Category: Technology

  • RNZ News

    By Colin Peacock, RNZ Mediawatch presenter

    There is mounting pressure on tech titans Google and Facebook to pay local news media to carry their news online.

    Google has already done deals with some for its News Showcase, but other big names in news are still trying to get the platforms to pay — and the government is hinting it could force the issue soon.

    “Are you putting the hard word on them to secure deals to pay for content? Are you going to legislate?” Newshub Nation host Simon Shepherd asked Willie Jackson last weekend, putting the hard word on the broadcasting and media minister.

    “Are you putting the hard word on them to secure deals to pay for content? Are you going to legislate?” Newshub Nation host Simon Shepherd asked Willie Jackson a week ago, putting the hard word on the broadcasting and media minister.

    “I’m trying really hard. I have said to them, [in] three months let’s see the deals in the marketplace,” the minister replied.

    For years local news media have griped about getting very little from the platforms distributing their stuff to huge audiences  — and profiting from it.

    The thing most likely to persuade the tech titans to pay local newsmakers is the likelihood of the government forcing the issue with legislation — and this was the first time that a government minister had set any kind of deadline publicly.

    ‘I want to see fairness’
    “I want to see some fairness. I want to see all these Kiwi news organisations looked after . . and these big players have the funding and the resourcing to be able to do that,” Willie Jackson told Newshub Nation.

    Some of the deals that have been done were revealed earlier this month when Google launched the local version of its News Showcase service, now available via Google’s websites and apps.

    The first Kiwi outlets ever to get regular payments from Google for that include The New Zealand Herald’s owner NZME and its subscriber subsidiary BusinessDesk, RNZ, online sites Scoop and Newsroom and the Pacific Media Network. There is also a handful of local outlets too like Crux, which serves the Southern Lakes region, and Kapiti News.

    “It’s part of our commitment to continuing to play a part in what we see as a very important shared responsibility to ensure the long term sustainability of public interest journalism in New Zealand,” Google’s local country representative Carolyn Rainsford told RNZ’s Gyles Beckford recently.

    Broadcasting Minister Willie Jackson described that as “a good start, but not enough” — while the Spinoff’s founder Duncan Grieve was also underwhelmed.

    He reckoned it was actually Willie Jackson that Google had in mind with the Showcase launch “to create a sense that Google is now a solid and public spirited ally to the news industry”.

    Deal "close" report on NZME and Google
    Deal “close” report on NZME and Google. Image: Mediawatch/RNZ

    For now, Google News Showcase is far from a comprehensive or compelling service for Kiwis. It offers nothing from our biggest national news producer Stuff or other big names in news like TVNZ and Newshub — or smaller outlets such Allied Press and The Spinoff.

    Bargaining collectively
    Several publishers — including Stuff — have banded together with the News Publishers Association to bargain collectively with Google and Meta (the parent company of Facebook).

    Earlier this year the Commerce Commission gave them permission to negotiate a deal for a 10-year period.

    So how’s that going?

    “We can’t comment much on the status, but we are engaging with the NPA,” was all Google’s regional head of partnerships Shilpa Jhunjhunwala would tell RNZ earlier this month.

    A recent report by the Judith Nielsen Institute estimate Google and Facebook paid Australian media companies about A$200m last year.


    Australia’s News Media Bargaining Code.  Video: Judith Neilson Institute
    How much might Google throw into our news media, willingly or not?

    “Unfortunately an interview won’t be possible,” Google New Zealand told Mediawatch last week (without explaining why).

    Instead they gave us a statement attributable to Caroline Rainsford, country director Google New Zealand:

    “We are proud of the launch of Google News Showcase and continuing our conversations with other local news media businesses.”

    “We can’t give you any kind of commercial numbers because they’re all commercial and in confidence,” Google’s regional head of partnerships Shilpa Jhunjhunwala told RNZ’s Gyles Beckford earlier this month.

    When pressed, she said Google’s global commitment to News Showcase was $1 billion over three years.

    “But beyond that, we’re not able to share anything specific to New Zealand,” she said.

    Why is there no deal with other New Zealand news publishers yet?

    ‘No serious offers on table’
    “Those negotiations are underway, but neither of those companies have put any serious offers on the table,” Stuff chief executive Sinead Boucher told Mediawatch.

    She said the Australian deals were their benchmark.

    “What we produce is very similar kind of content and we operate in very similar markets. We’d be looking for payments that equate to more like NZ$40 million to $50 million a year into the industry here,” she said.

    “I think the government and Minister Jackson have made clear that the government expect fair deals to be done — and that they are prepared to legislate in the near term to ensure that happens,” she said.

    “The only way to materially address this is to create an environment where we can negotiate fair commercial payment from these giant multinationals who have built their businesses entirely off content created by other people,” she said.

    “You could think of any search term and put it into Google and look down the results and see that a new story created by somebody is part of the results. What we are focused on negotiating a commercial payment for that content in the same way that you would for any other product,” she said.

    “If you invested in a car and someone started running it as a taxi, you would expect them to compensate you for that — not to build their own business without recognising your investment,” Boucher told Mediawatch.

    “Our problem is that these platforms are very reluctant to come to the table and have a fair negotiation. That’s why the sort of legislation has been needed in Australia and other countries and also here in New Zealand,” she said.

    The tale across the Tasman.

    Rod Sims
    ACCC regulator chair Rod Sims … called “the man who forced Google and Meta to pay for news.” Image: ACCC/RNZ

    The man who forced the platforms to pay up
    Rod Sims has been called “the man who forced Google and Meta to pay for news.”

    For more than a decade, he chaired the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) Australia’s competition regulator.

    “It was fraught at times, but we presented the report to government in mid-2019 and they accepted the recommendation to have a News Media Bargaining Code six months later. It was legislated in February 2021. That’s pretty quick in terms of policy development in Australia,” Sims told Mediawatch.

    “Google’s done a deal with essentially all media businesses. Meta has only done a deal with media businesses which that employ 85 percent of (Australia’s) journalists. It’s crucial that . . . it’s widely shared and you need legislation so that everybody has the ability to bargain.

    “I know for a fact that the payments were well in excess of A$200 million — so NZ $40 million to $50 million sounds absolutely the right number to be spread across all media,” he said.

    “Google and Meta were required to bargain with all eligible media businesses — and if they could not reach agreement, then arbitration would come into place. The threat of that evened up the bargaining power,” he said.

    “The second component was that if Google and Meta did a deal with one media player, then they were required under law to do a deal with all media players. So their choice was either have no media content on their platform, or do deals,” he said.

    “They chose to do deals with media companies because there’s value to them,” he said.

    Arbitration threat needed
    “I’m a bit concerned that in New Zealand you don’t have arbitration at the end of the negotiation period negotiations fail,” he said.

    A Google officer once told me struggling news media pleading for “compensation” were like redundant drivers of horse-drawn carriages and rickshaws expecting today’s taxi drivers to pay them.

    “No, that’s completely wrong. This is not like the car taking the place of the horse and carriage or smartphones taking the place of Kodak film because Google and Facebook don’t produce any journalism. So they haven’t taken the place of media, because they’re just not in the media business,” Rod Sims told Mediawatch.

    “For Google to be a good search engine, it needs to bring in media into its search just about every time. But they don’t need any particular media company. So only by the News Media Bargaining Code could you even up the bargaining power,” he said.

    “Unless we get payment for media that’s being taken and used for free, we’ll have a lot less media and less media harms society,” he said.

    “It’s not up to me to tell the New Zealand government what to do, but my advice would be to pass the Australian News Media Bargaining Code,” he said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • Detroit’s city council will soon vote on whether to spend millions in federal cash meant to ease the economic pains of the coronavirus pandemic on ShotSpotter, a controversial surveillance technology critics say is invasive, discriminatory, and fundamentally broken.

    ShotSpotter purports to do one thing very well: telling cops a gun has been fired as soon as the trigger is pulled. Using a network of microphones hitched to telephone poles, rooftops, and other urban vantage points, ShotSpotter is essentially an Alexa that listens for a bang rather than voice commands. Once the company’s black-box algorithm thinks it has identified a gunshot, it sends a recording of the sound — and the moments preceding and following it — to a team of human analysts. If these ShotSpotter staffers agree the loud noise in question is a gunshot, they relay an alert and location coordinates to police for investigation.

    At least, that’s the pitch. Despite ShotSpotter’s corporate claims of 97 percent accuracy, the technology’s efficacy has been derided as dangerously ineffective — a techno-solutionist approach to public safety. Critics contend that the system draws police scrutiny to already over-policed areas using a proprietary, secret sound detection algorithm. The technology, according to reports, regularly mistakes city noises, including fireworks and cars for gunshots, ignores actual gunshots, provides misleading evidence to prosecutors, and is subject to biases because ShotSpotter employees at times manually alter the algorithm’s findings.

    Detroit already has a $1.5 million contract with ShotSpotter, a California company, to deploy the microphones in select areas, but city officials, including Mayor Mike Duggan, insist that substantially expanding the audio surveillance network will deter gun slayings. The plan is set to go to a vote before the full city council on September 20, and local organizers are opposing the use of money meant for economic relief to expand city security contracts and beef up police surveillance.

    “The Biden administration passed the American Rescue Plan and put forth this Covid relief money to inject money into local economies and to get people back on their feet after the pandemic,” said Branden Snyder, co-director of Detroit Action, a community advocacy group that opposes the vote. “And this is doing the opposite of that. What it does is fatten the wallets of ShotSpotter.”

    Cities across the country are tapping federal recovery money to add or broaden ShotSpotter systems, NBC News reported earlier this year. Syracuse, New York, for instance, spent $171,000 on ShotSpotter, and Albuquerque, New Mexico, paid the company $3 million from the recovery fund. Should the vote pass, Detroit would be the biggest of these customers using Covid relief funds, both in terms of population and the proposed price tag for the surveillance expansion.

    ShotSpotter spokesperson Izzy Olive pointed to remarks by President Joe Biden encouraging local governments to use flexible relief funds to beef up police departments. “Some cities have chosen to use a portion of these funds for ShotSpotter’s technology,” she said. The company claims that more than 125 cities and police departments use the system and that it guarantees 90 percent efficacy within some basic parameters, according to self-reported data from police compiled by the company. Asked about Detroit’s system, Olive said the city owns the data collected by ShotSpotter. She did not comment on whether the company restricts what cities can say about it, saying only that “the contract itself is not confidential.”

    ShotSpotter’s opponents in Detroit agreed that gun violence is a serious problem but said Covid-19 relief money would be far better spent on addressing the social ills that form the basis of crime.

    “What it does is fatten the wallets of ShotSpotter.”

    “If people had jobs, money, after-school programs, housing, the things that they need, that’s going to reduce gun violence,” said Alyx Goodwin, a campaign organizer with Action Center on Race and the Economy.

    Snyder pointed to the fundamental irony of diverting public money billed as form of relief for the pandemic’s downtrodden to surveil those very same people.

    “The reason why we’re in these policing fights, as an economic justice organization, is that our members are folks who are looking for housing, rental support, looking for job access,” Snyder said. “And what we’re given instead is surveillance technology.”

    Duggan’s case for expanding the ShotSpotter contract kicked into high gear in late August when, following a mass shooting, he claimed that police could have thwarted the killings had a broader surveillance net been in place. “They very likely could have prevented two and probably three tragedies had they had an immediate notice,” Duggan said.

    The mayor’s claims echo those of the company itself, which positions the product as an antidote to rising national gun violence rates, particularly since the onset of the pandemic. ShotSpotter explicitly urges cities to tap funds from the American Rescue Plan Act, intended to salve financial hardship caused by the pandemic, to buy new surveillance microphones.

    “As the U.S. recovers from COVID-19, gun crime is surging to historically high levels,” reads a company post titled “The American Rescue Act Can Help Your Agency Fund Crime Reducing Technology.” The post refers interested municipalities to a company portal that lists resources to help navigate the procurement process, adorned with an image of a giant pile of cash, including a “FREE funding consultation with an expert who knows the process.”

    ShotSpotter even published a video webinar guiding police through the process of obtaining Covid money to buy the surveillance tech. In the video, the company’s Director of Public Safety Solutions Ron Teachman offers to personally connect interested parties with ShotSpotter’s go-to expert on federal funding, consultant and former congressional aide Amanda Wood.

    Teachman and Wood say in the video that ShotSpotter will furnish eager police with pre-drafted language to help pitch relevant elected officials. “I know you all understand the value of ShotSpotter and that’s why you’re here, but if there are other folks in your community who don’t understand it, we’re happy to sort of spoon-feed them that information,” Wood says. “We have broad language, and we can really personalize it for whatever you need.” (Olive, the ShotSpotter spokesperson, said the company was sharing publicly available information and did not comment on what efforts the company made to guide Detroit through the process of applying for funds.) 

    Wood also suggests that police enlist local groups, from grassroots organizations to medical administrators, to help with the pitch. “Those hospital CEOs are pretty well connected. So let’s use them, let’s leverage their relationships so that they’re echoing the same sort of messaging that you are … put a little pressure on those electeds and administrators.”

    Overall, the use of federal Covid money to buy microphones is described as a cakewalk. In the webinar, Teachman says, “This is as easy a federal funding source as I’ve seen.”

    Despite the objections from community groups, Biden himself outlined uses like this for Covid relief funds. “Mayors will also be able to buy crime-fighting technologies, like gunshot detection systems,” Biden said in a June 2021 address on gun violence.

    Billions in Covid aid have been spent on funding police departments, a flood of money that’s proven a boon to surveillance contractors, said Matthew Guariglia, a policy analyst with the Electronic Frontier Foundation. “For a long time already, money that has been intended for public well-being has been specifically funneled into police departments,” said Guariglia, “and specifically for surveillance equipment that maybe they didn’t have the money to fund beforehand.”

    ShotSpotter equipment overlooks the intersection of South Stony Island Avenue and East 63rd Street in Chicago on Tuesday, Aug. 10, 2021. An Associated Press investigation, based on a review of thousands of internal documents, emails, presentations and confidential contracts, along with interviews with dozens of public defenders in communities where ShotSpotter has been deployed, has identified a number of serious flaws in using ShotSpotter as evidentiary support for prosecutions. (AP Photo/Charles Rex Arbogast)

    ShotSpotter equipment overlooks the intersection of South Stony Island Avenue and East 63rd Street in Chicago, on Aug. 10, 2021.

    Photo: Charles Rex Arbogast/AP


    Detroit’s city government isn’t shying away from the notion that millions in economic stimulus money might go to ShotSpotter. The public safety section of a city website outlining how Detroit plans to use hundreds of millions in federal Covid aid mentions ShotSpotter by name, including a city-produced infomercial touting the technology’s benefits. While the clip, echoing the company’s own claims, assures Detroit residents that ShotSpotter doesn’t listen to conversations, there have been at least two documented instances of prosecutors attempting to use ambient chatter caught on ShotSpotter’s hot mics.

    Critics of Detroit’s plan said ShotSpotter doesn’t stop gun violence and exacerbates over-policing of the same struggling neighborhoods the Covid relief money was meant to help. A study published last year by Northwestern University’s MacArthur Justice Center surveyed 21 months of city data on ShotSpotter-based police deployments and “found that 89% turned up no gun-related crime and 86% led to no report of any crime at all. In less than two years, there were more than 40,000 dead-end ShotSpotter deployments.”

    City government data from Chicago and other locations using ShotSpotter revealed the same pattern over and over, according to the MacArthur Justice Center. In Atlanta, only 3 percent of ShotSpotter alerts resulted in police finding shell casings. In Dayton, Ohio, another ShotSpotter customer, “only 5% of ShotSpotter alerts led police to report incidents of any crime.” A series of academic studies into ShotSpotter’s efficacy reached the same conclusion: Loud noise alerts don’t result in fewer gun killings.

    “People don’t want gunshots in their neighborhood, period. And a microphone does not stop the gunshot.”

    Not only is ShotSpotter a waste of money, critics say, but the system menaces the very neighborhoods it claims to protect by directing armed, keyed-up police onto city blocks with the expectation of a violent confrontation. These heightened police responses occur along stark racial lines. “In Chicago, ShotSpotter is only deployed in the police districts with the highest proportion of Black and Latinx residents,” the MacArthur Justice Center found, pointing to a Chicago inspector general’s report that found ShotSpotter alerts resulted in more than 2,400 stop-and-frisks. A 2021 investigation by Motherboard found that “ShotSpotter frequently generates false alerts—and it’s deployed almost exclusively in non-white neighborhoods.”

    The concern is not hypothetical: A March 2021 ShotSpotter-triggered Chicago deployment resulted in the fatal police shooting of an unarmed 13-year-old boy, Adam Toledo. “If you have police showing up to the site of every loud noise, guns drawn, expecting a firefight, that puts a lot of pedestrians, a lot of people who lives in neighborhoods where there are loud noises, in danger,” Guariglia said.

    ShotSpotter’s claims of turn-key functionality and deterrent effect are tempting for mayors like Detroit’s Duggan, according to Snyder of Detroit Action. The politicians are eager to project a “tough on crime” image as gun violence has spiked during the pandemic. Yet Snyder said that ShotSpotter’s limited trial in Detroit has so far proven ineffective. “It actually hasn’t led to any sort of like real, significant arrests,” he said. “It actually hasn’t produced that type of success that I think many elected officials as well as the company itself are spouting.”

    An infographic created by the city claims that “ShotSpotter is saving lives!” and cites a downward trend in fatal shootings in neighborhoods where the equipment is installed. The infographic, though, provides no evidence that the technology itself was responsible for this decline and provides only one example of a ShotSpotter alert leading to a gun-related conviction in the city.

    “ShotSpotter doesn’t stop gunshots from happening,” said Goodwin of the Action Center on Race and the Economy. “People don’t want gunshots in their neighborhood, period. And a microphone does not stop the gunshot.”

    The post Detroit Cops Want $7 Million in Covid Relief Money for Surveillance Microphones appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • ANALYSIS: By Nicole Hasham, The Conversation

    The natural world is close to the heart of Britain’s new King Charles III. For decades, he has campaigned on environmental issues such as sustainability, climate change and conservation – often championing causes well before they were mainstream concerns.

    In fact, Charles was this week hailed as “possibly most significant environmentalist in history”.

    Upon his elevation to the throne, the new king is expected to be less outspoken on environmental issues. But his advocacy work have helped create a momentum that will continue regardless.

    As Prince of Wales, Charles regularly met scientists and other experts to learn more about environmental research in Britain and abroad. Here, two Australian researchers recall encounters with the new monarch that left an indelible impression.

    Nerilie Abram, Australian National University
    In 2008, I was a climate scientist working on ice cores at the British Antarctic Survey in Cambridge. On one memorable day, Prince Charles visited the facility — and I was tasked with giving him a tour.

    At the time, I had just returned from James Ross Island, near the northern tip of the Antarctic Peninsula. There, at one of the fastest warming regions on Earth, I had helped collect a 364-metre-long ice core.

    Ice cores are cylinders of ice drilled out of an ice sheet or glacier. They’re an exceptional record of past climate. In particular, they contain small bubbles of air trapped in the ice over thousands of years, telling us the past concentration of atmospheric gases.

    We started the tour by showing Prince Charles a video of how we collect ice cores. We then ventured into the -20℃ freezer and held a slice of ice core up to the lights to see the tiny, trapped bubbles of ancient atmosphere.

    Outside the freezer, we listened to the popping noises as the ice melted and the bubbles of ancient air were released into the atmosphere of the lab.

    Holding a piece of Antarctic ice is a profound experience. With a bit of imagination, you can cast your mind back to what was happening in human history when the air inside was last circulating.

    Prince Charles embraced this idea during the tour, making a connection back to the British monarch that would have been on the throne at the time.

    All this led into a discussion about climate change. Ice cores show us the natural rhythm of Earth’s climate, and the unprecedented magnitude and speed of the changes humans are now causing.

    At the time of the 2008 visit, carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere had reached 385 parts per million — around 100 parts per million higher than before the Industrial Revolution. Today we are at 417 parts per million, and still rising each year.

    In 2017, Prince Charles co-authored a book on climate change. It includes a section on ice cores, featuring the same carbon dioxide data I showed him a decade earlier.

    Last year, the royal urged Australia’s then Prime Minister Scott Morrison to attend the COP26 climate summit at Glasgow, warning of a “catastrophic” impact to the planet if the talks did not lead to rapid action.

    And in March this year, the prince sent a message of support to people devastated by floods in Queensland and New South Wales, and said:

    “Climate change is not just about rising temperatures. It is also about the increased frequency and intensity of dangerous weather events, once considered rare.”

    As prince, Charles used his position to highlight the urgency of climate change action. His efforts have helped to bring those messages to many: from young children to business people and world leaders.

    He may no longer speak as loudly on these issues as king. But his legacy will continue to drive the climate action our planet needs.

    Person in yellow raincoat stands at flooded road
    In March, the then Prince of Wales sent a message of support to flood-stricken Australians. Image: Jason O’Brien/AAP

    Peter Newman, Curtin University
    In the 1970s, being an environmentalist was lonely work. It meant years of standing up for something that people thought was a bit marginal. But even back then Prince Charles — now King Charles III — was an environmental hero, advocating on what we needed to do.

    I met the Prince of Wales in 2015. He and Camilla, the Duchess of Cornwall, visited Perth on the last leg of their Australia tour. I was among a group of Order of Australia recipients asked to meet the prince at Government House. I spoke to him about my lifelong passion – sustainability, including regenerative agriculture.

    I knew earlier in their trip, Charles had toured the orchard at Oranje Tractor Wine, an organic and sustainable wine producer on Western Australia’s south coast. The vineyard is run by my friend Murray Gomm and his partner, Pam Lincoln, and I had encouraged them over the years. They had started winning awards, and it became even more special when the prince came down and blessed it!

    The Oranje Tractor is now a net-zero-emissions venture: the carbon dioxide it sucks up from the atmosphere and into the soil is well above that emitted from its operations.

    Charles’ eyes really lit up when I mentioned the Oranje Tractor. He was trying to do similar things in his gardening and at his farms – avoiding pesticides and sucking carbon from the atmosphere back into the soil.

    Charles has that same knack the Queen had — an extraordinary ability to really listen and engage. To meet him, and see he’s been involved in sustainability as long as I have, it was validating and inspirational.

    Now he is king, Charles will be a little more constrained in his comments about environment issues. But I don’t think you can change who you are. He will just be more subtle about how he goes about it.

    Climate change is now at the forefront of the global agenda. But the world needs to accelerate its emissions reduction commitments. If we don’t move fast enough, King Charles will no doubt raise a royal eyebrow — and that’s enough.The Conversation

    Nicole Hasham, energy + environment editor, The Conversation. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

  • Remember when AFLW Carlton forward Tayla Harris got predator trolled simply for doing her job? 

    In case your memory needs jogging, back in 2019 a photograph taken by AFL Media senior photographer Michael Willson depicted Harris’ powerful kicking style, became subject to floods of vile online commentary.

    At the time, Harris correctly identified the harassment as sexual abuse on social media“. In other words, she was sustaining an injury in an unsafe workplace. And this made what happened an occupational health and safety issue – not just for her, but potentially for every athlete. 

    For anyone interested in enrolling in a full-time PhD from February 2023, the University of Canberra is offering a scholarship to research ‘Online trolling and e-safety: Women athletes and women working in the sports industry’ together with Sport Integrity Australia.

    The Information session on the Women in Sports Industry partnership scholarships, will be held in person and on-line.

    Where: Clive Price Suite (1C50) @University of Canberra When: 27 September 5:30 until 7pm AEST

    What: Meet our industry partners and researchers, hear about our research in Women in Sport, and discuss your career goals

    Register your attendance by emailing UCSportStrategy@canberra.edu.au 

    Cyberhate in Australia is no small matter. The nationally representative polling I commissioned from the Australia Institute in 2018 found the upper cost of cyberhate and online harassment to the Australian economy is $3.7 billion. That figure only counts lost income and medical expenses — so the real cost is far greater.

    The same polling also showed women were more likely to report receiving threats of sexual assault, violence or death; incitement of others to stalk or threaten them in real life; unwanted sexual messages and publication of their personal details.

    Research around the world also repeatedly finds people of colour are attacked more. It further illustrates that being both a woman and a POC makes you extra vulnerable on the Internet. 

    As I discuss in my best-selling book, Troll Hunting, we know women in the public eye – people including but not limited to: journalists, politicians and sportspeople – are frequently subject to extreme and ongoing cyberhate that leads to real-life harm. In the most egregious cases, they may be killed

    Once I started investigating and reporting on cyberhate in the Australian press back in 2015, Aussie women in sport started telling me their own stories of being hunted online.

    These women were not just elite athletes like Tayla, but also female umpires, sports journalists and administrators.

    Heather Reid was the former CEO of Capital Football in the ACT. She gave up her career because of extreme and sustained cyberhate, and her organisation did very little to support her. 

    Although Reid had her day in court and won, her life was impacted in ways the justice system could never repair. She moved away from Canberra – a city she loved – with her partner. Reid also suffered extreme, ongoing health impacts as a result of stress associated with the vitriolic and homophobic online hatred against her.  

    Back in 2015, she told me: “This is my workplace and nobody should have to put up with abuse or harassment at work.”

    One last example: Freelance sports journalist and academic Kate O’Halloran has been the target of trolls on numerous occasions. At one stage, the predator trolling was so severe, O’Hallaron found herself afraid to leave the house. 

    Like Reid, she cops abuse that not only targets her gender, but her sexuality.

    Myself and my colleagues at the University of Canberra concur with Harris, Reid and O’Halloran; we do not believe your gender – or sexuality – should make you unsafe at work (or destroy your career).

    What we would like to know is: What’s the scale of this abuse against female athletes, non-binary folks and those working in the sports industry? What forms does gendered abuse take online? Most importantly, how can we stop it?  

    Dr Catherine Ordway lectures in sports integrity and ethics at the University of Canberra. (She’ll also be your primary supervisor if you successfully win this scholarship to investigate cyberhate against female and non-binary athletes. I’m also on the advisory panel!)

    Dr Ordway says: “Cyber violence against women and girls has now being recognised as, not only a work, health and safety issue, but a broader human rights issue.  Sport was designed by and for men. 

    “The deepest level of toxic, misogynist attacks are reserved for women who ‘dare’ to play, watch and work in sport – particularly if they are non-white, non-binary, and/or non-conformist in the cis heteronormative mould of femininity”.

    C’mon. Use the email address above to register your interest. You know you want to! (And it’s important you do.)

    This PhD research is proudly supported by the 50/50 by 2030 Foundation at the University of Canberra (home of BroadAgenda, publisher of this article!)

     

    Feature image at top: Women soccer players in a team doing the plank fitness exercise in training together on a practice sports field. Picture: Shutterstock 

     

    The post Want to do a PhD about cyberhate against female athletes? appeared first on BroadAgenda.

  • Tibetan police inked a deal last month to buy over $160,000 worth of profiling kits and other supplies made by Thermo Fisher, a Massachusetts-based company that has come under fire in the past for selling similar supplies to police in Xinjiang. The deal, revealed in procurement documents published on a Chinese government website, will provide DNA kits and replacement parts for sequencers to authorities in Tibet, the site of long-standing government repression.

    “The deployment of DNA databases across the whole of China lacks elementary fundamental rights safeguards,” said Yves Moreau, a bioinformatician at Belgium’s University of Leuven who uncovered the procurement documents through the Chinese search engine Baidu. “Western suppliers should not aid and abet those abuses.”

    In October 2021, a second tender announcement shows, police in Lhasa spent $173,000 upgrading a “3500 sequencer,” a product name and price range matching Thermo Fisher’s 3500 Genetic Analyzer line. Other documents hosted on a third-party government tender site suggest that Tibetan police also bought Thermo Fisher equipment in August of last year.

    The news comes amid two reports from human rights groups describing a vast Chinese government drive to collect DNA from ethnic Tibetans. In a report published Tuesday by the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab, author Emile Dirks estimates that since 2016 authorities have taken DNA from 919,000 to 1.2 million Tibetans — a fourth to a third of the region’s population. A second report, released by Human Rights Watch last week, finds that authorities have collected blood samples from children in Tibet and surrounding regions.

    In at least one county in Tibet, according to the Citizen Lab report, authorities combined DNA testing with what they termed Covid-19 prevention efforts. Dirks, a postdoctoral fellow at Citizen Lab, said that may just be a matter of timing and that more information is needed before drawing firm conclusions. In general, DNA is collected in China through blood samples, while Covid testing is done through swabbing.

    “When the police want to engage in mass DNA collection, they’re actually very open about it,” said Dirks. Often, he added, police in China will combine projects to save time. “They may be informing the public about pandemic prevention measures, and then alongside that they’ll say, ‘OK, while you’re here, we’re going to collect some DNA.’”

    Amid stringent pandemic control measures in 2020, Dirks found, government and local media posts mentioning mass DNA collection in the region tripled.

    Thermo Fisher has been criticized in the past for selling DNA equipment to police in Xinjiang, a region in northwest China where authorities have interned an estimated 1 million Muslim Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in inhumane camps and forced others into labor. Citing what it called “fact-specific assessments,” the company said in 2019 that it would no longer sell or service DNA equipment in Xinjiang. Later that year, the Trump administration blacklisted several of the region’s police agencies.

    But there are no such restrictions in place for Tibet, where DNA collection enables research on high-altitude tolerance valued by the Chinese military, or for the rest of China, where authorities are building a massive DNA database with blood samples taken from men and boys.

    “We design our products with great care, follow rigorous trade export policies, and work with governments to contribute to good global policy overall,” Thermo Fisher spokesperson Ron O’Brien wrote in an email to The Intercept. “As the world leader in serving science, we recognize the importance of considering how our products and services are used — or may be used — by our customers.”

    The new sale documents show “that the abuses that led to the export controls against Xinjiang public security are not at all confined to Xinjiang,” Moreau told The Intercept. O’Brien said that Thermo Fisher would review the transactions The Intercept had flagged.

    For its recent report, Human Rights Watch found records of police going into Tibetan schools to collect DNA. In one case, a local police department from neighboring Qinghai province, where much of the population is ethnically Tibetan, posted on its WeChat account a photo of boys getting their fingers pricked while officers stood by. In addition to children, the report says, police are sweeping up DNA from people in Tibet’s rural areas.

    “What’s happening in Tibet is part of the authorities deepening intrusive surveillance and policing, extending all the way to local village levels in rural areas,” said Maya Wang, senior China researcher for Human Rights Watch.

    The sale of Thermo Fisher testing kits in Tibet was made by a Chinese broker, a third-party company that bundles surveillance technology and security equipment for police and other buyers. Such transactions can obscure responsibility for the flow of fraught technologies. In 2021, two years after Thermo Fisher said it would stop selling in Xinjiang, the New York Times reported that the company’s DNA equipment continued to be sold by brokers in the region. Thermo Fisher claimed at the time that it had no record of the transactions in its system.

    Last year, The Intercept reported that cellphone crackers made by the Israeli surveillance tech outfit Cellebrite continued to be sold by brokers in China, despite the company saying it had pulled out of the country. The Intercept also revealed that software and databases from the Austin-based software giant Oracle were bundled and sold to Chinese authorities as surveillance tools by brokers with close ties to Beijing.

    Thermo Fisher is not the only entity outside China implicated in the Tibetan DNA drive. At Molecular Genetics & Genomic Medicine, published by the New Jersey-based Wiley, eight editorial board members resigned last year after the journal published papers detailing genetic differences among Chinese ethnic groups, including Tibetans. One of the flagged papers listed an author from the Tibetan Public Security Bureau, the region’s major police agency.

    At the time, the board members called for an investigation and said they were dismayed at the journal’s failure to react promptly. The journal still has not retracted the papers.

    Partial DNA sequences from Tibetan men, without names attached, are also stored in a German database called the Y-Chromosome Haplotype Reference Database, which focuses on so-called Y-STR data, the unique sequences that occur on the Y chromosome. Last December, the highly regarded scientific journal Human Genetics retracted a paper based on Tibetan, Uyghur, and other partial genetic profiles in the German database.

    “You can imagine YHRD as a Google search without providing actual search results,” Sascha Willuweit, an administrator of the database, wrote in an email to The Intercept in February. YHRD recently removed ancestry information from the public database and tightened its standards for ensuring that subjects give informed consent, he added.

    The new evidence of mass testing in Tibet will likely lead to renewed pressure on Thermo Fisher, YHRD, and international journals that publish fraught genetic studies from China.

    In recent years, DNA collection has expanded globally. In Orange County, California, prosecutors were caught prying DNA samples from people accused of low-level misdemeanors, like walking a dog without a leash. Kuwait required that all citizens give DNA samples before a court struck down the law in 2017. But China has the largest collection program in the world.

    Moreau said that DNA collection in Tibet can veer into “biocolonialism,” a global problem. Because some DNA is shared across families and populations, he said, “If I start collecting DNA from members of a population, then I’m getting information about the entire population.” As a result, he added, “The notion of community needs to be made center to the notion of group harm.”

    Genetic studies of Indigenous people around the world — including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia, San people in Southern Africa, and several Native American groups in the United States — used either inadequate consent measures or none at all. In Europe, forensic geneticists have for decades collected DNA from the Roma, a persecuted minority. In Pakistan, the CIA organized a fake hepatitis B vaccination drive in an attempt to recover DNA from locals, hoping it would help lead them to Osama Bin Laden.

    Last year, the family of Henrietta Lacks, a Black cancer patient whose cells were taken in 1951 without her knowledge, sued Thermo Fisher in federal court for selling product lines derived from her cells.

    In Tibet, some see DNA collection as part of a larger campaign of erasure. “China’s mass DNA collection of Tibetans is outrageous, but it is not entirely surprising,” said Bhuchung K. Tsering, interim president of the International Campaign for Tibet. “The end goal is not simply to bring Tibetans to heel but to undermine their unique identity altogether so that their right to determine their own destiny will no longer matter.”

    The post Tibetan Police Bought Thermo Fisher DNA Equipment, Chinese Government Documents Show appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • This coverage is made possible through a partnership with Grist and WABE, Atlanta’s NPR station.

    On a sweltering Friday this summer, a who’s who of Georgia political and business figures gathered under a large tent on a dusty expanse of vacant land outside of Savannah, sipping champagne. They were waiting for the governor to confirm the week’s exciting rumor: Hyundai was going to build electric vehicles here.

    “It is my great honor to officially announce that Hyundai Motor Group will build their first dedicated electric vehicle manufacturing plant right here in this good soil in Bryan County,” Governor Brian Kemp, a Republican, announced to whoops and cheers.

    He went on to boast that 20 EV-related projects had come to Georgia since 2020, promising thousands of jobs and billions in investment. The state has actively pursued these companies, offering billions in tax breaks and other incentives to lure Hyundai, electric truck and SUV maker Rivian, EV battery maker SK Innovation, and others to Georgia. Kemp called the state “the unrivaled leader in the nation’s emerging electric mobility industry.”

    And it’s not just EVs. Solar panels have been made in Georgia since Suniva was founded out of Georgia Tech in 2008, and the industry has expanded in the last few years. The solar manufacturer Qcells opened a plant in 2019 and announced an expansion this year, and last year NanoPV announced another plant in the state.

    Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp speaks at a campaign event attended by former U.S. Vice President Mike Pence at the Cobb County International Airport on May 23, 2022 in Kennesaw, Georgia. Kemp is running for reelection against former U.S. Sen. David Perdue in tomorrow's Republican gubernatorial primary.
    Georgia Governor Brian Kemp speaks at a campaign event in May. Joe Raedle/Getty Images

    This green manufacturing boom comes even as Georgia lags on climate policies that could spur the adoption of EVs, solar panels, and other green technologies. The state has no emissions reduction goals and charges EV owners an annual fee of more than $200. The state Public Service Commission, which regulates Georgia’s largest utility and therefore most of the state’s electricity generation, has mandated more large-scale solar in the last decade but sets no overarching emissions goal for power generation. The commission recently approved more gas-fired power and put off decisions on closing coal units and expanding rooftop solar.

    Georgia isn’t alone in this disconnect. A December 2021 report by the Centers for Strategic and International Studies, or CSIS, found that many states without what it called “climate ambition,” like Texas, Louisiana, Wyoming, and South Dakota, are still pursuing the economic opportunities of clean energy. In Georgia, officials see a chance to attract new businesses that promise jobs and investment, while companies feel the lure of massive tax breaks and convenient ports to move their goods. It’s a deal that makes economic sense, regardless of climate policy.

    “Just because a state does not have targets to reduce greenhouse gas emissions itself does not mean it has no aspirations to sell its products to others that do,” the report found.

    ‘Jobs of the future’

    For economic development officials in Georgia, pursuing clean energy and tech facilities is a simple matter of reading the writing on the wall. It’s where manufacturers are investing their money.

    “We’re trying to make sure that every small town in Georgia has an opportunity to thrive and really reach the jobs of the future,” said Pat Wilson, commissioner of the state’s Department of Economic Development. “It’s imperative on us … that we go after the jobs that are going to be here for the next 50 years.”

    In the automotive industry, those jobs will be in electric vehicles, not gas-powered ones. Georgia is already home to a Kia manufacturing plant and numerous facilities that make car parts for other manufacturers, meaning a lot of Georgians work in the industry.

    “There are 55,000 Georgians whose life is really tied to an internal combustion engine,” Wilson estimated. In enticing EV companies, battery makers, and other links in the EV supply chain to the state, he said, officials are aiming to line up jobs those workers can transition to as their industry increasingly goes electric.

    The same is true in other states. “We can think about the desire to preserve some of their legacy industries,” said Morgan Higman, the author of the CSIS report on climate ambition and clean tech jobs. “There’s this sort of external market pressure.”

    Michigan, another state with strong automotive ties, recently expanded the economic development incentives it can offer to lure large-scale manufacturing projects. State lawmakers earlier this year approved a $666 million incentive for GM to make EVs and batteries there. 

    Higman’s report also identified a similar motive in states with big oil industries, like Texas, Louisiana, and Wyoming. In Louisiana, for instance, the state’s Climate Initiatives Task Force adopted a Climate Action Plan earlier this year that calls for investment in “Louisiana-based low-carbon industry through tax incentives” as well as programs to train oil and gas industry workers for clean energy jobs. In Texas, Exxon has proposed a $100 billion carbon capture and storage project that it says will need public funding, including tax breaks; local officials in Harris County have supported the idea. 

    Why build here?

    Renewable energy and electric vehicle companies list a lot of reasons for choosing states like Georgia, even though they’re not those companies’ biggest U.S. markets and they lack policies that help promote the companies’ products.

    Tax incentives are a big piece of the puzzle. Georgia offered Hyundai $1.8 billion in tax breaks and other incentives to attract its new EV plant. Rivian got a $1.5 billion incentive package for its Georgia EV plant, and battery maker SK Innovations got $300 million.

    But the state has other advantages, including a well-established manufacturing sector. For instance, in 2019, solar cell maker Qcells opened a factory in Dalton, Georgia. That region has long made and exported flooring.

    “So it’s already got a really strong manufacturing-focused workforce,” said Scott Moskowitz, head of public affairs for Qcells, which announced this year that it will expand the Dalton facility. “But it’s also just a really good place, both logistically and economically.”

    A worker moves stacks of completed solar panels ready for shipping on the assembly floor at the Qcells solar panel manufacturing facility in Dalton, Georgia. China's dominance over solar manufacturing leaves America in a vulnerable place. Now, U.S. firms are racing to revive this idled industry at home. At the center of this movement is a plant in Dalton, Georgia where solar panels are made. It is one of the only places in the US where this is happening. Is this plant an example of what is coming in the US or a vestige of a bygone manufacturing era? The stakes are high. If the U.S. can't figure out how to bring some of this supply chain back home, it could find itself boxed out of the market for the solar panels and cells desperately needed for the energy transition.
    A worker moves stacks of completed solar panels ready for shipping on the assembly floor at the Qcells solar panel manufacturing facility in Dalton, Georgia. Dustin Chambers for The Washington Post via Getty Images

    He cited Georgia Tech as a hub for training students and developing new technologies, as well as nearby ports for importing raw materials and shipping products to consumers. The Port of Savannah is the fourth-busiest container port in the country, and the Port of Brunswick is the second-busiest for roll-on/roll-off trade — in other words, shipping vehicles. 

    Those factors are specific to Georgia, but lots of red states share one advantage over their climate-ambitious counterparts: land.

    “They have a lot of dirt that’s relatively cheap. And these are big facilities,” Higman said, citing a manufacturing incentive program in Alabama that applies to facilities on a minimum of 250 acres. The new Hyundai plant in Georgia will be built on a nearly 3,000-acre “megasite.”

    “It’s a lot cheaper to do that in a place like Georgia than it is in a place like New York or California,” she said.

    ‘We’re going to need suppliers’

    While states like Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas lack their own climate goals, their fast-growing clean technology industries make them a key part of the national story. States that do have carbon emissions reduction targets need to buy their solar panels, wind turbines, and electric vehicles from somewhere. And billions of dollars of clean energy incentives in the Inflation Reduction Act, which President Joe Biden signed into law last month, are expected to further increase demand.

    “This is a great example of the capacity of states like Georgia … to play an important role in supporting the decarbonization goals of other states and even the president’s goals for our country,” Higman said. “We’re going to need suppliers of these technologies.”

    Right now, many of those suppliers are overseas. That’s creating problems in light of the ongoing, global disruption of supply chains. The COVID-19 pandemic has led to city-wide shutdowns in export hubs in Asia; shortages of dock workers, truck drivers, ships, and shipping containers; changes in the price and availability of key materials like steel and polysilicon; and an overall increase in shipping costs. Concerns about labor practices in China and alleged efforts by Chinese manufacturers to undercut U.S. solar manufacturers have added further uncertainties and delays to the solar supply chain.

    The ramping up of U.S. manufacturing won’t ease the current difficulties, Higman said, but it could help prevent similar problems in the future.

    A case for red state climate plans

    But should Georgia, and other red states, do more to nudge the market in a cleaner direction? Wilson, the Georgia economic development commissioner, doesn’t think so. He’s counting on businesses and consumers to lead the state’s transition to electric vehicles and renewable energy, not the government.

    “We have become the fifth-largest state for installed solar in the country. And the reason being is that companies are pushing for a renewable portfolio from our utilities. And companies are doing that because they’re being driven by the consumer,” Wilson said. “And so we don’t have a mandate, but we’ve created a business case.”

    Arrays of solar cells on conveyor belt at Qcells, a solar panel manufacturer in Dalton, Georgia. China's dominance over solar manufacturing leaves America in a vulnerable place. Now, U.S. firms are racing to revive this idled industry at home. At the center of this movement is a plant in Dalton, Georgia where solar panels are made. It is one of the only places in the US where this is happening. Is this plant an example of what is coming in the US or a vestige of a bygone manufacturing era? The stakes are high. If the U.S. can't figure out how to bring some of this supply chain back home, it could find itself boxed out of the market for the solar panels and cells desperately needed for the energy transition.
    Arrays of solar cells on conveyor belt at Qcells, a solar panel manufacturer in Dalton, Georgia. Dustin Chambers for The Washington Post via Getty Images

    Similarly, he expects Georgia drivers to switch to electric vehicles without the government or regulators intervening. In that case, he said, car manufacturers are going electric and so drivers will follow suit, in what he called a “business-led transition into electrification.”

    But some advocates said the state government should be doing more to speed those transitions, in addition to wooing manufacturing.

    “What we’re seeing nationwide is that the states that set the conditions to really support the adoption of electric transportation, and that are aggressively working as a state but also with their investor-owned utilities to deploy charging infrastructure at scale, is where the market is strongest,” said Stan Cross of the Southern Alliance for Clean Energy, a nonprofit advocacy group.

    Georgia leads the Southeast in charging stations and is number two in the Southeast for EV sales per capita, he said, but the region lags behind the rest of the country.

    Cross said that a climate plan that promotes electric vehicle adoption could ultimately boost Georgia’s economy. “Georgia has no skin in the oil game,” Cross said, so a hypothetical state policy to promote the transition to EVs would be as much about the state’s economy as about emissions. 

    “It’s about stopping the hemorrhage of dollars leaving the state every time you pump gas and diesel,” he said. “Keep those dollars in the state by driving electric.”

    In other words, for states that haven’t previously pushed EVs or renewable energy, a new case for climate policies is emerging that boils down to an old slogan: Buy local.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline These red states don’t want climate targets — but they do want green jobs on Sep 12, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • A Twitter spokesperson said the social media giant deleted a Carnegie Mellon University professor’s controversial tweet condemning Queen Elizabeth II on the grounds that it was “abusive.” The company defines abusive behavior as “an attempt to harass, intimidate, or silence someone else’s voice” — in this case the voice of the world’s longest-reigning monarch.

    It was a banner day for posting. As soon as news of the queen’s impending death hit Twitter, the platform was quickly dominated by a global outpouring of both grief and glee, a heated mixture of paeans to the queen’s 70-year tenure and angry denunciations of the British monarchy’s legacy of colonial violence and exploitation. Among the latter was Carnegie Mellon’s Uju Anya, an associate professor of second language acquisition. “I heard the chief monarch of a thieving raping genocidal empire is finally dying. May her pain be excruciating,” Anya tweeted.

    “We took enforcement action on the account you referenced for violating the Twitter Rules on abusive behaviour,” Twitter spokesperson Lauren Myers-Cavanagh, using the British spelling of “behavior,” wrote to The Intercept in response to a query.

    “It does highlight the power imbalances that can often exist in the way these platforms treat powerful figures.”

    The removal of the post illustrates how criticisms of powerful people, however distasteful, can be disappeared from social media sites for murky reasons. “It does highlight the power imbalances that can often exist in the way these platforms treat powerful figures,” Evelyn Douek, an assistant professor at Stanford Law School and scholar of content moderation policies, told The Intercept. “Often people in power get allowances because it’s in the public interest but people don’t for criticizing them, even though that’s often clearly in the public interest too.”

    Anya’s tweet immediately attracted widespread attention and criticism, not least because it was reproachfully quote-tweeted by Amazon founder Jeff Bezos. “This is someone supposedly working to make the world better?” the second-richest American tweeted. “I don’t think so. Wow.” Twitter users were quick to point out that Anya had recently tweeted approvingly of Chris Smalls, a rising labor leader instrumental in efforts to unionize Amazon warehouses.

    After the criticisms came pouring in, Anya, who was born in Nigeria, tweeted in defense of her remarks: “If anyone expects me to express anything but disdain for the monarch who supervised a government that sponsored the genocide that massacred and displaced half my family and the consequences of which those alive today are still trying to overcome, you can keep wishing upon a star.” (Anya did not immediately respond to The Intercept’s request for comment.)

    While the tweet was no doubt offensive to many fans of the crown in wishing suffering upon Elizabeth, the specific rule cited by Myers-Cavanagh justifying the censorship isn’t typically deployed in defense of royalty. The company claims that its ban on abusive remarks is designed to protect speech rather than delete it.

    “In order to facilitate healthy dialogue on the platform, and empower individuals to express diverse opinions and beliefs, we prohibit behavior that harasses or intimidates, or is otherwise intended to shame or degrade others,” Twitter’s online help center says. “We consider abusive behavior an attempt to harass, intimidate, or silence someone else’s voice.”

    Such speech is deleted to shield vulnerable voices from suppression. “On Twitter, you should feel safe expressing your unique point of view,” the policy reads. “We believe in freedom of expression and open dialogue, but that means little as an underlying philosophy if voices are silenced because people are afraid to speak up.”

    It is not clear how the queen of England could ever be meaningfully “silenced” or “afraid to speak up” because of an academic’s tweet. Twitter did not respond in time for publication when asked whether the “abusive behavior” policy applies to the deceased.

    The policy lays out a variety of “abusive” speech types, including “violent threats”; “content that wishes, hopes, promotes, incites, or expresses a desire for death, serious bodily harm or serious disease”; and “unwanted sexual advances.” It’s unclear which of these categories Anya’s tweet, published when its subject was on the verge of death and most likely not checking Twitter, would fall under.

    The examples of abusive behavior that Twitter provides are of the more clear-cut “I hope you get cancer and die” variety, rather than an edge case hoping that someone already near death will experience greater suffering. The policy does note that in some cases offending tweets will be deleted while sparing the account from suspension, as was the case with Anya, when “regarding certain individuals credibly accused of severe violence,” an enforcement that would seem to implicitly agree with the professor’s underlying argument against the crown.

    Douek, the Stanford professor, said that it seemed like an odd enforcement of the rule given the vast gulf in power between a professor and a monarch. “Unclear to me how the queen is going to be intimidated by that tweet,” she told The Intercept. “Surprised they stood by it, actually.”

    The post Twitter Censored Professor’s Post for “Abusive Behaviour” Toward the Queen appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Labor union officials, acting on behalf of the Communication Workers of America, blocked publication of a report critical of Microsoft’s growing and under-the-radar support for the U.S. military and intelligence agencies.

    The UNI Global Union, a global federation of labor unions that counts CWA as an affiliate, had initially commissioned a report by Tech Inquiry, an investigative nonprofit led by Jack Poulson that serves as a watchdog of the tech industry. But the labor unions suddenly backtracked after a landmark neutrality deal this summer between CWA and Microsoft in which the Seattle-based tech giant pledged not to oppose efforts by workers at Microsoft subsidiary Activision seeking to form a union.

    “Because Microsoft came out and did what they did, in terms of respecting workers rights to organize, we do not, we cannot be associated with this paper and its release,” a UNI official told Tech Inquiry, delivering the news.

    The same UNI official explained that Microsoft’s pledge to allow the process of organizing, which could mean “thousands [of workers] are able to organize unions and win collective bargaining agreements,” had placed CWA in a tough position and that higher-level CWA officials had communicated that the report could not come out. Poulson did not want to reveal the specific union official’s identity, since it was clear he was serving as a messenger.

    CWA and UNI did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The censored report, as yet unpublished, is available here.

    No workers at Activision have yet obtained a formal labor union contract, but organizing efforts are currently underway at several divisions of the company. In May, quality assurance workers at Raven Software, a division of Activision, voted to join the Game Workers Alliance, a project of CWA, in a ballot that passed with 19 of 22 votes in favor. The Microsoft pledge stands in sharp contrast to other technology giants, which have viciously opposed union drives with outside consultants and creative attempts to undermine employee support for organized labor.

    The neutrality agreement could not only improve the living standards of Activision workers with enhanced workplace protections and higher wages, but also serve as a vast financial windfall for CWA, which collects a portion of worker salaries as dues money.

    The UNI Global Union, along with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, an affiliate of the German Social Democratic Party, pledged support for the research project beginning in September 2021. Poulson, the founder of Tech Inquiry, is a former research scientist at Google who resigned from the company in protest of its secret efforts to build out a censored search engine in China. Poulson is also a contributor to The Intercept.

    The labor union official offered an apology to Tech Inquiry for pressing for the completion of the investigative project, only to censor it just prior to release. “No one could have predicted Microsoft would become, seek to become a pro-union employer, like that would have been like flying pigs, you know. I never would have predicted that,” the official said.

    The Tech Inquiry research paper compiled thousands of government contracts worldwide to detail the ways in which technology firms such as Microsoft, Amazon, IBM, Oracle, and Google have quietly transformed into major military contractors through lucrative cloud computing projects. Many of the contracts were concealed “through intermediaries rather than directly to the tech companies whose products are being purchased,” Poulson noted in the report, which he shared with The Intercept.

    The report found that many of the public-facing government disclosure websites fail to accurately report the level of militarized contracts with tech giants. More than 98 percent of Microsoft, Amazon, and Alphabet’s post-2018 awards from the U.S. federal government are from military, intelligence, or law enforcement contracts, the report further noted.

    The union official liaison from UNI noted that the report had to be killed given its focus on Microsoft. “If we had just stuck to Amazon, it would have been much simpler,” the official added.

    After releasing its neutrality agreement to CWA, Microsoft gained a new ally in its bid for regulatory approval of the merger with Activision, one of the largest gaming companies in the world. In June, Christopher Shelton, the president of CWA, sent a letter to Federal Trade Commission members, requesting that the agency not use antitrust laws to prevent Microsoft’s acquisition.

    “We now support approval of the transaction before you because Microsoft has entered an agreement with CWA to ensure the workers of Activision Blizzard have a clear path to collective bargaining,” wrote Shelton.

    CWA, known for its support of progressive causes, has pledged regulatory support for allied industries in the past. The union lobbied in favor of AT&T’s attempted merger with T-Mobile in 2011, for example. That acquisition was abandoned in the face of opposition from the Justice Department’s antitrust attorneys.

    Jon Schweppe, director of policy and government affairs at the American Principles Project, which has called for greater antitrust scrutiny of tech giants, noted that Microsoft has been less than transparent in the past about funding third-party groups to gain allies in Washington, D.C. The company’s moves to dominate the global video gaming market, he noted, have not provoked much backlash or opposition.

    Compared to Amazon and Google, Schweppe continued, Microsoft receives far less scrutiny, a dynamic he attributed to Microsoft’s subtle lobbying efforts among politicians, influential political organizations, and now unions. “Microsoft,” he added, “is incredibly effective at just making itself invisible.”

    The post Labor Union Censored Report Criticizing Microsoft’s Military Contracts appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • The following transcript has been edited for clarity.

    For decades, cooking with a gas stove has been seen as the fanciest and most enjoyable way to cook. But are we really better off with natural gas? Climate experts and professional chefs alike say that there is an alternative that could give gas a run for its money: induction stoves.

    The secret to an induction stove is that it’s basically just a big magnet. And when a pan is sitting on the stovetop, that magnetic field creates little electric currents that swirl through the pan. This heats up the pan, but leaves everything around it cool. It also means that induction stoves can heat up food in a fraction of the time for a fraction of the energy.

    But does the technology live up to its hype? Grist’s video team set out to answer two questions: How good are induction stoves for the environment? And how affordable are they for the average person?

    Each day, an average home cook using a gas stove produces about 0.95 pounds of carbon dioxide. Induction stoves, on the other hand, use electricity. And to figure out the carbon emissions of using an electric induction stove, we have to look at the grid. 

    Right now, the United States’ electric grid is powered by a mix of renewables, nuclear, and fossil fuels like coal, natural gas, and some petroleum. When you add it all up, an average home cook would produce about 0.96 pounds of carbon dioxide every day by using an electric induction stove. That means right now, an electric induction stove and a gas stove produce about the same amount of CO2.

    But those emissions could vary a lot depending on where your state or region gets its power. For example, an induction stove in renewable-heavy Vermont would be a lot cleaner than one in coal-filled West Virginia. As our grid transitions away from coal and toward renewables, induction and electric cooking is only going to get cleaner.

    There are other concerns with natural gas, too. With  natural gas stoves, that gas has to be piped into homes, and all of that natural gas infrastructure is notoriously leaky

    Electrifying your stove now is kind of like making a bet: You’re hoping that the grid is going to get a lot cleaner over the next few decades. And you’re also helping to move away from gas infrastructure entirely by disconnecting your home from natural gas. All this means there are climate benefits to switching to induction, but right now those benefits are fairly small.

    What about the financial cost? Based on an informal survey of the Lowe’s website, it’s clear that induction stoves are generally more expensive. For example, entry-level induction stoves are priced just over $1,000. Gas stoves, on the other hand, begin at just over $400. 

    Experts that we spoke to said this is mostly because of the industry’s scale. Induction stoves have only been commercially available in the U.S. for a few decades. The industry is pretty new and small, and prices should come down once the technology is more popular. 

    The passage of the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act could speed this up. Under the act, low-income households can get an electric or electric induction stove fully reimbursed, up to $840. Middle-income households can get half the price of the stove reimbursed. Still, individual states have to set up and apply for funding, so this process will take some time.

    At the moment, it costs about the same amount to run an electric stove or a gas stove. Depending on energy prices in your area in a few states, an induction stove could save you around $20 a year or cost you around $20 a year. But mostly you’re only looking at the difference of a few bucks

    Finally, if you go for an induction stove, you also might need new cookware. In order for your pots and pans to heat up, they have to contain some kind of iron compound — essentially, they have to be magnetic. So while cast iron and stainless steel pots are generally fine, aluminum or copper pots might not work as well. Basically, if a magnet sticks to the bottom of your pan, you’re in good shape.

    But there’s one final comparison to make that actually seems pretty important: gas stoves are actually terrible for people’s health. When your gas stove is on, it lets off toxic chemicals like nitrogen dioxide. Outside air pollution laws require that this chemical stay below around 100 parts per billion, but inside a gas stove or oven can easily cause nitrogen dioxide levels of up to 300 parts per billion. That’s three times as high as what would be legal outside. 

    And even brief exposure can cause breathing problems and asthma attacks in some people. One team of researchers looked at dozens of studies on the health impacts of gas stoves. They found that a child living in a home with a gas stove was 42 percent more likely to have asthma. That’s about the same risk as living in a house with a smoker. If you do decide to keep your gas stove, it’s probably worth upgrading your ventilation system. That can be expensive, but it could be really important for your family’s health. 

    Emissions from cooking overall are relatively small compared to things like transportation, travel, or home heating. If you want to limit your carbon footprint, buying an induction stove is probably not the best bang for your buck. Something like getting an electric bike, an electric vehicle, or switching your home heating system over from fossil fuels to heat pumps might go a little bit further.

    But if you love to cook and want to limit your future carbon emissions, then an induction stove could be a pretty good fit for you, especially if it means you can get rid of a gas line going to your house altogether.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline What’s the true cost of an induction stove? on Sep 7, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

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    Thomas van Ruitenbeek’s life fell apart in 2012, when a psychotic episode and a diagnosis of autism derailed his pursuit of a digital communication degree at a university in Utrecht, the Netherlands. For the better part of a year, the 25-year-old wouldn’t respond when spoken to, his father said, and his blue, wide-set eyes revealed little cognition. He rarely left his parents’ duplex and filled his time studying daily newspapers, convinced they contained secret messages. Sometimes, he worked up the energy to paint miniature figurines from the medieval fantasy-themed board game Warhammer. Mostly, he did nothing.

    The psychotic episode and the autism diagnosis locked him into a state of isolation that had been deepening since his childhood, solidifying his long-held belief that he was an outsider. Van Ruitenbeek’s parents took him to appointments with doctors and therapists. When he grew strong enough, they supported his return to work. He did simple tasks — mostly cutting and packaging yarn — at a job he obtained through the local mental health department. That was a far cry from his earlier aspirations of being a video game designer and hardly the life his parents had hoped he would have. They worried about what would happen when they grew old and could no longer look after him.

    Then, during a meeting with his coach at the mental health department in 2013, van Ruitenbeek and his parents got an unexpected bit of hope. A short distance away, a first-time entrepreneur named Peter van Hofweegen and his business partner were figuring out how to launch an education and job placement program geared toward autistic young adults who were interested in computers.

    The number of people diagnosed with autism is hard to ascertain, but the statistics that are available suggest it’s on the rise. An estimated 100,000 autistic Americans turn 18 every year, according to Drexel University’s Autism Institute, and a growing number of programs in the U.S. and elsewhere aim to employ tech-savvy autistic people.

    But van Hofweegen’s program was something different. He and his partner sought primarily to recruit socially isolated, seemingly unemployable dropouts who almost certainly would be passed over even by employers who welcome candidates with neurological differences like autism. They wanted people who couldn’t make it on their own and had been “sitting for years in their parents’ homes,” van Hofweegen said. The number of students in his program would be small, but the stakes were large. If they could be doing meaningful, sophisticated work, what kind of a model might that provide for the uncounted numbers of people with autism around the world seemingly sentenced to constricted, unproductive lives.

    The untested model drew skepticism even from other autism advocates, who viewed it as well-intentioned but overly idealistic. But van Ruitenbeek’s coach, Anita de Winter, saw it as a godsend. She had worked with hundreds of autistic adults who struggled to find meaningful work and become independent. De Winter described the program to van Ruitenbeek without betraying her enthusiasm. She didn’t want him to be disappointed if it didn’t work out.

    “This might be for someone like you,” she told him.

    Van Hofweegen’s path to autism advocacy traces back to 1996, when his first child was born. The boy, named Thijs, sustained an injury during birth and was diagnosed with cerebral palsy. Doctors told van Hofweegen and his then-wife that Thijs might never walk or talk. But with the help of specialists, he learned to both move and speak.

    Peter van Hofweegen’s son Thijs (Courtesy of Mathilde Dusol)

    Thijs went far beyond that. After proclaiming a desire to learn how to swim at age 5, and taking seven years to pass his basic swimming test, Thijs persisted through intermediate and advanced levels alongside much younger classmates. When he swam the 50-meter freestyle test to pass the advanced level, he earned a standing ovation from the other students’ parents. Van Hofweegen never forgot that moment. (He continued to ponder it even as Thijs developed into a competitive swimmer and won a silver medal in the men’s 400-meter freestyle at the Paralympic Games in 2016.) It showed what a person could accomplish with the right support and accommodations.

    While helping out at an event in 2012 for people struggling with unemployment, van Hofweegen met Frans de Bie, an IT guru and fellow volunteer. A year earlier, de Bie had sold his 40-person tech company. Like van Hofweegen, de Bie drew inspiration from his personal life. He had grown up alongside foster siblings, and he understood the transformative power of a supportive environment. He also was motivated by his son and daughter, who have dyslexia.

    The new friends hit upon an idea. Van Hofweegen had read a survey saying 20,000 Dutch people were not participating in the workforce because of their autism. Perhaps they could start an organization that would help autistic people interested in technology to find work. After more than 25 years in management roles at hotels and at a temporary-job placement agency, van Hofweegen quit his job. A short time later, in late 2013, he and de Bie incorporated an organization they called ITvitae.

    Van Hofweegen, left, with Frans de Bie (Thana Faroq for ProPublica)

    The Dutch have a saying: “God created the earth, but the Dutch created the Netherlands.” That’s because for centuries, the country’s citizens reclaimed land from the North Sea using their iconic system of dikes, canals and windmills. About a third of the country’s fertile land is below sea level. The Netherlands, half the size of South Carolina, remains among the world’s leading economies in part because its people have maximized its geographical resources.

    And so it was culturally ingrained in van Hofweegen and de Bie to maximize the country’s human resources. Partly because de Bie was familiar with the unmet demand for IT jobs in the Netherlands, a gap currently estimated at 100,000, and because the country has a robust tech sector, the co-founders wanted to focus on that area.

    The two men saw ITvitae — the name is an amalgam of “information technology” and “curriculum vitae,” which they pronounce ee-tay-vee-tay — as a way to fill tech-sector jobs and strengthen the Dutch economy as much as they considered it a social enterprise to lift up autistic people who felt excluded from the job market.

    Common traits found in autistic people often prevent them from being hired or even applying to jobs in the first place. They may struggle to interpret social cues, pause frequently when speaking, exhibit disruptive eccentricities or avoid eye contact. Yet employers have found that other characteristics make them excellent employees. They tend to be thorough and fastidious, have the ability to go deep on specific topics and focus for prolonged periods of time. Those traits lend themselves to careers in technology and cybersecurity, among many other fields.

    Van Hofweegen and de Bie envisioned a six-month course focused on preparing students to be software testers — a natural fit for autistic people, who tend to be methodical rule-followers. As the students embarked on coursework, van Hofweegen would find employers by cold-calling IT and software companies as well as by tapping the connections of his board members.

    The co-founders believed ITvitae could generate revenue primarily by charging employers a recruiting fee for each hire. De Bie believed employers would be willing to pay because the amount he proposed was less than the typical cost of specialized, third-party technical training for new or existing employees.

    The first challenge was finding students. After winding their way through various government agencies, van Hofweegen and de Bie found de Winter, who worked near where they lived. “Do you know these types of people?” van Hofweegen asked her in 2013 after laying out the vision for ITvitae. She replied, “How many do you want?”

    As the co-founders prepared to interview about 30 candidates for 11 slots, de Winter explained the potential pitfalls. Autistic people tend to process language literally, she told them, and might be unable to respond to classic prompts. The question “what do you hope to get from your time at ITvitae?” might elicit a blank stare. That’s because, to an autistic person, there’s no basis for what the outcomes of the new program might be. Alternatively, the list of answers could be endless and paralyzing. They needed something concrete and technical to discuss. So de Bie concocted a simple tool that would serve as a discussion topic and gauge applicants’ computer interest: He asked the candidates to draw maps of their home computer networks and be prepared to describe them.

    Van Hofweegen and de Bie were full of enthusiasm. But, as they continued to talk with de Winter, they realized how much they still had to learn about the very people they wanted to help. They were, perhaps, in over their heads.

    For as long as he could remember, van Ruitenbeek knew he was different but felt that he couldn’t let other people know that. It was as if he were “living undercover,” he said. He was constantly afraid that asking the wrong question would cause him to be bullied, so he never asked questions. While his twin sister played with other children, he withdrew to solitary activities, learning to design his own websites on topics ranging from outer space to dinosaurs. But his life took a darker turn after his psychotic episode in Utrecht.

    Van Ruitenbeek had planned to spend the summer day catching up on coursework when suddenly he began to feel that he was outside his own body. His vision narrowed and his mind compelled him to follow what he believed were secret hand signals made by strangers, which eventually directed him to a bar to order a draft Heineken. He then lurched outside the bar in a stupor. Van Ruitenbeek rambled in halting, slurred speech when his sister and father reached him by phone. Frantic with worry, Henk van Ruitenbeek drove through Utrecht and eventually found his son standing on a sidewalk, staring vacantly. He got him in the car and took him home.

    In the aftermath, with a new diagnosis of autism, van Ruitenbeek believed his life was over. He had thought it was not rational or even possible to set goals for himself. Then de Winter mentioned ITvitae, and he knew he badly wanted a slot there. The ITvitae interview, he later said, was “like a ticket out of my situation.” More nervous than he had ever been, he told himself: “I have to make it. I have to do my best.”

    The interview, which took place in late 2013, was difficult for everyone. Although van Hofweegen and de Bie were pleasant and upbeat, van Ruitenbeek felt he was in “hostile territory.” Then again, everything beyond his parents’ home seemed that way at the time. He stuttered severely when describing his recovery from psychosis, and it took him an uncomfortably long time to utter a single sentence. He was visibly perspiring. “This isn’t working,” de Bie thought.

    When de Bie pivoted to the network drawing and other technical questions, the interview shifted. Van Ruitenbeek stuttered less. De Bie, impressed by his remarks about website design, decided before the interview ended that van Ruitenbeek should have a space at ITvitae.

    De Bie thought it was obvious that van Ruitenbeek — and most of the other candidates — had raw computer talent. Van Hofweegen welled with tears. “What are these wonderful people doing at home?” he wondered.

    Advocates for people with autism in the United States often ask the same question. Parents of autistic teenagers describe the “cliff” of high school or college graduation, marked by the struggle to navigate the transition from years of special education and support to independent working life. Firm data is hard to come by, but some estimates suggest millions of autistic American adults are unemployed or underemployed. Of those who find work, most are in low-wage and part-time jobs, according to Drexel’s Autism Institute.

    At the same time, demand for workers with technical skills has far outpaced supply. In the cybersecurity field alone, the U.S. faces a shortfall of more than 225,000 workers, according to CyberSeek, an organization that provides job market data. The number of available tech-related jobs in the U.S. nearly doubled from 2020 to 2021, analytics company Datapeople reported.

    Over the past decade, a variety of opportunities for austistic adults in the U.S. — ranging from technical training and job placement programs in various cities, to targeted hiring and retention efforts at large employers — have aimed to bridge the tech workforce gap. But the results so far have been modest, said Michael Bernick, a San Francisco-based attorney who has written two books on employment strategies for the neurodiverse.

    That’s partly because many initiatives expect job candidates to have higher education, credentials and the ability to work with minimal support, said Bernick, who was director of the California labor department from 1999 to 2004. “They are looking for people who have significant tech skills,” he said. “Of that group, not all are college graduates, but they’re also not the long-term unemployed, sitting in their parents’ basements.” Someone like van Ruitenbeek wouldn’t have stood a chance.

    One widely publicized initiative is the Neurodiversity @ Work Employer Roundtable, a collection of about four dozen private employers — including Microsoft, SAP, Google and more — that foster neurodiversity hiring programs. Participating companies offer screening and interview processes to accommodate autistic candidates; about 1,200 neurodiverse candidates have gotten jobs with Roundtable employers over the past decade, said Neil Barnett of Microsoft, a leader of the group. Barnett, who has discussed the initiative with Bernick, hopes that Roundtable employers will continue to expand their hiring of neurodiverse candidates with a variety of skills, including outside of tech.

    Autistic adults who are interested in computers represent just a sliver of autistic job seekers, according to the national advocacy organization Autism Speaks; Bernick puts the figure around 10% to 15%. Due in part to prominent figures such as Elon Musk, who has said he has Asperger’s syndrome, which is now considered a type of autism spectrum disorder, and pop culture caricatures of socially awkward workers in Silicon Valley, the notion that autistic people inherently possess extraordinary tech competencies has become a cliché. Bernick said he once had hopes of a tech career for his own autistic son. But his son had neither uncommon skills nor a deep interest in computers.

    While the 10% to 15% estimated by Bernick may seem like a small slice relative to popular perception, efforts to employ that group are nonetheless important, especially given the dramatic need in the tech sector, advocates and researchers said. Bernick said programs in the U.S. should expand their efforts to find autistic job seekers who have computer capabilities but lack the credentials — precisely the types of people van Hofweegen and de Bie recruited for their inaugural class.

    In February 2014, after a six-month stint cutting yarn, van Ruitenbeek rode his bicycle to ITvitae’s space for the first day of class. He was nervous. In social settings, he always felt as though he were “from another planet,” he said. Here, though, he was surrounded by people who felt the same way.

    Shortly after their arrival, de Bie assigned the students to assemble the furniture they would be using. When he returned several hours later, he found they had put it together flawlessly. He asked how everyone was getting along and discovered that none of the students had bothered with introductions. De Bie was surprised and amused; he was still learning how autistic people function.

    Van Ruitenbeek and other students in ITvitae’s first class assemble furniture. (Courtesy of Frans de Bie)

    Van Hofweegen and de Bie, who refused to use the word “disability,” told the students they had “different operating systems” than the neurotypical people they grew up with. It helped to reassure them that they belonged in the classroom, and eventually the workplace, as they all began to “learn how to learn again” following what for some was years away from school, van Hofweegen said. De Bie eased the students into a school setting by leading a training on basic Microsoft programming, networking and security. That was followed by a 40-day course on software testing offered by an organization that issues certifications for technical specialties in the Netherlands.

    After only a short time, van Ruitenbeek said he began to feel “at home for the first time in my life.” He enjoyed his coursework and excelled at it. He gradually began interacting with other students as he felt more at ease and less afraid of making social mistakes. When he grumbled about commuting by bike, a classmate offered to drive him to and from ITvitae. Van Ruitenbeek gladly accepted.

    Yet, for all his progress, van Ruitenbeek continued to face obstacles. Conversation remained difficult due to his stutter, and he lacked the energy to work the 32-hour week that most employers expected of ITvitae’s graduates. Sometimes his father worried it was all too much for him. He was one of three students for whom van Hofweegen struggled to find a job.

    When the coursework drew to a close, the students took a formal exam to be certified in software testing. Van Ruitenbeek breezed through the questions, except for one that confounded him: None of the multiple choice answers were technically correct. So he selected the answer that he suspected the test-maker wanted. He picked correctly and scored 100%. “It was my first achievement,” van Ruitenbeek said. “I could do something.”

    A short time later, a director from the testing company visited ITvitae and van Hofweegen told him that a student had spotted a mistake in the exam. Van Hofweegen, who has an uncanny ability to sense an opportunity and pounce, suggested that van Ruitenbeek could be a test reviewer. The company invited him to join a small group of volunteers who look over exams for accuracy and clarity. Van Ruitenbeek readily agreed. To prepare, he plowed through a textbook on ethical hacking.

    The work led him to his next self-discovery: Ethical hacking was fun. Once unable to set goals for the future, van Ruitenbeek now dreamed of a career in cybersecurity. He would hunt for hidden vulnerabilities in software and networks, and prevent them from falling prey to malicious hackers.

    Following the success of their first class, van Hofweegen and de Bie recruited another class, then another, each with a maximum of 14 students. After the first year, with steady revenue generated mainly from fees paid by employers, the co-founders began taking salaries, and they hired additional staff. ITvitae’s mission spread to autistic job seekers and their supporters across the Netherlands.

    As the organization grew, van Hofweegen and de Bie relocated ITvitae to a floor in a former monastery, which had been converted into offices. The founders thought its tree-shaded walking paths and seclusion would impart a serenity that the students needed. The organization also began offering new courses in software development, data science and cybersecurity, all specialties in high demand. Students delighted in being able to focus exclusively on topics that fascinated them, a luxury — for many of the students, a necessity — that traditional educational settings couldn’t provide.

    Certain similarities emerged among ITvitae’s students. Before joining, nearly half had been sitting at home, unemployed and socially isolated, for longer than two years. Many passed the time playing video games and lost track of whether it was day or night. They told van Hofweegen and de Bie they felt worthless and never fit in; many reported having been bullied and struggling through periods of depression.

    ITvitae turned away about two-thirds of applicants, most frequently because of untreated mental health issues. Other candidates simply weren’t ready. One 2022 applicant said he hadn’t left his home for 10 years and spent most of his time gaming. “It was such a big thing for him to be here” for the interview, de Bie said. “But then traveling regularly, studying in a group, doing exams — that would have been too heavy for him. I had to tell him it’s not the right time.”

    Male students at ITvitae outnumber female students 10 to 1, both because autism is more prevalent in men and more likely to go undiagnosed or misdiagnosed in women. Many experience sensory challenges, such as headaches if the light is too bright or if there’s too much noise. One student was distracted by the sound of blinking eyelashes. Most struggle to varying degrees with communication.

    To help both prospective employers and job candidates work through the inevitable miscommunications, ITvitae staff members accompanied students to job interviews. Saskia Meeuwessen, who was hired as the CEO of ITvitae as it expanded, recalled joining a student at an interview for a cybersecurity job with the Dutch National Police. The interviewer asked the candidate to introduce himself. The student froze: It wasn’t a question he had practiced. Nonetheless, he was later invited for a second meeting with an interviewer who was more experienced in interacting with autistic people.

    That interviewer sat down and, with no social niceties, asked, “When I type www.google.nl, what happens?” Meeuwessen thought to herself, “Well, Google shows up, what a silly question.” But the candidate had a completely different reaction, launching into nuanced details about internet servers and connections. For 90 minutes, Meeuwessen “sat there, listening to stuff that I really didn’t understand,” she said. The candidate was hired on the spot.

    Thanks in part to its gradually sloped coastline, the Netherlands is a popular landing spot for the underwater fiber optic cables connecting the United States and Europe. Fast, reliable and inexpensive internet connectivity has fostered a flourishing tech sector. But that connectivity has negative consequences, too. Hackers who can’t rely on the fragile internet connections in their home countries use servers in the Netherlands to commit crimes.

    To counter these hackers, the Dutch National Police established an elite force called the High Tech Crime Unit, or HTCU. The unit has become renowned both for its success disrupting the operations of cyberattackers and for its innovative culture, which for years has included hiring unconventional candidates, including those with autism.

    In 2017, at van Hofweegen’s urging, the HTCU brought on a graduate from ITvitae. He proved to be an open-source intelligence wizard. Another graduate followed. Then the floodgates opened, and about 30 ITvitae graduates were eventually hired to jobs in regional police squads, where they handle data analysis, digital forensics and other technical specialties.

    The National Police’s embrace of a neurodiverse workforce extended beyond its partnership with ITvitae. Its most renowned hiring initiative for autistic employees began with a 2016 murder case.

    A 50-year-old Turkish man had been shot more than 30 times in the Dutch city of Leiden and died two days later. The National Police collected surveillance camera footage and quickly identified the suspects. Their work also seemed to link the murder to a number of cold cases in Amsterdam. The National Police took over those investigations, inheriting 1,700 hours of camera footage. Watching the tapes was a marathon of drudgery that none of the National Police detectives wanted to take on.

    One National Police detective, Jory de Groot, happened upon an idea. De Groot, who has a foster brother with Down syndrome, volunteered with a group that organized trips for young adults with disabilities. On a weekend shortly after the murder, she led a group of people with autism. De Groot, then 26, described her job to one participant on the trip and mentioned the painstaking work of watching security footage. Some autistic people excel at recognizing small details, the woman told de Groot. They might love the very task that neurotypical detectives loathe.

    De Groot then contracted four people from AutiTalent, a Dutch job placement organization for autistic people. She prepared her colleagues, advising them against asking typical get-to-know-you questions, and set up a radio-free office in a quiet corner of their building.

    When the autistic contractors arrived, the National Police detectives tested their abilities by having them watch the footage collected in the Leiden murder. The detectives had already watched the tapes, which included the days leading up to the shooting, and knew precisely when the suspects would be seen on the day of the shooting.

    Before long, one of the contractors spotted a suspect on the tape — but not when the detectives expected. The contractor found the suspect casing the crime scene the day before the attack. The detectives had missed it. “It was really important evidence that we overlooked,” de Groot said. Eventually, the two suspects were convicted in the Leiden murder.

    As word of the feat reverberated through the National Police, requests for more AutiTalent contractors flooded in. Eventually, 50 autistic people were working as “camera footage specialists,” a newly created role, across the National Police. De Groot’s original team grew to six people, who increasingly talked with one another and with their police colleagues as they became more comfortable. The contractors joined detectives from the start of investigations, rather than stepping in after they were already in progress, and took part in briefings. Additional contractors from AutiTalent became “audio specialists,” who transcribed interrogations and wiretaps.

    Jory de Groot, second from right, with her team of camera specialists (Courtesy of Jory de Groot)

    The high profile of the contractors led some members of the National Police force to speak out about their own autism, which they’d previously hidden. The outpouring prompted de Groot to work with those employees and an advocacy organization to establish an “Autism Embassy” at the National Police. Now about a dozen workplace “ambassadors” — employees with autism who volunteer for the role — offer an ear and advice to both autistic colleagues and their managers.

    The National Police’s embrace of autistic contractors has been partially driven by government-proposed targets, accompanied by subsidies, for industry and government to hire 125,000 people who have difficulty finding work because of a disability. That sort of government-centric approach is unlikely to occur in the U.S. Still, law enforcement agencies in the U.S. could draw lessons from the Dutch experiment, said Michael Bernick, the attorney who has focused on employment strategies for autistic people.

    Amid ITvitae’s successes, van Ruitenbeek was still floundering. He had enjoyed his time as a volunteer test reviewer in 2014, but it didn’t lead to a job. A subsequent internship with a computer security consultancy also didn’t land him permanent employment. Yet another internship, with an organization that maintained supercomputers, failed when he experienced a psychotic episode in late 2016.

    It happened when van Ruitenbeek was commuting to the company’s Amsterdam office by train. He knew public transportation was a stressor for him, but he thought he could push through it. He couldn’t. That day, he believed everyone on the train was talking about him. He didn’t fully lose control, as he had in Utrecht. Still, he realized he couldn’t continue to commute and work normally with the organization any longer. He quit.

    It had been more than two years since his ITvitae graduation, and van Ruitenbeek was again feeling hopeless. He mostly stayed at his parents’ home, where he tinkered with developing his own video game. He sometimes rode his bike to ITvitae’s offices — “just as a place to go,” he said — where he read books on cybersecurity and tried to ground himself.

    Van Ruitenbeek happened to be at ITvitae one day in late 2017 when Pim Takkenberg, then a director at the Dutch cybersecurity firm Northwave and a former leader of the National Police’s High Tech Crime Unit, was there. Earlier that year, Takkenberg had overseen the development of a training program for ITvitae’s cybersecurity students. During the visit, van Hofweegen, ever scouting, made a request: “Pim, I have a person here, who is extremely vulnerable but extremely brilliant. I want you to talk to him.”

    After a brief chat, Takkenberg agreed to give van Ruitenbeek a “hack test” to assess his aptitude for penetration testing. The prospect alone was enough to help van Ruitenbeek regain some hope. A few months later, on exam day, Takkenberg instructed him to find vulnerabilities in a piece of software, which hackers could exploit to attack the hypothetical client. Takkenberg jokingly warned him not to cheat. Van Ruitenbeek took him literally, assuming he meant not to research anything on the internet. In reality, using the internet would have been allowed, even expected.

    Van Ruitenbeek found the main vulnerabilities. Takkenberg was impressed but remained skeptical. Van Ruitenbeek still had trouble with conversation, and he was able to work only three days a week. Addressing the doubts, van Hofweegen said: “You want a problem solved. He communicates better with computers than with people. In a technical world, it’s not so bad.”

    Takkenberg offered him a trial six-month internship. But he needed someone who could work 40 hours a week. They found a compromise. Van Ruitenbeek would start with three days a week, then gradually increase to five days. Northwave also allowed van Ruitenbeek to work from home occasionally, a major concession before the pandemic. He went on a special diet and began exercising to improve his health and boost his energy. He was determined to have a permanent place at Northwave, where he might finally gain the independence and fulfillment he’d long chased.

    Over their nearly nine years together as business partners, van Hofweegen and de Bie proved there was space in the labor market for people who had been overlooked by employers and who previously thought themselves to be shut out of the workforce. Since 2014, ITvitae has graduated and placed nearly 500 students in technical jobs spanning sectors from agriculture to chip manufacturing to law enforcement. Bernick called that total “striking” and said, “We don’t have any company in the United States that comes near that number, even over a 10-year period.”

    De Bie’s early assessment that employers would be willing to pay a fee to hire ITvitae’s graduates proved to be right. It costs the equivalent of $30,000 to educate, coach and find employment for each student. About a third of that is generated from tuition while the remainder comes from the employer.

    As ITvitae’s Meeuwessen points out, autism doesn’t end when students gain employment. That’s why the organization provides regular coaching to help graduates navigate changes — anything from a new manager to a schedule shift — they perceive as disruptive and unsettling. “As soon as something happens, they start to doubt. If there’s doubt, they get unstable and that’s bad,” Meeuwessen said. “Most are doing just fine after many years, but it’s a process.”

    For all the success, there have been setbacks. Even with coaching, some students struggle. ITvitae occasionally hears from an employer that a former student has stopped showing up to work and hasn’t responded to messages, sometimes for weeks. “We go to their houses,” van Hofweegen said. “We knock on the door. We call the parents. And we still can’t make them understand why they need to communicate with their employers.”

    A few times, the problems have been far more dire than an inability to show up at work. De Bie keeps a photo on his desk of a talented software programmer who specialized in a language called C#. After his graduation, he was hired by a prestigious global corporation. His coach regularly checked in, and, by all appearances, his first few months at the company were successful. Then came word that the student had taken his life, one of three graduates to die by suicide. Even before graduating, the programmer had obtained an illegal drug from China with the intention of overdosing. He waited to take it. He wanted to finish his education and get a job to prove that he was capable of success. “For him, that was enough,” van Hofweegen said.

    When van Ruitenbeek started at Northwave in 2018, being in an office with other people scared him. Takkenberg knew that van Ruitenbeek wouldn’t be comfortable speaking to clients or even colleagues right away and tried to smooth the transition. He and his team organized roles that accommodated van Ruitenbeek and other ITvitae graduates “in doing the things they’re good at and not doing the stuff they really hate to do.” So, after van Ruitenbeek rooted out the vulnerabilities in a network, another colleague would meet with the client to explain the findings. Through a government program for people who need work accommodations, de Winter helped van Ruitenbeek borrow a car so he could avoid the stress of public transportation.

    Van Ruitenbeek found an accepting culture at Northwave. He began to confide in colleagues, who looked after him. As van Ruitenbeek’s trust in them grew, he started asking questions and giving more than yes and no answers. He successfully pursued a notoriously difficult, globally recognized certification for his line of work, which Takkenberg said was a “big sign” that the intern’s abilities were exceptional. Once the internship ended, Takkenberg gave him a permanent job sniffing out gaps in software that could make it vulnerable to being penetrated by malicious hackers. “He is one of the best pen-testers we have,” Takkenberg said. “Because of his talent to focus and stay focused, he always will find the small details.”

    Van Ruitenbeek in Northwave’s offices (Thana Faroq for ProPublica)

    Shortly after van Ruitenbeek started in his permanent position, he and Takkenberg discussed his goals for his first year. They decided van Ruitenbeek should find a CVE, short for common vulnerabilities and exposures, security flaws in software that are formally and publicly cataloged. Takkenberg was ecstatic when, by the midyear check-in, van Ruitenbeek had uncovered six. “OK, that goal is done,” Takkenberg said. “For the rest of the year, let’s focus on your social skills.”

    A short time later, van Ruitenbeek attended a company golf outing. Takkenberg, who retains the rough-around-the-edges demeanor of an ex-cop, joked that van Ruitenbeek would probably excel despite never having played. “We know you read eight books in a month for fun, Thomas,” he teased. “So you probably read a book about how to golf to prepare for this.” Van Ruitenbeek was able to recognize that Takkenberg was joking, something he’s sure would have eluded him in the past. It was a revelation.

    Then, during a weekend retreat with his team, van Ruitenbeek carted along some records and a record player. Music had long been a passion that allowed him to express himself when he lacked the words to do so. One evening, he worked up the courage to play records for about 15 of his colleagues. The airy, electronic music helped everyone relax. Word of his talent spread, and the next day, he found himself DJing a barbecue for Northwave’s entire cyber unit, more than 50 people.

    Takkenberg decided to splurge on a DJ booth for Northwave. He dubbed van Ruitenbeek the company’s official DJ and assigned him to play music at its Friday afternoon happy hours. Van Ruitenbeek became the center of Northwave’s social gatherings.

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    When COVID-19 hit, van Ruitenbeek found himself longing for the company of colleagues. “I mostly miss the casual chats,” he said of the days that he works from home, about half his schedule these days. “That is the biggest change of my life since Northwave,” he said. “Social development. Now I am outgoing.”

    Van Ruitenbeek has started mentoring a new autistic employee. He also began working with Northwave’s sales team to write proposals and even meet with clients. That’s not to say there aren’t challenges. But now, when the workload feels too heavy, or he senses he’s becoming over-stressed, van Ruitenbeek asks for help. “I used to think I had to shoulder it on my own,” he said.

    Van Ruitenbeek with a colleague at Northwave (Thana Faroq for ProPublica)

    Now 35, van Ruitenbeek is becoming financially independent. He received a promotion and raise. He leased his own car and, in 2021, with help from his family, van Ruitenbeek purchased a one-bedroom apartment just a short walk from them. Giving a tour of his new home, he showed off the view of a pond beyond the sliding doors of his living room. He had carefully organized scores of records on shelves below his DJ equipment. Tucked away in a corner, he displayed the artifacts of his period of isolation: shelves filled with the Warhammer figurines he painted as he recovered from his psychosis.

    If you meet van Ruitenbeek today, you wouldn’t likely guess his history. Compact and ruddy, he makes eye contact when he speaks — in fluent English when he was interviewed for this article — and is often self-deprecating and quick to smile. His easy banter with his father, a reliable source of support, encouragement and protection, was unimaginable in the aftermath of his psychosis a decade ago.

    When he entered the working world, van Ruitenbeek had to consciously mimic social behavior and speech that he observed in peers. Over time, though, being social gradually became second nature. He felt like a foreign language student who once had to rehearse sentences in his mind but eventually spoke the new language fluently.

    In April, van Ruitenbeek attended the graduation of this year’s cybersecurity class at ITvitae’s monastery, sitting among the new graduates’ families and friends on a drizzly afternoon. An ITvitae manager named Jessica van der Ploeg told the 11 new graduates, who were going on to jobs at global bank ING, consulting giant Deloitte and the Dutch Ministry of Defense, “The job market is waiting for you, for your talent and for who you are.”

    Van der Ploeg acknowledged that many incoming ITvitae students feel shut out of society because of their autism, just as van Ruitenbeek once did. Alluding to an analogy ITvitae often uses to describe the communication gap between people with autism and their neurotypical peers, she said, “It’s us Windows users who sometimes don’t know how Linux works.”

    Van Ruitenbeek listened intently. At various points in his life, he had been unable to express emotion. Now he had tears streaming down his face.

    Van Ruitenbeek with Pim Takkenberg, who brought him on at Northwave, after the ITvitae graduation ceremony (Thana Faroq for ProPublica)

    Do You Have a Tip for ProPublica? Help Us Do Journalism.

    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.

  • RNZ Pacific

    French Polynesia has voted a draft opinion for a temporary ban on seabed mining projects.

    Of the territory’s Council for the Economy, Social, Environment and Culture, 43 members vote for the proposal, while two abstained.

    The council acts as a consultant in advising and recommending during the enacting of legislation’s from the French Polynesian government.

    This is after the territory’s President, Édouard Fritch, made a resolution to ban seabed mining after the Pacific Islands Forum.

    Marine Resources Minister Heremoana Maamaatuaiahutapu told Tahiti Nui TV that this should be an example to other Pacific neighbours.

    “Kiribati, Nauru and the Cook Islands are already engaged in an exploration process,” he said.

    “We need to convince our cousins of the Pacific to stop this craziness.

    ‘We are the first’
    “We are the first country or associate member of the Forum to take this resolution on, I must say — the exploration of the seabed,” Maamaatuaiahutapu said.

    “The knowledge that we have of our seabed is only 5 percent.”

    French Polynesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) is more than 4.7 million sq km and accounts for almost half of the water surface under French jurisdiction.

    The council has been urging the government to secure resources in the seabed off France’s overseas territories.

    It said France would be negligent not to profit from this as French Polynesia has rare earths, whose reserves are held by China in a near monopoly.

    The pro-independence movement regularly challenges French control of the resource.

    ‘Solely for knowledge’

    Minerals Minister Heremoana Maamaatuaiahutapu
    Marine Resources Minister Heremoana Maamaatuaiahutapu … “if we have to examine what’s on the ocean floor, it should be solely for … knowledge.” Image: Radio1.pf

    In May, Maamaatuaiahutapu said that Wallis and Futuna, New Caledonia and French Polynesia all had the same stance on deep-sea mining — “if we have to examine what’s on the ocean floor, it should be solely for the acquisition of knowledge, not for exploitation purposes”.

    “And that has to be very clear. We want knowledge acquisition missions.

    “I dare not even say ‘exploration’ because that term is too often associated with exploitation.

    “We have 502 seamounts listed and we don’t know a single one. I think it’s important to know about the biodiversity around these seamounts beyond the minerals they house,” he said at the time.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • This story was originally published by WIRED and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. 

    If crops could feel envy, it’d be for legumes. Bean plants have a superpower. Or more accurately, they share one. They’ve developed symbiotic relationships with bacteria that process atmospheric nitrogen into a form that’s usable for those plants — an essential element for building their tissues, photosynthesizing, and generally staying healthy. This is known as nitrogen fixation. If you look at a legume’s roots, you’ll see nodules that provide these nitrogen-fixing microbes with a home and food. 

    Other crops — cereals like wheat, rice, and corn — don’t have such a deep symbiotic relationship, so farmers have to use large amounts of fertilizer to get the plants the nitrogen they need. This is very expensive. And fertilizer production is not great for the environment. It’s not easy to turn atmospheric nitrogen into a form of nitrogen that plants can absorb on their own. 

    “It takes a lot of energy and really high pressures and high temperatures,” says University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign plant biologist Angela Kent. “Bacteria do this at ambient temperatures and pressures, so they’re pretty special. While energy has been cheap, it’s been easy for us to overuse nitrogen fertilizers.” 

    Even worse, once it’s on fields, fertilizer spews nitrous oxide, which is 300 times as potent a greenhouse gas as carbon dioxide. Runoff from fields also pollutes water bodies, leading to toxic algal blooms. This is a particularly bad problem in the Midwest, where fertilizer empties into the Mississippi River and flows into the Gulf of Mexico, fueling massive blooms every summer. When those algae die, they suck the oxygen out of the water, killing any sea creatures unfortunate enough to be in the area and creating a notorious aquatic dead zone that can grow to be the size of New Jersey. Climate change is only exacerbating the problem, since warmer waters hold less oxygen to begin with. 

    Given all that nastiness, scientists have long been on a quest to reduce agriculture’s dependence on fertilizers by giving cereal crops their own nitrogen-fixing powers. And with the rise of gene-editing technology over the past few decades, that quest has been making progress. Last month, in the Plant Biotechnology Journal, researchers described a breakthrough with rice, engineering the plant to produce more compounds that encourage the growth of biofilms, which provide a cozy home for nitrogen-fixing bacteria, much like legumes provide nodules for their partner microbes.  

    “People for the last 30, 40 years have been trying to make cereals behave like legumes,” says Eduardo Blumwald, a plant biologist at the University of California, Davis who coauthored the new paper. “Evolution in that sense is very cruel. You cannot do in the lab what took millions and millions of years.”

    So what’s with the evolutionary cruelty? Why can some plants — like, say aquatic ferns — fix nitrogen while others can’t? 

    It’s not that other species don’t get nitrogen at all. Cereal grasses use nitrogen that’s already in the soil — it comes from animal manure, as well as all the life churning in the dirt. (Lots of different bacterial groups process atmospheric nitrogen, not just the legumes’ symbionts.)

    But the legumes’ bacteria grab abundant nitrogen straight from the air. 

    “When you have these nodules and you have this symbiotic relationship, it’s a much more effective way of getting atmospheric nitrogen,” says Joshua Doby, an ecologist at the University of Florida. “Because otherwise you have to wait for the bacteria and for other processes in the soil to turn it into ammonium.” 

    One theory is that the symbiotic nitrogen relationship started out long ago as a bacterial infection, and those ancestor plants derived a benefit that was carried through to future generations. Earlier this year, Doby published a study of plants throughout the United States, finding that there is a greater diversity of nitrogen-fixing species than other kinds in arid regions. That is true even if the soil isn’t nitrogen-poor. He theorizes that millions of years ago, when those areas were wetter, the plants evolved the ability to fix nitrogen, which also allowed them to grow thicker cuticles. This trait protected them against dryness when the region eventually became arid. They were pre-adapted, basically. Non-fixers, by contrast, were weeded out by rising aridity. 

    Another theory is that legumes might be consummate nitrogen-fixers because something in their genome predisposes them to building nodules.

    But before you start feeling sorry for non-fixers, constructing nodules and hosting bacteria comes at a major cost. “It turns out that it’s very energetically expensive to actually do this,” says Ryan Folk, a biodiversity scientist at Mississippi State University who coauthored the new paper with Doby. First, a legume has to build those nodules on its roots, then it has to provide sugars to the bacteria to keep them happy. 

    “It’s something like 20 to 30 percent of the legumes’ photosynthetic output actually goes to the bacteria, so it’s an extraordinary price,” he says. So even though it’s less efficient for plants to get their organic nitrogen from bacteria already in the soil, it’s also less costly because symbiotic bacteria are super needy.

    What Blumwald and his colleagues have done with rice is sort of halfway between the strategies of legumes and non-fixing plants. They sifted through compounds that the plant produces, testing which ones induced the formation of a biofilm. 

    “When bacteria form biofilms, it’s like a hippie commune — they are cozy, they are all together, they share things,” says Blumwald. 

    A complex layer of polysaccharides, proteins, and lipids covers the biofilm, which is not permeable to oxygen. That’s important because oxygen interferes with the bacteria’s fixing of nitrogen from the air — in legumes, the nodules keep the oxygen out.

    The team landed on a biofilm-boosting compound called apigenin. They then used Crispr gene editing to silence the plant’s expression of an enzyme that breaks down this apigenin, allowing more of the compound to accumulate in the plant and extrude into the soil to create a biofilm. 

    “Then the bacteria started fixing nitrogen from the air to produce ammonium that the plant can uptake,” says Blumwald. “The proportion of nitrogen-fixing versus the rest of the bacteria near the root increased.” Basically, the rice plant now had its own fertilizer factory, giving it the nitrogen-fixing power denied to it by evolution. 

    This would seem to skirt a problem with previous attempts to get cereal crops to fix their own nitrogen, says Kent, the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign plant biologist, who wasn’t involved in the research. People have tried to inoculate soils with nitrogen-fixing bacteria in the hope that the plants and microbes would form a partnership. But that’s been difficult, since the soil microbiome is a wildly complex ecosystem of competing bacteria. 

    “One thing I really liked about this paper is that it’s looking to modify the plants to make them partner with the soil microbiome better,” says Kent. “It helps to recruit the desired kind of microbes and give them a competitive advantage.”

    Interestingly, scientists previously discovered a unique variety of corn in Mexico that fixes nitrogen in a similar way. The corn’s tube-shaped roots grow above ground, sheathing themselves in a bizarre mucilage — a whole lot of dripping goo. Like the biofilm around the rice roots, this mucilage houses nitrogen-fixing bacteria. The corn study authors think it would be possible to breed this trait into commercial varieties of corn.

    Another problem with previous attempts with inoculation, Kent says, has been that the introduced bacteria can’t provide all the nitrogen the plants needed. A farmer would still have to apply fertilizer — but the over-application of fertilizer can actually overload natural nitrogen-fixers in the soil, sending them into hibernation. The field goes numb, essentially, as the beneficial microbiome shorts out. 

    A company called Pivot Bio is engineering nitrogen-fixing bacteria that don’t shut down in the presence of added nitrogen. “We break the genetic feedback loop that causes them to go into hibernation when fields get fertilized,” says Karsten Temme, the company’s CEO and cofounder.

    Today, they’re launching new products in which these microbes are applied directly to seeds of corn, wheat, and other cereals. (With earlier products, they instead sprayed the bacteria as a liquid during seed planting.) Currently, the microbes can’t supply all the nitrogen these cereals need, so farmers may still need to fertilize. But Temme says the company is improving the microbes’ efficiency. 

    “What we see is there’s going to be a progression, where today we’re supplying a fraction of that nitrogen,” he says, “and over time, we begin to supply the majority and eventually the entirety of that nitrogen the crop needs.”

    An effective biological nitrogen fixation system for rice could be “a game changer in global agriculture,” says Pallavolu Maheswara Reddy, who studies nitrogen fixation in cereals at India’s Energy and Resources Institute. That’s because the human population is growing rapidly, demanding more food and fertilizer to feed it. 

    “Since the advent of Green Revolution in the mid-1960s, the application of chemical nitrogen fertilizers boosted rice yields by 100 to 200 percent to match the demands of world population,” Reddy says. “In the next 30 years, we must produce nearly 50 percent more rice than what is currently produced to supplement the food requirements of an increasing human population.”

    But even if scientists can just reduce the amount of fertilizer needed for agriculture, the industry would be saving some of the energy it takes to manufacture the stuff while cutting both farmers’ costs and the runoff that makes it into waterways. That’ll be especially important in parts of the world where climate change is making downpours more powerful (a warmer atmosphere in general holds more water), which will wash more fertilizer off of fields. 

    And just in case you’re worried about leagues of nitrogen-fixing plants spreading out of control thanks to their new superpower, Kent says there’s nothing to fear. “We don’t see legumes taking over the world,” says Kent. Nitrogen-fixing “is probably not the trait that a plant would need for becoming a super-plant.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The long, leguminous quest to give crops nitrogen superpowers on Sep 3, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    To his more than 150,000 followers on Instagram, Dr. Martin Jugenburg is Real Dr. 6ix, a well-coiffed Toronto plastic surgeon posting images and video of his work sculpting the decolletage, tucking the tummies and lifting the faces of his primarily female clientele.

    Jugenburg’s physician-influencer tendencies led to a six-month suspension of his Ontario medical license in 2021 after he admitted to filming patient interactions and sharing images of procedures without consent. He apologized for the lapse and is currently facing a class-action lawsuit from female patients who say their privacy was violated.

    But on Spotify, Apple Music and Deezer, and in roughly a dozen sponsored posts scattered across the web, Jugenburg’s career and controversial history was eclipsed by a new identity. On those platforms, he was DJ Dr. 6ix, a house music producer who’s celebrated for his “inherent instinctual ability for music composition” and who “assures his followers that his music is absolutely unique.”

    It’s an unconvincing persona — perhaps even less so once his “music” is played. But it was enough to secure what he wanted: a verification badge for his Instagram account.

    The coveted blue tick can be difficult to obtain and is supposed to assure that anyone who bears one is who they claim to be. A ProPublica investigation determined that Jugenburg’s dubious alter ego was created as part of what appears to be the largest Instagram account verification scheme ever uncovered. With a generous greasing of cash, the operation transformed hundreds of clients into musical artists in an attempt to trick Meta, the owner of Instagram and Facebook, into verifying their accounts and hopefully paving the way to lucrative endorsements and a coveted social status.

    Since at least 2021, at least hundreds of people — including jewelers, crypto entrepreneurs, OnlyFans models and reality show TV stars — were clients of a scheme to get improperly verified as musicians on Instagram, according to the investigation’s findings and information from Meta.

    Verified Spotify profiles for MTV “Siesta Key” stars Mike Vazquez and Lexie Salameh were removed after ProPublica reached out.

    (Screenshots by ProPublica)

    In response to information provided by ProPublica and the findings of its own investigation, Meta has so far removed fraudulently applied verification badges from more than 300 Instagram profiles, and continues to review accounts. That includes the accounts of Mike Vazquez and Lexie Salameh, two stars of the MTV reality show “Siesta Key.” Rather than get verified for their TV work, they were falsely branded online as musicians in order to receive verification. They lost their badges approximately two weeks ago and did not respond to requests for comment.

    Jugenburg did not respond to a phone message left at his Toronto practice or to emails detailing evidence that he had paid for his Instagram verification. He has told media outlets he intends to vigorously defend himself against the class-action suit.

    The scheme, which likely generated millions in revenue for its operators, illustrates how easily major social, search and music platforms can be exploited to create fake personas with real-world consequences, such as monetizing a verified account. It also underscores how Instagram’s growth and cachet combines with poor customer support and lax oversight to create a thriving black market in verification services and account takedowns for hire.

    Influencers, socialites, models, businesspeople and all manner of clout chasers rely on Instagram to flaunt their lifestyle, generate income and establish a personal brand. Some influencers and models told ProPublica they face a barrage of impostor accounts trying to run scams to trick their fans. They also run the constant risk of malicious actors fabricating evidence and filing user reports to convince Instagram to ban their accounts. They see a badge as one of few options available that can help them protect their accounts and business. Others covet the blue tick as a status symbol. The result is a steady supply of well-heeled customers willing to pay five figures to get verified. (Meta is reportedly working on enhancing its customer support.)

    The verification scheme identified by ProPublica exploited music platforms like Spotify and Apple Music, as well as Google search, to create fake musician profiles. The songs uploaded to client profiles were often nothing more than basic looping beats or, in at least one case, extended periods of dead air. They credited composers with nonsense names such as “rhusgls stadlhvs” and “kukyush fhehjer.” The Meta employees tasked with reviewing the musician verification applications apparently failed to listen to the tracks or look too closely.

    The people running the scheme also purchased articles promoting fake artists and their music on websites, including hip-hop publications like The Source and ThisIs50.com, a music and culture site affiliated with rapper 50 Cent. They often bought fake comments and likes for clients’ Instagram posts to make the accounts look popular and purchased fake streams for songs on Spotify, according to two sources with direct knowledge of the operation. One source said some clients were told to rent a recording studio and post photos on Instagram that made it look like they were working on music. (The Source and ThisIs50.com did not respond to emailed requests for comment.)

    “You can make a Spotify account or Apple Music account and boost the streams and get fake music press very cheap. It’s quick and easy,” said the source, who asked not to be named due to fear of retaliation.

    A Spotify spokesperson said the company identified artificial streams, which are often generated using bots, on many of the 173 profiles provided by ProPublica. The company has removed more than 100 of the artists from its platform.

    “Fraud is an industry-wide issue that we take very seriously,” Spotify spokesperson Zachary Kozlak said. “Spotify invests heavily in automated processes and manual reviews to prevent, detect, and mitigate the impact of artificial activity on the platform. We’ve removed the content in question we found to be manipulated.”

    Apple Music did not respond to multiple requests for comment, but it has removed music from the profiles of many of the dubious artists identified by ProPublica.

    Using domain registration records, corporate and banking documents, information from online platforms, and interviews with clients and people with knowledge of the scheme, ProPublica was able to identify the person at the center of the plot. He is a Miami-based aspiring DJ and would-be crypto entrepreneur named Dillon Shamoun. With little or no interference from Meta, Shamoun built a verification-for-pay juggernaut while also burnishing his own image by using the same digital manipulation techniques he offered to clients.

    Shamoun appears to have hawked his Instagram verification services to a cadre of Miami nightlife impresarios, restaurateurs, jewelers, models and others. He also transformed his model-influencer girlfriend and his older brother, a mortgage broker, into musical artists in attempts to secure account verification.

    In phone interviews with and text messages to ProPublica, Shamoun, an athletic, bearded 26-year-old, denied any involvement in the scheme and said he does not sell account verification services. He said he works on FanVerse, a crypto startup that enables creators and influencers to sell NFTs of themselves, among other projects.

    “People know who I am and my character and what I do for business, and it has nothing to do with Facebook or Instagram,” he said.

    After being provided information by ProPublica, Meta confirmed Shamoun’s key involvement in the fake musician verification scheme. It banned him from its platforms and removed his Instagram and Facebook accounts. The company said that Shamoun’s scheme was a sophisticated operation and that Meta works to thwart the sale of fraudulent services to users of its platforms.

    “Scammers selling fraudulent services continue to target online platforms across the internet, including ours, and constantly adapt their tactics in response to industry detection methods,” said a Meta spokesperson, who asked not to be identified due to security concerns related to this story’s subject matter. “We urge people to keep vigilant and never pay for verification status because it violates our Terms. Whenever we identify a scheme like this, we take action – and that means not only will someone who’s paid for verification lose their money, they’ll lose their verification status, as well.”

    When asked if any Meta employees or contractors were involved in the scheme, the spokesperson said they can’t comment on internal personnel matters or investigations.

    A falling out between Shamoun and a business partner, combined with scrutiny from Meta and ProPublica’s investigation, has unleashed a vicious round of finger-pointing that exposed the underworld of social media manipulation and verification services.

    In response to questions from ProPublica, Shamoun said the scheme is all the work of Adam Quinn, a prominent Instagram creator who previously worked with mega-influencer and boxer Jake Paul, and who has collaborated with musicians and celebrities for online promotions. Quinn’s Instagram account had more than 2 million followers when it was removed by Meta in June. The company sent him a cease-and-desist letter that month accusing him of selling account verification services, running celebrity giveaways that inauthentically boosted followers for Instagram accounts and offering to reactivate disabled Instagram accounts for a fee.

    The Meta spokesperson said the company had collected evidence of Quinn’s involvement in selling verification services before its recent move against Shamoun for the fake musician scheme.

    In comments to ProPublica and in a legal letter sent to Meta, Quinn acknowledged he sold account verification in partnership with Shamoun. He denied being personally involved in account reactivation, and he said his giveaways were in line with Meta’s rules and did not result in fake followers. An archived version of his company’s website lists a menu of “Instagram Growth Packages” ranging up to $7,500 and promising to deliver 100,000 followers using the giveaway model.

    Quinn said he had used his connections and Instagram account to refer clients to Shamoun and had received a portion of the resulting fees. Clients typically paid $25,000 to verify an account, though Shamoun has at times charged more than $100,000, according to Quinn. He provided ProPublica with a bank document showing wire transfer information for Shamoun’s company, as well as two agreements from this year that said Quinn and Shamoun were partners in a “Social Media Verification” business. One agreement, signed in June, stipulated that Shamoun’s company was responsible for the client work to “ensure successful Verifications.” A source close to Shamoun, who asked not to be named to avoid jeopardizing their current job, verified the authenticity of the agreements but claimed Quinn was the one submitting fake musician verification requests. The language of the agreements appears to dispute this claim, as do Meta’s findings.

    ProPublica also obtained a copy of a business proposal from Shamoun’s company, Rumor LLC, that pitched a range of online marketing services, including social media verification.

    In his lawyer’s letter to Meta, Quinn denied submitting fake musician accounts to the company for verification. He said Shamoun created and controlled the process and handled the submissions. He also accused Shamoun of supplying information to Meta in an effort to get Quinn’s and Quinn’s girlfriend’s Instagram accounts removed in June.

    “I believe that I am a victim of circumstance here, being unjustly attacked by someone not only violating Meta’s terms and conditions, but abusing the system put in place to prevent people like him from doing what they do,” Quinn’s letter said.

    The implosion of the scheme has left Quinn and Shamoun banned from Instagram and other Meta platforms and has put an end to their lucrative business partnership. It has also left more than 300 recently de-verified clients angry that they paid tens of thousands of dollars for nothing.

    For his part, Shamoun insisted that any information linking him to the scheme was fabricated by Quinn in order to frame him.

    “As stated, I’m a very influential individual in Miami, that’s why I’m being framed by someone who’s now a ghost online,” he wrote.

    Shamoun said he had over 70 pages of evidence showing Quinn is responsible for the entire scheme, as well as other types of platform and account manipulation. When asked to share that evidence with ProPublica, he said he could not because he is bound by unspecified nondisclosure agreements. Shamoun also said he is working with Netflix on producing a film or series based on the documents.

    “I’m going to make something even bigger than ‘The Tinder Swindler,’” he said, citing a recent hit Netflix documentary about a scammer who dated women and made off with their money.

    Netflix did not respond to a request for comment.

    Battle for the Badge

    The criteria determining who is eligible for verification are not always clear-cut, but Instagram says accounts must be authentic, unique, complete and notable.

    Besides offering clout, a blue check mark provides social proof that the account holder is who they say they are. Verified account holders may also get access to new features before they’re available to the general public.

    Meta’s policies forbid users from selling account verification as a service and from misrepresenting their identity in order to receive a badge. But people have been selling Instagram verifications for years. A 2017 Mashable article reported that people were paying thousands for a blue tick.

    As demand for verification rose over the years, Meta developed verification criteria for various categories of people or brands, including music, fashion and entertainment. This scheme shows how those criteria can be used as a road map by people like Shamoun.

    Shamoun “had the most volume out of anybody,” said a source who has bought verification for clients and frequents the dark web chats and Telegram channels where people offering the service congregate. The source, who asked not to be named in order to protect their Instagram accounts, said Quinn’s high profile also helped bring a steady flow of clients to the operation.

    Among those clients were multiple performers on OnlyFans, a popular platform among adult entertainers who can charge users for access to members-only photos, video and communications. One model, who said she declined an offer from Shamoun to get verified, told ProPublica that OnlyFans performers in particular see value in verification. She said they are often targeted by extortion schemes whereby hackers file false reports and get a model’s Instagram accounts removed, and then offer to reactivate the account for a fee. The OnlyFans model spoke on condition that her name not be used, as she feared reprisals for speaking out.

    “A lot of people will impersonate you if you’re an OnlyFans girl and put a link up and pretend to be you” in order to scam fans, she said, adding that she feels Instagram is more strict about content posted by OnlyFans performers, and that losing an account could result in a drop in revenue.

    Making a Fake Musician

    DJ Dr. 6ix’s Spotify profile was removed after ProPublica reached out to the company.

    (Screenshot by ProPublica)

    Jugenburg’s online profile as DJ Dr. 6ix is typical of the work done by the operation: a raft of paid press articles extolling the DJ’s musical genius, false claims about his popularity and background, profiles on major music platforms like Spotify, Apple Music and Deezer, and songs that often consist of a simple looped beat.

    “Umbrella”

    On Spotify and other music platforms, Jugenburg had five songs with titles such as “Umbrella,” “Mysteries” and “Next Party.” One of the songs showed it had been streamed close to 60,000 times, but included 90 seconds of dead air and credits an apparently made-up writer: “gbfred gtfrde.” The source with direct knowledge of the operation said fake Spotify streams were bought for songs to make clients look convincing if a Meta employee ever checked. Spotify removed DJ Dr. 6ix’s profile after being contacted by ProPublica.

    DJ Dr. 6ix’s Spotify bio claimed he was featured in publications such as “EDM.com, The Source, & Billboard.” Jugenburg does not appear on EDM.com or in Billboard, but he was featured in an apparently paid article on The Source. It falsely describes him as a Los Angeles-based artist and says his song “Umbrella” has “firmly established himself as one of the most well-known musicians of his generation.”

    Articles about Dr. Martin Jugenburg’s alter ego, DJ Dr. 6ix, were placed on music websites to help get his account verified.

    (Screenshots by ProPublica)

    That same line appears in at least nine other apparently paid articles about other likely Shamoun clients. On those and other occasions documented by ProPublica, his operation apparently reused the same article text and simply swapped in different artist and song names.

    The lack of effort put into the paid articles wasn’t an accident. The operation also reused songs for clients. It was an assembly line for Instagram verification. The source with knowledge of the process said the goal was to secure a badge for a client in 30 to 45 days.

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    Anatomy of a False Verification Scheme
    Step 1

    A client creates content showing them in designer clothing, at luxury locations or in a recording studio to make them look like a musician.

    Step 2

    Spotify and Apple Music profiles are created for the client, basic songs are uploaded with album art, and fake streams are purchased to make their songs appear popular.

    Step 3

    Paid articles about the client’s songs are published to add further legitimacy.

    Step 4

    The client posts their lifestyle and music content, spacing it out over time. Engagement in the form of likes, comments and followers are purchased for the posts, providing evidence of popularity.

    Step 5

    Google’s search engine indexes the client’s music and articles, then automatically generates a “knowledge panel” that brands the person as a musical artist when someone searches for their name.

    Step 6

    In final preparation for verification, a client edits their Instagram bio, feed and highlights to emphasize their musical career.

    Step 7

    The client’s Instagram account is submitted to Meta for verification. If everything goes as planned, they’ll receive a blue check and the account protection and status it affords.

    Here’s how it worked: The first step is to have a client produce photos in lifestyle poses and situations that made them appear to be an artist or someone with a high cultural status. Client profiles reviewed by ProPublica often showed people posing in front of expensive cars, in designer clothes or near private planes. In some cases they appeared behind or near a DJ booth or in a recording studio.

    As clients produced their content, Shamoun and his small team commissioned articles and music for them. Many paid articles featuring fake artists are credited to Lost Boy Entertainment, a PR firm. Cofounder Christian Anderson confirmed that the articles placed for the fake musicians, and for Shamoun, were paid placements, or what he called “advertised press.” He said he wasn’t sure who paid for them because they were likely purchased via his company’s account on Fiverr, an online marketplace.

    “After this has been brought to our attention we are working on taking many of these articles down already. We weren’t aware of the end goal,” he said in an email.

    As for the songs, the source with knowledge of the operation said basic beats can also be purchased on Fiverr. With music in hand, the music and artist profile information was uploaded to Spotify, Apple Music and other platforms.

    Clients were then told to start posting their content on Instagram. The operation also purchased fake likes and comments on Instagram posts that featured music content. The source said they were unaware of any instances where Instagram flagged likes or comments as potentially inauthentic.

    “If you’re an Instagram employee with a heavy workload, are you really gonna check the comments on every submission?” they said.

    The source said they also worked to ensure a client’s Google search results would present them as a musician. Google itself proved helpful in this regard. Once articles and music profiles were indexed by Google’s search engine, the site generated a “knowledge panel” in search results for the person’s name. The box appears next to search main results and identifies the person as a musical artist, offering links to their online profiles and music. In the eyes of Google, the client was now a real musician.

    A Google spokesperson said that close to 80% of the 173 people identified by ProPublica as likely Shamoun clients were labeled musicians in these auto-generated knowledge panels. The company said because these individuals had profiles on Spotify and Apple and were the subjects of articles, they met the criteria to be labeled as musical artists. It’s not Google’s responsibility to determine whether the artists are legitimate, according to company spokesperson Lara Levin. As of now, these people remain marked as musical artists when you search for their names on Google.

    Google automatically generated musician “knowledge panels” for Vazquez and Salameh.

    (Screenshots by ProPublica)

    The source said Shamoun claimed his actual costs for each verification submission amounted to roughly $1,500. He typically charged clients $25,000 for each verified account, making the operation hugely profitable, they said. Meta kept approving fake musicians, and the clients kept coming.

    “Jungle”

    One client is Alfredo Troia, who sells custom jewelry out of a Pembroke Pines, Florida, shopping mall and goes by the moniker Goody the Jeweler. His verified Spotify profile had a total of seven songs and 180 monthly listeners prior to being removed by the company. While all of his music is electronic, his profile image shows him sitting next to an upright piano, reading what appears to be sheet music. Writing credits for his music list names such as “wehkuudhs wehdgjg,” “trudbkds prosbhkdfs” and “caddfhjksf probfbksd.” His song “Jungle” also sounds the same as DJ Dr. 6ix’s “Umbrella.” He did not respond to requests for comment. He lost his Instagram badge, and his music was also removed from Apple Music and Deezer.

    “Despair”

    Akop Torosian, a bakery and gym owner, had four songs on his Spotify page under the name No Limit Boss. One track, “Despair,” which sounds like an audio sample played on loop for more than four minutes, was described as an “opus” in a likely paid March article published by Muzique Magazine. (Muzique did not respond to emailed requests for comment.)

    In June, Torosian was arrested at Los Angeles International Airport on a complaint of attempted murder after he allegedly threatened one of his employees with a weapon. He pleaded not guilty in that case. The arrest came days after Torosian was accused of making racist comments about a Mexican juice vendor. In 2015, he was sentenced to three years of probation for a weapons charge related to a triple shooting. His Spotify profile was recently removed, and his Instagram badge was recently revoked by Meta. He did not respond to requests for comment.

    Several OnlyFans models were also verified as musicians. Desiree Schlotz, Hannah Palmer and Lauren Blake boast a total of 4.7 million followers on Instagram, and each had songs, music profiles and paid articles presenting them as musicians. All three lost their Instagram badges, and Spotify removed their songs. They did not respond to requests for comment.

    Nicky Gathrite and Tara Electra (whose name in corporate records is Tara Niknejad) are the co-founders of Unruly, an LA-based agency representing models and OnlyFans performers. They were also falsely verified as musicians. Both recently lost their badges.

    In a phone call, Gathrite denied any knowledge of the paid verification scheme. When asked if he’s really a musician, he said, “If you Google me you can see that I am.” Google searches on his name brought up an automatically generated knowledge panel describing him as a musical artist. Electra did not respond to a request for comment.

    Gathrite is also involved in FanVerse, the Shamoun startup that sells NFTs of models and influencers. Another partner in the company is Mike Vazquez, the “Siesta Key” star who lost his badge after being falsely verified as a musician.

    Gathrite did not respond to follow-up questions sent by email, and Vazquez also declined to comment. Shamoun did not respond to questions about his connections to Vazquez, Gathrite and Unruly.

    “From a Sales Guy to a Music Sensation”

    Shamoun seemed a natural fit to oversee the manufacturing of dubious musical artists.

    He grew up in the Detroit area and has performed as a DJ under the name “Not Dillon.” As early as 2020, he began placing paid articles to promote himself and his ambitions in the music industry. Like those discussing his clients, the articles made exaggerated or false claims about Shamoun’s accomplishments.

    “From a sales guy to a music sensation, Dillon is breaking records with his music and has established himself as an emerging name in the industry today,” reads a January 2020 article placed on an Indian news website.

    Dillon Shamoun’s verified Spotify profile was removed after ProPublica contacted the company.

    (Screenshot by ProPublica)

    Another apparently paid article from the same month on a different Indian website claimed Shamoun had “over 10 million streams on the music which he has created.” His two songs as Not Dillon on Spotify have less than 200,000 streams, and an old SoundCloud account in his name has six songs with less than 1,000 total plays. ProPublica could not find evidence of significant audience interaction on other platforms.

    Over the next two years, his questionable claims of fame and success grew.

    Back in 2020, online articles said he had played at a handful of music festivals. Shamoun’s website claimed he was involved in “branding and playing 12 of the world’s most reputable music festivals.” When he spoke to a ProPublica reporter this month, he claimed to have sold a major music festival to Live Nation. He declined to name the festival or provide additional information to back that up. It appears any supposed windfall from that sale may have been minor: Records show that a Dillon Shamoun with an address that matches public records for the aspiring DJ received a Payroll Protection Program loan of $18,540 in April 2021. Loan data lists Shamoun as working in “Marketing Consulting Services.”

    Shamoun’s personal site also claimed he has two certified gold records, and that he planned to release music with top artists Tyga and Tory Lanez in 2021. There’s no evidence of any of that. Shamoun did not reply to questions about the PPP loan or his claims about gold records and working with major artists. His website was taken offline after ProPublica reached out. Management for Tyga and Tory Lanez could not be reached for comment.

    Shamoun’s musical career exists in a haze of dubious claims, but there’s overwhelming evidence connecting him to the Instagram verification scheme, which he denies all involvement with. Multiple former clients confirmed that he sold verification services, and Shamoun is also listed in Whois records as the owner of close to 200 web domains featuring the names of people who have dubious musician profiles created by the scheme. There’s djdrsixmusic.com for the plastic surgeon, as well as melodymoralesmusic.com, the website of Shamoun’s girlfriend. She recently lost her verification badge as part of Meta’s move against fake musical artists, and her account, @mell, is no longer active. Morales’ three songs were removed by Apple and her account was taken down by Spotify after ProPublica reached out. Her website was also taken down after a reporter contacted Shamoun. In a text message, she declined to comment.

    Shamuon also owns the domain name djtylerrumor.com. His older brother Tyler Shamoun, a Detroit mortgage broker, was branded in paid articles and on Spotify and other platforms as DJ Rumor in a failed attempt to receive verification. Tyler Shamoun did not respond to emails or messages containing a detailed list of questions.

    In text messages and phone calls, Shamoun kept citing one piece of evidence against his former partner: the fact that lawyers working for Meta sent Quinn a cease-and-desist letter in June. Shamoun said the lack of action by Meta against him showed he was not involved. “If it were true, I’d be in the same predicament Meta put the actual person in,” he said, referring to Quinn.

    On Aug. 16, four days after Meta was contacted by ProPublica, the company sent Shamoun a cease-and-desist letter and banned him from its platforms for selling account verification services.

    “As a result of our investigation, we’ve sent a cease-and-desist letter and removed related fraudulent verifications on our platform,” said the Meta spokesperson.

    Days later, Shamoun messaged a prospective client with an offer: He could get their Instagram account verified for the low price of $15,000.

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  • President Joe Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act, or IRA, into law last week, unleashing hundreds of billions of dollars in tax incentives and rebates to help companies and everyday people transition to clean energy. While some of the new subsidies will expand renewable technologies like wind and solar, the law also offers generous incentives for carbon capture and storage, or CCS — projects designed to trap carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuel-fired power plants or other industrial facilities, and then pump the CO2 deep underground, preventing it from ever entering the atmosphere. 

    CCS has long been controversial due to its high price tag, a history of failed projects, and the ways it enables continued fossil fuel use. There are only a handful of facilities currently capturing carbon in the U.S., and most captured CO2 gets buried in aging oil fields, where it benefits drillers by pushing more oil to the surface. Many climate advocates are skeptical that CCS can meaningfully cut emissions, or do so in a way that doesn’t harm neighboring communities. The Climate Justice Alliance, a coalition of 82 environmental justice groups, denounced the IRA in part because of its subsidies for carbon capture.

    But while electric utilities have a lot of options for producing carbon-free power — like solar, wind, and nuclear — experts say that in other carbon-intensive industries, CCS is the most promising climate solution. “The steel industry and cement, they don’t have a very practical decarbonization option without using carbon capture equipment,” said Matt Bright, the carbon capture policy manager at the nonprofit Clean Air Task Force. That’s because steel and cement plants release CO2 from chemical reactions, not just from burning fossil fuels. “All of a sudden, the one technology that’s really viable for them is within reach,” said Bright. 

    The IRA makes key changes to 45Q, an existing tax credit for CCS, that make it much more lucrative and easier to access. Before, companies could earn up to $50 for every metric ton of CO2 sequestered — or $35 if they buried the CO2 in the process of oil extraction. Now, they can earn $85 or $60 per metric ton, respectively. (Note: The IRA tax credits also support a related technology called direct air capture, which removes carbon dioxide that has already been emitted from the atmosphere. However, this article is focused solely on carbon captured from polluting sources.)

    Companies will also have more time to develop projects. Previously they had to start construction on the capture equipment by 2026 — a tight deadline considering it can take two to three years to get financing together and complete initial project planning, according to Bright. Now the deadline is 2033. 

    The IRA also opened the door for companies with smaller tax liabilities to take advantage of 45Q by allowing the tax credit to be collected as a direct cash payment, rather than a tax deduction, for the first five years a CCS project operates. After five years, the direct pay option will expire, but the credits can then be transferred to another company with a bigger tax liability in exchange for a check. 

    A fourth change is that the IRA dramatically lowers the total amount of CO2 that a project has to capture each year to qualify for the tax credits. Bright said this would enable smaller facilities that emit less carbon to pursue CCS.

    However, there’s a chance this could lead to subsidies for large polluting plants that only capture a portion of their emissions. There’s one guardrail against that happening — for power plants, the CCS system must be designed to capture at least 75 percent of CO2 emissions from each unit of the plant it is installed on. It’s a low threshold, considering that proponents advertise that the tech can achieve upwards of 90 percent capture rates. Joe Smyth, a researcher at the nonprofit Energy and Policy Institute, also noted that past projects have failed to capture carbon at the rates they have been “designed” for. “If you’re designing for 75 percent, and it’s encountering some problems so it has to be turned off or fixed or whatever, you’re probably still going to be running the power plant,” he said. But Bright said that developers will have every incentive to capture as much as possible, since CCS is a multimillion dollar investment, and the tax credit is paid out per metric ton of carbon trapped.

    The IRA is expected to help the U.S. reduce overall emissions by about 40 percent below 2005 levels by 2030, compared with the 24 to 32 percent cuts we’re on track for today. But estimates of the role CCS will play in achieving that vary. A widely cited analysis of the IRA by the consulting firm Rhodium Group found that CCS could account for between 4 and 6 percent of that progress, and much more in the immediate years afterward. A separate analysis by researchers at Princeton University found potential for CCS to grow much faster, contributing as much as 20 percent of additional emissions cuts by 2030, and that nearly 1 billion metric tons of CO2 could be buried by that time

    The REPEAT project, led by Princeton researchers, finds that the new tax credits make CCS so financially attractive that the U.S. could be capturing and storing 200 million metric tons of carbon per year by 2030. REPEAT Project

    However, a cost estimate of the IRA conducted by a congressional research agency came to a very different conclusion. It estimated that the new CCS tax credits will cost the government $3.2 billion over the next decade. At most, that would mean sequestering a total of 53 million tons of carbon if it was all used for oil extraction, or 38 million if the CO2 was solely buried underground.

    It’s also not yet clear where CCS will take off. To date, much of the debate over CCS has centered around installing it on power plants. You might have heard of “clean coal,” a marketing campaign for carbon capture on coal-fired power plants. The Department of Energy spent hundreds of millions of dollars over the past decade to support CCS projects on coal-fired power plants in the U.S., but there is currently only one such plant operating in the world, and it’s in Canada. More recently, electric utilities have suggested they might explore CCS on natural gas power plants

    But while the Princeton group’s model predicts there will be roughly equal interest in sticking capture equipment on power plants as on other industrial facilities, the Rhodium Group analysis forecasts almost no CCS projects in the power sector. Ben King, one of the modelers at Rhodium Group, said that with provisions in the IRA for wind and solar, plus a new tax credit for keeping nuclear plants online, the 45Q subsidy just doesn’t make coal or natural gas plants with CCS cheap enough to compete. 

    bar graph showing carbon capture growing to about 100 million metric tons by 2030
    Rhodium Group found that the IRA could spur approximately 100 million metric tons of CCS annually by 2030, and much more in the years after — but found it unlikely CCS would take off in the power sector. Rhodium Group

    Of course, there are a number of factors the models don’t or cannot take into account. Smyth, from the Energy and Policy Institute, a watchdog for the utility industry, said that in states like Wyoming and West Virginia where the fossil fuel sector is central to the economy, power plant owners will face pressure from elected officials to pursue carbon capture, even when it doesn’t make sense financially.

    In a letter defending the IRA to the West Virginia Coal Association, Senator Joe Manchin, a key architect of the bill, wrote that he “fought for and delivered billions of dollars to help the coal industry transition by investing in the technologies necessary to continue using coal as a reliable source of power generation.” He argued that the direct pay option for CCS tax credits gave it an advantage over renewables.

    Smyth said coal CCS projects come with a “whole host of concerns that are not addressed, and in some cases are exacerbated by carbon capture.” For example, even if the capture system works perfectly, it can lead to increased coal mining in order to power the carbon capture equipment. Burning that extra coal means producing more coal ash, a toxic waste product, and using more water to cool the plant. Depending on the other pollution controls installed on the facility, it can also mean creating more air pollution — which is likely to disproportionately harm Black and low-income people

    According to Smyth, the biggest determinant of whether “clean coal” lives or dies will be new pollution regulations that the Environmental Protection Agency will propose next year for coal power plants. The cost of compliance might be enough to end coal-fired electricity altogether. 

    In hard-to-decarbonize industries, the margins for CCS will still be tight. Bright said that estimates for capturing carbon at a cement plant, transporting it to where it can be pumped underground, and injecting it, fall in the $65 to $100 range per metric ton of CO2. For steel, they are in the $80 to $90 range. That means the tax credit may not fully cover the costs of CCS. These industries might face pressure from investors to decarbonize, but in most cases have no legal obligation to cut carbon.

    And perhaps most importantly, the rosy forecasts for CCS do not account for a significant unknown moving forward: To make CCS work, developers not only need to install the capture equipment, but to build potentially thousands of miles of pipelines to transport the CO2 and injection wells to send it underground. “Can that happen? Like is that going to happen to the degree necessary to enable the level of deployment that we’re seeing in our modeling? I think that’s probably one of the biggest questions,” said King.

    Right now, farmers and environmental groups in the Midwest are fighting to stop carbon capture companies from building CO2 pipelines. In Louisiana, where Black communities live in the shadow of refineries, chemical plants, and other polluting facilities, people would rather see those plants shut down than maintained with carbon capture equipment. Tamara Toles O’Laughlin, CEO of the Environmental Grantmakers Association and a prominent climate justice advocate, is worried that communities won’t have the power to decide whether or not they host these projects. She said that vulnerable people “are going to need a platform, information, and resources to make decisions about carbon capture amongst options, which should include a bigger share of keeping it in the ground.”

    Opposing forces are at work here: In February, the White House Council on Environmental Quality issued guidance to government agencies to ensure that carbon capture “is done in a responsible manner that incorporates the input of communities.” However, Manchin only agreed to vote for the IRA because of a side deal to advance legislation that will ease the permitting process for energy projects, potentially limiting community engagement.

    “It is concerning that the first climate bill in U.S. history invests so much of the peoples’ risk capital in carbon capture,” said O’Laughlin. “Tax credits will increase the number of speculators in the space, ramp up the number of experiments and create a wave of places where communities will have to advocate for themselves to separate the grifters and greenwashers from real community benefits.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Will the Inflation Reduction Act jumpstart carbon capture? on Aug 22, 2022.

  • It took a few years of tolerable incompetence, caused fears about security, and was meant to be the great surveillance salvation to reassure us all.  Instead, Australia’s COVIDSafe App only identified two positive cases of infection during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, and failed, in every sense of the term, to work.

    Launched in April 2020, this AU$21 million platform was heralded as a great tool for pandemic surveillance.  It was one of many such digital responses used by countries to combat viral transmission.  China adopted the Alipay Health Code app, which shares location data with police authorities.  Users receive various codes denoting status: red for those needing to spend two weeks in isolation; yellow for those needing to self-quarantine; and green for those able to move about freely.  India has Aarogya Setu; England and Wales, the NHS COVID-19 app.

    As Privacy International observes, the spread of these apps, some voluntarily applied, others not, had a range of consequences.  Data might be generated without the user’s involvement.  Data might also be lifted from the relevant device.  Some apps might store data locally or convey it to servers.  “And they can leak data to analytics firms and social media platforms.”

    COVIDSafe relied on Bluetooth signals transmitted at intervals to nearby users, with those testing positive would trigger a process by which state and territory authorities could request access to the phone to identify other potential infections.  The close contacts would have to be within 1.5 metres of each other for at least 15 minutes.  In principle, this was meant to lead to improved contact tracing, more effective isolation protocols and enable more restrictive measures to be eased.

    From the start, the project seemed plagued.  There were questions about the exposure window and how viable it was, notably in the face of more infectious variants.  There were concerns that user data in the national data store could become accessible to the US government, given the awarding of the data-storage contract to Amazon Web Services (AWS), a cloud subsidiary of Amazon.  By the end of April 2020, 3 million Australians had downloaded the app.  In total, there were 7.9 million downloads.  The measure of success for the program, in other words, became one of downloading an app rather than its supposed effectiveness.

    Users were assured that little needed to be done for the app to successfully operate.  “Your phone does not need to be unlocked for the app to work,” Minister for Government Services Stuart Robert claimed in an unconvincing statement.  Users were also encouraged to “have the app running in the background when they are coming into contact with others.”  This betrayed a lack of technological savvy habitual among cabinet ministers.

    In the view of the Minister for Social Services Anne Ruston, the app was part of an effort to empower Australians “to proactively limit the spread of the coronavirus and protect the community.”  Having such a mechanism in place would “help protect the lives and health of the Australian community to make sure that we are in a position to quickly respond and be able to trace people if they have come into contact with somebody who has the virus.”

    But the government’s own assessments revealed that the app only worked effectively on locked iPhones about a quarter of the time, if that.  As of late April 2020, documents from the Digital Transformation Agency found that the app’s qualities in communicating between two locked iPhones was “poor”.  The same finding was made for encounters between locked Android to iOS services and active Android to locked iOS devices.

    The rating for unlocked or active iPhone-to-iPhone encounters was, by way of contrast, “excellent”, logging in a success rate of 80-100 per cent.  But the latter rate was fairly meaningless, given that iPhone users are, for reasons of privacy, encouraged to maintain a default lock setting.

    With COVIDSafe’s effectiveness coming into question, the strategy of the Morrison government moved from the silver bullet to the general plan.  The digital tool was to be but one element in the overall battle against the pandemic, complementing, in Ruston’s words, “the existing manual process by which we currently trace and track people.”  It could be likened to, as Prime Minister Scott Morrison did with trivialising ease, donning sunscreen before heading out the door.

    A subsequent government report into the app, released on July 29th, 2021, chose to avoid some of the more glaring problems in the enterprise.  Even then, the authors had to concede that COVIDSafe was “rarely” resorted to by public health officials “except to confirm cases identified through manual processes.”  This, the reasoning went, was due to low rates of community transmission and formidable manual contact tracing.  The app’s failure, in other words, was a sign of the country’s success.

    A less than flattering counter report by software developers Richard Nelson, Jim Mussared and Geoffrey Huntley, along with cryptographer Vanessa Teague, noted a lack of “deep discussion of changes made throughout the app’s development which heavily impacted efficacy, and fails to disclose key information such as the number of active users of the application.”

    This stood in sharp contrast to the peer-reviewed study, published in Nature, which considered the epidemiological impact of the NHS COVID-19 app developed in the UK.  In that case the National Health Service abandoned initial connection methods based on Bluetooth, implementing, instead, Apple and Google’s Exposure Notification Framework.

    As the critical multi-authored study of COVIDSafe concludes, “Almost all of the serious security bugs, privacy issues, and bugs affecting efficacy that were present could have all been avoided by using the Exposure Notification Framework, keeping public perception  high.”

    A few spluttering apologias can be found in defence of the app.  One effort can be found in that dullest of fora, The Conversation.  That contribution, sterilised and pasteurised, tries to be optimistic about a profligate, failed exercise.  “One of the goals of COVIDSafe was to automate the manual work, to help the efforts of contact tracers at scale.  This goal was achieved, although the value and effectiveness are questionable, as we discuss below.”

    Then comes the following, which suggests a lamentable ignorance of the implications of surveillance.  “Getting so many Australians to download new and contested technology is an unparalleled achievement.  While the number of downloads doesn’t tell us how many people were actively using the app, it shows some success in getting people to at least download and engage with it.”

    This relish for technological utopia can only take us so far before disgust sets in.  The issue for such believers is not how good the effort was, but the fact that it was tried by the unsuspecting.  And not only that, “COVIDSafe struck a balance between being aesthetic and relatively easy to use.”

    In future, those in the business of dolling out such health initiatives should think more carefully.  These systems may be intended to keep public trust afloat but can have quite the opposite effect.  Ultimately, the proof of COVIDSafe’s great demise can be found in the number of individuals who consented to having their data added to the National COVIDSafe Data Store for reasons of contact tracing.  While there were 7.9 million registrations of the app between April 2020 and May 2022, fewer than 800 gave consent to that measure.  As Australia’s current health minister, Mark Butler, opined, the entire endeavour was a monumental waste.

    The post Stumbling Surveillance: The end of the COVIDSafe App first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Apps were found to be transmitting users’ information in an unauthorised manner to servers located outside the country

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • United Kingdom-based startup Clean Food Group has completed a £1.65 million (US$2 million) seed funding round that will bring the company one step closer to producing a viable yeast-based alternative to palm oil. The cultured (or lab-grown) alternative has the potential to reduce the detrimental environmental impact of palm-based ingredients that includes massive global deforestation and the resulting destruction of wildlife habitats for endangered species such as the orangutan, pygmy elephant, and Sumatran rhino.

    The investment in Clean Food Group was led by Agronomics—which has also backed companies such as VitroLabs, a cultured leather startup that aims to take animals out of the leather-making process—holding a 35 percent interest in the company along with SEED Innovations Limited, a global food and beverage company, as well as venture capital investors. In addition, billionaire Jim Mellon has joined the board of Clean Food Group following the investment by Agronomics.

    “With this funding round now successfully completed, we are not only well capitalized to complete the next stage of our corporate development, but are also well placed to take the next step on the path to bringing our palm oil alternative—an ingredient with the potential to solve substantial environmental, food security, health, and working environment challenges within the incumbent palm oil supply chain—to market,” Alex Neves, co-founder and CEO of Clean Food Group, said in a statement.

    Why is palm oil so harmful? 

    Palm oil—an industry that is estimated to be worth $65 billion—is used in a number of everyday products such as food, clothes, shampoo, cosmetics, and fuel and is associated with deforestation of rainforests from Costa Rica to Indonesia to make way for palm tree plantations, releasing carbon dioxide into the atmosphere and destroying habitats for people and endangered wild animals along the way. 

    VegNews.PalmOilPlantation.Peter Prokosch

    Peter Prokosch

    This deforestation leaves the orangutan and thousands of other species without a home. Consequently, their ability to survive is greatly affected: The orangutans are isolated within small enclaves of the rainforests, unable to forage for food, and too close to humans. Additionally, the forest is often burnt after having been cleared which can start uncontrollable forest fires and destroy even more of the forest. For orangutans alone, it is estimated that between 1,000 to 5,000 are killed every year in palm oil concessions.

    A sustainable palm oil alternative

    Clean Food Group was founded in 2021 by Neves and Ed McDermott with the mission to solve the environmental crisis caused by the production of palm oil. The startup makes its yeast-based alternative using fermentation, a process that is similar to that of beer making. It ferments a proprietary natural yeast that contains oils, proteins, and other ingredients using food stocks that would otherwise go to waste in a sustainable and circular process. The startup then separates the ingredients and sells them for use in food and cosmetic products. 

    Taking on the palm oil industry is no small feat. Currently, palm-based ingredients are used in nearly 50 percent of packaged products globally. To provide an alternative for such a massive market, Clean Food Group is relying on a combination of cutting-edge tech, strategic partnerships, and impact investment. Earlier this year, the startup acquired relevant intellectual property from the University of Bath, where the technology has been developed over the last eight years by Professor Chris Chuck and his team. Prior to the acquisition, more than $5 million was spent to develop the technology to the stage where it is ready for scale-up and commercialization.

    Now with the intellectual property rights to the technology, the startup has initiated a two-year collaboration agreement with the University of Bath. Additionally, Chuck, the lead developer of the product, has joined the team as a technical advisor and leads a team of scientists at a dedicated Clean Food Group laboratory and pilot plant at the University of Bath.

    VegNews.CulturedPalmOil.CleanFoodGroup

    Laurie Lapworth / University of Bath

    “Our dependence on palm oil comes at a great environmental cost,” Chuck said in a statement. “We’ve worked over many years to create robust palm oil alternatives that give us a real chance to cut the impact of a range of products that until now have only been possible to produce with palm oil and the deforestation, pollution, and emissions that come with it.”

    Clean Food Group is not the first company to attempt to provide a sustainable solution to palm oil. In 2019, startup C16 Biosciences developed a lab-grown alternative to palm oil also using yeast, which grows in tap water and feeds off a feedstock or carbon source to multiply. Given the wide use of palm oil in products, the company is concentrating its efforts to replace the use of palm oil in a small portion of the market, starting with the skincare and cosmetics industries. 

    “Fermentation is a well-proven commercial process that has been used for centuries to convert raw materials into consumable commercial products consumed by billions of people every day,” C16’s website says. “We believe that brewing palm oil like beer is the best and most likely path to developing a truly sustainable palm oil alternative.”

    For the latest vegan news, read:
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  • Industry and Science Minister Ed Husic will convene a special tech industry roundtable to decide on urgent action to address growth inhibiting skills shortages across the sector. Mr Husic said he would invite representation from groups ranging from the Tech Council of Australia, the Australian Information Industry Association, and the Australian Computer Society to provide…

    The post Labor’s Husic to convene tech skills roundtable appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

  • Training materials reviewed by The Intercept confirm that Google is offering advanced artificial intelligence and machine-learning capabilities to the Israeli government through its controversial “Project Nimbus” contract. The Israeli Finance Ministry announced the contract in April 2021 for a $1.2 billion cloud computing system jointly built by Google and Amazon. “The project is intended to provide the government, the defense establishment and others with an all-encompassing cloud solution,” the ministry said in its announcement.

    Google engineers have spent the time since worrying whether their efforts would inadvertently bolster the ongoing Israeli military occupation of Palestine. In 2021, both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International formally accused Israel of committing crimes against humanity by maintaining an apartheid system against Palestinians. While the Israeli military and security services already rely on a sophisticated system of computerized surveillance, the sophistication of Google’s data analysis offerings could worsen the increasingly data-driven military occupation.

    According to a trove of training documents and videos obtained by The Intercept through a publicly accessible educational portal intended for Nimbus users, Google is providing the Israeli government with the full suite of machine-learning and AI tools available through Google Cloud Platform. While they provide no specifics as to how Nimbus will be used, the documents indicate that the new cloud would give Israel capabilities for facial detection, automated image categorization, object tracking, and even sentiment analysis that claims to assess the emotional content of pictures, speech, and writing. The Nimbus materials referenced agency-specific trainings available to government personnel through the online learning service Coursera, citing the Ministry of Defense as an example.

    A slide presented to Nimbus users illustrating Google image recognition technology.

    A slide presented to Nimbus users illustrating Google image recognition technology.

    Credit: Google


    Jack Poulson, director of the watchdog group Tech Inquiry, shared the portal’s address with The Intercept after finding it cited in Israeli contracting documents.

    “The former head of Security for Google Enterprise — who now heads Oracle’s Israel branch — has publicly argued that one of the goals of Nimbus is preventing the German government from requesting data relating on the Israel Defence Forces for the International Criminal Court,” said Poulson, who resigned in protest from his job as a research scientist at Google in 2018, in a message. “Given Human Rights Watch’s conclusion that the Israeli government is committing ‘crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution’ against Palestinians, it is critical that Google and Amazon’s AI surveillance support to the IDF be documented to the fullest.”

    Though some of the documents bear a hybridized symbol of the Google logo and Israeli flag, for the most part they are not unique to Nimbus. Rather, the documents appear to be standard educational materials distributed to Google Cloud customers and presented in prior training contexts elsewhere.

    Google did not respond to a request for comment.

    The documents obtained by The Intercept detail for the first time the Google Cloud features provided through the Nimbus contract. With virtually nothing publicly disclosed about Nimbus beyond its existence, the system’s specific functionality had remained a mystery even to most of those working at the company that built it. In 2020, citing the same AI tools, U.S Customs and Border Protection tapped Google Cloud to process imagery from its network of border surveillance towers.

    Many of the capabilities outlined in the documents obtained by The Intercept could easily augment Israel’s ability to surveil people and process vast stores of data — already prominent features of the Israeli occupation.

    “Data collection over the entire Palestinian population was and is an integral part of the occupation,” Ori Givati of Breaking the Silence, an anti-occupation advocacy group of Israeli military veterans, told The Intercept in an email. “Generally, the different technological developments we are seeing in the Occupied Territories all direct to one central element which is more control.”

    The Israeli security state has for decades benefited from the country’s thriving research and development sector, and its interest in using AI to police and control Palestinians isn’t hypothetical. In 2021, the Washington Post reported on the existence of Blue Wolf, a secret military program aimed at monitoring Palestinians through a network of facial recognition-enabled smartphones and cameras.

    “Living under a surveillance state for years taught us that all the collected information in the Israeli/Palestinian context could be securitized and militarized,” said Mona Shtaya, a Palestinian digital rights advocate at 7amleh-The Arab Center for Social Media Advancement, in a message. “Image recognition, facial recognition, emotional analysis, among other things will increase the power of the surveillance state to violate Palestinian right to privacy and to serve their main goal, which is to create the panopticon feeling among Palestinians that we are being watched all the time, which would make the Palestinian population control easier.”

    The educational materials obtained by The Intercept show that Google briefed the Israeli government on using what’s known as sentiment detection, an increasingly controversial and discredited form of machine learning. Google claims that its systems can discern inner feelings from one’s face and statements, a technique commonly rejected as invasive and pseudoscientific, regarded as being little better than phrenology. In June, Microsoft announced that it would no longer offer emotion-detection features through its Azure cloud computing platform — a technology suite comparable to what Google provides with Nimbus — citing the lack of scientific basis.

    Google does not appear to share Microsoft’s concerns. One Nimbus presentation touted the “Faces, facial landmarks, emotions”-detection capabilities of Google’s Cloud Vision API, an image analysis toolset. The presentation then offered a demonstration using the enormous grinning face sculpture at the entrance of Sydney’s Luna Park. An included screenshot of the feature ostensibly in action indicates that the massive smiling grin is “very unlikely” to exhibit any of the example emotions. And Google was only able to assess that the famous amusement park is an amusement park with 64 percent certainty, while it guessed that the landmark was a “place of worship” or “Hindu Temple” with 83 percent and 74 percent confidence, respectively.

    A slide presented to Nimbus users illustrating Google AI’s ability to detect image traits.

    A slide presented to Nimbus users illustrating Google AI’s ability to detect image traits.

    Credit: Google


    Google workers who reviewed the documents said they were concerned by their employer’s sale of these technologies to Israel, fearing both their inaccuracy and how they might be used for surveillance or other militarized purposes.

    “Vision API is a primary concern to me because it’s so useful for surveillance,” said one worker, who explained that the image analysis would be a natural fit for military and security applications. “Object recognition is useful for targeting, it’s useful for data analysis and data labeling. An AI can comb through collected surveillance feeds in a way a human cannot to find specific people and to identify people, with some error, who look like someone. That’s why these systems are really dangerous.”

    A slide presented to Nimbus users outlining various AI features through the company’s Cloud Vision API.

    A slide presented to Nimbus users outlining various AI features through the company’s Cloud Vision API.

    Credit: Google


    The employee — who, like all of the Google workers who spoke to The Intercept, requested anonymity to avoid workplace reprisals — added that they were further alarmed by potential surveillance or other militarized applications of AutoML, another Google AI tool offered through Nimbus. Machine learning is largely the function of training software to recognize patterns in order to make predictions about future observations, for instance by analyzing millions of images of kittens today in order to confidently claim that it’s looking at a photo of a kitten tomorrow. This training process yields what’s known as a “model” — a body of computerized education that can be applied to automatically recognize certain objects and traits in future data.

    Training an effective model from scratch is often resource intensive, both financially and computationally. This is not so much of a problem for a world-spanning company like Google, with an unfathomable volume of both money and computing hardware at the ready. Part of Google’s appeal to customers is the option of using a pre-trained model, essentially getting this prediction-making education out of the way and letting customers access a well-trained program that’s benefited from the company’s limitless resources.

    “An AI can comb through collected surveillance feeds in a way a human cannot to find specific people and to identify people, with some error, who look like someone. That’s why these systems are really dangerous.”

    Cloud Vision is one such pre-trained model, allowing clients to immediately implement a sophisticated prediction system. AutoML, on the other hand, streamlines the process of training a custom-tailored model, using a customer’s own data for a customer’s own designs. Google has placed some limits on Vision — for instance limiting it to face detection, or whether it sees a face, rather than recognition that would identify a person. AutoML, however, would allow Israel to leverage Google’s computing capacity to train new models with its own government data for virtually any purpose it wishes. “Google’s machine learning capabilities along with the Israeli state’s surveillance infrastructure poses a real threat to the human rights of Palestinians,” said Damini Satija, who leads Amnesty International’s Algorithmic Accountability Lab. “The option to use the vast volumes of surveillance data already held by the Israeli government to train the systems only exacerbates these risks.”

    Custom models generated through AutoML, one presentation noted, can be downloaded for offline “edge” use — unplugged from the cloud and deployed in the field.

    That Nimbus lets Google clients use advanced data analysis and prediction in places and ways that Google has no visibility into creates a risk of abuse, according to Liz O’Sullivan, CEO of the AI auditing startup Parity and a member of the U.S. National Artificial Intelligence Advisory Committee. “Countries can absolutely use AutoML to deploy shoddy surveillance systems that only seem like they work,” O’Sullivan said in a message. “On edge, it’s even worse — think bodycams, traffic cameras, even a handheld device like a phone can become a surveillance machine and Google may not even know it’s happening.”

    In one Nimbus webinar reviewed by The Intercept, the potential use and misuse of AutoML was exemplified in a Q&A session following a presentation. An unnamed member of the audience asked the Google Cloud engineers present on the call if it would be possible to process data through Nimbus in order to determine if someone is lying.

    “I’m a bit scared to answer that question,” said the engineer conducting the seminar, in an apparent joke. “In principle: Yes. I will expand on it, but the short answer is yes.” Another Google representative then jumped in: “It is possible, assuming that you have the right data, to use the Google infrastructure to train a model to identify how likely it is that a certain person is lying, given the sound of their own voice.” Noting that such a capability would take a tremendous amount of data for the model, the second presenter added that one of the advantages of Nimbus is the ability to tap into Google’s vast computing power to train such a model.

    “I’d be very skeptical for the citizens it is meant to protect that these systems can do what is claimed.”

    A broad body of research, however, has shown that the very notion of a “lie detector,” whether the simple polygraph or “AI”-based analysis of vocal changes or facial cues, is junk science. While Google’s reps appeared confident that the company could make such a thing possible through sheer computing power, experts in the field say that any attempts to use computers to assess things as profound and intangible as truth and emotion are faulty to the point of danger.

    One Google worker who reviewed the documents said they were concerned that the company would even hint at such a scientifically dubious technique. “The answer should have been ‘no,’ because that does not exist,” the worker said. “It seems like it was meant to promote Google technology as powerful, and it’s ultimately really irresponsible to say that when it’s not possible.”

    Andrew McStay, a professor of digital media at Bangor University in Wales and head of the Emotional AI Lab, told The Intercept that the lie detector Q&A exchange was “disturbing,” as is Google’s willingness to pitch pseudoscientific AI tools to a national government. “It is [a] wildly divergent field, so any technology built on this is going to automate unreliability,” he said. “Again, those subjected to them will suffer, but I’d be very skeptical for the citizens it is meant to protect that these systems can do what is claimed.”

    According to some critics, whether these tools work might be of secondary importance to a company like Google that is eager to tap the ever-lucrative flow of military contract money. Governmental customers too may be willing to suspend disbelief when it comes to promises of vast new techno-powers. “It’s extremely telling that in the webinar PDF that they constantly referred to this as ‘magical AI goodness,’” said Jathan Sadowski, a scholar of automation technologies and research fellow at Monash University, in an interview with The Intercept. “It shows that they’re bullshitting.”

    FILE- In this May 8, 2018, file photo, Google CEO Sundar Pichai speaks at the Google I/O conference in Mountain View, Calif. Google pledges that it will not use artificial intelligence in applications related to weapons or surveillance, part of a new set of principles designed to govern how it uses AI. Those principles, released by Pichai, commit Google to building AI applications that are "socially beneficial," that avoid creating or reinforcing bias and that are accountable to people. (AP Photo/Jeff Chiu, File)

    Google CEO Sundar Pichai speaks at the Google I/O conference in Mountain View, Calif. Google pledges that it will not use artificial intelligence in applications related to weapons or surveillance, part of a new set of principles designed to govern how it uses AI. Those principles, released by Pichai, commit Google to building AI applications that are “socially beneficial,” that avoid creating or reinforcing bias and that are accountable to people.

    Photo: Jeff Chiu/AP


    Google, like Microsoft, has its own public list of “AI principles,” a document the company says is an “ethical charter that guides the development and use of artificial intelligence in our research and products.” Among these purported principles is a commitment to not “deploy AI … that cause or are likely to cause overall harm,” including weapons, surveillance, or any application “whose purpose contravenes widely accepted principles of international law and human rights.”

    Israel, though, has set up its relationship with Google to shield it from both the company’s principles and any outside scrutiny. Perhaps fearing the fate of the Pentagon’s Project Maven, a Google AI contract felled by intense employee protests, the data centers that power Nimbus will reside on Israeli territory, subject to Israeli law and insulated from political pressures. Last year, the Times of Israel reported that Google would be contractually barred from shutting down Nimbus services or denying access to a particular government office even in response to boycott campaigns.

    Google employees interviewed by The Intercept lamented that the company’s AI principles are at best a superficial gesture. “I don’t believe it’s hugely meaningful,” one employee told The Intercept, explaining that the company has interpreted its AI charter so narrowly that it doesn’t apply to companies or governments that buy Google Cloud services. Asked how the AI principles are compatible with the company’s Pentagon work, a Google spokesperson told Defense One, “It means that our technology can be used fairly broadly by the military.”

    “Google is backsliding on its commitments to protect people from this kind of misuse of our technology. I am truly afraid for the future of Google and the world.”

    Moreover, this employee added that Google lacks both the ability to tell if its principles are being violated and any means of thwarting violations. “Once Google offers these services, we have no technical capacity to monitor what our customers are doing with these services,” the employee said. “They could be doing anything.” Another Google worker told The Intercept, “At a time when already vulnerable populations are facing unprecedented and escalating levels of repression, Google is backsliding on its commitments to protect people from this kind of misuse of our technology. I am truly afraid for the future of Google and the world.”

    Ariel Koren, a Google employee who claimed earlier this year that she faced retaliation for raising concerns about Nimbus, said the company’s internal silence on the program continues. “I am deeply concerned that Google has not provided us with any details at all about the scope of the Project Nimbus contract, let alone assuage my concerns of how Google can provide technology to the Israeli government and military (both committing grave human rights abuses against Palestinians daily) while upholding the ethical commitments the company has made to its employees and the public,” she told The Intercept in an email. “I joined Google to promote technology that brings communities together and improves people’s lives, not service a government accused of the crime of apartheid by the world’s two leading human rights organizations.”

    Sprawling tech companies have published ethical AI charters to rebut critics who say that their increasingly powerful products are sold unchecked and unsupervised. The same critics often counter that the documents are a form of “ethicswashing” — essentially toothless self-regulatory pledges that provide only the appearance of scruples, pointing to examples like the provisions in Israel’s contract with Google that prevent the company from shutting down its products. “The way that Israel is locking in their service providers through this tender and this contract,” said Sadowski, the Monash University scholar, “I do feel like that is a real innovation in technology procurement.”

    To Sadowski, it matters little whether Google believes what it peddles about AI or any other technology. What the company is selling, ultimately, isn’t just software, but power. And whether it’s Israel and the U.S. today or another government tomorrow, Sadowski says that some technologies amplify the exercise of power to such an extent that even their use by a country with a spotless human rights record would provide little reassurance. “Give them these technologies, and see if they don’t get tempted to use them in really evil and awful ways,” he said. “These are not technologies that are just neutral intelligence systems, these are technologies that are ultimately about surveillance, analysis, and control.”

    The post Documents Reveal Advanced AI Tools Google Is Selling to Israel appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Thinktanks across Australia, tanked with cash from US sources and keen to think in furious agreement, are all showing how delighted they are with the AUKUS security pact and what potential it has for local, if subordinated industry.  The United States Studies Centre, a loudspeaker for Washington’s opinions based at the University of Sydney, has added its bit to the militarising fun with a report on what AUKUS will be able to do.

    The author of the report, non-resident fellow of the US Centre’s Foreign Policy and Defence program Jennifer Jackett gushes about the “more consequential” nature of various “technological developments in quantum, cyber, artificial intelligence, undersea, hypersonics and electronic warfare” than nuclear-powered submarines. The latter are, after all, slated to appear much later on the horizon.  In the meantime, warring potential could be harnessed in other realms.

    Jackett stresses the urgency of appreciating these fields, given that Australia faces “a more hostile Indo-Pacific”.  No ironic reflection follows that such hostility has been aided, in no small part, by the AUKUS security pact that has put countries in the region, with China being the primary target, on military notice.

    In dealing with such threats, the AUKUS partners – the US, UK and Australia – had to “understand areas of comparative advantage, complementarity, and potential gaps or overlaps, between the three industrial bases.”

    Reading, at points, like an intelligence comb through of local assets and wealth resources by a future colonising power, the report is revealing about what Vince Scappatura called that “loose networks of elites and institutional relationships” that nourish Australia’s umbilical cord to Freedom Land.

    Australia’s population is described in glowing terms, with some nose-turning suggestions for improvement for the happily compliant subjects.  “Australia stands out for the quality of its educational institutions and skilled workforce.  Australian scientists are renowned for the global impact of their research in fields such as quantum physics and artificial intelligence.”  There is, however, a belated admission that Australia’s STEM workforce, with 16 per cent of qualifications in the field, come behind that of the United States, “where around 23 per cent of the total workforce has a university-level or below STEM qualification.”

    Then comes a mild rebuke in terms of Australian approaches to venture capital.  One can see Jackett shaking her head in disapproval in writing this: “Australia remains an attractive destination for foreign direct investment, but the venture capital industry – the sort of financial entities willing to make riskier investments on unproven technology – remains small, less than half of the OECD average.”  (Come on Aussies, whole frontiers of lethal technology await your dosh.)

    This is not a meditation about peace, about miracle responses to climate change, poverty or wretched disease.  It has nothing to do with harnessing the technological potential to aid good causes.  This is the paid-up chit-chat of imperial militarisation, and how “innovation” aids it.

    Similar remarks have been made by Admiral Mike Rogers, former chief of the US National Security Agency, who has given a stirring performance on his visit to Australia in praising his hosts. “I applaud Australia’s willingness to make that sort of commitment [to acquiring nuclear-powered submarines] and to speak about it so frankly,” he told Australia’s premier Murdoch rag, The Australian.

    What troubles Rogers, as with those at the US Studies Centre and similar groupies, is a concern about what to do before those white elephants of the sea make their ponderous appearance.  He cites various other weapons capabilities as “alternatives in the interim”.  There are, for instance, options in “autonomous vehicles, robotics, sensors, situational awareness technologies”.  AUKUS was, and here, the warning is clear to us all, “much more than submarines”.  AUKUS needed to be used “to drive change.”

    The disconcerting blindness to local security elites in turning Australia into something even more of a fortress for foreign military operations is palpable.  Its corollary is the idea that the United States does not get into the empire business.  The mechanism of kitting out Canberra as yet another appendage of US strategic operations and interests was already well underway with such fora as the Australian American Leadership Dialogue, which makes it very clear who the leaders are.

    As things stand, the current makeup of the AALD features appropriately qualified vassals for the US mission.  There is Tony Smith, former Speaker of the Australian House of Representatives, who is the CEO of the group.  On being appointed to the position, he claimed it would “enable me to continue my service to our democracy and our nation in this vitally important, unique, bipartisan, private sector diplomatic endeavour”.  Grovelling journalists wondered if Smith got along with his future masters.  “Pretty good, I think,” came his response.

    The newly appointed Secretary of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, Glyn Davis, also appears as a prominent member on the advisory board, linking one of the most important civil service roles in Canberra to the US administration.  The grouping is secretive and observes non-disclosure rules that would make any official in Beijing proud.

    From the Australian Strategic Policy Institute to the US Studies Centre, we are meant to celebrate the prospect of Australia as a military annexe to US power in the Asia-Pacific, its sovereignty status subsumed under the ghastly guff of freedom lovers supposedly facing oriental barbarians.  The analysis is then crowned by the praise of former US defence and security officials who ingratiatingly speak of Australian potential as they would mineral deposits.  The lie, packaged and ribboned, is duly sold for public consumption.  Australian sovereign capability becomes the supreme fiction, while its subservience is hidden, only to be exposed by heretics.

    The post AUKUS, Technology and Militarising Australia first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Cuba and China have recently agreed to expand and strengthen relations, reports Ian Ellis-Jones.

  • The carbon removal industry is reaching a critical mass. Not in terms of how much carbon is being removed from the atmosphere — that number is still trivially small compared to how much has been emitted over decades of intensive fossil fuel use. But there are now so many fledgling companies working on ways to make money managing carbon dioxide — by sucking it up, utilizing it, or storing it — that the industry is now undergoing a rite of passage: It is forming a trade association.

    On Tuesday, 42 startups announced the launch of the Carbon Business Council, a nonprofit that aims to “create a seat at the policy table for early-stage companies focused on restoring the climate,” according to the group’s press release. 

    The council’s first set of actions include releasing an “ethical oath” that companies can sign to signal their commitment to scaling up the industry responsibly, and urging policymakers to support the full diversity of methods of removing carbon from the atmosphere, most of which are still in relatively early stages of development.

    “We feel like it’s too soon for the government to pick winners and losers about what pathway to removal is going to be most promising,” said Ben Rubin, the executive director and co-founder of the group. 

    Scientists now conclude that we’ve dumped so much carbon into the atmosphere that cutting emissions — while urgent — will not on its own be enough to achieve international climate goals or avoid more extreme climate impacts than the ones we’re already experiencing. Actively drawing down carbon that’s already been released can serve to balance out ongoing greenhouse gas emissions that will be hard to cut, like those from agriculture and flying. Eventually, carbon removal could even hypothetically reverse warming.

    Last year’s bipartisan infrastructure law contained $3.5 billion for demonstration projects of one particular pathway known as direct air capture, which usually refers to machines that suck carbon dioxide from the air. Some members of the Carbon Business Council are working on that approach, while others are working on methods that involve enhancing the natural uptake of carbon by plants, soils, minerals, or the ocean. The group also includes startups that are creating marketplaces where carbon removal companies can sell their services to polluters in the form of carbon offsets, and others that are developing products made out of the captured CO2 itself.

    The council’s first policy move is endorsing a bill that was introduced in the Senate last month called the CREST Act, which would create new federal research programs to examine all of the different scientific pathways for carbon removal. It also would provide funding to startups to measure how much carbon they are actually removing — an expensive and complicated endeavor, in many cases — and require the federal government to begin paying companies to remove carbon.

    Deploying carbon removal at a meaningful scale will come with untold trade-offs. It can be energy intensive or land intensive, pose ecological risks, or exploit communities. Many in the climate movement are skeptical that it should be given any resources at all. In response, the Carbon Business Council has created what it is calling a “first of its kind standard for the responsible growth” of the industry. Rubin likened it to the Hippocratic oath, a sort of do-no-harm pledge that companies can sign — though members are not required to do so. So far, 25 have. 

    The statement is brief, just 15 sentences, and commits signatories to abstract ideals like acting with humility and honesty, being guided by science, and recognizing the value of “including voices from all backgrounds in conversations” about carbon removal.

    Rishabh Varshney, the CEO of a member company called Sequestr, said that to him, responsible growth means making sure people on the ground benefit the most from carbon removal projects. Sequestr helps communities and tribes create carbon offset projects involving forests and agriculture, and then sells the offsets on its own marketplace. “We’ve heard a lot of stories in the carbon market, especially where a landowner is getting ten cents on their dollar for something that gets sold at full price,” he said. “We want to make sure that this is a bottom-up industry first and foremost.”

    The oath also fends off a common attack launched at the nascent but fast-growing industry. Critics contend that pouring too much money and attention into removing carbon from the atmosphere will detract from efforts to get off fossil fuels and stop emitting in the first place. The oath promises to “support efforts to reduce climate pollution.” 

    But the statement avoids what some experts see as a more salient question for the industry — how much reduction, and how much removal? If the world over-relies on the promise of some massive future deployment of carbon removal, we could be dooming the whole mission of halting climate change. In a recent op-ed in MIT Technology Review, two carbon removal experts wrote that if governments and businesses move ahead thinking they can reduce emissions by only 50 percent and offset the rest with carbon removal, “that would necessitate sucking up and storing away carbon dioxide at levels that are almost certainly technically, environmentally, or economically infeasible, or possibly all of the above.”

    Emily Cox, a research associate at the University of Oxford studying responsible innovation in the carbon removal field, wondered whether the diverse group of companies in the Carbon Business Council would interpret the statements in the oath the same way. “Even the term ‘carbon management,’” she said — “what that actually means in practice could be something that’s really amazing for the climate. It could also be the opposite.”

    To Cox, there is an inherent tension between some of the underlying interests of these companies. For example, an active debate in the field right now is how long carbon should remain out of the atmosphere for it to be considered “removed.” The carbon sequestered by trees and soils could be re-emitted in a matter of decades due to disturbances like fire or disease. Some experts argue that short-term carbon removal just kicks the can down the road, and that carbon must be removed more permanently to truly offset ongoing emissions. The Carbon Business Council includes companies working on shorter-term solutions as well as more durable forms of carbon storage. 

    It’s notable that a few prominent carbon removal companies are absent from the group’s member list, including the direct air capture companies Climeworks and Heirloom and the bio-oil company Charm Industrial. All of them are focused on approaches that would sequester the removed carbon for thousands of years. The companies did not respond to a request for comment, and Rubin declined to comment on their absence. 

    Danny Cullenward, the policy director for Carbon Plan, a prominent watchdog for the carbon removal industry, said it’s hard to disagree with anything in the oath — “values, data, rigor, that kind of stuff.” But it’s hard to actually apply it to the conflicts that are emerging about how to scale carbon removal, like the questions of how much removal will be needed, how permanent removal should be, or which potential impacts on communities and the environment are acceptable. “When it comes to the debates people are having, this is at a higher level, and it doesn’t really commit people one way or the other to a particular course of action,” he said.

    Rubin acknowledged this. “The oath is one part of a larger process,” he said. “Responsible growth will ultimately be talked about and developed by government policies and by regulations.

    “As the industry grows, the oath will hopefully continue to be a benchmark or guidepost that we can come back to,” Rubin added.

    Editor’s note: Climeworks is an advertiser with Grist. Advertisers have no role in Grist’s editorial decisions.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Carbon removal trade group launches with ‘Hippocratic oath’ for the industry on Jul 19, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • If you encounter it at all, it might be on the highway. Driving down I-95 from Boston to New York City, you’ll pull into a rest stop and notice a sign advertising “clean hydrogen fuel.” As you pass an 18-wheeler parked in the lot, you might catch a glimpse of a decal near the gas cap — green letters that read, “powered by H2.” 

    On the other hand, it might be much closer to home. A new industrial park is proposed in your community. The design plans include a cluster of nondescript buildings, some large metal tanks, and an array of wind turbines or solar panels. The project may bring benefits like jobs and funding for local initiatives. But some are worried about environmental risks and property values. The specter of a new hydrogen pipeline begins to haunt local headlines.

    These are just a couple of the many possible ways people in the Northeast might experience the energy transition happening around them if the Department of Energy chooses the region to become a “clean hydrogen hub.” 

    “It does remain really abstract, at this point,” said Rachel Fakhry, who leads the hydrogen and energy innovation portfolio at the Natural Resources Defense Council. “We are seeing some hubs and clusters pop up globally, but it’s still really a nebulous concept.”

    The bipartisan infrastructure law that Congress passed in 2021 gave $8 billion to the Department of Energy, or DOE, to support the development of at least four regional “hubs” for clean hydrogen, which is seen as a promising alternative fuel to fossil fuels for a variety of industries. And while DOE has yet to begin soliciting proposals, or even to define what a “hub” is, governments and businesses all over the U.S. are already coming together to vie for the funding

    The word “hub” may bring to mind a relatively small area with a high concentration of activity, like the downtown of a city or a port. But some of the potential hubs, like a proposed partnership between New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New Jersey, shows how sprawling the concept could turn out to be. 

    “This is more than just a project or a demonstration, it’s really a broader regional ecosystem that is intended to be advanced,” said Doreen Harris, the president and CEO of the New York State Energy Research Development Authority, or NYSERDA.

    So what might that ecosystem look like? In some parts of the country, where hydrogen is already a part of the economy, it might look like converting existing infrastructure and industries to cleaner processes. But in the Northeast, it means building something totally new. Grist spoke to state officials, industry representatives, and climate policy experts to begin to piece together a picture of how hydrogen could transform the region. Their answers point to bigger questions about hydrogen’s role in the energy transition, and the extent to which it might either replicate today’s fossil fuel infrastructure or play more of a supporting role in the energy economy of the future.


    Hydrogen fuel can power many of the same activities that fossil fuels power today, without releasing any climate-warming gases. But unlike fossil fuels, which can be dug out of the ground, hydrogen has to be manufactured. Today, it’s produced from natural gas and coal in an energy-intensive process that emits carbon. More than 2 percent of global emissions currently come from hydrogen production. Most of the hydrogen we make is used as an ingredient in oil refining, fertilizer production, and other industrial processes.

    The trick to cleaner hydrogen is either to add equipment to the traditional hydrogen production process to capture the emissions, or to eliminate them altogether by producing the fuel through a different process called electrolysis, which uses electricity to split water molecules into hydrogen and oxygen. If the electricity comes from a clean source, like wind turbines or a nuclear plant, the hydrogen will also be emissions-free.

    A plant in Bosbüll, Germany uses wind power to produce hydrogen. Carsten Rehder/picture alliance via Getty Images

    Currently, there’s a chicken-and-egg challenge to producing clean hydrogen because it’s still more expensive than fossil fuels themselves, and there’s little demand for it. The DOE’s hubs program is designed to build up networks of producers, users, and the infrastructure required to link them, all at the same time. 

    The program will also begin to answer key questions about where hydrogen can compete with other climate solutions. There are many industries where clean hydrogen could replace fossil fuels, but other solutions, like using clean electricity directly, might be more efficient and economical. The hydrogen hub initiative could help prove which applications make financial and practical sense.

    “It’s really a demonstration program,” said Emily Kent, a policy manager for zero-carbon fuels at the Clean Air Task Force, an environmental nonprofit. “On the production side, we’re demonstrating that we can produce hydrogen with really low greenhouse gas intensity. On the end use side, we’re demonstrating that we can use hydrogen in new ways than we ever have before.”


    New York Governor Kathy Hochul announced the agreement between her state, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New Jersey to jointly apply for the DOE funding in March. The press release named 40 additional partners, including hydrogen technology companies, utilities, and universities, that will contribute to the vision of a northeast hydrogen hub. 

    The four states in the Northeast partnership all have laws in place requiring that they rid their electrical grids, roads, and much of the rest of their economies of carbon emissions in the next few decades. Harris of NYSERDA said New York is focusing on converting as much of the economy to run on clean electricity as possible. “But there’s places where fuels are useful,” she said.

    Some of those places include medium- and heavy-duty transportation, like those semi trucks parked at the rest stop. One of the partners listed in Hochul’s announcement is Cummins, a company that builds engines for delivery trucks, buses, heavy-duty trucks, ships, trains, and agricultural and construction vehicles. “We are interested in decarbonizing our industry and have a plan to get to net-zero emissions by 2050 across all our applications,” a spokesperson for the company told Grist. Cummins has already built fuel cells that run on hydrogen to power trains and trucks in Europe and a ferry in San Francisco. (Fuel cells can convert the chemical energy in a fuel like hydrogen or methane to electrical energy, without any combustion.)

    Uwe Anspach/picture alliance via Getty Images

    But heavy-duty trucks are a good example of the uncertainty around where and how hydrogen will win out over electrification. Companies like Volvo and Tesla are investing in developing trucks that run on batteries. “There’s still a question mark,” said Fakhry of the Natural Resources Defense Council. “Will hydrogen be able to outcompete electric trucks? We don’t know, because electric trucks are making very strong advancements.” Policy is going to play a big role in answering that question, she said, including whether the DOE decides to prioritize investments in hydrogen trucking.

    An area where clean fuels like hydrogen are more likely to outcompete batteries is the shipping industry. New York and New Jersey host the largest container port on the East Coast. “I know that we’re not going to be crossing the Atlantic Ocean by battery anytime soon,” said Arne Ballantine, the CEO of Ohmium, a company developing electrolyzers to produce clean hydrogen that also signed on to the Northeast hub as a partner. Today’s batteries are simply not advanced enough to power a ship weighing hundreds of thousands of tons. 

    Clean hydrogen could eventually fuel maritime shipping vessels as well as some activities onshore, like the heavy-duty machinery used to load and unload cargo. This transition could have measurable health benefits for neighboring communities that are currently polluted by dangerous emissions of sulfur oxides, nitrogen oxides, and particulates as ships idle in the harbor. But that depends on whether ships transition to fuel cells, which wouldn’t emit any pollutants, rather than more traditional engines burning hydrogen, which would.

    There are other ways that clean hydrogen could transform the Northeast that may be less visible, like in power generation. There is fierce debate about the role hydrogen should play on the electrical grid, since using renewable electricity directly is always more efficient than using that electricity to make clean hydrogen, only to turn the hydrogen back into electricity. Hydrogen’s main advantage there is that it can be stored in large quantities for long periods of time, and turned back into electricity as needed.

    Container ships unloading at Port Newark in New Jersey John Moore/Getty Images

    Harris also said the Northeast could use clean hydrogen in industrial processes that require extremely high temperatures that are harder to achieve with electricity. Nucor, a steel company with plants in upstate New York and Connecticut, is listed as a partner on Hochul’s hub announcement. The company did not respond to Grist’s request for comment on whether or how it might use clean hydrogen, but studies have found that clean hydrogen presents one of the most promising pathways for cutting emissions from steelmaking.


    As for the production side, Harris was clear that the Northeast hub proposal would focus on hydrogen made from electricity, not from natural gas. That means drawing on the vast hydropower resources that already exist in the area, as well as new solar and onshore and offshore wind farms that will be built in the coming years. 

    But it could also mean the region will have to build a lot more solar and wind farms than might otherwise be needed solely for electricity. In comments to the DOE, the Clean Air Task Force urged the agency to prioritize hydrogen producers that use “additional” renewable energy, meaning those that build their own renewables or sign purchase agreements with renewable developers, rather than those that simply tap into existing clean energy sources. “So that you’re not taking it away from helping to clean up the electricity sector,” explained Kent of the Clean Air Task Force. “You’re adding on to that.”

    There’s a lot of variation in what these hydrogen plants could look like. New York is already subsidizing construction of “the largest green hydrogen plant in North America,” in Genesee County, between Buffalo and Rochester. It will be built and operated by a company called Plug Power. Site plans presented to the county planning board included a 40,000-square-foot building housing the company’s electrolyzers and a 68,000-square-foot “compressor building.” Company representatives told the board the hydrogen will be transported by tanker truck to customers throughout the Northeast, including Walmart, Kroger, Home Depot, and Amazon, which will use the fuel to power forklifts and other warehouse machinery. The site will use 280,000 gallons of water per day.

    A facility in Sweden testing the production of steel with hydrogen Steffen Trumpf/picture alliance via Getty Images

    Hydrogen production plants could also be much smaller. Ohmium’s electrolyzers fit in a cabinet that’s about the size of two refrigerators, Ballantine said. The system is modular, meaning it can be stacked to produce more or less hydrogen, and can be installed directly on site where the hydrogen will be used.

    Depending on how the vision for a Northeast hub evolves, it could also mean blending hydrogen with natural gas in existing pipelines to transport it to power plants and other gas users. Many environmental groups oppose this idea for the same reason that the gas industry likes it: It would extend the useful life of those pipelines and the use of natural gas. 

    While hydrogen can be transported via truck or produced near its customers, developing new pipelines in the region to carry the fuel from where it’s produced to where it’s used could also be on the table.

    But Fakhry said that it was too early to start making decisions about pipelines now.

    “In a market that is still so new, where we don’t really know exactly where the demand comes from, and where the supply’s going to come from, and we still need to do a lot of learning, making those early, big investments in pipelines is really risky,” she said.

    The DOE will put out an official funding announcement for the hydrogen program later this year, which is expected to contain more information about what the agency will be looking for in proposals. But it’s unlikely that it will resolve many of these uncertainties around hydrogen. That’s for the hubs themselves to do.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The Northeast is poised to become a ‘hydrogen hub’ on Jul 18, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • China has expressed fears that Musk’s Starlink satellite mega constellation could be used for military purposes by the United States, and is considering potential counter-measures, reports Coral Wynter.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • Abusive parents searching for kids who have fled to shelters. Governments targeting the sons and daughters of political dissidents. Pedophiles stalking the victims they encounter in illicit child sexual abuse material.

    The online facial recognition search engine PimEyes allows anyone to search for images of children scraped from across the internet, raising a host of alarming possible uses, an Intercept investigation has found.

    Often called the Google of facial recognition, PimEyes search results include images that the site labels as “potentially explicit,” which could lead to further exploitation of children at a time when the dark web has sparked an explosion of images of abuse.

    “There are privacy issues raised by the use of facial recognition technology writ large,” said Jeramie Scott, director of the Surveillance Oversight Project at the Electronic Privacy Information Center. “But it’s particularly dangerous when we’re talking about children, when someone may use that to identify a child and to track them down.”

    Over the past few years, several child victim advocacy groups have pushed for police use of surveillance technologies to fight trafficking, arguing that facial recognition can help authorities locate victims. One child abuse prevention nonprofit, Ashton Kutcher and Demi Moore’s Thorn, has even developed its own facial recognition tool. But searches on PimEyes for 30 AI-generated children’s faces yielded dozens of pages of results, showing how easily those same tools can be turned against the people they’re designed to help.

    While The Intercept searched for fake faces due to privacy concerns, the results contained many images of actual children pulled from a wide range of sources, including charity groups and educational sites. PimEyes previously came under fire for including photos scraped from major social media platforms. It no longer includes those images in search results. Instead, searches churn up a welter of images that feel plucked from the depths of the internet. Some come from personal websites that parents created anonymously or semi-anonymously to feature photos of their children, likely not anticipating that they could one day be pulled up by strangers taking snapshots of kids on the street.

    One search for an AI-generated child turned up images of a real boy in Delaware, where a photographer had taken portraits of his family on a sunny spring day. When she posted the portraits in her online portfolio, the photographer omitted the boy’s name and other identifying details. But a determined person might theoretically be able to find such information. (The photographer did not respond to requests to comment for this article.)

    Another search turned up a girl displaying a craft project at an after-school program in Kyiv, Ukraine, in a photo taken just before the war. A second page on the same website showed the girl at home this spring; by then, Kyiv was under siege, the program had gone remote, and teachers were assigning kids craft projects to complete from their kitchen tables.

    A third search turned up a photo of a 14-year-old British boy that had been featured in a video about the U.K. educational system. The commentator gave the boy’s first name and details about the school he attended.

    Still another search turned up a photo of a toddler from an American home-schooling blog, where the girl’s mother had revealed her first name and, when the family was traveling, rough whereabouts.

    PimEyes is the brainchild of two Polish developers who created the site in 2017 on a whim. It reportedly passed through the hands of an anonymous owner who moved the headquarters to the Seychelles and then in December 2021 was purchased by Georgian international relations scholar Giorgi Gobronidze, who had met the site’s creators while lecturing in Poland.

    In a wide-ranging video interview that stretched to nearly two hours, Gobronidze offered a vague and sometimes contradictory account of the site’s privacy protections.

    He said that PimEyes was working to develop better safeguards for children, though he offered varying responses when asked what those might entail. “It’s a task that was given already to our technical group, and they have to bring me a solution,” he said. “I gave them several options.”

    At the same time, he dismissed the argument that parents who post anonymous photos of their children have any expectation of privacy. “Parents should be more responsible,” he said. “I have never posted a photo of my child on social media or on a public website.”

    “Designed for Stalkers”

    On its website, PimEyes maintains that people should only use the tool to search for their own faces, claiming that the service is “not intended for the surveillance of others and is not designed for that purpose.” But the company offers subscriptions that allow people to perform dozens of unique searches a day; the least expensive package, at $29.99 a month, offers 25 daily searches. People who shell out for the premium service can set alerts for up to 500 different images or combinations of images, so that they are notified when a particular face shows up on a new site.

    Gobronidze claimed that many of PimEyes’s subscribers are women and girls searching for revenge porn images of themselves, and that the site allows multiple searches so that such users can get more robust results. “With one photo, you can get one set of results, and with another photo you can get a totally different set of results, because the index combination is different on every photo,” he said. Sometimes, he added, people find new illicit images of themselves and need to set additional alerts to search for those images. He acknowledged that 500 unique alerts is a lot, though he said that, as of Thursday, 97.7 percent of PimEyes subscribers had a lighter account.

    Following criticism, the company pivoted to claiming that the search engine was a privacy tool.

    PimEyes’s previous owners marketed it as a way to pry into celebrities’ lives, the German digital rights site Netzpolitik reported in 2020. Following criticism, the company pivoted to claiming that the search engine was a privacy tool. Gobronidze said that fraught features were being overhauled under his ownership. “Previously, I can say that PimEyes was tailor-designed for stalkers, [in that] it used to crawl social media,” he said. “Once you dropped a photo, you could find the social media profiles for everyone. Now it is limited only to public searches.”

    But many people clearly do not see PimEyes as an aid to privacy. The site has already been used to identify adults in a wide variety of cases, from so-called sedition hunters working to find perpetrators after the January 6 insurrection, to users of the notorious site 4chan seeking to harass women.

    Nor do PimEyes’s marketing materials suggest much concern for privacy or ethics. In a version of the “people kill people” argument favored by the U.S. gun lobby, a blog post on the site blithely alludes to its many uses: “PimEyes just provides a tool, and the user is obliged to use the tool with responsibility. Everyone can buy a hammer, and everyone can either craft with this tool, or kill.”

    “These things should only be instrumentalized with the clear and knowledgeable consent of users,” said Daly Barnett, a staff technologist at the Electronic Frontier Foundation. “This is just another example of the large overarching problem within technology, surveillance-built or not. There isn’t privacy built from the get-go with it, and users have to opt out of having their privacy compromised.”

    “We Do Not Want to Be a Monster Machine”

    Alarmingly, search results for AI-generated kids also include images that PimEyes labels as “potentially explicit.” The backgrounds in the labeled images are blurred, and since clicking through to the source URLs could contribute to the exploitation of children, The Intercept could not confirm whether they are, in fact, explicit. Gobronidze said that the labels are assigned in part based on images’ source URLs, and that often the photos are harmless. When PimEyes representatives do run across child sexual abuse images, he said, representatives report it to law enforcement.

    But one example he gave shows how easily the site can be used to unearth abusive or illegal content. A 16-year-old girl had used her parents’ credit card to open an account, Gobronidze said. She soon found revenge porn videos that had been uploaded by an ex-boyfriend — images that likely fit the legal definition of child pornography. (He said PimEyes issued takedown notices for the websites and advised the girl to talk with authorities, her parents, and psychologists.)

    Gobronidze was vague on how he might limit abuse of children on the site. Subscribing requires a credit card, PayPal, or Amazon Pay account, and users upload their IDs only when asking PimEyes to perform takedown notices on their behalf. By design, he said, the search engine only seeks matches in photos and does not guess at age, gender, race, or ethnicity. “We do not want to be a monster machine,” he said, dubbing a more heavy-handed approach “Big Brother.” But at another point in the interview, he said he was planning to exclude images of children from search results. Still later, he said that his technical team was figuring out how to balance these two conflicting goals.

    PimEyes flags people who “systematically” use the engine to search for children’s faces, he said. Users who plug in one or two faces of children are typically assumed to be family members. If a PimEyes representative gets suspicious, he said, they might ask a subscriber for a document like a birth certificate that would prove that a user is a parent.

    When asked how a birth certificate would rule out abuse or stalking by noncustodial parents, Gobronidze said that PimEyes might instead request a signed form, similar to what parents and legal guardians provide in some countries when crossing borders with a child, to show they have any other parent’s consent. In a later email, he said that PimEyes had twice asked for “documents + verbal explanation” for people who uploaded images of children, and that the site had subsequently banned one of the accounts.

    “The fact that PimEyes doesn’t have safeguards in place for children and apparently is not sure how to provide safeguards for children only underlines the risks of this kind of facial recognition service,” said Scott, of EPIC. “Participating in public, whether online or offline, should not mean subjecting yourself to privacy-invasive services like PimEyes.”

    The inclusion of children’s faces in PimEyes search results underscores just how fraught the facial recognition landscape has become.

    The inclusion of children’s faces in PimEyes search results underscores just how fraught the facial recognition landscape has become. For years, victim advocacy groups have pushed for expanded use of the technology by law enforcement. The Kutcher-Moore nonprofit, Thorn, has developed a facial recognition tool called Spotlight that it provides to investigators working on sex trafficking cases, as well as to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children. In a recent report, the center said that in 2021, Spotlight helped it identify over 400 missing children in online sex trafficking advertisements.

    Commercial providers of facial recognition have also gotten into trafficking prevention. The controversial facial recognition company Clearview AI sells its tools to police for identifying child victims.

    But those same tools can also be used to target the vulnerable. Clearview AI promoted the use of its database for child trafficking after being sued by the American Civil Liberties Union for endangering survivors of domestic violence and undocumented immigrants, among others. Prostasia Foundation, a child protection group that supports sex workers rights and internet freedom, contends that an earlier Thorn tool sometimes flagged images of adults, leading to the arrest of sex workers.

    This tension is even more extreme with PimEyes, which has virtually no guardrails and smashes long-standing expectations of privacy for both adults and children.

    Gobronidze said that PimEyes had talked to Thorn about using its tool Safer to detect child sexual abuse material using image hashing technology — a potentially odd relationship given that PimEyes makes images of children searchable to the general public, while Thorn aims to protect children from stalkers and abusers.

    “There has been one exploratory call between our Safer team and PimEyes to show how Safer helps platforms detect, report and remove CSAM,” a Thorn spokesperson said, using the acronym for child sexual abuse material. “No partnership materialized after that single call and they are not users of Safer or any tools built by Thorn.”

    When asked about concerns about its facial recognition tool, Thorn sent a statement through a spokesperson. “Spotlight is a highly targeted tool that was built specifically to identify child victims of sex trafficking and is only available to law enforcement officers who investigate child sex trafficking.”

    In the United States, PimEyes could run up against a 1998 law requiring the Federal Trade Commission to protect children’s online privacy. But so far, U.S. regulators have homed in on sites that store images or information, said Emma Llansó, director of the Free Expression Project at the Center for Democracy and Technology. PimEyes crawls images hosted on other sites. “PimEyes is just scraping whatever they can get their hands on on the web and isn’t making promises to users about what it will and won’t do with that data,” Llansó said. “So it’s something of a gray area.”

    Gobronidze is keenly aware of the distinction. “We don’t store any photos,” he claimed. “We don’t have any.”

    That is not entirely true. PimEyes’s privacy policy holds that for unregistered users — anyone who uses the site without a paid account — it retains facial images, along with the “fingerprint” of a face, for 48 hours and that data from the photos indexed in results is stored for two years. A sample PimEyes search showed thumbnail images of faces — photos returned in search queries that the site has edited to blur their backgrounds. A network traffic analysis showed that those photos are hosted on a PimEyes subdomain called “collectors.”

    In an email, Gobronidze said he had not previously heard or read about that subdomain and was “intrigued” to learn of it. He noted that he had forwarded the results of The Intercept’s analysis to PimEyes’s tech and data security units, adding that he could not “disclose [the] full technological cycle” because it is proprietary.

    Scott, of EPIC, would rather not wait around for courts and regulators to consider the storage question. “Congress needs to act to not only protect our children, but all of us from the dangers of facial recognition technology,” he said. “Services like this should be banned. That’s how you should regulate it.”

    The post Facial Recognition Search Engine Pulls Up “Potentially Explicit” Photos of Kids appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Ring, Amazon’s perennially controversial and police-friendly surveillance subsidiary, has long defended its cozy relationship with law enforcement by pointing out that cops can only get access to a camera owner’s recordings with their express permission or a court order. But in response to recent questions from Sen. Ed Markey, D-Mass., the company stated that it has provided police with user footage 11 times this year alone without either.

    Last month, Markey wrote to Amazon asking it to both clarify Ring’s ever-expanding relationship with American police, who’ve increasingly come to rely on the company’s growing residential surveillance dragnet, and to commit to a raft of policy reforms. In a response from Brian Huseman, Amazon vice president of public policy, the company declined to permanently agree to any of them, including “Never accept financial contributions from policing agencies,” “Never allow immigration enforcement agencies to request Ring recordings,” and “Never participate in police sting operations.”

    Although Ring publicizes its policy of handing over camera footage only if the owner agrees — or if judge signs a search warrant — the company says it also reserves the right to supply police with footage in “emergencies,” defined broadly as “cases involving imminent danger of death or serious physical injury to any person.” Markey had also asked Amazon to clarify what exactly constitutes such an “emergency situation,” and how many times audiovisual surveillance data has been provided under such circumstances. Amazon declined to elaborate on how it defines these emergencies beyond “imminent danger of death or serious physical injury,” stating only that “Ring makes a good-faith determination whether the request meets the well-known standard.” Huseman noted that it has complied with 11 emergency requests this year alone but did not provide details as to what the cases or Ring’s “good-faith determination” entailed.

    Matthew Guariglia, a policy analyst with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, told The Intercept he encourages any Ring owners concerned about warrantless access of their cameras to enable end-to-end encryption — an option the company declined to make the default setting after being urged to do so by Markey. “I am disturbed that Ring continues to offer, in any situation, warrantless footage from user’s devices despite the fact that once again, police are not the customers for Ring; the people who buy the devices are the customers,” said Guariglia.

    “Police are not the customers for Ring; the people who buy the devices are the customers.”

    Guariglia added that even though the “emergency” exception hypothetically might be warranted in the most dire circumstances, there will always be the risks of “mission creep” and police abuse without any meaningful oversight. “If there is the infrastructure, if there is the channel by which police can request footage without a warrant or consent of the user, under what circumstances they get it is out of our control. I worry that because it’s decided by the police and by somebody at Ring, there will be temptation to use that for increasingly less urgent situations.”

    In a statement to The Intercept, Markey said that he believed Amazon and Ring have both lost the benefit of the doubt, despite their purported good-faith efforts. “I’m deeply concerned to learn that the company has repeatedly disclosed users’ recordings to law enforcement without requiring the users’ permission,” the senator added. “This revelation is particularly troubling given that the company has previously admitted to having no policies that restrict how law enforcement can use Ring users’ footage, no data security requirements for law enforcement entities that have users’ footage, and no policies that prohibit law enforcement officers from keeping Ring users’ footage forever.”

    The post Amazon Admits Giving Ring Camera Footage to Police Without a Warrant or Consent appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Late last month, Long Beach, California, signed onto a historic effort to clean up the shipping industry when city council members unanimously passed a resolution to reach 100 percent zero-emissions shipping by 2030.

    The move comes just months after a similar declaration from Los Angeles, whose port abuts Long Beach’s to make up the San Pedro Bay Port Complex — the U.S.’s largest port, handling more than 275 million metric tons of furniture, car parts, clothes, food, and other cargo every year. Together, the two cities’ resolutions represent one of the world’s most aggressive shipping decarbonization targets and reflect a growing desire among policymakers and environmental advocates to drive down the industry’s emissions.

    “We need major shipping companies to lead the way to a cleaner future and ship their goods using only the best available technologies,” Long Beach City Councilmember Cindy Allen said in a statement.

    But getting to net-zero shipping is a monumental task that will require significant technological advancement and investments in alternative fuels — in addition to ambitious pronouncements from policymakers. Although some zero-emissions solutions already exist, experts say they need to be refined, scaled up, and supported by government policies to facilitate industry-wide decarbonization. 

    According to Jing Sun, a marine engineering professor at the University of Michigan, more work is needed to create viable clean fueling systems before they can be rolled out en masse. “It’s not just a technology deployment issue,” she said.

    At any given time, more than 50,000 ships are zipping around the world’s oceans, carrying about 90 percent of all globally traded goods from port to port. Virtually all of these ships run on fossil fuels — either sludge-like heavy fuel oils, diesel, or liquefied natural gas, all of which release planet-warming greenhouse gas emissions when burned. Altogether, the global shipping industry is responsible for nearly 3 percent of all human-caused climate pollution, and international regulators say emissions could continue rising without urgent action.

    Containers are stacked up in the Port of Long Beach, with a mountain in the background
    Containers stacked up in the Port of Long Beach. Jeff Gritchen / MediaNews Group / Orange County Register via Getty Images

    But how do you propel a massive cargo ship — which can weigh hundreds of millions of pounds when fully loaded — across the ocean without using fossil fuels? Zero-emission technologies that are powering a rapid energy transition in other sectors fall short when it comes to global shipping. Batteries, for example, are currently much too heavy to push cargo ships across the oceans. Onboard solar panels take up too much space, and nuclear power creates safety and environmental concerns. Many companies have plans to launch or have already launched ships powered by biofuels — fuels produced from plant crops, algae, or animal fats — but experts expect them to play a limited role in the future of decarbonized shipping due to scalability constraints and high demand from other sectors. The nonprofit Pacific Environment has criticized biofuel as a “dead end” fuel that is only in some instances carbon neutral. 

    Only two kinds of alternative fuels are widely considered to be viable candidates for decarbonized shipping: green hydrogen and green ammonia. Both can be produced with clean electricity and burned in an internal combustion engine or a fuel cell — a versatile technology that converts chemical energy into electricity — where they produce no greenhouse gas emissions.

    However, these fuels aren’t quite ready for prime time, in part because their supply is so limited. Green hydrogen, produced by splitting a water molecule using renewable energy, is still too expensive to be made in the kinds of quantities that could power a global shipping fleet. The supply chain for ammonia — which is produced by combining hydrogen with nitrogen that’s extracted from the air — is more established, since ammonia is widely used as an agricultural fertilizer. But to make ammonia green, the hydrogen input has to be green hydrogen. This, along with costly storage requirements, makes green ammonia about as expensive as green hydrogen.

    “There are definitely going to be some challenges along the road” to scaling green hydrogen and ammonia up, said Dan Hubbell, shipping emissions campaign manager for the nonprofit Ocean Conservancy. 

    Ships also need to be configured differently to run on greener fuels. Although some pilot projects have developed small hydrogen-powered vessels, it’s another question to expand hydrogen and ammonia compatibility to all ships globally. According to Sun, at the University of Michigan, researchers are still grappling with many design and safety questions, like how best to fit alternative fuels — which are less energy-dense than oil and gas — onto a ship, or how to safely contain ammonia, which can release hazardous nitrogen oxide or unspent fuel when combusted. 

    A green pushboat next to a pier
    “Elektra,” a zero-emission push boat in Germany that runs partially on hydrogen. Jörg Carstensen / Picture Alliance via Getty Images

    “We need to, as a research community, take a holistic approach and explore the whole space. I don’t think that has happened,” Sun said, calling for more government investment to make that exploration possible. She and other experts also want the International Maritime Organization, or IMO — a unique United Nations agency that can set legally binding regulations — to unify the industry behind a stronger decarbonization goal. The IMO’s current target is nonbinding: to achieve only a 50 percent reduction in emissions by 2050, relative to a 2008 baseline. Hubbell called the goal “abysmal.” 

    Still, the IMO isn’t the only government body capable of pushing the shipping industry. Madeline Rose, climate campaign director for Pacific Environment, noted that regulators like the California Air Resources Board or the federal Environmental Protection Agency could mandate emissions standards for all ships entering California ports, or all U.S.-owned ships, respectively. These policies could potentially spread outside the U.S., as California’s 2007 standard for sulfur emissions eventually did when the IMO adopted a similar — albeit weaker — standard in 2020. They can also help drive down prices for green technologies, allowing them to permeate throughout the shipping industry, by artificially increasing demand.

    And even smaller jurisdictions like the Long Beach City Council can also make waves, helping to foster the conditions necessary for decarbonization. An ambitious commitment is one way to do that. “Having a port take a clear stance now … is a key enabler of the technology demonstration and wider regulation that is necessary to drive the switch away from fossil fuels,” said Tristan Smith, a lecturer at University College London’s Energy Institute. Other actions ports can take include prohibiting polluting ships from using their docks, giving docking preference to zero-emissions ships, or installing “shore power,” which allows ships to plug into electricity while docked so they don’t have to keep burning fuel. Both LA and Long Beach already provide shore power, and groups like Pacific Environment are pushing for them to adopt the other policies as well.

    Although Smith called Long Beach’s 2030 target “entirely appropriate,” Sun was more cautious. She said that many shorter routes or routes along so-called “green corridors” with supportive infrastructure for alternative fuels could feasibly go net-zero by the end of the decade, but that decarbonizing long-haul voyages across the oceans by then might be overambitious. 

    “The Long Beach initiative is great,” she said, because it puts greater pressure on lawmakers and industry to get to net-zero. But she called for more research and development to ensure that alternative fuels and the engines that run them are safe, effective, and reliable. “And then once we get that, then how do we scale them?”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline California lawmakers are ready to decarbonize the shipping industry. The technology isn’t there yet. on Jul 11, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    Following the Supreme Court’s decision overturning Roe v. Wade, advocates for privacy and reproductive health have expressed fears that data from period-tracking apps could be used to find people who’ve had abortions.

    They have a point. The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, the federal patient privacy law known as HIPAA, does not apply to most apps that track menstrual cycles, just as it doesn’t apply to many health care apps and at-home test kits.

    In 2015, ProPublica reported how HIPAA, passed in 1996, has not kept up with changes in technology and does not cover at-home paternity tests, fitness trackers or health apps.

    The story featured a woman who purchased an at-home paternity test at a local pharmacy and went online to get the results. A part of the lab’s website address caught her attention as a cybersecurity consultant. When she tweaked the URL slightly, a long list of test results of some 6,000 other people appeared.

    She complained on Twitter and the site was taken down. But when she alerted the Office for Civil Rights within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees HIPAA compliance, officials told her they couldn’t do anything about it. That’s because HIPAA only covers patient information kept by health providers, insurers and data clearinghouses, as well as their business partners.

    Deven McGraw is the former deputy director for health information privacy at the HHS Office for Civil Rights. She said the decision overturning Roe, called Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, should spark a broader conversation about the limits of HIPAA.

    “All of a sudden, people are waking up to the idea that there’s a lot of sensitive data being collected outside of HIPAA and asking, ‘What are we going to do?’” said McGraw, who is now the lead for data stewardship and data sharing at Invitae, a medical genetics company. “It’s been that way for a while, but now it’s in sharper relief.”

    McGraw noted how that’s not just the case for period-tracking apps but also some apps that store COVID-19 vaccine records. Because Congress wrote HIPAA, lawmakers would have to update it to cover those cases. “Our health data protections are badly out of date,” she said. “But the agencies can’t fix this. This is on Congress.”

    Consumer Reports’ digital lab evaluated eight period-tracking apps this spring and found that four allowed third-party tracking by companies other than the maker of the app. Four apps stored data remotely, not just on the user’s device. That makes the information potentially subject to a data breach or a subpoena from law enforcement agencies, though one of the companies surveyed by Consumer Reports has said it would shut down rather than turn over users’ data.

    In a press release last week, HHS sought to allay worries with some advice that sounds reassuring.

    “According to recent reports, many patients are concerned that period trackers and other health information apps on smartphones may threaten their right to privacy by disclosing geolocation data which may be misused by those seeking to deny care,” HHS said in the release.

    The document quoted HHS Secretary Xavier Becerra about the protections provided by HIPAA: “HHS stands with patients and providers in protecting HIPAA privacy rights and reproductive health care information,” Becerra said. He urged anyone who thinks their privacy rights have been violated to file a complaint with the Office for Civil Rights.

    The release later acknowledged that, in most cases, HIPAA rules do not protect the privacy or security of individuals’ health information when they access or store it on personal cellphones or tablets. It offered guidance on steps people can take to protect their information.

    Since the court’s decision overturning Roe, some period-tracking apps have taken steps to minimize the risk of personal information being shared. One such company called Flo said it is developing an “anonymous mode” that would not require users to provide their name or email address.

    “Flo does not share or sell any health data with any other company, but wanted to take this additional step to reassure users who are living in states affected by an abortion ban,” the company said in a press release. “It is important to note that once this mode is activated, users will no longer be able to recover data when the device is lost, changed, or stolen and there may be limitations to using the app’s full personalization benefits. This is why Flo is offering Anonymous Mode as an option for concerned users instead of activating it by default.”

    In a statement after the Supreme Court decision, the digital civil liberties group Electronic Frontier Foundation said consumers should pay attention to “privacy settings on the services they use, turn off location services on apps that don’t need them, and use encrypted messaging services.

    “Companies should protect users by allowing anonymous access, stopping behavioral tracking, strengthening data deletion policies, encrypting data in transit, enabling end-to-end message encryption by default, preventing location tracking, and ensuring that users get notice when their data is being sought,” the EFF statement said. “And state and federal policymakers must pass meaningful privacy legislation. All of these steps are needed to protect privacy, and all are long overdue.”

    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.

  • A United Nations nuclear weapons ban meeting that concluded at the end of June in Vienna, mapped out a plan for participating states to “free the world” of nuclear weapons, reports Pip Hinman.