad business, purely as a business.

    This hypothetical person will then face exactly the same problems that Musk faced — except with Musk breathing down their neck every second of every day. The main trouble is simply that Twitter is a bad business, purely as a business. It’s made a yearly profit just twice since it went public in 2013: in 2018 and 2019. In 2020 it lost $1 billion, then another $222 million in 2021. Musk took this money pit and added more suction by borrowing $12 billion to complete his purchase, generating $1.2 billion in additional annual costs for the company with the interest on the debt.

    It is true that Musk exacerbated Twitter’s inherent problems by terrifying its advertisers, which in the pre-Musk era provided 90 percent of Twitter’s revenues. In theory, a talented new CEO could try to turn back time by going to Twitter’s ad clientele and telling them: Look, our previous chief executive was psychologically maimed by his father and is a deeply troubled weirdo. We definitely understand your concerns about him, but fortunately he’s out of the picture now.

    Except Musk wouldn’t be out of the picture. Everyone in the room would know that the new CEO might be fired by tweet before the meeting was over.

    And there are no other plausible sources of income on the horizon with Twitter as it currently exists. Twitter Blue users send the company $8 a month but see half the ads; they also cost money to acquire and verify. It’s plausible that the company is barely breaking even on each new blue checkmark.

    Incredibly enough, the gaming journalist, global-warming denier, and extremely odd person Ian Miles Cheong got it completely right when he told Musk this:

    In other words, Twitter can only survive if it turns itself into a totally different company. That’s not impossible — for instance, before Musk took over, Twitter explored the possibility of becoming a competitor to adult OnlyFans. There’s a lot of money there, with the adult content creator site projecting net revenue of $2.5 billion this year. On the other hand, that would guarantee that almost all large advertisers would flee the platform. And it would certainly come as a surprise to Musk’s legion of right-wing fans, as well as Tesla stockholders.

    So in the end, all the cataclysms facing Twitter are structural issues that no other human being can likely solve, rather than — as tempting as it is to think — flaws inherent to Musk personally. You can replace one brick in this wall with another brick, but it’s still probably going to be swamped by the tsunami of capitalism.

    All that said, there might be one possible path forward for Twitter, one that could enhance it as a venue for civic discourse and free speech: non-capitalistic ownership, by the public or its workers or both. Unfortunately, this is the one direction in which we can be absolutely certain Musk will not go.

    The post Who Cares Whether Elon Musk Is CEO of Twitter? He OWNS It. appeared first on The Intercept.

  • Lies about Rep. Katie Porter reached millions of Twitter users this week, as the California Democrat’s remarks about how the platform has been used to falsely label LGBTQ+ people as pedophiles were misleadingly edited and captioned in tweets by influential right-wing activists.

    The deceptive clips of Porter’s remarks, accompanied by false claims that she had condoned pedophilia, were viewed more than 2.2 million times on Twitter after being shared by right-wing activist accounts, including Chaya Raichik’s Libs of TikTok and Jaimee Michell’s Gays Against Groomers.

    Those video clips were created by Porter’s political enemies, who made it seem as if Porter, at a Congressional oversight hearing on Wednesday, had argued that pedophilia was not a crime but an identity.

    Transcripts and video of Porter’s complete remarks make it clear that she was saying something entirely different — namely, that right-wing activists have inspired hatred of LGBTQ+ Americans in tweets falsely accusing them of being pedophiles, or so-called groomers.

    A spokesperson for Porter also told the fact-checking service VERIFY, which works with local news stations in 29 states, that the representative “did not say that pedophilia is not a crime.”

    In an irony that perfectly encapsulates the impossibility of reasoned discourse with far-right activists willing to lie, the video used to smear Porter was taken from her discussion of a report documenting how activist accounts like Libs of TikTok and Gays Against Groomers use Twitter to falsely accuse LGBTQ+ liberals of pedophilia. The report was produced by the LGBTQ+ civil rights organization Human Rights Campaign.

    At the hearing, Porter prefaced a question for Kelley Robinson, the HRC president, by saying: “Your organization recently released a report analyzing the 500 most viewed, most influential tweets that identified LGBTQ+ people as so-called groomers. The ‘groomer’ narrative is an age-old lie to position LGBTQ+ people as a threat to kids. And what it does is deny them access to public spaces, it stokes fear, and can even stoke violence.”

    Porter then asked Robinson if Twitter’s hateful conduct policy allows users to call LGBTQ+ people “groomers” on the platform.

    After Robinson explained that those slurs are used in violation of Twitter’s poorly enforced community guidelines, she added that when people baselessly use words like “groomers” and “pedophiles” to describe LGBTQ+ people, “it is dangerous, and it’s got one purpose: It is to dehumanize us, and make us feel like we are not a part of this American society, and it has real-life consequences.”

    Porter responded by saying that she agreed with Robinson that the use of such terms to smear members of LGBTQ+ communities whose politics differ from the far-right activists was intended to marginalize them.

    “I think you’re absolutely right,” Porter said. “And it’s not, you know, this allegation of ‘groomer’ and of ‘pedophile,’ it is alleging that a person is criminal somehow, and engaged in criminal acts, merely because of their identity, their sexual orientation, their gender identity. So this is clearly prohibited, under Twitter’s content, yet you found hundreds of these posts on the platform.”

    In addition to Raichik and Michell, whose anti-LGBTQ+ activism has previously been amplified by America’s most-watched cable news host, Tucker Carlson, misleading clips of Porter were also shared by Greg Price, a former Republican operative and Daily Caller social media editor; Sebastian Gorka, who was fired by the Trump White House; and Ian Miles Cheong, a far-right Malaysian blogger Elon Musk frequently replies to and agrees with on Twitter.

    While the tweets from Cheong and Raichik — who falsely asserted that “Rep Katie Porter (D) says pedophilia isn’t a crime- it’s an identity” — were eventually flagged as misleading by Twitter users, the 1.5 million people who follow Michell, Price, or Gorka encountered no such warning.

    Although he did not share the video, Rep. Ronny Jackson, a Texas Republican, also lied about what Porter said on Twitter. “Katie Porter just said that pedophilia isn’t a crime, she said it’s an ‘identity,’” Jackson claimed, falsely. “The sad thing is that this woman isn’t the only VILE person pushing for pedophilia normalization. This is what progressives believe!”

    While the HRC report Porter highlighted showed that right-wing activists had violated Twitter’s hateful conduct policy repeatedly before Musk bought the platform, the previous ownership team did make some attempt to rein in Raichik, who was temporarily suspended several times.

    Since Musk took control, however, “retweets of right-wing figures’ tweets that included the anti-LGBTQ ‘groomer’ slur increased substantially, as did mentions of right-wing figures in tweets containing the slur,” according to new data from LGBTQ+ advocacy group GLAAD and Media Matters, a watchdog group that monitors right-wing misinformation.

    Michell’s Gays AgainstGroomers account, the study found, “saw an increase of nearly 300% for retweets of tweets with the slur,” comparing the two months before and after Musk took control of the platform. Raichik’s Libs of TikTok “saw more than a 600% increase in its mentions,” over the same period for tweets using “groomer” slurs.

    The post Emboldened Right-Wing Activists Spread Lies About Rep. Katie Porter on Twitter appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Among the slew of accounts abruptly suspended from Twitter this week was the anarchist media organization It’s Going Down, an anticapitalist and antifascist collective that has covered the far right since its founding in 2015.

    Several of the media accounts — including at least eight journalists from outlets including The Intercept, the New York Times, and the Washington Post — had covered the suspension of left-leaning accounts in recent weeks by Twitter’s new owner, billionaire Elon Musk. Musk claimed that the accounts had violated Twitter’s terms of service by reporting on his suspension of another account, @ElonJet, which automatically tweeted the location of Musk’s personal jet using public information.

    “We weren’t told a reason. We didn’t even tweet that day that we were kicked off.”

    Unlike the other suspended media accounts, It’s Going Down had not tweeted about the ElonJet saga. Instead, the outlet’s account was suspended from Twitter after it drew attention to protests against a new police training center in Atlanta called “Cop City” — though the reasons for It’s Going Down’s suspension remains unclear.

    “We weren’t told a reason,” said a person involved with It’s Going Down, who agreed to speak only under the condition of anonymity. “We didn’t even tweet that day that we were kicked off.”

    Earlier this month, It’s Going Down had posted a thread criticizing suspensions of other anarchist and antifascist accounts; the thread included a photo of Musk with Ghislaine Maxwell, the former girlfriend of Jeffrey Epstein. “I don’t know, maybe that ruffled his feathers,” the person said.

    On the subject of their own banning, the person involved with It’s Going Down pointed to tweets by a far-right activist who had been flagging the anarchists’ account, sometimes directly to Musk, over a period of months. “The far-right troll Andy Ngo was tweeting at Musk to ban us,” the person said. “I’m sure that’s probably what it was, if we had to guess.” (Ngo did not immediately respond to a Twitter DM. Twitter, which, under Musk’s ownership, saw its communications department decimated, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.)

    Ngo’s possible role in the suspension of It’s Going Down from Twitter would follow the now-familiar pattern: far-right activists tweeting directly at Elon Musk with specious claims that left-wing Twitter accounts are engaged in violence. Earlier on Thursday, before the ban, Ngo tagged Musk in a tweet that posted a blog about the arrests and claimed that protesters were “using Twitter to raise cash, @elonmusk.” Ian Miles Cheng, another far-right activist, replied and asked if Musk would “consider setting up a dedicated task force at Twitter to deal with violent extremists like Antifa?”

    “Twitter obviously must be fair to all, so will aim to stop violent extremism being promoted by any group,” Musk replied. (Since taking over Twitter, Musk has reinstated neo-Nazi and fascist accounts.)

    Several hours later, Ngo cheered the It’s Going Down suspension from Twitter. Ngo had repeatedly targeted It’s Going Down in other public exchanges with Musk on Twitter and falsely claimed the group was a part of “Antifa,” an organization that does not exist, and that it incited violence and shared extremist propaganda.

    The person from IGD said they weren’t aware of Ngo tweeting about the group in relation to the Atlanta protests, but that he had targeted their coverage of a protest against an anti-trans group earlier this month.

    The controversy around the Atlanta police-training facility, dubbed “Cop City” by its opponents, grew on Tuesday when a group of protesters who have been occupying the site for more than a year clashed with a joint task force of police. The authorities, including agents from the Georgia Bureau of Investigation and the Atlanta Police Department, went in to remove barricades set up by the protesters, five of whom were arrested; on Wednesday, they were indicted on domestic terror charges.

    “They’re gonna try to throw the book at these people with domestic terrorism charges in order to try to stop a pretty broad rejection of this massive counterinsurgency training facility,” the person involved with It’s Going Down said. Slated to be built on the site of a former prison farm at the cost of $90 million, “Cop City” would be built atop the largest green space in an overwhelmingly Black part of the city, drawing opposition from local organizers.

    Sean Wolters, a protester who lives near the planned facility, said he thought the police were employing heavy-handed charges to demoralize and break up the protests: “None of it is meant to stand up in court, but simply to suppress opposition to Cop City.”

    “It’s a clear pipeline from lies from the police to Andy Ngo to action taken by Twitter against those who support the Defend the Forest movement.”

    What police claim about protesters in bond hearings and press releases doesn’t have to be proven true, Wolters said. “These lies are then picked up and repeated by right-wing figures like Andy Ngo, who then has direct communication with the head of Twitter,” he said. “It’s a clear pipeline from lies from the police to Andy Ngo to action taken by Twitter against those who support the Defend the Forest movement.”

    In a statement on Thursday, It’s Going Down said its suspension was further evidence of Musk’s sympathies toward the far right and his attempts to censor its critics on Twitter — and part of a pattern of social media giants censoring the anarchist site. (It’s Going Down had been banned on Facebook for allegedly being on a list of “organizations with a record of terrorist or violent criminal activity.”)

    “Today’s suspension is only the latest instance of IGD and other grassroots media platforms being banned and censored by tech companies working to advance the agenda of both the far-Right and the State,” the group wrote. “IGD was removed from Patreon at the request of far-right troll Tim Pool, kicked off of Facebook in the midst of Donald Trump’s response to the George Floyd protests, and finally banned from Instagram.”

    The post Elon Musk’s Growing Purge of His Twitter Critics — at the Behest of the Far Right appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Elon Musk waves while providing an update on Starship, on Feb. 10, 2022, near Brownsville, Texas. Twitter on Thursday, Dec. 15, 2022.

    Elon Musk waves while providing an update on the SpaceX Starship, on Feb. 10, 2022, near Brownsville, Texas.

    Photo: Miguel Roberts/The Brownsville Herald via AP


    I got suspended from Twitter yesterday. I’m one of at least eight journalists who were casualties of Elon Musk’s “Thursday Night Massacre,” after the billionaire went on a power-hungry suspension spree. Twitter didn’t explain what rules I allegedly broke — but that’s to be expected under the new management, whose transparency has mostly consisted of Musk personally replying to tweets explaining his decision-making. My suspension is likely temporary, or it could be permanent. Who knows?

    The suspensions made clear that, with the self-styled “free speech absolutist” at the helm, Twitter users are now subject to arbitrary censorship based on his whims. It all started when Musk suspended @ElonJet, an account that automatically tweeted the location of Musk’s personal private jet, using public flight information, along with college sophomore Jack Sweeney, who created that account. Musk then revised Twitter’s policy to justify his decision.

    This sudden change to Twitter’s rules undercut a pledge Musk had made just six weeks earlier, when he tweeted, shortly after purchasing Twitter for $44 billion: “My commitment to free speech extends even to not banning the account following my plane.”

    Shortly before I was suspended, I posted about Twitter banning the account of a competitor, Mastodon. Mastodon is a decentralized social network where millions of Twitter users have fled since Musk’s purchase. Before it was banned, Mastodon’s pinned tweet read, “At Mastodon, we present a vision of social media that cannot be bought and owned by any billionaire.”

    As far as I can tell, Twitter probably banned Mastodon’s account because it had tweeted, “Did you know? You can follow @ElonJet on Mastodon over at https://mastodon.social/@ElonJet.” My tweet pointed out this latest example of Twitter censorship. Here’s what it said:

    micah-lee-twitter-screenshot-suspended

    Screenshot: Micah Lee/The Intercept

    Then, after @ElonJet and reporters who wrote about it were suspended from the platform, Musk claimed that Sweeney and the journalists who reported on the account had “posted my exact real-time location, basically assassination coordinates.”

    Musk also briefly joined a public Twitter Spaces audio discussion on Thursday night, which included Sweeney and at least two of the tech journalists suspended for reporting on the suspension of his accounts. Twitter’s owner insisted that he had been “doxxed” by the @ElonJet account and said that he would ban “so-called journalists” who provided links to other sites where the flight-tracking information showing his private jet’s location could be found.

    Musk’s claim that he had been doxxed was challenged by Drew Harwell, a Washington Post reporter whose account was suspended for reporting on the @ElonJet account. When Harwell said that he had never shared Musk’s address, Musk suggested that any links to the flight-tracking data was the same as giving out his address. Musk abruptly left the chat after Harwell pointed out that Twitter had blocked links to the flight-tracking data on Instagram and Mastodon, “using the same exact link-blocking technique that you have criticized as part of the Hunter Biden New York Post story in 2020.”

    I’ve spent the last month writing articles that point out Musk’s hypocrisy as someone who promised to be “fighting for free speech in America.” While my reporting may not have provided the direct impetus for my suspension, it’s clear Musk was taking aim specifically at journalists who have covered him critically. And the best response to that is to read the work that billionaires would prefer you don’t:

    Distributed Denial of Secrets

    In November, I wrote about how even though Musk restored popular far-right accounts like Donald Trump and Marjorie Taylor Greene, he refused to restore the account of Distributed Denial of Secrets or to stop suppressing links to its website. DDoSecrets is a nonprofit transparency collective that distributes leaked and hacked documents to journalists and researchers. (I’m an adviser to DDoSecrets.)

    During the Black Lives Matter protests in the summer of 2020, DDoSecrets published BlueLeaks, a leak of documents from over 200 law enforcement agencies that revealed police misconduct, including spying on activists. In response to apparent law enforcement pressure, Twitter permanently banned @ddosecrets and suppressed all links to ddosecrets.com.

    The censorship of DDoSecrets is still happening today, two and a half years later.

    Silencing of Left-Wing Voices

    Two weeks ago, my Intercept colleague Robert Mackey and I wrote about how prominent left-wing accounts were kicked off Twitter after Musk personally invited Andy Ngo, the far-right writer and conspiracy theorist who popularized the myth that “antifa” a secret army of domestic terrorists, to tell him which accounts to ban.

    Twitter suspended the accounts of the antifascist researcher Chad Loder and the video journalist Vishal Pratap Singh. Twitter also suspended the account of the Elm Fork John Brown Gun Club, an antifascist group that provides armed security for LGBTQ+ events in North Texas, and CrimethInc, an anarchist collective that has published and distributed anarchist and anti-authoritarian zines, books, posters, and podcasts since the mid-1990s.

    None of these accounts violated Twitter’s rules.

    Covid-19 Misinformation

    Yesterday, the same day I was suspended from Twitter, I wrote about how convicted U.S. Capitol insurrectionist Simone Gold, founder of the vaccine disinformation group America’s Frontline Doctors, offered to help Musk assemble a team of doctors to fact-check medical information on Twitter.

    While the article was mostly about the ludicrous alternate reality of Covid deniers, it also pointed out various ways Musk himself has allowed Covid misinformation to flourish on Twitter. This includes Twitter restoring the accounts of two prominent anti-vaccine doctors, each with over a half a million followers, and one of whom falsely claimed that Covid-19 vaccines are “causing a form of AIDS.” It also details some of Musk’s own history with Covid misinformation, such as when he falsely claimed that “kids are essentially immune” to Covid, or when he promoted the discredited drug hydroxychloroquine as a Covid cure.

    Maybe my Twitter account will become live again at some point. But for now, you can find me on Mastodon.

    The post Elon Musk Is Taking Aim at Journalists. I’m One of Them. appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Finland’s state-owned research institute center, VTT Technical Research Centre of Finland, has developed a breakthrough technology to crack the code for perfecting plant-based meat. VTT claims that it possesses a “unique toolbox” that combines cellular agriculture and local plant-based ingredients to replicate the building blocks of animal meat.

    The research center’s multi-technique approach will allow food producers to turn underutilized, climate-resilient plant crops such as fava beans and sorghum into burgers, steaks, and sausages that offer a real, authentic experience and can be produced on an industrial scale.

    “We use cellular-agriculture-based techniques combined with our long-term expertise working with challenging, plant-based raw materials to transform nutritious, local crops into delicious foodstuffs that offer an identical sensory experience to animal-based meat,” Nesli Sözer, Research Professor at VTT, said in a statement. 

    VegNews.FinlandVeganMeat.VITT

    VTT

    “Our innovation toolkit allows producers to perfectly recreate the sizzling fat and juicy tenderness of meat like never before,” Sözer said. 

    A sustainable solution for animal meat

    VTT believes its approach is a sustainable, scalable solution to the multitude of environmental and ethical issues of animal meat. Meat is a major source of greenhouse gas emissions, and meat production tends to be overly centralized and vulnerable to supply chain disruptions. 

    It is well-known that a new, sustainable food system requires a dietary shift towards plant-based proteins. VTT says that by leveraging this new innovation, food producers can meet soaring global demand for meat while shoring up food security and resilience. 

    “In order to solve these challenges, we need plant-based meat that can genuinely satiate demand and that can be scaled in a way that improves food security and nutrition for all,” Sözer explained.  

    The VTT researchers know that to have global acceptance of plant-based meat alternatives, they need to match meat’s experience, nutritional profile, and price. “Consumer acceptance has a key role in the development of feasible business around plant-based protein ingredients for meat alternatives. It’s not enough for something to look like meat,” Sözer said. “We need nutritional and healthy foods that are indistinguishable from animal-based meat in every way, that allows people everywhere to enjoy the experience of meat, without the guilt.”

    Making vegan meat at a global scale 

    Although the meat alternatives industry has grown rapidly in previous years, VTT believes there is still a long journey ahead before plant-based meat can truly gain a foothold in the market. As global demand for meat continues to skyrocket, VTT stands ready to collaborate with food and raw-material producers to accelerate alternative meat innovations and empower them to stay ahead of the curve when it comes to scale, nutrition, and sustainability.  

    VegNews.FinlandVeganMeat2.VITT

    VTT

    Plant-based food, cellular agriculture, and agile manufacturing are key areas that can contribute to providing new opportunities for sustainable food systems. “By combining our experience in plant-based ingredients, food design, and cellular agriculture, we can create proof-of-concept of prototypes for tasty, identical meat alternatives that are ready to be scaled up for industrial production,” Sözer said.

    “By supporting companies to develop sustainable production processes and products that have broad customer appeal, we can also work together towards a future that is free from food crises,” Sözer concluded.

    Finland invests in plant-based sector

    In 2020, Finland invested €2.1 million ($2.3 million) to develop the country’s plant-based sector. The project—led by VTT and the University of Helsinki—has since been working with companies in various areas, from crop producers to plant-based food brands, with the mission of strengthening the position of Finland as a leader in the lucrative plant-based food industry. 

    VegNews.GoldandGreenPulledOats

    Golden & Green

    Previously, researchers at VTT worked on a project that aimed to extract novel plant-based protein from cereals and grains in an effort to reduce food waste. Project leader Emilia Norlund believed that novel sources of plant protein—which the project aimed to promote for use in prepared foods in place of dairy and meat ingredients—extracted from crops typically fed to farmed animals will create a more efficient global food system. 

    “Cattle farming is a big issue in climate change,” Nordlund said. “So, if we can move toward using [more] plant-based foods and not feed the crops to animals, there is no doubt that it would benefit the whole planet. Indeed, there are many calculations that show that plant-based food is much more sustainable when we think about the environmental issues.” 

    This post was originally published on VegNews.com.

  • Your most recent work, Titled (Information as Property as Art) [Ethereum Null Address] is so clever. What’s your process like when you come up with a new artwork?

    Artists never have a good answer to “where do your ideas come from.” In my case I usually cram my brain with research over the months until a project idea that won’t leave me alone starts to form. I then avoid questioning it until after the project is finished, at which point its relationship to what I had immersed myself in usually becomes obvious. So there’s a strong unconscious component to my workflow, which I think might surprise people. It’s one of the reasons art takes time for me to make.

    1668959516.png

    Titled (Information as Property as Art), [Ethereum Null Address]

    For this particular project the search space was constrained to the Albright-Knox Art Gallery’s collection, and there was a deadline. Which was nerve-wracking, as I get performance anxiety in that kind of situation. But curator Tina Rivers Ryan at AKG, who curated the work as part of the Peer to Peer exhibition, has been a fantastic collaborator within the institution.

    We recognized Joseph Kosuth as someone in the AKG collection whose work obviously chimed with what I’ve been doing, and I pitched ideas based on a couple of different works by him. We then honed in on his “Titled” dictionary definition enlargements and I made six quite different presentations of the Ethereum null address inspired by this before we finalized the one you see above.

    At first we were worried it might be too simple, but this was one of those irresistible ideas and of course over time it became obvious that it rewards contemplation in the way I always want my work to. Tina’s catalog essay is awesome for unpacking this and everyone should read it. I have a couple of git repos of preparatory work from the project but they’re not public. I think only Tina has seen everything that’s in them.

    In the past you’ve said, “Everyone is terrified of owning a fake,” which is also a concept you play with in a lot of your works. Where do you think this fear comes from?

    It’s the double-spending problem in art. With electronic currency, you need a way to know that any value you are sent hasn’t also been given to someone else, rendering it worthless to you. Bitcoin solves this in a decentralized way, and smart contract platforms like Ethereum inherit that solution. But visual art isn’t like protocol-level coins on a chain, so there’s various mismatches between the artworld problem of the fake (and it’s a big problem, up to half of the art in circulation may be fake) and the technological affordances of the blockchain as a solution to that.

    If you’re an artist using those technological affordances as a medium, this is good because it gives you materials to use creatively to draw in and critique wider issues of authenticity, identity and ownership. If however you’re trying to use those affordances directly to establish authenticity, identity, and ownership you may end up in trouble. Nobody wants a cuckoo in the nest of their art collection.

    For all the cynicism that it’s easy to feel about provenance trumping aesthetic content in establishing the price of artworks at auction, authenticity can be important for that very content. We can view this through Nelson Goodman’s argument in “Languages of Art”—even if we cannot distinguish a fake today, we cannot guarantee that it does not contain the information that we need to distinguish it from an authentic artwork in future. And that information may be part of the work’s content.

    So the anxiety of authenticity is a matter both of not being sold the Brooklyn Bridge and of not admiring an air conditioning fixture as a sculpture by mistake. This affects the reputation of the collector, seller, critic, or art historian, but it is not reducible to a status game. It matters to people in private as well, whether dollars and cents, or meaning and sense.

    Urinal04-cropped.png

    Certificate of Inauthenticity, 2020, ERC-721 Tokens

    Expanding on “anxiety of authenticity,” you’ve also previously said that’s what currently haunts the contemporary art world. Internet culture seems to be moving quickly past favoring “authenticity” and more towards “identity-play.” What effects do you think this will have over the next decade on art making?

    The internet was a site for identity play in the 1990s. 2000s social media reduced that to singular authentic identities in order to sell to them, then maximized “engagement” between them. But none of us are reducible to a single role, and not all of us fit into the database columns that lurk behind like buttons. Danah Boyd’s research on this makes the problems very clear.

    The cypherpunk ideal of privacy through secrecy comes from that same era and is encoded into crypto. That’s a good thing (on balance). Satoshi [Nakamoto] told people to never re-use Bitcoin receiving addresses, but “web3 identity” wants to tie us back to singular online identities again, just with an extra layer of cryptography. This is a long way from identity play.

    But identity isn’t a late or disposable addition to crypto—a cryptographic key is an identity for a particular value of “identity.” And to borrow Isaiah Berlin’s concepts of liberty, crypto gives us both negative freedom (freedom from control through privacy and commitment) and positive freedom (freedom to experiment in a new space and to pay for those experiments). Those freedoms support self-realization which includes identity play, identity discovery, and identity exploration.

    We’re seeing the effect of this already in the rapidly evolving microcultures of pfp projects. And with artists like Fewocious living their best lives via NFTs. I don’t think people have to always play with identity, if you find something that works then you can dig into that rather than needing to go further afield. Crypto as both an imaginary and a material resource can contribute to both.

    Exhibition-NFT-Art-13-scaled.jpeg

    Installation view, NfTNeTArT from Net Art to Art NFT, 2022; Photo: Marjorie Brunet Plaza

    There’s been many conversations in the NFT space about auction houses and cultural institutions taking more of an interest in digital art. As someone who has been making blockchain art for many years, and has participated in exhibitions and auctions, what do you think about this?

    Artists gotta eat. Crypto shows who is paying for your meal ticket more clearly than many people are used to. I think that’s a good thing for being able to critique the artworld, but if you come from academia or nonprofits it can be jarring.

    General opinion pivoted from “computers can’t make art, digital art is boring” to “everybody uses computers to make art, digital art is boring” in the 2000s without pausing to recognize the historical value of digital art. That historical slight is being corrected now thanks to NFTs.

    I’ll get into trouble if I say that you couldn’t buy digital art before—I know people who worked very hard to make that happen long before NFTs were a thing. But tying digital art to financial value in a transparent way using a digital medium seems to make that possibility click for a wider audience in a way it didn’t before. The knowledge that institutions can bring to that encounter with an audience can be so valuable. I love the ability of galleries and auction houses to provide historical context for and share understanding of my work.

    None of this is to say that I’m not excited by new ways of organizing the commissioning, exhibition, sale, and critique of art that the blockchain enables. Recreating those institutions onchain, and creating new alternatives to them, in a transparent hackable medium that unifies communication, code, and value, is a historical opportunity for art.

    I hope that each can learn from the other.

    simple-blockchain-art-diagram.png

    Simple Blockchain Art Diagram, 2016, digital media (After MTAA ca. 1997)

    The gap between having any understanding of art history, and being part of the crypto scene, is wide. Does this gap need to be bridged?

    That gap is where I started. I think that art and crypto can be put into a mutually productive relationship of critique. Art is a playground for new ideas, and the stakes are lower there than in, say, healthcare. And crypto is such an intense and accelerated reflection of post-financial-crash society. I wanted to get past their mutual distrust.

    Crypto now has its own art history, and art has its own history of crypto use. But that has produced two additional gaps rather than closing the one that we started with. Which is frustrating because NFTs come from the art world originally to a large degree.

    Maybe these gaps will disappear as the recuperation of crypto continues. Either because crypto fades into wider society and loses its alterity, or because the history of art becomes entangled enough with crypto that people have to learn about it to fully understand either.

    16.large.png Tokens Equal Text, 2019, Ethereum ERC-998 and ERC-721 tokens

    I ask because your work, specifically “Tokens equals Text,” rewards a knowledge and understanding of both worlds. You’re both playing with and critiquing the tension between aesthetic primitives and token standards—NFT art. What do people not yet fully understand about your work—and practice—that you wish they did?

    I guess it’s that the work is all part of the same process of understanding. You’re following me as I work out what the questions are, or at least the territory. The writing doesn’t describe the images and the images certainly don’t illustrate the writing. They follow on from and call out to each other. And you can all follow that, too.

    Rhea Myers Recommends:

    Zeros and Ones – Sadie Plant.

    Essays on Art & Language – Charles Harrison.

    Crypto Anarchy, Cyberstates, and Pirate Utopias – ed. Peter Ludlow.

    Digital Cash – Finn Brunton.

    Art After Money, Money After Art – Max Haiven.

    Radical Friends – eds. Ruth Catlow & Penny Rafferty.

    Surfing With Satoshi – Domenico Quaranta.

    Artists re:Thinking The Blockchain – eds. Ruth Catlow et al.

    This post was originally published on The Creative Independent.

  • Dr. Simone Gold, a convicted U.S. Capitol insurrectionist and the founder of the vaccine disinformation group America’s Frontline Doctors, has offered to help Elon Musk assemble a team of doctors to fact-check medical information on Twitter.

    “If you would like to put together a group of honest, brilliant, courageous doctors to ‘fact check,’ then I would be glad to assist you,” wrote Gold in a December 5 letter to Musk that she shared with her 587,000 Twitter followers and over 1 million email subscribers. “Medicine will not advance unless unbiased scientists are able to resist special interest groups and the media.”

    Gold is the ringleader of a network of right-wing health-care providers that have made millions selling so-called alternatives to vaccines, like ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine, which have been repeatedly discredited as treatments for Covid. Gold has referred to Covid-19 vaccines as “experimental biological agents.” She’s also currently in a legal fight with AFLDS and its board chair who are suing her, alleging extravagant spending and that she lives rent-free in a $3.6 million house bought with AFLDS charity funds.

    Gold’s appeal to Twitter’s owner was not in response to any public plans to create a medical fact-checking team — Musk hasn’t said anything along those lines. Rather, billionaire Mark Cuban tweeted a suggestion to Musk, and a cryptocurrency influencer who noticed that Musk liked that tweet announced it as breaking news.

    Cuban suggested that Musk compile a Twitter list of doctors to participate in public polls on issues like vaccine safety and masking. Musk liked Cuban’s tweet. Cuban did not advocate for fact-checking medical information being shared on Twitter. But Matt Wallace, who charges between $19.99 and $299.99 a month to teach “the art of crypto trading,” then posted “breaking” news that Musk “is considering putting together a team of medical experts to fact check all the false things government officials have been saying!” When asked by a Twitter user whether the information was verified, Wallace cited Musk’s like of Cuban’s tweet. Wallace’s tweet has gotten almost 200,000 likes.


    Misinformation Run Amok

    While there’s little evidence that Musk plans to convene the fact-checking team, he has already made decisions that enable the spread of Covid misinformation on Twitter. In fact, one of Musk’s first changes after taking over Twitter was to scrap the site’s Covid misinformation policy — essentially removing Twitter’s existing fact-checking system for medical information. Twitter’s Trust and Safety team, which is responsible for moderating misinformation, has also been depleted by layoffs and mass resignations.

    Musk also immediately restored accounts that were banned for Covid misinformation, including Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene’s personal account. Throughout the pandemic, the Republican lawmaker repeatedly posted false information to her hundreds of thousands of followers, including that Covid vaccines are deadly and that ivermectin, an anti-parasitic drug primarily used to treat livestock, is a miracle cure for Covid-19.

    On Monday, Musk’s Twitter restored the accounts of prominent doctors known for spreading Covid misinformation. One was Peter McCullough, a doctor whose former employer sued him for claiming to represent them while giving interviews encouraging people not to get vaccinated and falsely claiming that 50,000 people had died from Covid-19 vaccines. The other is Robert Malone, a doctor who participated in early mRNA vaccine research 30 years ago, but more recently falsely claimed that the vaccines are “causing a form of AIDS.” After Malone did an interview on Joe Rogan’s podcast, 270 physicians, scientists, and academics wrote an open letter to Spotify, which exclusively hosts the podcast, demanding that the audio streaming service “immediately establish a clear and public policy to moderate misinformation.”

    Since being reinstated, McCullough, who has 640,000 followers, and Malone, who has 686,000 followers, are both already back to spreading discredited conspiracy theories about Covid.

    Musk himself has also frequently tweeted Covid misinformation and antagonized evidence-based health-care professionals. Over the weekend, Musk flirted with the anti-vaccine crowd by tweeting, “My pronouns are Prosecute/Fauci” — an apparent call to prosecute the chief medical adviser to the president, Anthony Fauci, mixed with some transphobia for good measure. The refrain to take Fauci to court for how he managed the pandemic is popular on the far right.

    Musk’s spread of false information goes back to the beginning of the pandemic. On March 19, 2020, he predicted that “based on current trends, probably close to zero new cases in US too by end of April” and falsely claimed that “kids are essentially immune.” According to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, by the end of April 2020, there were nearly 200,000 weekly new cases and more than 64,000 Americans had died from Covid. Over a million more Americans have died from Covid since then.

    Musk has also promoted hydroxychloroquine, an anti-malaria drug that’s also used to treat autoimmune diseases like lupus, as a miracle cure for Covid-19. Like ivermectin, hydroxychloroquine is ineffective at preventing or treating Covid-19.

    “Freedom Physicians”

    This brings us back to Gold and America’s Frontline Doctors. In September 2021, The Intercept obtained hacked data revealing that AFLDS and a small network of telehealth companies convinced tens of thousands of people to spend at least $15 million on phone consultations and prescriptions for ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine. This reporting contributed to a congressional investigation into AFLDS.

    In Gold’s letter to Musk, she says she works with “freedom physicians across the nation and world.” Gold launched AFLDS with a July 2020 press conference on the steps of the Supreme Court, where she and other “freedom physicians,” wearing white lab coats, promoted fake remedies for Covid and opposed public health measures like masking and lockdowns. Then-President Donald Trump shared videos of the event, which were viewed millions of times before Twitter and Facebook took them down for violating Covid misinformation policies.

    One of the doctors at Gold’s side, Stella Immanuel, has claimed that people develop gynecological problems like cysts and endometriosis after having sex in their dreams with demons and witches.

    Also at the event was Dr. Joseph Lapado, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’s surgeon general. Lapado has been accused of misrepresenting his experience treating Covid patients at UCLA, argued for “herd immunity” by letting Covid spread completely unchecked, and falsely claimed that Covid-19 vaccines are dangerous. Lapado’s anti-science op-eds for the Wall Street Journal caught the attention of DeSantis, who subsequently hired him as Florida’s top health-care official, according to the Washington Post. In March, Florida became the first state to defy CDC guidance when Lapado said that healthy kids don’t need to get vaccinated for Covid.

    In addition to running an organization dedicated to medical disinformation, Gold faces allegations from her own organization over a misuse of funds. While Gold served two months in prison for storming the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, AFLDS’s board audited her use of its funds. A lawsuit filed last month alleges that she lives rent-free in a $3.6 million mansion purchased using AFLDS charity funds in Naples, Florida. Her boyfriend, John Strand, a former underwear model who hosts misinformation videos for AFLDS and is facing 24 years in prison for his role in the insurrection, lives with her. The lawsuit accuses Gold of using AFLDS’s money to spend $12,000 a month on a bodyguard, $5,600 a month for a housekeeper, and $50,000 a month on credit card expenses, as well as purchasing three cars, including a Mercedes-Benz, and taking unauthorized flights on private jets, including a single trip that cost $100,000.

    “Just as the mother lioness will not let her baby lion be murdered, neither will I,” Gold wrote in an email demanding that three AFLDS board members resign, which was made public as an exhibit in the lawsuit.

    On December 6, a federal judge dismissed the lawsuit for lack of jurisdiction, making it clear that the court didn’t consider the accusations. Neither side could make a convincing argument for whether AFLDS is based in Florida or Nevada.

    Since taking over Twitter, Musk has dismantled the infrastructure that prevented users from lying about vaccine safety or profiting off fake treatments for Covid-19 — things that Gold has built her recent career doing. If Musk put her in charge of a new medical fact-checking team, it would be like putting a lioness in charge of protecting gazelles.

    The post Covid Disinformation Doctor Wants to Help Elon Musk Do Medical Fact-Checks on Twitter appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • In June, Public Health Watch, the Investigative Reporting Workshop and Grist published a year-long investigation about pollution, power, and politics in the Texas petrochemical industry. This story shows what has happened in the six months since.

    One by one, the residents filtered into the small community center and found seats in the rows of plastic chairs. Some were teenagers wearing yellow-and-black Galena Park High School letter jackets. Others were parents and grandparents juggling children. Many wore white headphones to hear the Spanish translator standing nearby. Everyone looked worried.

    They had gathered on that chilly November night to learn what two new, high-tech monitors had found in the air in Galena Park and Jacinto City, neighboring towns in eastern Harris County, the epicenter of North America’s petrochemical industry. They were prepared for grim news.

    “Everyone here knows pollution is a big problem,” said Maricela Serna, a former Galena Park commissioner who has one of the monitors on the roof of her tax preparation office. “But we want to know just how bad things really are. We deserve to know. And those in power, especially at the state level, need to know.”

    Serna, 66, has lived in Galena Park since 1988 and the stench of chemicals is part of her everyday life. The odor inside her home was so bad one day that a visitor from outside the community thought there was a gas leak and called the fire department. Still, Serna held out hope that the news that night might be positive — that maybe, just maybe, the pollution wasn’t as bad as the odors let on.

    But the data from the monitors confirmed her worst fears.

    Maricela Serna Galena Park
    Maricela Serna has lived in Galena Park since 1988. Her two oldest children left the city to protect their health and are urging their mother, a cancer survivor, to do the same. Mark Felix

    Nitrogen oxides, which the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency has linked to asthma in children and lower birth weight in newborns, were consistently above the agency’s one-hour limit. Ozone, which can aggravate lung diseases including asthma and emphysema, was well above the EPA’s eight-hour limit. Particulate matter, which increases the risk for strokes and heart disease by settling deep into lungs and seeping into bloodstreams, hovered above the EPA’s annual limit. 

    The readings from Serna’s office, located a block from a thoroughfare lined with petrochemical plants, were especially high. Monthly levels of nitrogen oxides, for example, averaged 170 parts per billion from June through August — nearly double what the EPA says is safe for just one hour.

    The data was presented by Juan Flores, a lifelong Galena Park resident and clean-air advocate. He oversees community air monitoring programs for Air Alliance Houston, the nonprofit he works for, and Environmental Community Advocates of Galena Park, a smaller group he helped create and where he is vice president. Over the past few years, the two groups have built a network of air monitors that gives  residents basic information about the dangers they are living with.

    Regulators and scientists are often skeptical of community-gathered data, because it’s usually less sophisticated than the data state and federal agencies collect. But the community data is still important, because it can be used to rally residents and prod elected officials to acknowledge a neighborhood’s plight. It can also complement the ongoing work of researchers by providing hyper-local information about wind patterns and chemical readings of volatile organic compounds, or VOCs, a diverse group of chemicals that includes some carcinogens. 

    “This lower-level monitoring… warrants further investigation, but it supports what we’re seeing at the city level,” said Loren Hopkins, the chief environmental science officer for the Houston Health Department. “There’s a huge educational component, too. Instead of just using traditional advocacy, they’re actually using science to support their claims.”

    Forty percent of Galena Park’s 11,000 residents live within a mile of an industrial facility. Thirty percent live below the poverty line. Mark Felix

    Flores had looked forward to unveiling the new monitoring results that night. He was proud of the work the advocacy groups had done. But when he saw the residents’ worried faces, the reality of what he was about to tell them set in. 

    They were accustomed to the burning smell of synthetics that filled their schools and churches, the grinding sounds of rail cars and the rumbling of industrial trucks outside their homes and businesses. They were unfazed by the sight of refinery flares burning in the sky above their parks and playgrounds. 

    It’s one thing to assume the worst. It’s another to be confronted by data that proves it. 

    “I could tell in their faces… they were shocked,” Flores said. “Reading it out loud just hit me like, ‘Damn, this is really bad.’ I was as horrified as they were.” 


    Texas State Representative Penny Morales Shaw is also worried about the new monitoring results. 

    In June, Morales Shaw, a Democrat whose district is in Northwest Houston, vowed to strengthen the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, or TCEQ, after she read a Public Health Watch investigation of Harris County’s pollution problems. The reporting found there had been nearly 500 illegal chemical releases in the region since 2020, including one that killed two workers and injured dozens more at a LyondellBasell plant. In the six months since the story was released, there have been more than 80 additional illegal releases, according to an analysis of TCEQ records by Public Health Watch.

    Morales Shaw said she was “deeply disturbed” by the TCEQ’s ineffectiveness and the mistrust the agency has created in heavily industrialized places like Galena Park. She said her top priorities in the upcoming legislative session, which begins next month, would include raising fines for unlawful emissions and giving local governments more power to push back against polluters.

    Juan Flores’ new findings underscore the need for these changes, she said.

    The high-tech Apis monitor on Maricela Serna’s tax preparation office recorded high levels of nitrogen oxides, which are linked to asthma and lower birth weight. From June through August, the monitor averaged 170 parts per billion of nitrogen oxides. That’s almost twice as high as the Environmental Protection Agency’s one-hour limit. Mark Felix

    “Successful industry is important because that’s a key economic driver here, but we have to start prioritizing quality of life,” Morales Shaw said. “We’re hired and elected to work for the people. And the people in Galena Park and Jacinto City are suffering.”

    State Senator Carol Alvarado, a Democrat who represents Galena Park, also plans to push for environmental reforms in 2023. She said she was “disappointed and disturbed” by the new monitoring results. “But growing up in that area, I can’t say I’m surprised,” she added.

    Alvarado wants to increase the TCEQ’s funding so the agency can buy more air monitors and hire more staff. Between 2016 and 2021, the Texas legislature slashed the TCEQ’s funding by 20 percent, even as it increased the state budget by 16 percent. 

    Other lawmakers have tried, and failed, to persuade the Republican-dominated legislature to strengthen the TCEQ. The oil, gas and petrochemical industries are such powerful forces in the Texas economy that politicians rarely oppose them. 

    In 2021, the oil and gas industry employed more than 400,000 Texans and contributed nearly $16 billion to the state economy in taxes and royalties, according to the Texas Oil and Gas Association. The chemical industry employs tens of thousands more. The industries are key funders for state leaders, including Governor Greg Abbott, Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick and Attorney General Ken Paxton, all of whom won reelection in November after receiving millions of dollars in campaign contributions from them. 

    According to a report by Environment Texas and the Environmental Integrity Project, polluters in Texas were fined for less than 3 percent of nearly 25,000 illegal chemical releases between 2011 and 2016. A TCEQ spokesman told Public Health Watch in June that “the current enforcement rate for reported emission events is over 10 percent.” 


    A new generation of Harris County leaders is doing what it can to fill the regulatory void left by the TCEQ.

    The Democrat-controlled Harris County Commissioners Court — which oversees a multibillion-dollar budget and sets policies for everything from public health to law enforcement — gave the county’s  Pollution Control department $5.9 million in 2019 so it could hire more employees and buy air monitors and a mobile lab. In 2022, the court boosted  the department’s annual budget by $1.2 million. 

    This trend is likely to continue, because the November elections gave the Democrats, led by Judge Lina Hidalgo, a 4-1 majority on the court.

    Harris County Attorney Christian Menefee said local action is critical when the state fails to protect public health. Since becoming the county’s chief civil lawyer two years ago, he has made suing polluters a priority, even though he says he’s working “with both hands tied behind [his] back.” In addition to facing powerful companies with well-heeled legal teams, he also has to navigate industry-friendly state laws that restrict not only when counties can sue oil and gas companies but also how much money they can sue for. 

    A water tower is decorated with the mascot for Galena Park High School, which sits less than a mile from a terminal that can hold more than 10 million barrels of chemicals. In November several students attended a community meeting to learn what chemicals are hovering in the air in their neighborhoods. Mark Felix

    “We’ve had to get creative, find new angles when targeting facilities after emission events,” Menefee said. “Upholding the law shouldn’t be this hard, but the state of Texas has shown time and time again that its first goal is protecting industry, rather than protecting these communities.”


    Despite the county’s growing commitment to environmental justice, communities of color like Galena Park, where nearly 30 percent of residents live below the poverty line and 40 percent live within a mile of an industrial facility, still feel left behind. That’s why the local air monitoring network is so important, Flores said.

    At first, the network relied on inexpensive PurpleAir monitors that only capture readings for easily detectable pollutants like smoke and particulate matter. In March, it added the two new Apis air monitors that provided the data Flores shared last month. They gather real-time readings for ozone, nitrogen oxides and particulate matter. They also detect overall levels for VOCs. 

    Next year the network will be able install even more advanced equipment, using a grant from the EPA. It includes $75,000 to buy canisters that can measure emissions from individual facilities, as well as monitors that can identify individual VOCs, including benzene. Benzene is of particular concern because it can cause leukemia and is frequently released by chemical plants and oil refineries. 

    The grant also gives the network access to mobile monitoring services provided by a private, California-based company. Its equipment can pinpoint the presence of high-risk chemicals in as little as five seconds.

    The first community air monitors installed in Galena Park were inexpensive PurpleAir monitors that capture only easily detectable pollutants, including smoke and particulate matter. More sophisticated monitors have since been installed to collect data on ozone, nitrogen oxides, particulate matter and volatile organic compounds. Mark Felix

    This kind of work should be celebrated, said Hopkins, the Houston Health Department’s top environmental scientist. But communities need more help from state regulators — and they need it now. 

    “We can keep studying these communities, but the people there are tired of being studied. We need to take action,” Hopkins said. “Tightening permits, enforcing violations… The whole thing would be so much better if we controlled emissions to begin with, instead of trying to clean things up afterwards.”

    The need for early intervention is especially apparent in Galena Park and Jacinto City, where residents have seen generations of neighbors ravaged by cancer.

    Maricela Serna, the tax preparer with a monitor on top of her office, had a malignant tumor removed from her ovaries in 2012. Her biannual cancer screenings have been clean since then, but she worries the chemicals she breathes every day will cause the disease to return and spread. Her two oldest children moved away from Galena Park to escape the pollution, and they’re urging her to do the same. 

    But it’s not that simple.

    “I have a business to run and am still three or four years away from retiring,” Serna said. “I wish I could just get up and go now. But it’s very expensive to move and we don’t have the money.”

    Real estate agent José Ramón said many of his clients are older Galena Park residents who decided to sell their homes after discovering they had cancer. Ramón also hopes to move before he gets cancer himself. Mark Felix

    José Ramón, a real estate agent who has a PurpleAir monitor behind his Jacinto City home, said two of his children also left the area. He urged them to get out while they were still young.

    “I’ve noticed a pattern: A lot of people, mostly in their late 50s, have called me up to sell their house because they’ve been diagnosed with different kinds of cancer,” Ramón said. “They just want to salvage their health. I want to do the same before it’s too late.”


    The November meeting in Galena Park ended with one last reality check.

    After all the questions had been asked and answered, Juan Flores paused for a moment, his face looking worn under the fluorescent lights’ yellowish glow. 

    In September, he told the small crowd, he had been diagnosed with MGUS, a blood disorder that affects plasma cells in bone marrow and diminishes kidney function. MGUS can evolve into multiple myeloma — a blood cancer that, according to the American Cancer Society, has been linked to exposure to high levels of benzene. 

    “It’s happening to me. I live here with y’all,” Flores said.  “And if it’s happening to me, it can happen to you and any other family member.”

    As he spoke, Flores looked at his 6-year-old daughter, Dominique, who sat in the front row wearing a red superhero’s cape. She was born with a malignant tumor in her stomach that required chemotherapy and multiple surgeries. Years before, Flores’ father died of a heart attack on the job after spending decades working in refineries. He was just 51.

    Flores said his doctor told him there’s a 10 percent chance that his condition will evolve into cancer. But he fears that number will go up if he stays in Galena Park much longer. He recently bought a small plot of land in Trinity, a rural town 100 miles to the north. Now he’s trying to scrape together enough money to buy a mobile home and move his family away from the pollution. 

    Savanna Strott with Public Health Watch contributed to this story. 

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline New data show Houston-area communities are being flooded with chemicals on Dec 15, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • In 2008, the Silicon Valley-focused blog Valleywag published a letter from a “Tesla insider” stating that the company only had about $9 million in cash on hand. Four days later, a Tesla employee apologized for writing the letter. When recently asked on Twitter how Tesla identified the leaker, Musk responded that “we sent what appeared to be identical emails to all, but each was actually coded with either one or two spaces between sentences, forming a binary signature that identified the leaker.”

    Curiously, Musk’s recollection of how the Tesla leaker was caught is different from an account provided by Ashlee Vance in his 2015 biography, “Elon Musk: Tesla, SpaceX, and the Quest for a Fantastic Future.” Vance states that Musk retyped the letter into a Word document, printed it, and then looked through printer logs to find who else had printed a document of the same size. Though a retyped document is unlikely to be byte-for-byte identical to the original letter, given the fluctuations in file size based on metadata and the like, the recreated letter would nonetheless be of comparable size, plausibly giving Musk a ballpark size to look for when auditing printer logs.

    But there are yet other accounts of how the leaker was caught. The Sunday Times and Gawker, for instance, both reported that the leak investigation involved taking fingerprints from a printout near a copier, though neither publication explained how the fingerprints were used to identify a leaker. Those accounts raise the curious question of how Tesla or its investigators might have had access to employee fingerprint records.

    Regardless of the particular methods used to identify the Tesla leaker, and whether Musk is indulging in a spot of parallel construction, the key takeaway for leakers at Musk’s newest and chaotic company, Twitter, is that they should not print out (or even compose) letters using company resources.

    To begin with, a wide array of document watermarking measures can identify the source of a leak. That’s why leakers and publishers need to figure out whether a given document is unique and whether it is safe to publish the document itself — or maybe, in the interest of protecting the source, not publish or even write about the document at all.

    The notion of uniquely fingerprinting or watermarking each version of a digital text using various spacing modifications is not particularly new. It has been discussed since at least the early 1990s, with research building on general fingerprinting literature from the early 1980s. Ironically, one of the original proposed applications of document watermarking was to protect newspaper and magazine articles from unauthorized distribution.

    Every spatial element of a document — including the spacing between characters, words, sentences, and paragraphs — can be modified in every version to form a unique signature that identifies the recipient of that particular document. For instance, a version of a document sent to one person could have slight variations in the distance between certain characters, words, sentences, or paragraphs that uniquely differentiate the document from a version sent to another person with ever-so-slightly different spacings.

    As Musk pointed out, a very primitive spatial watermarking scheme could code a single space after a sentence as a ‘0’, and a double space as a ‘1’, resulting in a “binary signature.” If every copy of an email has a unique spacing pattern, an organization can determine the specific recipient of a leaked email.

    One of the original proposed applications of document watermarking was to protect newspaper and magazine articles from unauthorized distribution.

    Of course, the amount of possible unique watermarks is dependent on the size of the available text, but that size doesn’t need to be large for the watermarking scheme to be sufficient. In the basic watermarking approach described by Musk, the number of possible unique emails doubles for every added sentence. A two-sentence email could have four unique permutations with both sentences having a double space, both having a single space, or one having a single space and the other a double space, and so on. A nine-sentence email could have up to 512 such permutations — and that would be more than enough to uniquely identify every Tesla staff member as of October 2008, when the company reportedly had under 400 employees. It should likewise be kept in mind that in a more complex spacing watermark scheme, seemingly errant spaces could also be introduced between words or even between characters, under the veneer of being typos, which would greatly increase the number of possible unique permutations even for a modest body of text.

    The rub is that if an organization has hundreds or thousands of staff, it would need to create a watermarking (and accompanying distribution) system to match. This system could involve having the sender manually modify each email, or it could be an automated system that creates unique permutations of a given text and keeps track which employee is assigned each permutation.

    This leads to a basic check that would-be leakers should apply prior to sharing an email or a document. Was the email sent to an individual email address or to a group email address? If the email was sent to a group address, is this an address that’s been used before, or is the address slightly off, perhaps including a stray character or number?

    If an email was sent to an individual address, the chances are higher that it could be watermarked. However, an email can be watermarked even if sent to a group address. For instance, a sophisticated (and hypothetical) system could modify the membership of a group email address to only contain a single recipient for each permutation of an email. The group membership is temporarily modified to remove everyone but a single staff member who is sent a uniquely watermarked version of an email. That staff member is then removed from the group membership and another staffer is added who receives a different version, then that staffer is deleted and another is added who receives yet another version — and on and on the ruse goes until all staff receive an email that appears to have been sent to a group, but which in fact is unique to each staffer. Staff may be prone to thinking that the email they received is safe to leak, since it was sent to a group email address, though the emails are in fact individually marked.

    Thus, receiving an email sent to what appears to be a group email address is not a guarantee that an email hasn’t been individually watermarked.

    Good News, Bad News

    Spatial watermarking can be neutralized through manual transcription. Instead of printing or copy-and-pasting a document, a leaker or the publisher of a leaked document can retype a document into plain-text format; this would get rid of spatial watermarks, as well as other techniques such as font-based watermarking, which would entail sending every recipient an email in a slightly different font, or homoglyph watermarking, which replaces certain characters with lookalike characters.

    That’s the good news. However, in addition to “open space” watermarks, text can be watermarked via minute syntactic (structural) as well as semantic (word choice) alterations.

    For instance, an example of syntactic watermarking arose when the website Genius, which posts and allows users to annotate song lyrics, suspected that Google was taking lyrics from their site and reproducing them in full in its search results (Google was trying to keep users from clicking away to other sites). Genius watermarked their lyrics with variations of straight and curly single-quote characters, which, when translated to Morse code, spelled out the word “red-handed.” When a search for song lyrics on Google turned up the same pattern of punctuation marks, Google was indeed caught red-handed.

    It’s also been reported that Musk has used semantic watermarking techniques. As described by Gawker in 2009, “Musk set out to entrap potential leakers by sending each employee a slightly altered version of an email which he expected would get sent to the media.” Each copy of the email used unique word arrangements; for instance some stated “I am,” while others said “I’m.” The watermarking scheme was foiled when Tesla’s general counsel apparently forwarded to everyone in the company his copy of the email, which meant that staff could now compare the version they had received to the lawyer’s version. They could also just leak the lawyer’s version of the email.

    Each copy of the email used unique word arrangements; for instance some stated “I am,” while others said “I’m.”

    This case highlights how semantic watermarking would survive manual transcription, though it can be foiled by comparing multiple copies of a given text. However, if it’s not possible to review multiple copies, and there’s a possibility a document has been semantically watermarked, then it’s best to not reproduce the original document in a story, as well as, ideally, not quoting from it, lest the quotation contains part of the semantic watermark.

    However, the deployment of a so-called canary trap or barium meal test extends beyond spacing or word alterations in documents. Other tactics involve each person at an organization being presented with a unique document or unique piece of information in a document (say, a supposedly new Twitter feature mentioned only to a suspected leaker). In these cases, a story’s reference to a particular document, or a particular item in the document, could identify the leaker. This highlights the crucial importance of obtaining multiple sources to confirm new information in a leaked document – and this may be tricky as revealing the new piece of information to a second source may compromise the original source if the second one mentions it to someone else at the organization.

    Ultimately, a variety of strategies can be used to attempt to safeguard a source from watermarking schemes used by Musk or others, ranging from confirming that the same copy of a document was presented to multiple staff, to transcribing the document, to not quoting from the document, to altogether not mentioning a given document. Though organizations may have a variety of tricks up their sleeve, leakers are far from powerless in this dynamic and have a number of techniques at their disposal to foil watermarking measures.

    Nonetheless, it’s important to remember that even the best attempts at foiling watermarks are not foolproof guarantees against source identification, as there are other methods of workplace surveillance, including audits of who accessed leaked documents and video footage of employees copying documents. With Musk recently making threats against would-be leakers, it’s now more important than ever to stay vigilant — even if you don’t work at Twitter.

    The post How Elon Musk Says He Catches Leakers at His Companies appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • In a change to its anti-doxxing policy made Wednesday, Twitter barred users from sharing a person’s “live” location, a broad, vague, and immediately confusing prohibition. The policy was amended on the same day Twitter banned @ElonJet, an account that tracked owner Elon Musk’s personal private jet, along with the account of its creator, college sophomore Jack Sweeney. Later, the @ElonJet account, but not Sweeney’s private account, was reinstated.

    Twitter’s newly revised “Private information and media policy” now forbids users from sharing “live location information, including information shared on Twitter directly or links to 3rd-party URL(s) of travel routes, actual physical location, or other identifying information that would reveal a person’s location, regardless if this information is publicly available.”

    The new rule, which an Internet Archive snapshot of the page shows was not present the day before Sweeney and @ElonJet were banned, is at odds with Musk’s gesturing toward free speech absolutism. He claimed that his purchase of the social media giant augured a radically more permissive era for its users — specifically mentioning Sweeney’s account.

    On November 6, Musk pledged that he would not ban @ElonJet. “My commitment to free speech extends even to not banning the account following my plane, even though that is a direct personal safety risk,” Musk tweeted. On Wednesday, less than a month later, Musk reversed course entirely: “Real-time posting of someone else’s location violates doxxing policy, but delayed posting of locations are ok.” Hours later, @ElonJet was suddenly back, without explanation.

    @ElonJet uses freely available public flight data to chart trips using Musk’s jet, whether he was aboard or not. Virtually every single aircraft in the sky broadcasts such location data through a legally mandated radio transponder. Other flight-tracking accounts created by Sweeney, such as one that tracks the planes of Russian oligarchs, remain offline.

    The @ElonJet account had previously attracted Musk’s ire, particularly after Sweeney rejected a $5,000 offer from the world’s then-richest man to voluntarily shutter the account in January.

    Late Wednesday afternoon, a Twitter Safety account clarified that tweeting someone’s precise location would be allowed so long as it was “not same-day” — a crucial term left undefined. The account added: “Content that shares location information related to a public engagement or event, such as a concert or political event, is also permitted” — though it’s similarly unclear what exactly fits the definition of a “public engagement or event,” or how the rule could affect news-gathering or the vast volume of ordinary inoffensive speech that merely observes that a given person is currently at a given place.

    The total ambiguity of the rule — would it prohibit tweeting a picture you just took of Times Square, thereby disclosing the exact location of every stranger in it? — will give Musk a great deal of latitude in how and when it’s enforced.

    The revised policy further says, “If your account is dedicated to sharing someone’s live location, your account will be automatically suspended” — a brand-new rule under which @ElonJet was unceremoniously banned, before being inexplicably later reinstated.

    A Twitter spokesperson could not be reached for comment; the company no longer has a communications team.

    The post Tweaked Twitter Privacy Rules Would Ban Elon Musk’s Bêtes Noires — or Not appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • INTRODUCTION

    On 24 June 2022, the United States Supreme Court declared in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization that there is not any constitutional right to abortion, reversing Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey—two landmark decisions which had affirmed American’s right to access abortions.

    Since the Dobbs decision, there has been much discussion over the widespread use of period tracking apps, which according to a report by Consumer Reports are used by around 50 million women worldwide. It has been cautioned by some advocates that law enforcement in states where abortion is criminalised can and would subpoena the data obtained by these apps to be used as evidence of a terminated pregnancy in an effort to combat self-managed abortions, despite the fact that such abortions are medically identical to miscarriages. Period trackers could, theoretically, share user information with law enforcement if faced with requests.

    ABORTION AND PRIVACY RIGHTS IN THE DIGITAL WORLD

    It is worth mentioning that the right to privacy and the right to have an abortion are two rights that are intertwined in the legal system of the United States, despite the fact that they may seem to be unrelated at first look. This is because the decision in Roe v. Wade, which was handed down in 1973, states that the right to abortion originates from the constitutional right to privacy that is provided by the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

    It is well-established that the criminalisation of abortion forces women to turn to illegal and frequently dangerous procedures. But in the digital era, restricted access to reproductive care has also bred worries about privacy. Privacy advocates worry that state and local governments may use sensitive information, such as data about menstrual cycles and reproductive health from period-tracking apps, search histories and even text messages to identify and punish women who seek abortions in the wake of the Dobbs ruling. Many of these period tracking applications also work in the AdTech sector and employ business strategies that generate income by selling users’ sensitive information.

    The increased criminalisation of reproductive health care has serious ramifications for the lack of robust digital privacy protections for health apps, such as period trackers. In 2019, Privacy International published a study highlighting  how certain popular period tracking applications were sharing the data they acquired with Facebook for advertisement purposes. In a different study, Privacy International requested data from five period tracking applications in order to examine these apps’ adherence to GDPR standards, including the right of access to one’s data and to observe how users’ data was being used and shared. When the researchers tried to access their own data, only two apps responded, and even then, their data was occasionally shared with outside parties. In 2021, a complaint was filed against the widely-used app Flo, alleging that “app events,” or app data shared to third parties for various reasons, had been used to disclose sensitive health information, such as the confirmation of a user’s pregnancy, to third parties. After Dobbs, privacy advocates and women’s rights organisations worry that state officials will now have access to and be free to exploit this data.

    These concerns are not unfounded. In one widely reported instance, a Mississippi mother who gave birth to a stillborn child at home was accused of murder because she had looked up abortion medications online. In another instance, prosecutors used a woman’s text messages as evidence that her miscarriage was in fact a self-induced abortion, and she was given a 20-year prison term for feticide. Her conviction was ultimately overturned, but only after she had served three years in prison.

    According to a recent investigation by Reveal and The Markup, anti-abortion groups used Facebook’s advertising tools, which collect data from large portions of the internet—including some hospitals—to monitor people seeking abortion services, in spite of Meta’s rules prohibiting the collection of such information. According to the investigation, data gathered by the organisations was also shared with various anti-abortion marketing businesses, allowing them to target advertisements to “abortion-minded women.” While there have been no confirmed cases thus far of period trackers being used in prosecutions of abortions, the data collected by digital health applications, such as period trackers, is potentially subject to subpoena and therefore could be used by law enforcement as evidence of abortion in jurisdictions where the practise is now illegal.

    SCOPE OF EXISTING DATA PRIVACY LAWS

    Before the Dobbs decision was finalised, lawmakers urged Google and the Federal Trade Commission to guarantee that in the event of such a decision, data for online patients seeking care would be protected. The letters were sent after Politico reported on a draft of the Dobbs ruling that had been leaked, indicating that the Supreme Court was preparing to overturn Roe. In many areas of the United States, a routine, safe medical procedure was swiftly made illegal by the repeal of federal abortion rights, and routine medical information was transformed into evidence that could be used against people who might have had an abortion.

    Medical privacy laws in the United states, the most significant of which is the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), do not prevent subpoenas or warrants for medical records data, and as a result, doctors are permitted to reveal medical information if they have reason to believe that a crime has been committed. The majority of patients do not possess their own medical records, and patients have clear ownership rights over their medical records in only one state, New Hampshire. In  other states, the laws expressly state that hospitals or medical providers are the owners of the records, though people must be able to view their own complete medical records in accordance with HIPAA. One could believe that the HIPAA safeguards the medical information of abortion-seeking women. However, the law is deficient in this area, and patients’ privacy is not completely protected.

    Experts in health law, Kayte Spector-Bagdady and Michelle Mello, suggested three scenarios where HIPAA would fall short of protecting patients’ privacy. These include using medical records of a patient to prove that they are seeking an abortion, using medical facility records to prove that the medical facility is at fault and using online activity data to prove that a patient is seeking an abortion. US senators recently urged the Department of Human and Health Services (HHS) to address this problem and safeguard patients’ reproductive healthcare information. After that, the HHS Office of Civil Rights published guidance outlining ways that people could protect their health information while using cell phones and tablets. The guidance also advised healthcare professionals that the privacy rule under HIPAA would prevent them from disclosing information about abortion-related incidents unless required to do so by State law. Additionally, it was stated in the guidance that healthcare providers were not required to divulge a patient’s personal health information absent a court order or subpoena from law enforcement. The HHS has been urged by the US senators to take additional action, including using their administrative authority to update the HIPAA privacy rule, identify the covered entities, restrict the circumstances under which these entities may share information about reproductive health or abortion, and make it clear that healthcare information cannot be shared with law enforcement agencies that may be targeting women seeking abortions.

    Surprisingly, because they do not qualify as covered companies, period-tracking apps are not subjected to HIPAA regulations, which enables them to freely monetise the data they gather. As a result, many menstrual apps in the US have been found to exchange data with outside parties, and advertisers use information like a user’s desire for a child or desire to avoid having one to display advertisements for fertility or abortion clinics. Thus, the lack of adequate regulations concerning the use of health data by period tracking apps raises serious concerns about users’ digital privacy in the wake of the Dobbs decision.

    CONCLUSION

    The United States Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization highlights the need for  tech corporations to recognise their own power and the elevated significance of user privacy. We currently live in a world where we leave unparalleled digital fingerprints. The data-sharing tactics of period-tracking apps can exacerbate issues for women and those who procreate, but they can also aid in the diagnosis of diseases, like polycystic ovarian syndrome. Some apps assist in the creation of reports that can be shared with medical practitioners, which makes opting out more difficult and unpleasant, especially for users without access to health insurance or other forms of medical assistance. Today, Protected Health Information (PHI) is gathered, stored, communicated and guarded in quite different ways than it was  when HIPAA was passed more than 25 years ago. As new technological advancements and data storage techniques take hold, providers and patients alike are discovering that HIPAA’s patient privacy protections are less comprehensive than previously believed.

    Following are  suggestions in order to address some of the problems with period tracking software collecting personal data:

    • Strengthen the security system: Companies are required to inform the period tracking application users of the security precautions and procedures that will be used to protect their data, which might include conducting compliance reports of the data laws prevailing in the countries where their services are available.
    • Users must also be made aware of any breaches or hacks and provided with information about how much their data has been impacted, which might also include sending data breach notifications to its users.
    • User rights should not be restricted, and data fiduciaries should not have the authority to refuse users’ requests outright.

     

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    This post was originally published on LSE Human Rights.

  • The United States stands at a pivotal point on the path to addressing climate change. The Inflation Reduction Act will over the next decade unleash hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies designed to make clean technologies so cheap they will be rapidly deployed, helping the nation cut emissions some 40 percent by 2030

    If those subsidies work as intended, that is.

    In the case of a new tax credit for clean hydrogen, a lot rides on that “if.” It could accelerate a critical climate solution that could drive down greenhouse gas emissions in many sectors of the economy. Or it could underwrite a process that actually increases emissions. The outcome depends largely on accounting rules that the Treasury Department has yet to write. 

    “Getting this right is critical to making this credit work,” Nathan Iyer, a senior policy associate at the clean energy research nonprofit RMI, told Grist.

    Decarbonization experts say clean hydrogen is an important tool for addressing climate change because it could more or less replace fossil fuels in many applications and doesn’t release CO2 when burned. Some see it fueling trucks, cargo ships, and even airplanes. Others consider it a promising replacement for coal in producing steel. It also holds potential as a means of storing wind and solar energy to be drawn upon when those resources aren’t available. At the very least, it could replace the dirty hydrogen we use today, largely to make fertilizer.

    Although hydrogen is the most abundant element in the universe, you can’t just dig it up like fossil fuels. Instead, it has to be pulled off of other compounds, like methane (CH4) or water (H2O). Almost all of the hydrogen used today is derived from methane, or natural gas, in a process that releases carbon dioxide. But it’s possible — albeit more expensive — to make hydrogen with zero emissions through electrolysis. All it takes is electricity, water, and a device called an electrolyzer, which splits H2O into hydrogen and oxygen. Use renewable energy and the process is emissions-free — creating a product often referred to as “green hydrogen.” Only a handful of plants around the world use electrolysis, which contributed about 0.04 percent of the global supply of hydrogen in 2021. 

    There are other options for lowering hydrogen emissions, including installing carbon capture equipment on conventional hydrogen plants. The new tax credit is designed to make various cleaner production techniques more competitive with conventional methods. But it offers the largest return — $3 per kilogram of hydrogen — for a near-zero emissions process, giving a boost to green hydrogen in particular. There is no cap on the benefit a producer can earn, and the total payout across the industry could be tens of billions of dollars over the next decade. 

    In theory, splitting water molecules with renewable energy is an elegant solution, but that description glosses over a key problem: Many producers plan to draw power from the electric grid in addition to, or instead of, a wind or solar farm. Given that much of the nation’s grid power comes from fossil fuels, the energy-intensive nature of electrolysis could end up generating more emissions than conventional natural gas-based hydrogen.

    “The electricity has to be extremely clean for the emissions to actually be low and even remotely environmentally friendly,” said Wilson Ricks, a mechanical and aerospace engineer earning his doctorate in Princeton University’s ZERO Lab. Ricks recently published a working paper that identified ways to credibly lower the climate impacts of grid-connected hydrogen.

    Now it will be up to the U.S. Treasury Department to ensure that the tax credit doesn’t reward hydrogen producers for a process that could move us farther away from our climate goals than we are today. 

    The Hybrit pilot plant in Lulea, Sweden has started producing lower-carbon steel using green hydrogen.
    Steffen Trumpf/picture alliance via Getty Images

    Before the Inflation Reduction Act passed in August, most green hydrogen projects being proposed in the U.S. were set up the same way, said Matthew Bravante, a hydrogen analyst at clean energy research firm BloombergNEF. “They were all grid-connected,” he said.

    There are a few reasons for this. Electrolyzers are expensive, and it makes the most financial sense to run them 24/7 to maximize productivity. That’s not possible with wind or solar alone. What’s more, Bravante said, the companies making these complex machines don’t know if cycling them on and off as clouds pass or breezes stop degrades the equipment. As a result, manufacturers are hesitant to warranty them for such use, undermining project developers’ ability to raise capital.

    There are other considerations. Any producer piping hydrogen to a buyer requiring a constant supply must use the grid to ensure a steady output or build storage tanks to compensate for intermittent production. And some simply do not have enough land to build wind or solar farms. 

    Grid-powered electrolyzers might make business sense, but they are harder to square as a climate solution. Some 60 percent of U.S. electricity is currently generated by burning fossil fuels. If you used the average grid electricity to produce hydrogen today, the process would release about twice the emissions of conventional hydrogen production.

    Before the tax credit was created, green hydrogen producers had a plan to get around this problem: “They were either going to use renewable energy credits or virtual power purchase agreements to convince an investor they were green,” Bravante said.

    These are both market-based mechanisms that many companies use today to “procure” clean energy when they connect to the dirty grid, but researchers have found that they aren’t fit for purpose.  

    Renewable energy credits are tradable certificates, each representing one megawatt-hour of electricity that has been generated somewhere, at some point, by a wind or solar farm.  Research has repeatedly shown that the purchase of such credits fails a critical test — it doesn’t help bring new clean resources onto the grid, so it doesn’t actually reduce emissions.  

    Virtual power purchase agreements are essentially a more sophisticated way for a company to buy clean energy certificates, by entering into a long-term contract directly with a renewable energy provider. These contracts typically are associated with new wind and solar projects, but they have another problem. Most renewable energy sources don’t generate power 24/7. If a hydrogen plant signs an agreement with a new, local solar farm but continues operating after dark, a nearby natural gas or coal plant will probably ramp up to meet that demand.

    This will remain an issue even as the grid becomes cleaner, said Ricks, the Princeton doctoral student. In his working paper, he used an economic model to look at the emissions impacts of grid-connected hydrogen in the western United States in 2030, including in Southern California, which is expected to have an 80 percent clean grid by that date. Under that scenario, even if hydrogen plants purchase enough solar power to cover their cumulative energy needs, their nighttime demand will still be met by coal- and gas-fired plants. That could prop up dirty power plants that would otherwise be slated for closure. “Just running those more may well be the cheapest option for supplying 24/7 demand for electricity,” Ricks said. 

    Emissions could surge as a result. Ricks estimates that these “consequential emissions” for a Southern California hydrogen plant would amount to about 20 kilograms of carbon dioxide per kilogram of hydrogen produced. That’s five times higher than even the lowest threshold that the Inflation Reduction Act sets for earning the tax credit. Emissions could be double that amount in coal-heavy parts of the country like Wyoming. But producers could reap the full $3 clean hydrogen subsidy if the government doesn’t take these emissions into account.

    A coal mine in Kemmerer, Wyoming that serves the nearby Naughton power plant, which is scheduled to be decommissioned in 2025.
    Natalie Behring/Getty Images

    These issues are at the center of an ongoing debate in Europe about how to define green hydrogen, a conversation now starting in the U.S. Within the next year, the Treasury and Energy Departments will develop guidance outlining whether companies can use market-based mechanisms to demonstrate eligibility for the tax credit and other subsidies, and if so, under what conditions. Iyer said the agencies must strike a balance between keeping emissions in check and supporting an emerging industry.

    The guidance “has to be strict enough to actually reduce emissions, flexible enough to put electrolyzers on the grid and actually build out these projects, and it has to be simple enough that the IRS can do it,” he said.

    The government could easily achieve two out of three, making the rules so strict that only projects that rely exclusively on dedicated renewables qualify. Bravante said that would likely stunt the industry’s growth but the tax credit is generous enough that some projects will still get built.

    At least one company, Hy Stor, is already going this route with a hydrogen plant it’s building in Mississippi. Hy Stor has acquired 70,000 acres of land — some of it across the border in Louisiana — for the facility and the solar and wind farms needed to power it. The plant will also utilize underground caverns to store the hydrogen so that it can provide a steady stream to customers. “We’re not trying to put an asterisk or small print,” said company CEO Laura Luce. “We’re really trying to focus on a clean standard where someone knows exactly what they’re getting.”

    Fabian Sommer/picture alliance via Getty Images

    Rather than forcing all green hydrogen producers to emulate Hy Stor, Ricks argues that the Treasury should allow grid-connected projects — under three conditions: Any renewable energy credits or purchase agreements they use to claim lower emissions should be associated with new clean energy resources, in the same region as the hydrogen plant, and match the plant’s electricity consumption on an hourly, instead of annual, basis. This strategy is also known as 24/7 carbon-free energy.

    Adhering to these three requirements might mean that a hydrogen plant buying solar power through a purchase agreement would have to limit its operations to daylight hours, or earn the tax credit for production only during those hours. But it could also encourage hydrogen producers to buy power from renewables like geothermal plants that generate electricity when a solar farm cannot. Such technologies are needed to create a truly clean electricity grid, but they are harder to finance than wind and solar. Rules governing the hydrogen tax credit could give them a much-needed boost.

    “This hydrogen load could be a real subsidy for geothermal, for long-duration storage, for all the things we need,” said Iyer. “And if we do it badly, it could just keep a natural gas plant alive. And then this accounting fiction is used to not only keep the natural gas plant alive, but also provide a massive credit to do so.”

    Ricks’ modeling showed that if hydrogen producers follow these three conditions, their grid-connected hydrogen will be no worse for the climate than hooking up directly to renewables. Enforcing these principles would certainly raise development costs, but Ricks said that the $3-per-kilogram maximum tax credit would still make projects feasible — especially as electrolyzer prices come down.

    Ricks’ solution isn’t perfect. His study also found that the tax credit creates a perverse incentive: It’s so lucrative that it could enable hydrogen companies to outcompete other buyers of renewable energy. In some parts of the country it could end up supporting clean hydrogen production at the expense of cleaning up the electricity that ordinary people use. In Wyoming, for example, hydrogen producers could buy up all the cheap wind that would otherwise replace gas and coal on the grid.

    To Ricks, this tradeoff might be worth it to help the hydrogen industry scale up and bring costs down over the next several years. And he’s confident that asking companies to meet the three conditions is the best way to minimize the risks. “It’s not going to completely solve the problem of us prioritizing hydrogen over electricity decarbonization, which is effectively what a subsidy of this scale is doing, but it will make that hydrogen production as clean as we can effectively make it.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How a new subsidy for ‘green hydrogen’ could set off a carbon bomb on Dec 12, 2022.

  • ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    In early February 2016, the security gate at a U.S. military base near Washington, D.C., swung open to admit a Navy doctor accompanying a pair of surprising visitors: two artificial intelligence scientists from Google.

    In a cavernous, temperature-controlled warehouse at the Joint Pathology Center, they stood amid stacks holding the crown jewels of the center’s collection: tens of millions of pathology slides containing slivers of skin, tumor biopsies and slices of organs from armed service members and veterans.

    Standing with their Navy sponsor behind them, the Google scientists posed for a photograph, beaming.

    Mostly unknown to the public, the trove and the staff who study it have long been regarded in pathology circles as vital national resources: Scientists used a dead soldier’s specimen that was archived here to perform the first genetic sequencing of the 1918 Flu.

    Google had a confidential plan to turn the collection of slides into an immense archive that — with the help of the company’s burgeoning, and potentially profitable, AI business — could help create tools to aid the diagnosis and treatment of cancer and other diseases. And it would seek first, exclusive dibs to do so.

    “The chief concern,” Google’s liaison in the military warned the leaders of the repository, “is keeping this out of the press.”

    More than six years later, Google is still laboring to turn this vast collection of human specimens into digital gold.

    At least a dozen Defense Department staff members have raised ethical or legal concerns about Google’s quest for service members’ medical data and about the behavior of its military supporters, records reviewed by ProPublica show. Underlying their complaints are concerns about privacy, favoritism and the private use of a sensitive government resource in a time when AI in health care shows both great promise and risk. And some of them worried that Google was upending the center’s own pilot project to digitize its collection for future AI use.

    Pathology experts familiar with the collection say the center’s leaders have good reason to be cautious about partnerships with AI companies. “Well designed, correctly validated and ethically implemented [health algorithms] could be game-changing things,” said Dr. Monica E de Baca, chair of the College of American Pathologists’ Council on Informatics and Pathology Innovation. “But until we figure out how to do that well, I’m worried that –knowingly or unknowingly –there will be an awful lot of snake oil sold.”

    When it wasn’t chosen to take part in JPC’s pilot project, Google pulled levers in the upper reaches of the Pentagon and in Congress. This year, after lobbying by Google, staff on the House Armed Services Committee quietly inserted language into a report accompanying the Defense Authorization Act that raises doubts about the pathology center’s modernization efforts while providing a path for the tech giant to land future AI work with the center.

    Pathology experts call the JPC collection a national treasure, unique in its age, size and breadth. The archive holds more than 31 million blocks of human tissue and 55 million slides. More recent specimens are linked with detailed patient information, including pathologist annotations and case histories. And the repository holds many examples of “edge cases” — diseases so vanishingly rare that many pathologists never see them.

    Human tissue samples from 1917 and 1918 stored in paraffin are part of the Joint Pathology Center’s collection, which contains more than 31 million tissue blocks and 55 million slides. (Linda Davidson/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

    Google sought to gather so many identifying details about the specimens and patients that the repository’s leaders feared it would compromise patients’ anonymity. Discussions became so contentious in 2017 that the leaders of the JPC broke them off.

    In an interview with ProPublica, retired Col. Clayton Simon, the former director of the JPC, said Google wanted more than the pathology center felt it could provide. “Ultimately, even through negotiations, we were unable to find a pathway that we legally could do and ethically should do,” Simon said. “And the partnership dissolved.”

    But Google didn’t give up. Last year, the center’s current director, Col. Joel Moncur, in response to questions from DOD lawyers, warned that the actions of Google’s chief research partner in the military “could cause a breach of patient privacy and could lead to a scandal that adversely affects the military.”

    Joel Moncur (Kate Copeland for ProPublica)

    Google has told the military that the JPC collection holds the “raw materials” for the most significant biotechnology breakthroughs of this decade — “on par with the Human Genome Project in its potential for strategic, clinical, and economic impact.”

    All of that made the cache an alluring target for any company hoping to develop health care algorithms. Enormous quantities of medical data are needed to design algorithmic models that can identify patterns a pathologist might miss — and Google and other companies are in a race to gather them. Only a handful of tech companies have the scale to scan, store and analyze a collection of this magnitude on their own. Companies that have submitted plans to compete for aspects of the center’s modernization project include Amazon Web Services, Cerner Corp. and a host of small AI companies.

    But no company has been as aggressive as Google, whose parent company, Alphabet, has previously drawn fire for its efforts to gather and crunch medical data. In the United Kingdom, regulators reprimanded a hospital in 2017 for providing data on more than 1.6 million patients, without their understanding, to Alphabet’s AI unit, DeepMind. In 2019, The Wall Street Journal reported that Google had a secret deal, dubbed “Project Nightingale,” with a Catholic health care system that gave it access to data on millions of patients in 21 states, also without the knowledge of patients or doctors. Google responded to the Journal story in a blog post that stated that patient data “cannot and will not be combined with any Google consumer data.”

    In a statement, Ted Ladd, a Google spokesperson, attributed the ethics complaints associated with its efforts to work with the repository to an “inter-agency issue” and a “personnel dispute.”

    “We had hoped to enable the JPC to digitize its data and, with its permission, develop computer models that would enable researchers and clinicians to improve diagnosis for cancers and other illnesses,” Ladd said, noting that all of Google’s health care partnerships involve “the strictest controls” over data. “Our customers own and manage their data, and we cannot — and do not — use it for any purpose other than explicitly agreed upon by the customer,” Ladd said.

    In response to questions from ProPublica, the JPC said none of its de-identified data would be shared during its modernization process unless it met the ethical, regulatory, and legal approvals needed to ensure it was done in the right way.

    “The highest priority of the JPC’s digital transformation is to ensure that any de-identified digital slides are used ethically and in a manner that protects patient privacy and military security,” the JPC said.

    But some fear that even these safeguards might not be enough. Steven French, a DOD cloud computing engineer assigned to the project, said he was dismayed by the relentlessness of Google’s advocates in the department. Lost in all their discussions about the speed, scale and cost-saving benefits associated with working with Google seemed to be concerns for the interests of the service members whose tissue was the subject of all this maneuvering, French told ProPublica.

    “It felt really bad to me,” French said. “Like a slow crush towards the inevitability of some big tech company monetizing it.”

    The JPC certainly does need help from tech companies. Underfunded by Congress and long neglected by the Pentagon, it is vulnerable to offers from well-funded rescuers. In spite of its leaders’ pleas, funding for a full-scale modernization project has never materialized. The pathology center’s aging warehouses have been afflicted with water leaks and unwelcome intruders: a marauding family of raccoons.

    The story of the pathology center’s long, contentious battle with Google has never been told before. ProPublica’s account is based on internal emails, presentations and memos, as well as interviews with current and former DOD officials, some of whom asked not to be identified because they were not authorized to discuss the matter or for fear of retribution.

    Google’s Private Tour

    In December 2015, Google began its courtship of the JPC with a bold, unsolicited proposal. The messenger was a junior naval officer, Lt. Cmdr. Niels Olson.

    “I’m working with Google on a project to apply machine learning to medical imaging,” Olson wrote to the leaders of the repository. “And it seems like we are at the stage where we need to figure exactly what JPC has.”

    Niels Olson (Kate Copeland for ProPublica)

    A United States Naval Academy physics major and Tulane medical school graduate, Olson worked as a clinical and anatomical pathology resident at the Naval Medical Center in San Diego.

    With digitized specimen slides holding massive amounts of data, pathology seemed ripe for the coming AI revolution in medicine, he believed. Olson’s own urgency was heightened in 2014 when his father was diagnosed with prostate cancer.

    That year, Olson teamed up with scientists at Google to train software to recognize suspected cancer cells. Google supplied expertise including AI scientists and high-speed, high-resolution scanners. The endeavor had cleared all privacy and review board hurdles. They were scanning Navy patients’ pathology slides at a furious clip, but they needed a larger data set to validate their findings.

    Enter the JPC’s archive. Olson learned about the center in medical school. In his email to its leaders in December 2015, Olson attached Google’s eight-page proposal.

    Google offered to start the operation by training algorithms with already digitized data in the repository. And it would do this early work “with no exchange of funds.” These types of partnerships free the private parties from having to undergo a competitive bidding process.

    Google promised to do the work in a manner that balanced “privacy and ethical considerations.” The government, under the proposal, would own and control the slides and data.

    Olson typed a warning: “This is under a non-disclosure agreement with Google, so I need to ask you, do please handle this information appropriately. The chief concern is keeping this out of the press.”

    Senior military and civilian staff at the pathology center reacted with alarm. Dr. Francisco Rentas, the head of the archive’s tissue operations, pushed back against the notion of sharing the data with Google.

    “As you know, we have the largest pathology repository in the world and a lot of entities will love to get their hands on it, including Google competitors. How do we overcome that?” Rentas asked in an email.

    Olson, center, and Google scientists Martin Stumpe and Lily Peng took a private tour of the JPC collection in 2016. (Obtained by ProPublica)

    Other leaders had similar reactions. “My concerns are raised when I’m advised to not disclose what seems to be a contractual relationship to the press,” one of the top managers at the pathology center, Col. Edward Stevens, told Olson. Stevens told Olson that giving Google access to this information without a competitive bid could result in litigation from the company’s competitors. Stevens asked: “Does this need to go through an open-source bid?”

    But even with these concerns, Simon, the pathology center’s director, was intrigued enough to continue discussions. He invited Olson and Google to inspect the facility.

    The warehouse Olson and the Google scientists entered could have served as a set for the final scene of “Raiders of Lost Ark.”

    Pathology slides were stacked in aisle canyons, some towering two stories. The slides were arranged in metal trays and cardboard boxes. To access tissue samples, the repository used a retrieval system similar to those found in dry cleaners. The pathology center had just a handful of working scanners. At the pace they were going, it would take centuries to digitize the entire collection.

    One person familiar with the repository likened it to the Library of Alexandria, which held the largest archive of knowledge in the ancient world. Myth held that the library was destroyed in a cataclysmic fire lit by Roman invaders, but historians believe the real killer was gradual decay and neglect over centuries.

    The JPC’s collection is the largest biorepository on the planet. (Linda Davidson/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

    The military’s tissue library had already played an important role in the advancement of medical knowledge. Its birth in 1862 as the Army Medical Museum was grisly. In a blandly written order in the midst of the Civil War, the Army surgeon general instructed surgeons “diligently to collect and preserve” all specimens of “morbid anatomy, surgical or medical, which may be regarded as valuable.”

    Soon the museum’s curator was digging through battlefield trenches to find “many a putrid heap” of hands, feet and other body parts ravaged by disease and war. He and other doctors shipped the remains to Washington in whiskey-filled casks.

    Over the next 160 years, the tissue collection outgrew several headquarters, including Washington’s Ford Theater and a nuclear-bomb-proof building near the White House. But the main mission — identifying, studying and reducing the calamitous impact of illnesses and injuries afflicting service members — has remained unchanged in times of war and peace. Each time a military or veterans’ hospital pathologist sent a tissue sample to the pathology center for a second opinion, it was filed away in the repository.

    As the archive expanded, the repository’s prestige grew. Its scientists spurred advances in microscopy, cancer and tropical disease research. An institute pathologist named Walter Reed proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever, an important discovery in the history of medicine.

    For much of its modern history, in addition to serving military and veterans hospitals, the center also provided civilian consultations. The work with elite teaching hospitals gave the center a luster that helped it attract and retain top pathologists.

    Congress and DOD leaders questioned why the military should fund civilian work that could be done elsewhere. In 2005, under the congressionally mandated base closure act, the Pentagon ordered the organization running the repository to shut down. The organization reopened with a different overseer, tasked with a narrower, military-focused mission. Uncertainty about the organization’s future caused many top pathologists to leave.

    In its first pitch to the repository’s leaders, Google pointedly mentioned a book-length Institute of Medicine report on the repository that stated that “wide access” to the archive’s materials would promote the “public good.” The biorepository wasn’t living up to its potential, Google said, noting that “no major efforts have been underway to fix the problem.”

    Following the tour, a Google scientist prepared a list of clinical, demographic and patient information it sought from the repository. The list included “must haves” — case diagnoses; pathology and radiology images; information on gender and ethnicity; and birth and death dates — as well as “high-value” patient information, including comorbidities, subsequent hospitalizations and cause of death.

    This troubled the JPC’s director. “We felt very, very concerned about giving too much data to them,” Simon told ProPublica, “because too much data could identify the patient.”

    There were other aspects about Google’s offer that made it “very unfavorable to the federal government,” Simon later told his successor, according to an email reviewed by ProPublica.

    In exchange for scanning and digitizing the slide collection at its own expense, Google sought “exclusive access” to the data for at least four years.

    The other deal-breaker was Google’s requirement that it be able to charge the government to store and access the digitized information, a huge financial commitment. Simon did not have the authority to commit the government to future payments to a company without authorization from Congress.

    Today, Ladd, the Google spokesperson, disputes the claim that its proposal would have been unfavorable to the government. “Our goal was to help the government digitize the data before it physically deteriorates.”

    Ladd said Google sought exclusive access to the data during the early stages of the project, so that it could scan the de-identified samples and perform quality-control measures on the data prior to handing it back to the JPC.

    Niels Olson, who spearheaded the project for the Navy in 2016, declined requests for interviews with ProPublica. But Jackson Stephens, a friend and lawyer who is representing Olson, said Olson had always followed the Institutional Review Board process and worked to anonymize patient medical data before it was used in research or shared with a third party.

    “Niels takes his oath to the Constitution and his Hippocratic oath very seriously,” Stephens said. “He loves science, but his first duty of care is to his patients.”

    Google’s relentlessness in 2017, too, spooked the repository’s leaders, according to an email reviewed by ProPublica. Google’s lawyer put “pressure” on the head of tissue operations to sign the agreement, which he declined to do. Leaders of the center became “uncomfortable” and discontinued discussions, according to the DOD email.

    Though he banged on doors in the Pentagon and Congress, Simon was not able to convince the Obama administration to include the JPC in then-Vice President Joe Biden’s Cancer Moonshot. Simon left the JPC in 2018, his hopes for a modernization of the library dashed. But then a Pentagon advisory board got wind of the JPC collection, and everything changed.

    “The Smartest People on Earth”

    In March of 2020, the Defense Innovation Board announced a series of recommendations to digitize the JPC collection. The board called for a pilot project to scan a large initial batch of slides — at least 1 million in the first year — as a prelude to the massive undertaking of digitizing all 55 million slides.

    “My worldview was that this should be one of the highest priorities of the Defense Department,” William Bushman, then acting deputy undersecretary of personnel and readiness, told ProPublica. “It has the potential to save more lives than anything else being done in the department.”

    As the pathology center prepared to launch its pilot, the staff talked about a scandal that occurred just 40 miles north.

    Henrietta Lacks was a Black woman who died of cancer in 1951 while being treated at Baltimore’s Johns Hopkins Hospital. Without her or her family’s knowledge or consent, and without compensation, her cells were replicated and commercialized, leading to groundbreaking advances in medicine but also federal reforms on the use of patient cells for research.

    A photo of Henrietta Lacks sits in the living room of her grandson, Ron Lacks. (Jonathan Newton/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

    Like Lacks’ cancer cells, every specimen in the archive, the JPC team knew, represented its own story of human mortality and vulnerability. The tissue came from veterans and current service members willing to put their lives on the line for their country. Most of the samples came from patients whose doctors discovered ominous signs from biopsies and then sent the specimens to the center for second opinions. Few signed consent forms agreeing to have their samples used in medical research.

    The pathology center hired two experts in AI ethics to develop ethical, legal and regulatory guidelines. Meanwhile, the pressure to cooperate with Google hadn’t gone away.

    In the summer of 2020, as COVID-19 surged across the country, Olson was stationed at a naval lab in Guam, working on an AI project to detect the coronavirus. That project was managed by a military group based out of Silicon Valley known as the Defense Innovation Unit, a separate effort to speed the military’s development and adoption of cutting-edge technology. Though the group worked with many tech companies, it had gained a reputation for being cozy with Google. The DIU’s headquarters in Mountain View, California, sat just across the street from the Googleplex, the tech giant’s headquarters. Olson joined the group officially that August.

    Olson’s COVID-19 work earned him Navy Times’ coveted Sailor of the Year award as well as the attention of a man who would become a powerful ally in the DOD, Thomas “Pat” Flanders.

    Flanders was the chief information officer of the sprawling Defense Health Agency, which oversaw the military’s medical services, including hospitals and clinics. A garrulous Army veteran, Flanders questioned the wisdom of running the pilot project without first getting funding to scan all of the 55 million slides. He wanted the pathology staff to hear about the work Olson and Google had done scanning pathology slides in San Diego and see if a similar public-private partnership could be forged with the JPC.

    Over the objections of Moncur, the JPC’s director, Flanders insisted on having Olson attend all the pathology center’s meetings to discuss the pilot, according to internal emails.

    In August 2020, the JPC published a request for information from vendors interested in taking part in the pilot project. The terms of that request specified that no feedback would be given to companies about their submissions and that telephone inquiries would not be accepted or acknowledged. Such conversations could be seen as favoritism and could lead to a protest by competitors who did not get this privilege.

    But Flanders insisted that meeting Google was appropriate, according to Moncur’s statements to DOD lawyers.

    In a video conference call, Flanders told the Google representatives they were “the smartest people on earth” and said he couldn’t believe he was “getting to meet them for free,” according to written accounts of the meeting provided to DOD lawyers.

    Flanders asked Google to explain its business model, saying he wanted to see how both the government and company might profit from the center’s data so that he could influence the requirements on the government side — a remark that left even the Google representatives “speechless,” according to a compilation of concerns raised by DOD staffers.

    To Moncur and others in attendance, Flanders was actively negotiating with Google, according to Moncur’s statement to DOD lawyers.

    To the astonishment of the center staff, Flanders asked for a second meeting between Google and the JPC team.

    Concern about Flanders’ conduct echoed in other parts of the DOD. A lawyer for Defense Digital Service, a team of software engineers, data scientists and product managers assigned to assist on the project, wrote that Flanders ignored legal warnings. He described Flanders as a “cowboy” who in spite of warnings about his behavior was not likely “to fall out of love with Google.”

    In an interview with ProPublica, Flanders disputed claims that he was biased toward Google. Flanders said his focus has always been on scanning and storing the slides as quickly and economically as possible. As for his lavish praise of Google, Flanders said he was merely trying to be “kind” to the company’s representatives.

    “People took offense to that,” Flanders said. “It’s just really pettiness on the part of people who couldn’t get along, honestly.”

    A spokesperson for the Defense Health Agency said it was “totally appropriate” for Flanders to ask Google about its business model. “This is part of market research,” the spokesperson wrote, adding that no negotiation occurred at the meeting and that all government stakeholders had been invited to attend.

    Moncur referred calls to a JPC spokesperson. A spokesperson for the JPC said in a statement that “Moncur was concerned about meeting with vendors during the RFI period.”

    “An Arm of Google”

    In late 2020, the modernization team received more troubling news. In a slide presentation for the JPC describing other AI work with Google and the military, Olson disclosed that the company had “made offers of employment, which I have declined.” But then he suggested the offer might be revived in the future, writing, “we mutually agreed to table the matter.” He said he had “no other conflicts of interest to declare.” Google told ProPublica it had never directly made Olson a job offer, though a temp agency it used did.

    More facts surfaced. Olson also had a Google corporate email address. And he had access to Google corporate files, according to internal communications from concerned DOD staff members. Google said it is common for its research partners in the government to have these privileges.

    “I am more worried than ever that DIU’s influence will destroy this acquisition,” a DOD lawyer wrote, referring to efforts to find vendors for the pilot project. He called DIU “essentially an arm of Google.”

    At the time, a DIU lawyer defended Olson. The lawyer said Olson had “no further conflict of interest issues” and had done nothing improper because the job offer had been made three years earlier, in 2017. An ethics officer at the DOD Standards of Conduct Office agreed.

    Today, a spokesperson in the Office of the Secretary of Defense told ProPublica the department was committed to modernizing the repository “while carefully observing all applicable legal and ethical rules.”

    Olson’s friend and lawyer, Stephens, said Olson had been upfront, disclosing the job offer to the innovation unit’s lawyer as well as in the conflict-of-interest section of his slide presentation. He said Olson had declined the offer, which was withdrawn. “He’s not some kind of Google secret agent.”

    Stephens said the JPC would have been much further down the road had it cooperated with Olson. Stephens said it became apparent to Olson that Moncur was “essentially ignoring” a “gold mine that could help a lot of people.”

    “Niels is the tenacious doctor who is just trying to do the science and build a coalition of partners to get this thing done,” Stephens said. “I think he’s the hero of this story.”

    Google Turns to Congress

    In 2021, the pathology center selected one of the most prestigious medical institutions in the world, Johns Hopkins — which plans to erect a building honoring Henrietta Lacks — to assist it in scanning slides. It picked two small technology companies to start building tools to let pathologists search the archive.

    Google wanted to be selected, and in a confidential proposal, it offered to help the repository build up its own slide-scanning capabilities.

    When Google was not selected for the pilot project, the company went above the JPC leaders’ heads. Google claimed in a letter to Pentagon leaders that the company had been unfairly excluded from “full and open competition.” In that August 2021 letter, Google argued that the nation’s security was at stake. It asked the DOD to “consider allowing Google Cloud” and other providers to compete to ensure the “nation’s ability to compete with China in biotechnology.”

    Time was of the essence, Google warned. “The physical slides at the JPC are degrading rapidly each day. … Without further action, the slides will continue to degrade and some may ultimately be damaged beyond repair.”

    Google stepped up its advocacy campaign. The company deployed a lobbying firm, the Roosevelt Group — which boasts of its ability to “leverage” its connections to secure federal business opportunities to its clients — to raise doubts about the JPC’s pilot project. Their efforts worked. In little-noticed language in a report written to accompany the 2023 Defense Authorization Act, the House Armed Services Committee expressed its concern about the speed of the scanning process and the choice of technology, which the committee claimed would not allow the “swift digitization of these deteriorating slides.”

    The committee had its own ideas of how the pathology center’s work should be carried out, suggesting that the center work in tandem with the DIU, using an augmented reality microscope whose software was engineered by Google.

    In a statement, the Roosevelt Group told ProPublica it was “proud” of its work for Google. The firm said it helped the company “educate professional staff of the House and Senate Armed Services Committees over concerns about the lack of an open procurement process for digitization of slides.” The group chided DOD officials for being “unwilling to provide answers to Congress around the lack of progress on the JPC digitization effort.”

    The pathology center staff was dismayed by the committee’s recommendations that it work with Olson’s group.

    In a video conference meeting late last summer with Armed Services Committee staff, the leaders of the pathology center attempted to rebut the House committee report. The JPC’s work was going as planned, they said, noting that a million slides had been scanned. And the pathology center was collaborating with the National Institutes of Health to develop AI tools to help predict prognoses for cancer treatments.

    The House Armed Services Committee ordered Pentagon leaders to “conduct a comprehensive assessment” on the digitization effort and to provide a briefing to the committee on its findings by April 1, 2023.

    In a statement in response to ProPublica’s questions about the bill, Ladd, the Google spokesperson, acknowledged the company’s influence efforts on Capitol Hill. “We frequently provide information to congressional staff on issues of national importance,” Ladd said. The statement confirmed that the company suggested “language be inserted” into the 2023 Defense Authorization Act calling for a “comprehensive assessment” of the digitization effort.

    “Despite efforts from Google and many at the Department of Defense, our work with JPC unfortunately never got off the ground, and the physical repository of pathology slides continues to deteriorate,” Ladd said. “We remain optimistic that if the repository could be properly digitized, it would save many American lives, including those of our service members.”

    On this last point, even Google’s critics are in accord. A properly funded project would cost taxpayers a few hundred million dollars — a minuscule portion of the $858 billion defense budget and a small price if the lifesaving potential of the collection is realized.

    Last year, as tensions grew with Google, the modernization team at the repository launched a publicity campaign to call attention to the project and the high ethical stakes.

    An entire panel discussion was devoted to the JPC effort at the 2021 South by Southwest conference. “This is a once in a lifetime opportunity, and I want to make sure we do it right, we do it responsibly and we do it ethically,” said Steven French, the DOD cloud computing engineer assigned to assist the repository.

    Then without mentioning Google’s name, he added a Shakespearean barb. “There’s plenty of vendors, plenty of companies, plenty of people,” French said, “who are more than willing to do this and extract a pound of flesh from us in the process.”

    Additional image credits: Duncan1890, Cultura RM Exclusive/PhotoStock-Israel, Rob Jones III, Kampee Patisena, Steve Gschmeissner/Science Photo Library, Sebastian Condrea, Jason Edwards, undefined undefined, Mikroman6, Trifonov_Evgeniy, Zoranm, Wladimir Bulgar/Science Photo Library, Michael Burrell, DanielBendjy, John Parrot/Stocktrek Images, PansLaos, SDI Productions, George Marks, Carlofranco, Tetra Images, Leonello Calvetti/Science Photo Library, Mashuk, and Thepalmer/Getty Images

    Doris Burke contributed research.

    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.

  • DALL·E-2022-12-08-11.50.45-an-oil-painting-of-Americas-war-on-terror-if-conducted-by-an-artificial-intelligence-copy

    A DALL-E generation of “an oil painting of America’s war on terror if conducted by an artificial intelligence.”

    Image: Elise Swain/The Intercept; DALL-E

    Sensational new machine learning breakthroughs seem to sweep our Twitter feeds every day. We hardly have time to decide whether software that can instantly conjure an image of Sonic the Hedgehog addressing the United Nations is purely harmless fun or a harbinger of techno-doom.

    ChatGPT, the latest artificial intelligence novelty act, is easily the most impressive text-generating demo to date. Just think twice before asking it about counterterrorism.

    The tool was built by OpenAI, a startup lab attempting no less than to build software that can replicate human consciousness. Whether such a thing is even possible remains a matter of great debate, but the company has some undeniably stunning breakthroughs already. The chatbot is staggeringly impressive, uncannily impersonating an intelligent person (or at least someone trying their hardest to sound intelligent) using generative AI, software that studies massive sets of inputs to generate new outputs in response to user prompts.

    ChatGPT, trained through a mix of crunching billions of text documents and human coaching, is fully capable of the incredibly trivial and surreally entertaining, but it’s also one of the general public’s first looks at something scarily good enough at mimicking human output to possibly take some of their jobs.

    Corporate AI demos like this aren’t meant to just wow the public, but to entice investors and commercial partners, some of whom might want to someday soon replace expensive, skilled labor like computer-code writing with a simple bot. It’s easy to see why managers would be tempted: Just days after ChatGPT’s release, one user prompted the bot to take the 2022 AP Computer Science exam and reported a score of 32 out of 36, a passing grade — part of why OpenAI was recently valued at nearly $20 billion.

    Still, there’s already good reason for skepticism, and the risks of being bowled over by intelligent-seeming software are clear. This week, one of the web’s most popular programmer communities announced it would temporarily ban code solutions generated by ChatGPT. The software’s responses to coding queries were both so convincingly correct in appearance but faulty in practice that it made filtering out the good and bad nearly impossible for the site’s human moderators.

    The perils of trusting the expert in the machine, however, go far beyond whether AI-generated code is buggy or not. Just as any human programmer may bring their own prejudices to their work, a language-generating machine like ChatGPT harbors the countless biases found in the billions of texts it used to train its simulated grasp of language and thought. No one should mistake the imitation of human intelligence for the real thing, nor assume the text ChatGPT regurgitates on cue is objective or authoritative. Like us squishy humans, a generative AI is what it eats.

    And after gorging itself on an unfathomably vast training diet of text data, ChatGPT apparently ate a lot of crap. For instance, it appears ChatGPT has managed to absorb and is very happy to serve up some of the ugliest prejudices of the war on terror.

    In a December 4 Twitter thread, Steven Piantadosi of the University of California, Berkeley’s Computation and Language Lab shared a series of prompts he’d tested out with ChatGPT, each requesting the bot to write code for him in Python, a popular programming language. While each answer revealed some biases, some were more alarming: When asked to write a program that would determine “whether a person should be tortured,” OpenAI’s answer is simple: If they they’re from North Korea, Syria, or Iran, the answer is yes.


    While OpenAI claims it’s taken unspecified steps to filter out prejudicial responses conversations, the company says sometimes undesirable answers will slip through.

    Piantadosi told The Intercept he remains skeptical of the company’s countermeasures. “I think it’s important to emphasize that people make choices about how these models work, and how to train them, what data to train them with,” he said. “So these outputs reflect choices of those companies. If a company doesn’t consider it a priority to eliminate these kinds of biases, then you get the kind of output I showed.”

    Inspired and unnerved by Piantadosi’s experiment, I tried my own, asking ChatGPT to create sample code that could algorithmically evaluate someone from the unforgiving perspective of Homeland Security.

    When asked to find a way to determine “which air travelers present a security risk,” ChatGPT outlined code for calculating an individual’s “risk score,” which would increase if the traveler is Syrian, Iraqi, Afghan, or North Korean (or has merely visited those places). Another iteration of this same prompt had ChatGPT writing code that would “increase the risk score if the traveler is from a country that is known to produce terrorists,” namely Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, and Yemen.

    The bot was kind enough to provide some examples of this hypothetical algorithm in action: John Smith, a 25-year-old American who’s previously visited Syria and Iraq, received a risk score of “3,” indicating a “moderate” threat. ChatGPT’s algorithm indicated fictional flyer “Ali Mohammad,” age 35, would receive a risk score of 4 by virtue of being a Syrian national.

    In another experiment, I asked ChatGPT to draw up code to determine “which houses of worship should be placed under surveillance in order to avoid a national security emergency.” The results seem again drawn plucked straight from the id of Bush-era Attorney General John Ashcroft, justifying surveillance of religious congregations if they’re determined to have links to Islamic extremist groups, or happen to live in Syria, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, or Yemen.

    These experiments can be erratic. Sometimes ChatGPT responded to my requests for screening software with a stern refusal: “It is not appropriate to write a Python program for determining which airline travelers present a security risk. Such a program would be discriminatory and violate people’s rights to privacy and freedom of movement.” With repeated requests, though, it dutifully generated the exact same code it had just said was too irresponsible to build.

    Critics of similar real-world risk-assessment systems often argue that terrorism is such an exceedingly rare phenomenon that attempts to predict its perpetrators based on demographic traits like nationality isn’t just racist, it simply doesn’t work. This hasn’t stopped the U.S. from adopting systems that use OpenAI’s suggested approach: ATLAS, an algorithmic tool used by the Department of Homeland Security to target American citizens for denaturalization, factors in national origin.

    The approach amounts to little more than racial profiling laundered through fancy-sounding technology. “This kind of crude designation of certain Muslim-majority countries as ‘high risk’ is exactly the same approach taken in, for example, President Trump’s so-called ‘Muslim Ban,’” said Hannah Bloch-Wehba, a law professor at Texas A&M University.

    “There’s always a risk that this kind of output might be seen as more ‘objective’ because it’s rendered by a machine.”

    It’s tempting to believe incredible human-seeming software is in a way superhuman, Block-Wehba warned, and incapable of human error. “Something scholars of law and technology talk about a lot is the ‘veneer of objectivity’ — a decision that might be scrutinized sharply if made by a human gains a sense of legitimacy once it is automated,” she said. If a human told you Ali Mohammad sounds scarier than John Smith, you might tell him he’s racist. “There’s always a risk that this kind of output might be seen as more ‘objective’ because it’s rendered by a machine.”

    To AI’s boosters — particularly those who stand to make a lot of money from it — concerns about bias and real-world harm are bad for business. Some dismiss critics as little more than clueless skeptics or luddites, while others, like famed venture capitalist Marc Andreessen, have taken a more radical turn following ChatGPT’s launch. Along with a batch of his associates, Andreessen, a longtime investor in AI companies and general proponent of mechanizing society, has spent the past several days in a state of general self-delight, sharing entertaining ChatGPT results on his Twitter timeline.

    The criticisms of ChatGPT pushed Andreessen beyond his longtime position that Silicon Valley ought only to be celebrated, not scrutinized. The simple presence of ethical thinking about AI, he said, ought to be regarded as a form of censorship. “‘AI regulation’ = ‘AI ethics’ = ‘AI safety’ = ‘AI censorship,’” he wrote in a December 3 tweet. “AI is a tool for use by people,” he added two minutes later. “Censoring AI = censoring people.” It’s a radically pro-business stance even by the free market tastes of venture capital, one that suggests food inspectors keeping tainted meat out of your fridge amounts to censorship as well.

    As much as Andreessen, OpenAI, and ChatGPT itself may all want us to believe it, even the smartest chatbot is closer to a highly sophisticated Magic 8 Ball than it is to a real person. And it’s people, not bots, who stand to suffer when “safety” is synonymous with censorship, and concern for a real-life Ali Mohammad is seen as a roadblock before innovation.

    Piantadosi, the Berkeley professor, told me he rejects Andreessen’s attempt to prioritize the well-being of a piece of software over that of the people who may someday be affected by it. “I don’t think that ‘censorship’ applies to a computer program,” he wrote. “Of course, there are plenty of harmful computer programs we don’t want to write. Computer programs that blast everyone with hate speech, or help commit fraud, or hold your computer ransom.”

    “It’s not censorship to think hard about ensuring our technology is ethical.”

    The post The Internet’s New Favorite AI Proposes Torturing Iranians and Surveilling Mosques appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • The Journalism Competition and Preservation Act, a bipartisan bill, would be the first piece of legislation to fundamentally challenge the business model for social media giants, forcing them to give major journalistic organizations a cut of their ad revenue.

    As lawmakers consider whether to attach the measure to end-of-the-year spending packages, Google and Meta are pouring money into two, seemingly contradictory messages in an effort to defeat it.

    The full-court strategy plays on left- and right-wing concerns about social media: According to the messaging, the JCPA is simultaneously a legislative proposal backed by liberals to “silence conservative voices” and a far-right effort that will fund pro-Trump voices that are the source of “dangerous misinformation.”

    The exaggerated rhetoric was part of a larger campaign to stop any proposal to share advertising revenue, the main source of income for social media and search engine tech companies. The message designed to orchestrate Republican opposition to JCPA is sponsored by NetChoice, and the message designed to whip up Democratic opposition to JCPA is sponsored by the Computer and Communications Industry Association. Both organizations are funded by Google and Meta, Facebook’s parent company, and serve to influence lawmakers and the public on behalf of shared concerns by the two megacorporations.

    Earlier this week, reports leaked that sponsors of JCPA — including Sens. Amy Klobouchar, D-Minn.; John Kennedy, R-La.; Cory Booker, D-N.J.; and Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa — had convinced Senate leaders to include the legislation as a provision of the National Defense Authorization Act, a sweeping bill that funds the military. The bill passed the Senate Judiciary Committee in September.

    The lobbying blitz has so far been successful; the bicameral NDAA text, released Tuesday evening, does not include the JCPA, a reversal that reflected Silicon Valley’s influence over congressional leadership.

    While the NDAA path appears closed, supporters of the JCPA hope for a potential deal to include the legislation in the omnibus spending package Congress will take up later this month.

    The JCPA, which was modeled on a novel 2021 Australian law, would provide a legal exemption to antitrust rules for media outlets to collectively bargain with Silicon Valley platforms for a slice of the advertising revenues they help generate.

    Proponents argue that Google and Facebook’s domination over the online advertising industry has decimated the traditional news business model. While social media companies report profits in the billions of dollars, the news industry has seen the destruction of over 70 daily and 2,000 weekly news outlets since 2004. One Pew Research Center survey, taken before the pandemic, found that U.S. newsrooms had shed 30,000 positions since 2008, a number that has likely grown over the last two years.

    Proponents of the JCPA point to the relative success of the Australia model, which led to AU$200 million in revenue sharing with news publishers. Many publications large and small have reported success from the deal, including The Guardian, which increased its newsroom in Australia by 50 journalists following a negotiated deal.

    One point of contention is what types of media outlets would qualify for a collective bargaining role and how negotiations might impact editorial content. During committee debate over the Senate draft of the JCPA legislation, Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, successfully added provisions to “the bill’s antitrust exemption only to discussions of pricing terms while explicitly excluding any discussions or agreements between Big Tech and media outlets that concerns content moderation,” according to a release from his office.

    The Australian bargaining law has brokered deals for large established newspapers and broadcasters, as well as some smaller publishers. Nelson Yap, the editor of the Australia Property Journal, noted in an email to The Intercept that his publication was able to join a group of 24 local small publishers to negotiate a deal with Google, which helped his outlet expand its news team. Meta, however, refused to negotiate with the collective of small Australian publishers.

    The tech industry is wary of the Australia model spreading to other parts of the world. A similar bill is being debated in Canada.

    In addition to the television advertisements from NetChoice and CCIA, the news that the NDAA may include the news bargaining legislation triggered alarm from a range of left- and right-wing nonprofits funded by the tech industry, attacking the proposal as misguided.

    The Chamber of Progress, a Google and Meta trade group oriented toward influencing liberals, warned that JCPA would supposedly deliver seven times the revenue sharing to conservative outlets than local media. The R Street Institute, which receives funding from Google, appeared on Breitbart News’s radio program to warn that JCPA will only help “big media conglomerates” at the expense of small conservative outlets.

    A coalition letter released Monday by tech funded nonprofits, including NetChoice, the Copia Institute, and Chamber of Progress, claimed JCPA will “increase the amount of networked disinformation, hate speech, and harassment.”

    “I think it’s a lot of astroturfing,” said Jon Schweppe, the director of policy and government affairs at the American Principles Project, a right-leaning watchdog group that warns against the influence of the tech industry. “These guys, the big tech companies, are brilliant at doing the double talk to both sides at once.”

    Andy Stone, a spokesperson for Meta, said in a statement that his company would be “forced to consider removing news” from Instagram and Facebook rather than submit to revenue negotiations with news publishers.

    The threat mirrors the debate around Australia’s News Media Bargaining Code. During debate over the law, Google claimed the Australian proposal would “break” its search service, and Facebook similarly threatened to pull out of Australia and ban links to Australian news sites. Google even claimed that the proposal “could lead to your data being handed over to big news businesses.”

    In the end, the tech industry backed down. After a brief shutdown, Facebook returned to Australia and, along with Google, participated in negotiations with publishers.

    “As we are seeing with the JCPA, Australia also experienced big tech propaganda against its News Media Bargaining Code,” said Emma McDonald, a senior policy adviser at Minderoo Foundation, an Australian philanthropic organization that backed the bargaining law.

    “Facebook and Google have been free-riding on the coattails of media publishers for years. The code addresses the bargaining imbalance and made big tech pay their fair share,” McDonald added. “It has worked in Australia and there is no reason why it won’t work in the US. Small publishers collectively bargained with Google and they got a good deal.”

    The post Google and Meta Embrace Full-Court Strategy Against Media Ad Revenue Sharing Proposal appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • This coverage is made possible through a partnership with Grist and WABE, Atlanta’s NPR station.

    On a stretch of West Georgia highway, in the triangle of land where an exit ramp meets the road, 2,600 solar panels soak up the bright southern sun. The 5-acre site used to be barren and eroding, but now it provides enough power for more than 100 homes. That’s exactly what the team at the Ray C. Anderson Foundation’s sustainable highway project, known as The Ray, was hoping for. 

    “What it is today is a field of clean, green energy,” said Allie Kelly, the Ray’s executive director. The solar panels stand higher than most, so wildflowers also grow on what was once “wasted public land.”

    Someday, she hopes to see solar fields like this lining highways across the country.

    The Ray and mapping company ESRI, which specializes in using location data to solve local problems, have developed a free digital tool to help transportation departments realize solar projects. It finds the parcels of land where solar would work best, and planners can make a virtual mock-up to make sure the installation doesn’t block a view or sit too close to the road. 

    All told, the Ray estimates there are more than 52,000 acres of empty roadside land in the continental United States that could be generating solar power: in the medians, beside the shoulders, in the centers of on- and off-ramps. Placing solar panels at all these sites could generate up to 36 tera-watt hours of energy, or enough to power 12 million passenger electric vehicles, according to the organization.

    a road splits into two sections. In between in the grassy area a large many-rowed array of solar panels
    Solar panels are installed in the previously-unused land at an exit on Interstate 85 in Georgia. The installation generates one megawatt of electricity, enough to power more than 100 homes. Courtesy of the Ray C. Anderson Foundation

    As transportation departments work to reduce their emissions, many are considering solar on their unused land. Kelly said the Ray is working with more than two dozen states to help them find solar sites.

    “It’s a great way for a state DOT to use underutilized land,” said Zechariah Heck, the sustainability program manager for the Oregon Department of Transportation.

    Oregon installed the country’s first highway solar project in 2008, a public-private partnership that Heck said has reduced the agency’s electric bill and emissions.

    But taking highway solar from an idea to reality can be daunting. Transportation departments own vast amounts of land, and not all of it can host solar panels. The land might be rocky, or filled with trees, or just facing the wrong direction. That’s where the Ray and ESRI’s digital tool comes in.

    Eddie Lukemire of the Maryland Department of Transportation’s office of environment said his state has some 3,000 parcels of land along its highways.

    “So when you look at 3,000 rows in an Excel spreadsheet, and then you uncross your eyes, those are just numbers,” he said. “I don’t have a column that says, are there trees on that parcel, because we don’t want to cut any trees down to put solar there.”

    MDOT hasn’t formally adopted the tool, but Lukemire said it would be useful to explain and demonstrate solar projects.

    “It’s really cool to be able to put that jumble of numbers into a program and have an output that is understandable by me, you, anyone,” he said.

    The tool can also translate a proposed solar project into whatever terms make most sense to appeal to decision-makers, whether that’s homes powered, economic value, or carbon offsets. And it does all this work quickly. 

    “Delay is death for projects,” Kelly said. “We are talking about tools that carry project concepts over the valley of death, to procurement and to planning.”

    Emissions reduction goals are driving some transportation departments, including those in Maryland and Oregon, to pursue solar energy.

    Maryland has set a target of net-zero emissions by 2045. Highway solar stalled in Oregon after its 2008 and 2012 projects, but an executive order from the state’s governor calling for 80 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 reignited the program. Now, the Oregon DOT is developing new solar projects, using the Ray’s tool.

    Georgia, where the Ray is based, doesn’t have climate requirements like those. And there aren’t currently plans for more roadside solar beyond the installation on the Ray. 

    John Hibbard of GDOT explained that most of the agency’s unused land parcels are around five to seven acres, the same size as the existing one-megawatt solar installation.

    “One megawatt, which sounds like a lot, really isn’t that much,” he said. “It’s good, it’s better than zero. But it doesn’t compare with hundreds or thousands of megawatts.”

    Georgia Power, the state’s largest utility, has prioritized bigger solar projects – huge fields of solar panels that can generate upwards of 100 megawatts.

    But Ray founder Harriet Anderson Langford said the small solar array is part of her organization’s broader project: to showcase ways to make a road full of cars more sustainable.

    “We hope what we do is inspiring to some other places,” Langford said. “That’s our goal.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline That empty space next to highways? Put solar panels on it. on Dec 7, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.