Category: Technology

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    Ngô Minh Hiếu was once a fearsome hacker who spent 7 1/2 years incarcerated in the U.S. for running an online store that sold the personal information of about 200 million Americans. Since leaving prison, Hiếu has become a so-called white hat hacker, attempting to protect the world from the sorts of cybercriminals he once was.

    These days, Hiếu said, it doesn’t take much hacking to access sensitive details about Americans. Companies and governments routinely leave databases exposed online with little or no protection, as we’ve reported, giving cybercriminals an easy way to harvest names, emails, passwords and other info. While in prison, Hiếu wrote an online security guide for the average internet user. As he and others have pointed out, it’s impossible to create an impenetrable shield. But here are some of his tips for how you can mitigate your risks, along with some other practical online security advice.

    1. Stop reusing passwords

    Make 2022 the year you finally stop reusing passwords. Once a password is exposed in a data breach, as routinely occurs, cybercriminals may use it on other websites to see if it grants them access and lets them take over an account or service. To help you generate lengthy, difficult-to-guess passwords without having to commit them to memory, use an encrypted password manager such as 1Password or LastPass. These services, which typically charge $3 to $4 per month, also monitor databases of breached passwords, like Have I Been Pwned, which can identify some passwords that have already been made public.

    2. Delete unused accounts

    Another benefit of using a password manager is that every time you create a new account at a website, you can log it in your password app. The app will track when you created a password and when you last modified it. If you notice that you haven’t used a website in a few years, and you don’t think you’re likely to use it again, delete your account from that website. It will mean one less place where your data resides.

    3. Add an additional layer of security

    Use multifactor authentication — which requires a second, temporary code in addition to your password to log in to a site or service — whenever possible. Some services send a six-digit code via text message or email. But the most secure method is to use an app that generates a numerical code on your phone that’s in sync with an algorithm running on the site. To make the process easier, you can download an app like Authy that, like a password keeper, helps you generate and manage all your multifactor authentications in one spot.

    4. Manage your apps’ privacy settings

    A lot of the data about us that gets leaked consists of information we don’t even realize apps and services collect. To limit that risk, check the privacy settings for any new app that you install on your computer, smartphone or other device. Deselect any services you don’t want the app to have access to, such as your contacts, location, camera or microphone. Here are some guides on how to manage your apps’ privacy settings for iPhone and Android devices.

    5. Think before you click

    Clicking on a link from a text message, an email or a search result without first thinking about whether it’s secure can expose you to phishing attacks and malware. In general, never click on any links that you didn’t seek out and avoid unsolicited emails asking you to open attachments. When in doubt, hover your cursor over a hyperlink and scrutinize the URL. Avoid it if it would lead you to somewhere you don’t expect or if it contains spelling errors like a missing or extra letter in a company’s name. And for safer online browsing, consider paying for an antivirus tool like Malwarebytes that helps you avoid suspicious URLs online (or sign up for a free browser guard extension).

    6. Keep your software up to date

    Whether it’s your web browser or the operating system on your computer or smartphone, it’s always a good idea to download and install the latest software update as soon as it’s available. Doing so fixes bugs and helps keep your systems patched against the latest security threats. To make sure you don’t forget, turn on notifications for new updates or enable autoupdate settings if they’re available.

    7. Limit what you’re sharing online

    Some of the large collections of personally identifiable information that have been floating around online weren’t hacked or stolen: They were simply scraped from social media websites like LinkedIn or Facebook. If you don’t want a particular piece of info about you out there, don’t put it on your social media profile. Scrub anything you don’t want exposed in your profiles, and check the platforms’ privacy settings to see who can access whatever is left. You can also pay for a service like DeleteMe, which helps centralize and pursue requests to delete your personal information from various data brokers.

    8. Secure your SIM

    One technique that has become increasingly common in recent years is SIM swapping: A cybercriminal tries to dupe your mobile carrier into switching your number from a SIM (the memory card that tells your phone it’s yours) that you control to a SIM that they control. The goal is to commandeer your phone so they can get around multifactor authentication settings that protect your financial accounts. To guard against SIM swaps, contact your carrier to establish an account PIN, or follow these directions if you’re with Verizon, AT&T or T-Mobile. And if you switch carriers, change your PIN.

    9. Freeze your credit reports

    If you’re afraid that a scammer might use your identity to open a fraudulent credit line in your name, consider placing a freeze on your report. A freeze will restrict access to your credit report, meaning that no one (not even you) will be able to open a new credit line while it’s in place. If you decide to apply for a loan or a new credit card, you can always unfreeze your credit later on. Freezing and unfreezing your credit is free, but you have to contact each of the three major credit bureaus separately to do it. Here’s a guide on how to get started.

    10. Back up your data

    Don’t assume that you’ll always have access to all your files and folders. Backing up your data can help you guard against virus infections as well as hard drive failure and theft or loss of your computer. You could use well-known cloud storage providers such as Dropbox or Google Drive to save copies of your data or buy a subscription to an online cloud backup service that automatically saves your files and lets you restore them if anything happens. All such services offer encryption, but if you’re afraid of storing your data in the cloud, keep an encrypted copy on a separate hard drive.

    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.

  • Web Desk:

    Russian-born YouTuber Alex Birkin has a YouTube channel called Alex Lab where he is seen performing science experiments. He has managed to wield a sword called Light Saber from the popular science fiction movie Star Wars.

    Inspired by Star Wars, he recently imitated the light sword featured in the movie and crafted a sword that would reach the top. Alex explained that always been a huge Star Wars fan, and the lightsaber was his most-wanted device.

    His innovative machine emits a plasma blade with a height of 3 feet and a temperature of 5072 degrees. Because of this heat, Alex’s sword is capable of cutting steel.

    Photo Courtesy: Screen Grab

    He has been collecting ideas and spare components for lightsaber and power equipment for many years on the internet and from junkyards.

    Alex told the Guinness Book of Records about his invention, saying that the real work on optical saber was electricity. An electrolyzer is a device that produces large amounts of hydrogen and oxygen and can compress a gas without any pressure. Alex was able to alter the hydrogen and oxygen burner to generate the shape and length required for his lightsaber after hundreds of trials and bench testing. Finally, the most difficult task was fitting the entire gas distribution system into a lightsaber handle.

    Photo Courtesy: Screen Grab

    Considering all of the work that has gone into making lightsaber what it is now, Alex still has a few tweaks he wants to make to better his design.

    Since this is the first prototype, it has a lot of room for improvement. The hydrogen torch is not as stable as it could be. It only lasts 30 seconds on full power. Due to hydrogen flashback, the lightsaber can sometimes just explode up in your palm.

    Photo Courtesy: Screen Grab

    Alex intends to develop the prototype by replacing the fuel tank with a carbon tank system and updating the nozzle. Meanwhile, Alex is already working on other new projects after earning a Guinness World Records title for his retractable lightsaber.

    This post was originally published on VOSA.

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    Consider some of the episodes last year in which large quantities of personal data were stolen: 300 million customer and device records for users of a service that’s supposed to shield internet traffic from prying eyes; a 17.6-million-row database from a second organization, containing profiles of people who participated in its market research surveys; 59 million email addresses and other personal data lifted from a third company. These sorts of numbers barely raise an eyebrow these days; none of the incidents generated major press coverage.

    Cybertheft conjures images of high-tech missions, with sophisticated hackers penetrating multiple layers of security systems to steal corporate data. But these breaches were far from “Ocean’s Eleven”-style operations. They were the equivalent of grabbing jewels from the seat of an unlocked car parked in a high-crime neighborhood.

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    In each case, the companies left the data exposed online with little or no security. So says Pompompurin, a pseudonymous hacker who posted the millions of stolen records cited above on RaidForums, a discussion board popular with cybercriminals seeking personal data. Pompompurin told ProPublica that he often doesn’t need to do much hacking to get his hands on sensitive personal data. Many times, it’s left in cloud storage folders available to anyone with internet access. Pompompurin said he scans the web for such unguarded material and then leaks it on RaidForums “because I can and it’s fun.”

    The exposed data extends far beyond what can be found on RaidForums, ranging from the prosaic and useless to the ultravaluable. In recent years, it has included everything from names, emails and chat transcripts of users of a sex cam website to America’s secret terrorist watch list to a virtual hard drive from the federal government with sections classified as “top secret.”

    Such incidents helped make 2021 a record year for data breaches, according to the Identity Theft Resource Center. Data exposure events, in which sensitive data is left sitting online, were responsible for cybersecurity incidents involving an estimated 164 million of the 294 million people victimized in 2021, according to the center.

    For years, companies have been vowing to harden their electronic defenses as cybersecurity firms repeatedly warned them about the pitfalls of this form of laxity. But to little avail. “It keeps happening because people commonly forget or they just think it’s private when it isn’t,” Pompompurin told ProPublica.

    There’s another reason, one that companies don’t like to talk about: It’s often cheaper to clean up a breach than it is to avoid one in the first place. Corporate losses from a data breach typically run around $200,000, according to a recent study of 56,000 cybersecurity incidents published by the Cyentia Institute, a cybersecurity research firm.

    The low costs don’t justify investing more in data security, according to Sasha Romanosky, a researcher at the RAND Corporation who has studied the issue. “The companies don’t bear the cost of these actions,” Romanosky said. “It is borne by the consumers.”

    The tab for taxpayers is mammoth. Identity theft enabled what may turn out to be the biggest fraud wave in U.S. history, siphoning off tens if not hundreds of billions of dollars of unemployment insurance payments, small business loans and grants. For unemployment insurance systems alone, estimates of the loss have ranged from around $90 billion to $250 billion or more. Whatever the ultimate figure, it will fall on the shoulders of taxpayers.

    Meanwhile, vast quantities of data remain undefended. About 8 billion files are exposed across cloud storage folders on the internet, according to Grayhat Warfare, a service that monitors open cloud storage folders and lets users search their contents. And a total of at least 7.2 million databases are exposed online, according to an internet scan performed for ProPublica by Censys, a search engine that catalogs internet-connected devices and services, ranging from database servers to computers managing drive-thru restaurants to surveillance cameras.

    The result is that gathering personal data on individuals is easier today than it was a decade ago, said Ngô Minh Hiếu, a reformed hacker who once ran an online store offering up personal data on about 200 million Americans. Stores like the one he once ran have proliferated online in recent years. “The information, it just sits there waiting for you to get it,” Hiếu said.

    Hiếu is now a so-called white hat hacker, seeking to identify black hats, like Pompompurin, and help companies guard against vulnerabilities they may exploit. But when it comes to exposed data in the U.S., the black hats are winning.

    Americans rarely get a glimpse of hackers, much less what their work entails. They might be surprised to learn how little experience is needed. People often think hackers are highly sophisticated, Troy Hunt, creator of data breach tracking website Have I Been Pwned, told ProPublica. But in reality, there’s so much unsecured data online that most of the 11.7 billion email addresses and usernames in Hunt’s collection come from young adults who watch a few instructional videos and figure out how to grab them for malicious purposes. “It’s coming from kids with internet access and the ability to run a Google search and watch YouTube videos,” Hunt said in a 2019 talk about how hackers gain access to data.

    Hiếu was once one of those teenagers. He grew up in a Vietnamese fishing town where his parents ran an electronics store. His dad got him a computer at age 12 and, like many adolescents, Hiếu was hooked.

    His online pursuits quickly took a wrong turn. First, he started stealing dial-up account logins so he could surf the web for free. Then he learned how to deface websites and abscond with data left exposed on them. In high school, he joined forces with a friend who helped him pilfer credit card data from online stores and make up to $500 a day reselling it.

    Eventually fellow hackers told him the real money was in aggregating and reselling Americans’ identities. Unlike credit cards, which banks can cancel instantly, stolen identities can be reused for various fraudulent purposes.

    Beginning around 2010, Hiếu went looking for ways to get detailed profiles of Americans. It didn’t take long to find a source: MicroBilt, a Georgia-based consumer credit reporting firm, had a vulnerability on its website that allowed Hiếu to identify and take over user accounts. Hiếu said he used the credentials to start querying MicroBuilt’s database. He sold access to the search results on his online data store, called Superget.info.

    MicroBilt spotted the vulnerability and kicked Hiếu out, setting off a monthslong standoff during which, Hiếu said, he exploited several vulnerabilities in the company’s systems to keep his store going. MicroBilt did not respond to requests seeking comment.

    Tired of the back and forth, Hiếu went looking for another source. He found his way into a company called Court Ventures, which resold aggregated personally identifiable information on Americans. Hiếu used forged documents to pretend he was a private investigator from Singapore with a legitimate use for the data. He called himself Jason Low and provided a fake Yahoo email address. Soon, he was in.

    Ngô Minh Hiếu in Ho Chi Minh City (Yen Duong, special to ProPublica)

    Hiếu’s fake account turned Superget.info into a go-to destination for cybercriminals, what U.S. prosecutors later described as the Amazon of stolen identities. In essence, Hiếu was a wholesaler, dealing search results for particular details like driver’s licenses or Social Security Numbers or packages of identity information. He offered individual and bulk search plans and allowed cybercriminals to resell the data in their countries via reseller arrangements. One of his biggest resellers was a Russian going by the alias “Devil.” Other customers were located in the U.S., Ukraine, Brazil, Romania, Vietnam, Ghana and Nigeria, according to Matt O’Neill, a senior special agent at the U.S. Secret Service, which began investigating Hiếu in 2011. By distributing the data so widely, Hiếu “caused more material financial harm to more Americans than any cyber fraudster,” O’Neill said.

    By the time he was 22, Hiếu estimated, he was earning $100,000 to $150,000 a month in a country where the average person earns less than $200 per month. He splurged on luxury cars, like a customized Hyundai, a BMW and a Lexus, and got himself a $10,000 cellphone. He treated his family to vacations at high-end resorts and helped his parents repay some debts. When they asked how he was making his money, recalled his sister Ngô Nora, he’d say he was creating websites.

    Hiếu’s empire began to unravel when the Secret Service alerted Court Ventures’ parent company, Experian, to his activities, and the firm cut off his data access. (Experian has said it didn’t know about Hiếu’s fake account with Court Ventures when it bought the company in 2012. A spokesperson said the company is “deeply committed to helping consumers protect their data from today’s increasingly sophisticated cyber criminals.”)

    Addicted to his opulent lifestyle, Hiếu went looking for another data source. O’Neill, the Secret Service agent, saw an opening: He convinced a cooperating defendant in another case to message Hiếu and offer him the promise of an even better data source than Experian — but only if he’d meet with another contact in the U.S. territory of Guam to strike a deal.

    Hiếu resisted the entreaties at first, O’Neill recalled in an interview. But in February 2013 Hiếu gave in and hopped on a flight to Guam. Soon after he landed, finally putting him within reach of U.S. law, the Secret Service arrested him.

    Facing up to 45 years behind bars, Hiếu agreed to cooperate and pleaded guilty to multiple counts of fraud. He let O’Neill use his email and online persona to talk to his customers. O’Neill said he spent two years asking them why they were seeking to buy people’s personal information. Most said they wanted the data so they could file fake tax returns in other people’s names and obtain the refunds. The Internal Revenue Service estimated that nearly 14,000 victims had fraudulent tax returns filed in their names claiming a total of $65 million in refunds using data from Hiếu’s store. Evidence gathered by O’Neill helped in the prosecution of about two dozen of the perpetrators.

    Hiếu said he had never wondered why his customers wanted data. “It’s just numbers, information,” he told himself when he ran his website. It was only after he was sentenced to 13 years in prison in July 2015, he said, that he realized the harm he had caused.

    Hiếu was shuffled among local and federal prisons in New Hampshire, Ohio, Louisiana, New Jersey, New York, Mississippi and Texas as he cooperated with authorities in various cases against his former clients. The low-security prisons gave him an opportunity to keep in touch with the outside world and to rehabilitate himself, which he’d vowed to do.

    Hiếu completed anger management and life skills classes, according to court records, and attended group counseling sessions during his stay at a county jail in Dover, New Hampshire. He started reading the Bible. His counselor at the Dover jail, Minnett Induisi, said Hiếu took responsibility for his actions. “In all my years of working at the jail, I have never seen someone so committed to making himself a better person,” said Induisi, who has taught at the jail for 41 years.

    In 2016, Hiếu wrote a long email to the assistant U.S. attorney who had prosecuted his case. It detailed his acts, including the MicroBilt and Experian hacks, along with his theft of 100,000 credit card details from a U.K. retailer and personal data from U.S. and Canadian payday lenders. He wrote that he found his targets by running a service that scanned the internet 24 hours a day to find vulnerabilities in websites that he could use to steal data.

    Hiếu said he wrote the email because he no longer had anything to hide. He dreamed of returning online not as a cybercriminal but as a researcher who would help catch cybercriminals. To maintain his skills and keep up with cybersecurity news, he used tablets in prison libraries, read books and wrote a digital security guide for the average person. He called it “Online Security Tips From a Former Hacker” and vowed to publish it when he left prison.

    The need for white hats, Hiếu could see, was exploding. Hacking itself was as old as computer networks, but the rise of cloud computing had multiplied the opportunities exponentially. Governments and businesses around the world had embraced the cloud, migrating ever more data and software from their own computers to remote servers accessed via the internet. The move revolutionized e-commerce, making it easier and faster to store data, share files, stream videos, develop apps, collaborate and create new software and technology of all sorts. The trend, well under way in the first decade of the century, only accelerated in the 2010s.

    The speed of the migration had a downside. In their rush to embrace cloud computing, businesses and governments often forgot to secure the data they were moving into the cloud. Often, the failure to change a single setting on a database server or a storage folder on a cloud service meant the difference between keeping it private or exposing it to the world.

    Anyone looking to find unprotected data could fire up a specialized search engine and start sifting through the internet like a prospector searching for gold. In mid-2015, Chris Vickery, an IT help desk technician at a Texas law firm, started using one such search engine called Shodan to identify devices and services connected to the internet. Within months, he discovered a trove of customer data belonging to MacKeeper, a popular antivirus tool for Mac users. “I have downloaded over 13 million accounts’ details from a publicly accessible and completely exposed database,” he wrote in a Dec. 14, 2015 email alerting MacKeeper to the vulnerability.

    Volodymyr Diachenko was on the receiving end of that alert, which prompted a swift response from MacKeeper. At the time, he was a PR manager for the company, based in Ukraine. Vickery’s discovery prompted Diachenko to team up with Vickery and start hunting for similar vulnerabilities. “It was so alarming and disturbing that I wanted to learn more about how it happened and to start alarming other companies about how much they have exposed,” Diachenko said in an interview. Diachenko and Vickery found massive quantities of untended data, including passport data and Social Security Numbers, scattered across the web.

    Black hats took notice, too. In 2015, an individual calling himself Omnipotent launched RaidForums, an online message board where hackers could advertise leaked databases and store them for easy retrieval. The website became the destination of choice for black hats looking to share data or auction off their finds to the highest bidder, aggregating billions of leaked records across thousands of data dumps.

    A person who responded to messages directed to Omnipotent told ProPublica that he founded RaidForums because he believes in freedom of information: “And what I mean specifically is that if a hacker is in the dark web selling a database with your information you should yourself be aware of it and able to access that data for free through my services or similar.” Omnipotent acknowledged that individuals with malicious motives may access the data as well, “but that’s no reason to just stop making data free.”

    Similar sites increasingly abound. WeLeakInfo offered personal information obtained in over 10,000 data breaches containing some 12 billion searchable records until it was shut down by authorities in 2020. Analysts for cyber threat intelligence firm Flashpoint have noticed about 100 websites offering up stolen identities over the past year. ProPublica spotted similar services operating on the messaging app Telegram, which abruptly shut some of them after our inquiry.

    The proliferation of such sites is crucial to the techniques used by cybercriminals. They often combine pieces of stolen information from various sites to build profiles of targets for exploitation. It’s why hackers often build huge collections of leaked databases and “trade them like Pokemon cards,” said Allison Nixon, chief research officer at cybersecurity investigation firm Unit 221B.

    What has become an ongoing war between white hats and black hats necessitates vigilance and swift action. When Diachenko intentionally left a database exposed in 2020 to see how long it would take for it to get noticed and accessed, the first intrusion came just 8 hours and 35 minutes after it went live, followed by 174 more over 12 days. The experiment ended when an attacker deleted the database contents and left a ransom note demanding a Bitcoin payment to avoid having the data posted online.

    Often it’s not clear if companies take any action in response to warnings from white hats. On Oct. 8, Diachenko discovered the collection of 300 million customer and device records for users of several virtual private networks, which help internet users shield their web traffic. He alerted the company that owned the services, ActMobile Networks, but did not get any response for nearly three weeks. (ActMobile didn’t reply to ProPublica’s inquiries.) Eventually, ActMobile denied having any databases and threatened to “take action” against Diachenko if he wrote about his discovery. By then, black hats had noticed the data as well. On Nov. 1, the records made their debut on RaidForums.

    That data was posted by Pompompurin, who joined RaidForums in October 2020 and quickly became one of its most active members. Pompompurin, whose alias was borrowed from a Japanese cartoon dog, told ProPublica that he has leaked around 20 databases online and has more than 100 “on my pc just chilling.”

    Collecting and sharing data isn’t just a pastime for him. It’s also a commercial enterprise at times. After another hacker obtained customer data from the stock-trading app Robinhood in November, Pompompurin helped sell the material, posting an ad on RaidForums seeking bids for the spoils. “No lowball offers,” the advertisement read. “This is highly profitable if in the right hands.” He confirmed that he sold it, but wouldn’t say for how much.

    The ease with which companies’ data can be harvested led Pompompurin to write a blog post praising ransomware. The post argues that the high cost of ransom might finally prompt companies to take data security seriously.

    Pompompurin appears to be a sort of nondenominational hacker, targeting not only lax companies, but even other cybercriminals. For example, he figured out a way to get a copy of the credit card details for customers of WeLeakInfo. He dumped those online too.

    Pompompurin is happy to discuss his activities and his philosophy, but not his identity. (Pompompurin was willing to confirm that his preferred personal pronoun is “he.”) Still, some clues about his potential identity may be starting to appear as he spars online — black hat vs. white hat — with a cybercrime investigator named Vinny Troia, who has been researching his activities and recently purported to unmask him.

    In November, Troia published a blog post tracing the Pompompurin alias to a cybersecurity professional in Calgary, Alberta, named Chris Meunier. Meunier started hacking around the age of 14, according to Troia, cycling through various online aliases as he collaborated with a childhood friend on data heists conducted by a fearsome hacking group known as the Dark Overlord. (A website for a Calgary-based company called WhitePacket lists its proprietor as Meunier. He did not respond to emails seeking comment and could not be reached by phone.)

    Pompompurin denied that he’s Meunier in a message exchange with ProPublica and in a Nov. 16 blog post on his website. Pompompurin describes himself on his site as a “threat actor, website administrator and proud Canadian.” He has retaliated against Troia, including by commandeering an FBI email alert system and using it to send out fake emails about him. Pompompurin told ProPublica he did that “because it was fun.”

    Pompompurin’s public jousts with Troia reveal the hacker’s thinking. In April, when Pompompurin published a post on RaidForums unveiling the trove of 59 million email addresses and other information on tens of millions of Americans, he also posted a screenshot of a chat with Troia about whether to make the data available. Troia urged him not to do so.

    “What would you gain by leaking it,” Troia asked.

    “Nothing,” Pompompurin responded.

    “Then why do itb,” Troia asked.

    “Because I wanna,” he answered.

    “Just to expose more peoples info,” Troia responded.

    “Yes,” Pompompurin said.

    Photos of Hiếu before and during his time in prison. He was 23 when he was arrested. (Yen Duong, special to ProPublica)

    White hats gained a new recruit when Hiếu returned to Vietnam in August 2020 after seven and a half years in prison, about six years earlier than expected thanks to his cooperation and good behavior.

    Hiếu was shocked when he realized how much he’d missed while in prison. His sister Nora had gotten married and had a child. His ex-girlfriend, who broke up with him while he was in prison, was in a new relationship and about to marry someone else.

    Once Hiếu adjusted to his new life in Ho Chi Minh City, he published his online security guide and went looking for a job. The Vietnamese government hired him as a researcher at its National Cyber Security Center, where his job involves monitoring RaidForums and similar platforms for black hats who seek to exploit Vietnamese targets. “I love it because I chase those people who I was before,” he said. Hiếu hasn’t crossed paths with Pompompurin, but said he saw a bit of his younger self in the hacker: “I just feel like I was that kind of guy back in the day.”

    When Hiếu comes across hackers whose activities may be of interest to U.S. law enforcement, he sends tips to O’Neill, the Secret Service agent who helped put him in prison. O’Neill confirmed that Hiếu has provided the agency “credible and actionable” intel.

    One thing immediately became clear to Hiếu after he started his current job: “It’s a lot easier and a lot faster to do cybercrime nowadays,” he said. When Hiếu was running his stolen-data store a decade ago, he often dealt with his customers via email, which exposed him to wire fraud charges tied to the U.S.-based email service he used. Nowadays, cybercriminals can just set up their own channels on Dubai-based Telegram and instantly advertise their services or stolen data to customers all around the world. When they find buyers, they can strike deals via encrypted chat messages, which are difficult for law enforcement to access, especially for those sent via services based outside of the U.S.

    “We can’t get the chats,” said Jason Kane, special agent in charge of the Secret Service’s Criminal Investigative Division. “It’s not like the old days of a wiretap where you tap someone’s phone under a legal process and you were able to hear the bad actors talk about the bad activity.”

    A December advertisement for a chatbot offering to sell personal data, posted by @TomsShop in a Telegram channel called FullzShopDL. Telegram deleted the channel and its chatbots after ProPublica inquired about them. (Screenshot from Telegram)

    Hiếu showed ProPublica some of the services that thrive in this ecosystem. They include fully automated Telegram chatbots that spit out Americans’ identities on demand. One of these, known as the Hornet Lookup Bot, offered instant access to Social Security numbers for $10 each and driver’s licenses for $40. A Russian chatbot offered a similar service for the U.S., the United Kingdom and Canada. Yet another chatbot purported to be able to open bank accounts in any state using a stolen identity, according to touts from a Telegram user named @TomsShop in a channel called FullzShopDL. Most of the payments in such venues now occur in Bitcoin, which is hard to trace.

    Telegram shut down the Hornet Lookup Bot, the Russian chatbot and @TomsShop’s sales channels after ProPublica asked about the services, but the company did not answer questions about why it allowed them to operate in the first place. (Rep. James Clyburn, D-S.C., recently posed similar questions in a letter to Telegram founder Pavel Durov that cited ProPublica’s July report about how cybercriminals were using the messaging platform to help each other file fake unemployment insurance claims. In September, Durov posted a message in his Telegram channel saying that “Telegram gives its users more freedom than any other app. If Telegram has to temporarily remove some content due to a law, it means that other platforms would have removed it long before us.” A spokesperson for Clyburn said Telegram has “refused to engage” with Clyburn’s committee.)

    Not surprisingly, stores that sell stolen data quickly pop back up after they’re shut down. Cybercriminals often simply recycle their old usernames with a new digit or an extra letter at the end, and they’re back in business. The Hornet Lookup Bot is back in service on Telegram, now calling itself a “search” bot, and @TomsShop resurfaced under the handle @TomsShopz.

    There’s no shortage of data leaks to help restock such services. When black hats steal data, posts quickly pop up on Telegram and RaidForums offering access to the information. After T-Mobile suffered a serious breach of its servers in July, an ad popped up on RaidForums offering 30 million Social Security and driver’s license numbers that were purportedly harvested from the heist. “Freshly dumped and NEVER sold before!” the August post enthused. (A spokesperson for T-Mobile, which has suffered at least five data breaches since 2018, said the company is creating a cyber transformation office that will create a “security-forward mindset.”)

    Personal data posted in a Telegram channel with the message “Free one!” as an enticement to new customers (Screenshot from Telegram)

    Once stolen data is no longer fresh, like many products, its price gets marked down, or it’s offered as a free enticement to attract new customers. One Telegram channel spit out random Americans’ Social Security numbers, addresses, driver’s licenses, dates of birth and names along with the message “free one!” mixed in between ads for full packages of identity information for $3 each. “It’s very easy to obtain data that belongs to U.S. people,” Hiếu said.

    In November 2020, drivers in Texas got an unpleasant surprise when a software company called Vertafore, whose clients include auto insurers, revealed that it had left 28 million Texas driver’s license numbers sitting unsecured online. Three weeks later the company discovered that one of its products had been leaving reports containing names, addresses, birth dates and driver’s license numbers publicly accessible for about eight years, according to a notice filed in another state.

    Fourteen months later, no federal or state agency has taken any public action in response, though the state of Texas has said it is investigating the breach. Vertafore did not reply to emails seeking comment. (At the time of the driver’s license leak the company said it “takes data privacy and security very seriously.”)

    The U.S. doesn’t have comprehensive federal laws governing data security. So the burden has fallen to states. About half have enacted laws requiring companies to implement and maintain security procedures to prevent unauthorized access to personal information.

    Companies occasionally face regulatory penalties for leaving data exposed online, but they don’t amount to much. In 194 instances cataloged by insurance data provider Advisen, most of them after 2008, companies have paid fines and penalties for leaving data unprotected, totaling about $71.6 million. That’s an average of about $369,000 per incident involving a fine or penalty.

    All 50 states have enacted laws requiring notifications in case of data breaches. But consumers are often still left in the dark about whether they’ve been affected. Most states let the organizations that lost control of the data decide whether they need to issue a notification. When they do, a press release is often enough to satisfy state laws.

    “It should be pretty clear by now that breach notification has failed to actually inspire effective data security protections across the board,” said Harley Geiger, head of public policy at Rapid7, a Boston-based cybersecurity firm. Geiger said a national baseline standard is needed to prompt businesses to implement appropriate data security protections.

    The European Union has been operating under such a standard since May 2018. Known as the General Data Protection Regulation, the law requires companies to implement security measures to protect sensitive personal data and to promptly notify regulators and affected consumers when it gets compromised. Violations of the data protection rules can result in fines as high as 4% of a business’s annual worldwide sales. “You have to implement cybersecurity measures if you process personal data, and if you do not, you will have a legal problem,” said Stefan Hessel, a cybersecurity specialist in Germany at the Reuschlaw law firm.

    Such measures may in fact make it harder for hackers to ply their trade, if Pompompurin’s postings are any indication. In August he was asked on RaidForums why large collections of personal data always seem to come from the U.S. He responded: “Because its the easiest to get, other countries have load of protection laws & shit, in the US your address is basically public information no matter how hard you try not to be put on lists like this.”

    The Federal Trade Commission has been asking Congress to bolster its legal authority for more than a decade by enacting legislation that would set nationwide standards for data protection and breach notification. Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., and Sen. Roger Wicker, R-Miss., have each introduced bills that would require companies to implement and maintain reasonable data security practices to protect sensitive data and enable the FTC to more easily fine companies that suffer data breaches because of their own negligence. The two Senators are talking about combining their bills, according to a Senate committee staffer.

    Pompompurin doesn’t seem concerned. In June, he organized 155 leaked databases into a neat index for RaidForums users. It included some of his greatest hits, and he invited others to submit their favorites. As he put it, “There’s a LOT of good dumps on here that should get more recognition.”

    His effort was met with adoration. “Thanks for your hard work,” one RaidForums user responded, “we will get more data.”

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    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.

  • Andrew Chuter reviews two books by Peter Norton that trace the rise and rise of the private car.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • Web Desk:

    According to CNN, as Covid-19 forces families across India to downsize or cancel their traditionally large-scale weddings, one couple has found a venue unaffected by restrictions: the Metaverse.

    Dinesh Siva Kumar Padmavathi and Janaganandhini Ramaswamy from Tamil Nadu, where wedding gatherings are currently limited to 100 people, have invited 2,000 people to their virtual reception next month. And as self-professed Potter heads, or fans of Harry Potter, the pair have opted for a Hogwarts-themed party that guests can attend via their phones, tablets, or laptops.

    Photo Courtesy: CNN/SP Dinesh

    “Because of the pandemic, a physical, real kind of reception is not possible with the huge number of people attending,” said Padmavathi, who goes by the name Dinesh SP, on the phone from the southern state’s capital of Chennai. “So, we decided: let’s make it in the Metaverse.”

    The groom, a 24-year-old blockchain and cryptocurrency enthusiast, worked with start-up platform TardiVerse to create a castle-like digital space inspired by Hogwarts.

    Photo Courtesy: CNN/TardiVerse

    The legal wedding ceremony will still take place physically in front of close friends and relatives in Ramaswamy’s village in Tamil Nadu’s Krishnagiri district, about 170 miles from Chennai.

    But afterward, the couple will log on to join their reception, which is costing $2,016, approximately 150,000 Indian rupees to design, develop and host. The one-hour event will see the newlyweds virtually address their guests, who will be able to explore the castle and customize their avatars’ appearance and outfits.

    As well as being able to invite guests who couldn’t otherwise attend, the couple said the digital celebration has another unique advantage: they can involve Ramaswamy’s late father in the proceedings.

    “My father-in-law passed away last April,” Padmavathi said. “So, I’m creating a 3D avatar that looks similar to (him), and he will bless me and my fiancée. That’s something we can only do in the metaverse.”

    Photo Courtesy: CNN?TardiVerse

    Padmavathi believes that his reception in the Metaverse will be the first-ever of its kind to be held in the country.

    This post was originally published on VOSA.

  • Agency responds after ICO says encryption plays an important role in children’s online safety

    The National Crime Agency has said that end-to-end encryption risks “turning the lights out” for law enforcers trying to prevent child abuse, after the UK data watchdog said failure to introduce strongly encrypted messaging poses a risk to children.

    The NCA said referrals from social media companies led to 500 arrests and safeguarded 650 children every month in the UK, but that will become “much more challenging” to achieve under widespread use of end-to-end encryption.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Papers leaked by Frances Haugen revealed users in India were inundated with fake news and anti-Muslim posts

    Former Facebook employee Frances Haugen and other prominent whistleblowers have renewed calls for Facebook to release a long-awaited report on its impact in India, alleging the company is purposely obscuring human rights concerns.

    More than 20 organizations on Wednesday joined whistleblowers Frances Haugen and Sophie Zhang, as well as former Facebook vice-president Brian Boland, to demand the company, now called Meta, release its findings.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Global headquarters forced to shut down computer systems for programme that reunites families separated by conflict

    The International Committee of the Red Cross has been the victim of a cyber-attack in which hackers seized the data of more than 515,000 extremely vulnerable people, some of whom had fled conflicts.

    “A sophisticated cybersecurity attack against computer servers hosting information held by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) was detected this week,” it said in a statement.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Facebook’s Dangerous Individuals and Organizations policy, a vast library of secret rules limiting the online speech of billions, is ostensibly designed to curtail offline violence. For the editors of the Tamil Guardian, an online publication covering Sri Lankan news, the policy has meant years of unrelenting, unexplained censorship.

    Thusiyan Nandakumar, the Tamil Guardian’s editor, told The Intercept that over the past several years, Facebook has twice suspended the publication’s Instagram account and removed dozens of its posts without warning — each time claiming a violation of the DIO policy. The censorship comes at a time of heightened scrutiny of this policy from free speech advocates, civil society groups, and even the company’s official Oversight Board.

    A string of meetings with Facebook have yielded nothing more than vague assurances, dissembling, and continued deletions, according to Nandakumar. Despite claims from the company that it would investigate the matter, Nandakumar says the situation has only gotten worse. Faced with ongoing censorship, the Guardian’s staff have decided to self-censor, no longer using the outlet’s Instagram account for fear of losing it permanently.

    Facebook admitted to The Intercept that some of the actions taken against the outlet had been made in error, while defending others without providing specifics.

    Civil liberties advocates who discussed the Tamil Guardian’s treatment said that it’s an immediately familiar dynamic and part of a troubling trend. Facebook moderators, whether in South Asia, Latin America, or in any of the other places they patrol content, routinely take down posts first and ask questions later, the advocates said. They tend to lack expertise and local nuance, and their employer is often under pressure from local governments. In Sri Lanka, authorities have “picked up and harassed” Tamil journalists for critical coverage in real life, according to Steven Butler of the Committee to Protect Journalists, who called the Tamil Guardian’s Facebook experience “definitely a press freedom issue.” Indeed, experts said Facebook’s censorship of the Guardian calls into fundamental question its ability to sensibly distinguish “dangerous” content that can instigate violence from journalistic and cultural expression about groups that have engaged in violence.

    Sri Lanka’s Information Offensive

    The roots of the Tamil Guardian’s very 21st-century online content dilemma go back more than four decades, to the civil war that erupted between Sri Lanka’s government and members of its Tamil ethnic minority in 1983. It was then that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam began a 25-year, sporadically fought conflict to establish an independent Tamil state. During the war, the LTTE, also known as the Tamil Tigers, developed an increasingly ruthless reputation. To the ruling party of Sri Lanka and its allies in the West, the Tamil Tigers were a bloody, irredeemable militant group, described by the FBI in 2008 as “among the most dangerous and deadly extremists in the world.” But for many Sri Lankan Tamils, the Tigers were their army, a bulwark against a government intent on repressing them. “It was an organization that at the time became almost synonymous with Tamil demands for independence, as they were the group that was quite literally willing to die for it,” Nandakumar explained via email.

    Unquestionably, however, the LTTE was a violent organization whose tactics included the use of suicide bombings, torture, civilian assaults, and political assassinations. The government, meanwhile, perpetrated decades of alleged war crimes, including the repeated massacre of Tamil civilians, generating waves of bloodshed that dispersed Sri Lankan Tamils throughout the world. The Tamil Guardian was founded in London in 1998 to serve members of this diaspora as well as those who remained in Sri Lanka. Though it was often considered a pro-Tiger publication in contemporaneous reporting during the war, the Tamil Guardian of today runs editorials by the likes of David Cameron and Ed Milliband, and its work is cited by larger outlets in the western political media mainstream.

    The Tigers were defeated and dissolved in 2009, bringing the civil war to a close after the deaths of an estimated 40,000 civilians. In the years since, Sri Lankan Tamils have observed Maaveerar Naal, an annual remembrance of those who died in the war, with ceremonies both at home in Sri Lanka and abroad. “When [Tigers] died or were killed, people lost family, friends, colleagues,” said Nandakumar. “They are people that many around the world still want to remember and commemorate.”

    Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan state has conducted what human rights observers have described as a campaign of brutal suppression against the memorialization of war casualties and other expressions of Tamil national identity. Mentions of the LTTE are subject to particularly fierce crackdowns by the hard-line government helmed by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a former Sri Lankan defense secretary accused of directly ordering a multitude of atrocities during the war.

    The suppression campaign has included attempts to stifle unwanted online commentary. In September 2019, Gen. Shavendra Silva, Sri Lanka’s army chief, announced a military offensive against “information” at the nation’s Seventh Annual Cyber Security Summit. “Misguided youths sitting in front of the social media would be more dangerous than a suicide bomber,” Silva remarked. Soon after, Nandakumar says, the Tamil Guardian found itself unable to even mention the Tigers on Facebook without being subjected to censorship via the DIO policy. Nandakumar said that virtually any coverage from the Guardian related to the Tigers or even to sentiments of Tamil pride risks removal. Routinely stricken from the Tamil Guardian’s Facebook and Instagram accounts are posts covering Tamil nationalist political protests inside Sri Lanka as well as uploads merely depicting historically notable LTTE figures. Each time the Tamil Guardian has posts deleted or its account ejected, the only rationale provided is that the post somehow violated Facebook’s prohibition against “praise, support, or representation” of a dangerous organization, even though the policy is supposed to carry an exemption for journalism.

    “We have never been accused of breaching any UK, or indeed U.S., laws particularly with regards to terrorism,” Nandakumar told The Intercept.

    On the Tamil Guardian’s overall experience with Facebook, spokesperson Kate Hayes would say only, via email: “We remove content that violates our policies, but if accounts continue to share violating content, we will take stronger action. This could include temporary feature blocks and, ultimately, being removed from the platform.”

    Though defunct, the Tigers are still a designated terror organization in the U.S., Canada, and the European Union, and Facebook cribs much of its DIO roster from these designations, blacklisting and limiting discussion of not only the Tigers but also 26 other allegedly affiliated persons and groups. Still, as Nandakumar points out, Western outlets like the BBC and U.K. Guardian routinely cover the same protests and remembrances as his publication, and write obituaries for the same ex-LTTE cadres, without their publications being deemed terrorist propaganda.

    Nandakumar is convinced that the government is monitoring the Tamil Guardian’s Instagram account and reporting anything that could be construed pro-Tamil, Tiger or otherwise — although he concedes that he can’t prove the Sri Lankan state is behind the Facebook and Instagram suppression. In July 2020, Instagram removed a photo uploaded by the Tamil Guardian of Hugh McDermott, a member of the Australian Parliament, attending a Maaveerar Naal memorial event in Sydney, while a photo of a flower being laid at a similar event in London was deleted three months later. When the outlet published an article about Anton Balasingham, a former LTTE negotiator, in November 2020, on the anniversary of his death, an Instagram post promoting the article was quickly removed, as was a post that same month depicting the face of S. P. Thamilselvan, former head of the LTTE’s political wing and a peace negotiator who was killed by a Sri Lankan airstrike in 2007.

    Liberation Tigers for Tamil Eelam's (LTTE) chief negotiator Anton Balasingham during the press conference at the Bogis-Bossey chateau in Celigny, Switzerland, on Feb. 23, 2006.

    Liberation Tigers for Tamil Eelam’s (LTTE) chief negotiator Anton Balasingham during the press conference at the Bogis-Bossey chateau in Celigny, Switzerland, on Feb. 23, 2006.

    Photo illustration: Soohee Cho for The Intercept, Francois Mori/AP

    Facebook Adds to Government Pressure

    In January 2021, following two years of vanishing posts and requests for more information from Facebook, Nandakumar was able to secure a meeting with the team responsible for DIO enforcement. “The meeting was cordial, with Facebook acknowledging that … their policy can sometimes be bluntly applied and that mistakes can occur,” Nandakumar said. “They encouraged us to send examples, assuring us that this was an issue of importance and one that they would look into.” Nandakumar says the outlet then submitted an 11-page brief documenting the removals and hoped for the best.

    Meanwhile, the deletions kept coming. “We continued to send over examples, ensuring Facebook was kept almost constantly aware of the number of times our news coverage was being unfairly removed,” said Nandakumar.

    Despite Facebook’s suggestion that the posts had been removed in error, Nandakumar says that in February 2021, the DIO team flatly told him that the Tamil Guardian account had in fact been properly punished for its “praise, support, and representation” of terrorism. “It was extremely disappointing,” recounted Nandakumar in an email to The Intercept. “We had what seemed like a productive meeting, sent over a detailed brief and repeatedly emailed extensive examples, yet received a curt and blunt response which failed to address any of the issues we had raised. We were being brushed off. We highlighted once more that some of the events we covered were actually taking place in the US., legally and with full permission, but were still inexplicably being removed. Their reasoning just did not hold.”

    “We had what seemed like a productive meeting … yet received a curt and blunt response which failed to address any of the issues we had raised.”

    The deletions continued apace: When Kittu Memorial Park in Jaffna, Sri Lanka, burned to the ground in March 2021, the Tamil Guardian wrote an article accompanied by an Instagram post reporting on the suspected arson attack. The park was named for a Tiger colonel who committed suicide in 1993, and Facebook deleted the Instagram post associated with the Guardian article. Two months later, when the outlet published a series revisiting the 2009 destruction of a civilian hospital, believed to have been perpetrated by the Sri Lankan government and described by Human Rights Watch as a war crime, the accompanying Instagram posts were removed.

    A photo of Kittu Memorial Park posted to Instagram by the Tamil Guardian in March 2021 and removed later that month.

    Tamil Guardian

    A photo of Australian MP Hugh McDermott attending a Sri Lankan civil war memorial event in Sydney posted by the Tamil Guardian’s Instagram account, removed by Facebook in July 2020.

    Tamil Guardian

    During the weekend of Maaveerar Naal this past November, the account was reopened with an automated Facebook message saying that the suspension had been a mistake and then banned once more within the same 24-hour period. Though the account is currently reactivated, Nandakumar says the Tamil Guardian’s editors decided that using it to reach and grow the publication’s audience of about 40,000 monthly readers isn’t worth the risk.

    Facebook’s Hayes wrote, “We removed the Tamil Guardian account in error but we restored it as soon as we realized our mistake. We apologize for any inconvenience caused.” The company did not answer questions about why the Tamil Guardian’s deleted posts had been removed if its overall suspension had been an error.

    The Tamil Guardian obtained a second meeting with Facebook this past October after a pressure campaign from Canadian and British parliamentarians and Reporters Without Borders. At that meeting, Facebook cited its obligation “to comply with U.S. government regulation,” Nandakumar said, and stated that “our content may have continued to breach their guidelines.” Experts say there is no law on the books in the U.S. stopping Facebook from letting journalists or ordinary users freely discuss or even praise LTTE figures, commemorate the war’s victims, or depict contemporary remembrances of the dead. “I know of no obligation under U.S. law, no requirement that they remove such material,” Electronic Frontier Foundation Civil Liberties Director David Greene told The Intercept. “For years they would say, ‘I’m sorry, we are required by law to take that down.’ And we would ask them for the law, and we wouldn’t get anything.”

    The Daunting Job and “Human Error” of Moderators

    It appears then to be Facebook, not the federal government of the U.S., that is collapsing the LTTE and Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism into a single entity, the consequences of which make exploring the country’s painful past and uncertain future from the perspective of the war’s losing side a near impossibility on an internet where a presence on the company’s platforms is crucial to reaching an audience.

    Nandakumar said that the history of the Tigers and the future of Sri Lanka’s Tamils are impossible to untangle. “For newspapers and media organizations reporting on the conflict and the Tamil cause, it was impossible to avoid the LTTE – just as much as it would have been to avoid the Sri Lankan state,” he continued. Today, Nandakumar said, “alongside highlighting of the daily repression faced in the Tamil homeland, our role is to reflect and analyze the variety of Tamil political voices and opinion. We report on commemoration of historical or significant events as these remain important to the Tamil polity, who continue to mark these dates despite Sri Lanka’s attempts to stop them.”

    Tamil Guardian reporters, along with staff from other outlets, are frequently harassed and detained by Sri Lankan police, sometimes on the grounds that they’ve violated national anti-terror laws, according to a Reporters Without Borders report. In 2019, the Tamil Guardian’s Shanmugam Thavaseelan was arrested for “trying to cover a demonstration calling for justice for the Tamil civilians who disappeared during the civil war,” as the report put it.

    Nandakumar says he’s convinced that the Sri Lankan government has a hand in the Facebook deletions, in part because he’s learned that it has attempted similar tactics on other platforms: In December 2020, Twitter informed the Tamil Guardian that the Sri Lankan government had lobbied, unsuccessfully, to have the outlet’s tweets deleted on the platform. “This coincided with a ramping up of media suppression across the island and with the removal of our content on Facebook and Instagram.”

    “What is one person’s dangerous individual or organization is someone else’s hero.”

    “The action taken against The Tamil Guardian account was not in response to any government pressure or mass reporting,” said Facebook’s Hayes, adding that each of the two Instagram suspensions “was a case of human error.”

    Greene said that the Tamil Guardian’s treatment is illustrative of a fundamental parochialism behind the DIO policy: “What is one person’s dangerous individual or organization is someone else’s hero.” But before values come into play, there is the question of basic facts; a moderator overseeing Sri Lanka must know “who the Tamil Tigers were, what the political situation was, the fact that they don’t exist, what their ongoing legacy might be,” Greene said. “The amount of expertise that a company like Facebook is required to have on every single geopolitical situation around the world is really startling.”

    According to Jillian York, director for international freedom of expression at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, the rigidity of Facebook’s DIO roster risks causing what she described as “cultural and historical erasure,” a status quo under which one can’t publicly and freely discuss a group designated as an enemy by the U.S., even after that enemy ceases to exist. “We’ve seen this with some groups in Latin America that are still on the U.S. [terror] list, like FARC,” the Colombian guerrilla army that dissolved in 2017 but remains banned from free discussion under Facebook policy. “At some point, you have to be able to talk about these things.”

    The post Facebook’s Tamil Censorship Highlights Risks to Everyone appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Dozens of women journalists and human rights defenders in Bahrain and Jordan have had their phones hacked using NSO Group’s Pegasus spyware, according to a report by Front Line Defenders and Access Now.

    The report adds to a growing public record of Pegasus misuse globally, including against dissidents, reporters, diplomats, and members of the clergy. It also threatens to increase pressure on the Israel-based NSO Group, which in November was placed on a U.S. trade blacklist.

    “When governments surveil women, they are working to destroy them,” wrote Marwa Fatafta, Middle East and North Africa policy manager at Access Now, in a statement accompanying the report. “Surveillance is an act of violence. It is about exerting power over every aspect of a woman’s life through intimidation, harassment, and character assassination. The NSO Group and its government clients are all responsible, and must be publicly exposed and disgraced.”

    NSO Group was placed on the trade blacklist after a consortium of journalists working with the French nonprofit Forbidden Stories reported multiple cases in which journalists and activists appear to have been targeted by foreign governments using the spyware. (NSO denied the allegations.) The same month, researchers from Amnesty International and the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab said they found Pegasus on the phones of six Palestinian human rights activists. Last week, another Citizen Lab report found that dozens of Salvadoran human rights activists’ phones had been hacked using Pegasus.

    Pegasus is breathtaking in its ability to take complete control of a device without detection and is often referred to as “military grade” spyware. Researchers have said that it can access every message the subject has sent and received, including from encrypted messaging services; it can also access the camera and microphone, record the screen, and monitor the subject’s location via GPS.

    Apple sued NSO Group in November, trying to stop the company’s software from compromising its operating systems. That followed a similar suit from Facebook in 2019 alleging that the company was hacking the social media giant’s WhatsApp messaging service.

    NSO Group did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the new report. But earlier this week, in the wake of the El Salvador research, it said that it only grants licenses to government intelligence and law enforcement agencies following “a process of investigation and licensing” by the Israeli Ministry of Defense. The company added that the use of its cybersecurity tools to monitor dissidents, activists, and journalists is a serious misuse of that technology.

    In a study published in December 2020, Citizen Lab identified 25 countries whose governments had acquired surveillance systems from Circles, a company affiliated with NSO Group: Australia, Belgium, Botswana, Chile, Denmark, Ecuador, El Salvador, Estonia, Equatorial Guinea, Guatemala, Honduras, Indonesia, Israel, Kenya, Malaysia, Mexico, Morocco, Nigeria, Peru, Serbia, Thailand, the United Arab Emirates, Vietnam, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

    The hacks of the activists in Jordan and Bahrain now add two more countries to the list.

    Beaten by Police Then Hacked Eight Times

    The report documents how Pegasus can have a particularly egregious impact on women, who are disproportionately vulnerable to the weaponization of personal information when governments seek to intimidate, harass, and publicly smear dissidents.

    It details the case of Ebtisam al-Saegh, a renowned human rights defender who works in Bahrain with the advocacy group SALAM for Democracy and Human Rights. Al-Saegh’s iPhone was hacked at least eight times between August and November 2019 with Pegasus spyware, according to the researchers.

    The privacy violations extended what the report described as brutal harassment by Bahraini authorities. On May 26, 2017, the report said, Bahrain’s National Security Agency summoned al-Saegh to the Muharraq Police Station. Interrogators subjected her to verbal abuse and physically beat and sexually assaulted her. They threatened her with rape if she did not halt her human rights activism. Upon release, she was immediately taken to a hospital.

    “I am in a state of daily fear and terror after I was informed by Front Line Defenders that I was spied on.”

    “I am in a state of daily fear and terror after I was informed by Front Line Defenders that I was spied on,” the report quotes al-Saegh as saying. “I started to be afraid of having the phone next to me, especially when I am in the bedroom or even at home among my family, my children, my husband.”

    Front Line Defenders’ forensic investigation found that Ebtisam al-Saegh’s phone was compromised multiple times in August 2019 (on August 8, 9, 12, 18, 28, and 31); on September 19, 2019; and on November 22, 2019. Traces of process names linked to Pegasus were identified on her phone, such as “roleaccountd,” “stagingd,” “xpccfd,” “launchafd,” “logseld,” “eventstorpd,” “libtouchregd,” “frtipd,” “corecomnetd,” “bh,” and “boardframed.” Amnesty International’s Security Lab and the Citizen Lab have both attributed these process names to the NSO spyware.

    Another victim described in the report is Hala Ahed Deeb, a human rights activist and member of the legal team defending the Jordan Teachers’ Syndicate, one of the country’s largest labor unions. The Jordanian government dissolved the union in December 2020 in response to mass protests. Deeb’s phone was compromised by Pegasus on March 16, 2021, according to the report.

    Other victims mentioned in the report include Emirati activist Alaa al-Siddiq, Alaraby journalist Rania Dridi, and Al Jazeera broadcast journalist Ghada Oueiss.

    The report calls for an “immediate moratorium on the use, sale, and transfer of surveillance technologies produced by private firms until adequate human rights safeguards and regulation is in place” and a “move to take serious and effective measures against surveillance technology providers like NSO Group.”

    The post Pegasus Spyware Used Against Dozens of Activist Women in the Middle East appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • ANALYSIS: By Dale Dominey-Howes, University of Sydney

    In the wake of a violent volcanic eruption in Tonga, much of the communication with residents on the islands remains at a standstill. In our modern, highly-connected world, more than 95 percent of global data transfer occurs along fibre-optic cables that criss-cross through the world’s oceans.

    Breakage or interruption to this critical infrastructure can have catastrophic local, regional and even global consequences.

    This is exactly what has happened in Tonga following Saturday’s volcano-tsunami disaster. But this isn’t the first time a natural disaster has cut off critical submarine cables, and it won’t be the last.

    The video below shows the incredible spread of submarine cables around the planet – with more than 885,000 km of cable laid down since 1989. These cables cluster in narrow corridors and pass between so-called critical “choke points” which leave them vulnerable to a number of natural hazards including volcanic eruptions, underwater landslides, earthquakes and tsunamis.


    Animation of spread of global submarine cable network between 1989 and 2023. Video: ESRI

    What exactly has happened in Tonga?
    Tonga was only connected to the global submarine telecommunication network in the last decade. Its islands have been heavily reliant on this system as it is more stable than other technologies such as satellite and fixed infrastructure.

    The situation in Tonga right now is still fluid, and certain details have yet to be confirmed — but it seems one or more volcanic processes (such as the tsunami, submarine landslide or other underwater currents) have snapped the 872km long fibreoptic cable connecting Tonga to the rest of the world.

    The cable system was not switched off or disconnected by the authorities.

    This has had a massive impact. Tongans living in Australia and New Zealand cannot contact their loved ones to check on them. It has also made it difficult for Tongan government officials and emergency services to communicate with each other, and for local communities to determine aid and recovery needs.

    Telecommunications are down, as are regular internet functions – and outages keep disrupting online services, making things worse.

    Tonga is particularly vulnerable to this type of disruption as there is only one cable connecting the capital Nuku’alofa to Fiji, which is more than 800km away. No interisland cables exist.

    Risks to submarine cables elsewhere
    The events in Tonga once again highlight how fragile the global undersea cable network is and how quickly it can go offline. In 2009, I coauthored a study detailing the vulnerabilities of the submarine telecommunications network to a variety of natural hazard processes.

    And nothing has changed since then.

    Cables are laid in the shortest (that means cheapest) distance between two points on the Earth’s surface. They also have to be laid along particular geographic locations that allow easy placement, which is why many cables are clustered in choke points.

    Some good examples of choke points include the Hawai’ian islands, the Suez Canal, Guam and the Sunda Strait in Indonesia. Inconveniently, these are also locations where major natural hazards tend to occur.

    Once damaged it can takes days to weeks (or even longer) to repair broken cables, depending on the cable’s depth and how easily accessible it is. At times of crisis, such outages make it much harder for governments, emergency services and charities to engage in recovery efforts.

    Many of these undersea cables pass close to or directly over active volcanoes, regions impacted by tropical cyclones and/or active earthquake zones.

    https://blog.apnic.net/2021/01/13/how-critical-are-submarine-cables-to-end-users/
    Tonga is connected to the rest of the world via a global network of submarine cables. Image: Author provided
    Global plate tectonic boundaries
    In this map you can see the global plate tectonic boundaries (dashed lines) where most volcanic eruptions and earthquakes occur, approximate cyclone/hurricane zone (blue lines) and locations of volcanic regions (red triangles). Significant zones where earthquakes and tsunami occur are marked. Map: Author provided

    In many ways, Australia is also very vulnerable (as is New Zealand and the rest of the world) since we are connected to the global cable network by a very small number of connection points, from just Sydney and Perth.

    In regards to Sydney and the eastern seaboard of Australia, we know large underwater landslides have occurred off the coast of Sydney in the past. Future events could damage the critical portion of the network which links to us.

    How do we manage risk going forward?
    Given the vulnerability of the network, the first step to mitigating risk is to undertake research to quantify and evaluate the actual risk to submarine cables in particular places on the ocean floors and to different types of natural hazards.

    For example, tropical cyclones (hurricanes/typhoons) occur regularly, but other disasters such as earthquakes and volcanic eruptions happen less often.

    Currently, there is little publicly available data on the risk to the global submarine cable network. Once we know which cables are vulnerable, and to what sorts of hazards, we can then develop plans to reduce risk.

    At the same time, governments and the telecommunication companies should find ways to diversify the way we communicate, such as by using more satellite-based systems and other technologies.The Conversation

    Dr Dale Dominey-Howes is professor of hazards and disaster risk sciences at the University of Sydney. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The Lite Earbuds case has a 400 mAh battery and charges over USB-C

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • After talking and writing about it, I finally ditched my smartphone and switched to a flip phone, with the aim of being rid of a cell phone altogether.

    It’s only been a few days, but the psychological and spiritual effect has been uplifting. I had come to view the stupid smartphone as one of the principal portals into our individual and collective imprisonment. Vaccine passports, digital ID’s, constant surveillance and control, all rely on us remaining chained to a gadget less than two decades old.

    So chucking it felt not only necessary but cleansing, a Detox from addiction and dependency, a small step away from the increasingly repressive biosecurity state, which is confident that the masses will never get rid of this particular digital technology because, don’t you know, we simply can’t live without it.

    I totally get the difficulties, though. For millions of people, the smartphone is a vital component to one’s job or education. I’m one of the fortunate ones where this doesn’t apply, and only for the grace have I been able to opt out relatively easy. I only got a cell phone five years ago; and a smartphone two years ago, mainly because of family members who virtually lived on text. I was also traveling a lot, and apps like Google Maps were a God-send.

    But mainly I hated the thing, hated the feeling that I was growing used to it, embracing it even, eyes and ears magnetized to the screen. When the COVID nightmare came along, with its dystopian plans for an AI and QR future, my smartphone mutated into what it perhaps always was: a shackle. An instrument from which the powers-that-be were sneering at me, another fly trapped in their web.

    I knew there existed plenty of warriors working on wresting control of digital technology from the ruling elite, and I fully support those efforts. Personally, however, I hungered for another route. I wanted off the express train, or to at least move towards that goal. Last year, I wrote an article about why I’m often a Luddite wannabe, and one of the questions I posed then was: Is it time to ditch the smartphone? At the time, I had purchased an unlocked Acatel flip phone on Ebay for less than $100, but never got around to doing the switch.

    A week ago, I made the leap. It was surprisingly straight-forward. Here’s how it went down:

    Since I’m a Verizon customer, I went to the dealership where I first set up a cell account a few years ago. Luckily, the workers there weren’t mask crazy, so I kept mine under my nose. It turned out I couldn’t just transfer my phone number because I was changing devices. Fine, I said. My current account still had a few days left, so I would just text the few people I used the phone for and let them know.

    The young clerk at the counter was very nice and supportive. At one point, he told me that a lot of people were changing to flip phones because they were “easier to use.” Privately, I wondered if some of these people were as wary of the COVID bullshit and surveillance as I was.

    I smiled and said, “Slow and simple is a better life style.” He nodded and agreed. I paid the activation fee, tested my new toy, and all was well.

    “Have a happy holiday,” he said as we shook hands.

    “You too,” I said.

    Outside I pumped my fist in the air, as if I had scored a game-winning touchdown. I realized, of course, that this wasn’t some earth-shattering event. Yet it felt good to have moved in the right direction, a small step back to the slow and simple, which, paradoxically, could very well speed up resistance to the COVID agenda.

    The post Ditching the Smartphone first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • The search giant aims to make content streaming a bit smarter and more seamless across different devices

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • ANALYSIS: By Thomas Nash, Massey University

    The year is 2040 and Aotearoa New Zealand has reduced its greenhouse gas emissions consistent with the commitment to keep global heating below 1.5°C above pre-industrial temperatures.

    The economy, society, local government, transport, housing and urban design, energy, land use, food production and water systems have all changed significantly. Fossil fuels have been mostly phased out internationally and import taxes are imposed on high emissions goods.

    New Zealand is now a world leader in natural infrastructure, clean hydrogen energy, engineered wood and high quality low emissions food. Despite ongoing challenges, with a prosperous economy, most people think the transition was worth it.

    Cities are more pleasant places to live, air and water are cleaner, nature is more abundant.

    Following the emissions budgets stipulated by the Zero Carbon Act in late 2021, emissions are now properly priced into all economic decisions. The Emissions Trading Scheme has been reinforced and the price of emitting carbon has stabilised at $300 per tonne, after hitting $75 in 2022 and $200 by 2030.

    In 2026, New Zealand signed the International Treaty to Phase out Fossil Fuels, which prohibits fossil fuel extraction, phases out use and requires international cooperation on renewable energy.

    Carbon import taxes mean many high emissions commercial activities are no longer economically viable. Trade unions have played a major role in the industrial strategy underpinning the transition to a lower emissions economy.

    Māori economy bigger than any other sector
    The Māori economy is bigger than any other sector and has benefited from wider international recognition of the long term value of climate and biodiversity work.

    Queenstown
    Queenstown … New Zealand’s economy is based on productive activity that stays within planetary boundaries while respecting social requirements, such as a decent standard of living for all. Image: The Conversation/Shutterstock

    New Zealand’s economy is based on productive activity that stays within planetary boundaries – including emissions and pollution of land and water – while respecting social requirements, such as a decent standard of living for all.

    Building on their successful response to the covid pandemic, marae-based organisations are prominent as centres of excellence for climate and economic strategy, health and social services, managed retreat from coastal areas and natural infrastructure development.

    Public financing was radically rebalanced in the 2020s, delivering more for local government and a greater partnership between councils, government and Māori organisations. This has enabled far better delivery of local services and much more meaningful connections within communities.

    Councils and council organisations laid the groundwork for the climate transition, helping address the unequal impacts of climate change on different groups. Councils and mana whenua collectively administer substantial funds for regional development.

    People travel between cities primarily via electric rail
    People travel between cities primarily via electric rail, managed by a new national passenger rail agency InterCity, which acquired the InterCity regional bus operator in 2023. Image: The Conversation/Shutterstock

    Fast, frequent rail

    The government’s 2022 Climate Budget provided the massive injection of funds required to redesign our cities, which are now organised around mass transit, safe and segregated routes for cycling and vibrant pedestrian areas. People can access fast, frequent light rail and dedicated busways with low cost fares. Less road space is required for driving, which is more accessible now for those who need it, including disabled people and service vehicles.

    People travel between cities primarily via electric rail, managed by a new national passenger rail agency InterCity, which acquired the InterCity regional bus operator in 2023. Through major reforms in 2024, KiwiRail became a dedicated rail freight operator. A new government agency, OnTrack, oversees maintenance and renewal of tracks and rail infrastructure.

    Passenger rail services run across the North Island main trunk line on improved electrified tracks at up to 160kph. South Island rail uses hydrogen trains fuelled by locally produced green hydrogen.

    Most of the work to upgrade transport, housing and energy infrastructure has been done by a new Ministry of Green Works set up in 2025. This Ministry partners with local hapū and iwi, as well as councils through regional hubs. It is backed by the government’s expanded Green Investment Finance company.

    The divide between property owners and renters
    Anger at the divide between property owners and renters culminated in a general rent strike in 2024. Image: The Conversation/Shutterstock

    Anger over housing for all
    Anger at the divide between property owners and renters culminated in a general rent strike in 2024. The government responded with new financial rules ending the treatment of housing as an asset class. Kāinga Ora, Māori organisations and councils have undertaken a massive public housing construction effort.

    Most new housing is now public infrastructure rather than private homes built to store individual wealth. Public ownership has expanded, in particular for entities that provide core services such as transport, energy and water.

    In 2024, the government worked with councils to focus plans on quality universal design housing. Since the new building code was adopted in 2025, all new homes have high standards for energy efficiency and accessibility. Higher density apartments line public transport routes in the main centres, with terraced homes in smaller towns. Structural timber has replaced concrete and steel in many construction projects.

    Changes to housing, transport and urban design have supported improvements in health, well-being and physical activity. Health improved dramatically after universal basic services were introduced in 2024 to cover free visits to the doctor and dentist as well as free childcare and elderly care.

    Electricity generation has doubled, with a mix of wind, solar and geothermal.
    Electricity generation has doubled, with a mix of wind, solar and geothermal. Image: The Conversation/Shutterstock

    Energy goes green
    Electricity generation has doubled, with a mix of wind, solar and geothermal. Many more energy storage facilities exist, including pumped hydroelectricity. Distributed energy is commonplace. Many councils have helped their communities set up local solar schemes and dozens of towns are completely independent of the national grid.

    Green hydrogen is produced at the converted aluminium smelter at Tiwai Point using hydroelectricity. This is used in heavy industry and transport and exported from Southport.

    In 2027, after New Zealand blew its first carbon budget, the government replaced MBIE with a new Ministry for Economic Transition. The ministry oversaw the transition to green jobs via a universal job guarantee scheme.

    It also supported a dramatic reduction in energy use in all parts of society and the economy. This effort had a greater impact on emissions reduction than the replacement of energy and fuel with renewable sources.

    The land heals
    In 2025, the government established a Natural Infrastructure Commission. The term “natural infrastructure” emerged in the 2020s as a term to include native forests, wetlands, coastal environments and other ecosystems that store and clean water, protect against drought, flooding and storms, boost biodiversity and absorb carbon.

    The commission has supported massive land restoration for carbon sequestration and biodiversity purposes, with an annual budget of NZ$5 billion from emissions revenue. Among other uses, the fund compensates land owners for land use changes that reduce emissions and build up resilience.

    Under the new Constitution of Aotearoa adopted in 2040, ownership of the Conservation Estate transferred from Crown ownership to its own status of legal personhood.

    International carbon taxes have transformed agriculture. Dairy herds have reduced in size and New Zealand is known for organic, low emissions food and fibre. High quality meat and dairy products, as well as plant-based protein foods, supply international markets.

    Seaweed and aquaculture operations have flourished. Along with regenerative agriculture, this transition has reduced pollution and emissions. With native ecosystems regenerated, tōtara and harakeke can now be sustainably harvested for timber and fibre.

    In urban and industrial settings water use has dramatically reduced. Every business, home and building stores its own water. Water use is measured and charges are levied for excess water use beyond the needs of the household. No water is ever wasted.

    The country feels steadier than 20 years ago.
    The country feels steadier than 20 years ago. There is hope for the future in a world that was full of uncertainty after the pandemic stricken early 2020s. Image: The Conversation/Shutterstock

    A better place
    The country feels steadier than 20 years ago. There is hope for the future in a world that was full of uncertainty after the pandemic stricken early 2020s.

    Many government agencies and councils are now seen as useful and relevant, having been equipped with the money to provide housing, social services, environmental restoration and support for economic and land use change.

    Moving away from high emissions exports was more successful than anyone expected, but it took strict rules to make it happen. Some in the business sector opposed more government direction and regulation, but it’s widely accepted that relying on market forces would not have delivered a successful transition.

    That approach had driven the country to the brink of failure on climate, biodiversity and social cohesion. Having been leaders in milk powder and tourism, the country now leads on natural infrastructure and the future of food, timber and energy.

    In 2040, Aotearoa is a better place to be.The Conversation

    Dr Thomas Nash is social entrepreneur in residence, Massey University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Web Desk:

    Despite Elon Musk’s dramatic stock selloff that briefly put a dent in Tesla’s share price in the final weeks of 2021, the company proved to investors that its core business remained solid.

    Led by billionaire CEO Elon Musk, Tesla reported that it delivered 308,000 vehicles in the fourth quarter and 936,000 vehicles in 2021, which almost doubled the total shipment of 2020 with the increase of an 87 percent from the year before, despite the computer chip shortage that has disrupted auto production around the world.

     “Great work by Tesla team worldwide!” Musk tweeted Sunday.

    Analysts had expected the company to deliver around 270,000 vehicles in the fourth quarter and 897,000 vehicles for the full year. The overwhelming share of the deliveries was of the Model 3 sedan and the Model Y hatchback.

    “This was a trophy case quarter for Musk & Co. with massive momentum moving into 2022,” Daniel Ives, an analyst at Wed bush Securities, a top Tesla analyst, tweeted Sunday.

    Musk has set a lofty goal for Tesla to ramp up production to 20 million electric vehicles a year by 2030. That’s 20 times what it made last year.

    “Let’s make the roaring ’20s happen!” the CEO tweeted Sunday.

    Tesla increased sales despite a global shortage of computer chips, which serve as the brains for a variety of electronics, including engine controllers and touch screens. The shortage forced most automakers to idle some plants for weeks at a time and kept them from producing as many vehicles as they had planned.

    This post was originally published on VOSA.

  • Web Desk:

    Starting Tuesday, January 4, the company will stop running support for its classic devices running BlackBerry 10, 7.1 OS, and earlier.

    BlackBerry reminded its users in the statement, which was posted on Dec. 22, of the impending shutdown of so-called legacy services.

    “As a reminder, the legacy services for BlackBerry 7.1 OS and earlier, BlackBerry 10 software, BlackBerry Playbook OS 2.1, and earlier versions will no longer be available after January 4, 2022,” the statement reads. The shutdown means the phones will no longer reliably function for “data, phone calls, SMS and 9-1-1 functionality,” BlackBerry said.

    This means all of its older devices not running on Android software will no longer be able to use data, send text messages, access the internet, or make calls, even to 911.

    Photo Courtesy: Twitter/BlackBerry Mobile

    While most mobile users have moved on from BlackBerry, the last version of its operating system launched in 2013, then move to discontinue support for its phones represents the end of what was once considered bleeding-edge technology.

    Photo Courtesy: Twitter/BlackBerry Mobile

    BlackBerry (BB) has been mostly out of the phone business since 2016, but over the years it continued to license its brand to phone manufacturers and become a software company that focuses on providing intelligent security software and services to enterprises and governments, around the world under the name BlackBerry Limited, originally announced in September 2020 that it would be discontinuing its phone service.

    Photo Courtesy: Twitter/BlackBerry Mobile

    BlackBerry phones were once status symbols among celebrities and CEOs and permeated many facets of pop culture. The brand peaked in 2012, but as technology moved away from the external keyboard of the BlackBerry and toward the full screen of the smartphone, so too did pop culture.

    This post was originally published on VOSA.

  • As per Mashable, from January 4, the business’s smartphones will be without provisioning services

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • QR-code-featuree-20

    Illustration: Soohee Cho/The Intercept

    “Yeah I use the pass. What should I be afraid of?” That’s Jack, a friend who works in state and city politics, responding to a poll I posted on Facebook about digital Covid-19 vaccination passports. “Are you using one? Why’d you download it instead of using the paper card? Do you have any fears about it?”

    The responses were untroubled. Using it: mostly yes. “Now that theater is back, [New York] Excelsior passes are handy, since proof of vax is mandatory,” wrote a critic. A retired teacher noted that the app is more durable; paper “rumples” and gets lost.

    And fears? Mostly no. I sent Jack a few off the top of my head: “Concerns about privacy, misuse of digitized biodata, lack of transparency, more info in hands of tech companies and the state in some unknown collaboration.”

    “The state already had vax data,” he replied. “I never considered the rest. Which answers your question about whether people were worried, in my case.”

    The digital Covid vaccination certification, or “passport,” is a mobile app that instantaneously affirms the vaccinated status, Covid test results, birth date, gender, and/or other identifiers of its holder. The information is usually mosaicked in a QR code, read by a proprietary scanner, and linked to a government registry. Led by New York, California, and Louisiana, as many as 30 states are rolling them out. The Biden administration announced last spring that it would wrangle them under national standards but so far it hasn’t. Internationally, the EU and a growing number of countries are adopting them, from repressive regimes like Bahrain to democracies like Denmark.

    New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern heralded her country’s My Vaccine Pass as the keycard to the kingdom. “It’s actually really straightforward. If you’ve got a vaccine pass, you can do everything,” she announced, flashing a friendly shark grin. “Basically, that’s it.”

    Not everybody is as nonchalant as Jack or as gung-ho as the PM. Twenty U.S. states have banned the passes, and hashtags like #NoVaccinePassports are proliferating on both sides of the Atlantic. “Spoiler alert,” tweeted British DJ, record producer, and anti-vaccine conspiracy-monger Lange. “They are not planning on removing vax passports once introduced. This is just the first step to get you conditioned to accepting government restrictions in your daily life via your mobile phone. This digital ID is going to expand to all aspects of your life.” Georgia Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene called the passport “Biden’s mark of the beast.”

    Normally I’d rather have the mark of the beast tattooed on my forehead than write these words, but: Marjorie is not entirely wrong.

    I’ve been double-vaxxed and boosted. Needless to say, I want to do everything — or at least go to the movies. I’ve handed my paper vaccine card to a dozen gatekeepers, but I’m not getting New York’s Excelsior Pass. So I too am bartering shreds of my personal data for brief furloughs from the cage. I’m not pure.

    Still, I’m troubled. What else am I — are we — trading away? There’s no doubt something like the vaccine passport is here for good, beyond Covid. In the end, we may decide we want this thing. But we should go into it with our eyes open.

    Evidence supports the detractors’ suspicions. Every government introducing a vaccine certification vows that their use is voluntary and no personal information will be held beyond its necessity. International bodies including the World Health Organization, the EU, and the International Chamber of Commerce are crafting regulatory standards. But governments are far from unanimous even on such basics as whether you need to show the pass to enter a bar — much less on how long and by whom our intimate information will be held, owned, or overseen.

    New York, for one, is not expecting to mothball the technology when Covid wanes. Along with IBM, the designer, state bureaucrats are “exploring how the platform could be retrofitted to verify other types of records and credentials,” according to Vox. Experience with the Excelsior Pass has “accelerated our thinking about digital governments,” said the architect of the program. Will President Joe Biden use the passport to enforce his federal employee vaccine mandate? Then what? Once biodata are collected and filed, cautioned Hamid Kahn of the Stop LAPD Spying Coalition, which organizes in Los Angeles’s poorest and most policed communities, “there’s no delete button.”

    When biometric data — bodily attributes digitized — are married to surveillance technology, both the potential for profit and the ambitions of the techno-futurists inflate without limit. One industry analyst predicts the global biometrics market will grow 15 percent annually, reaching nearly $105 billion by 2028. The British tech firm Onfido envisions a seamless EU-wide identify verification, or IDV, system for online gambling, telemedicine, car rentals, electronic voting, “and more.” Scientists in academe and industry are working on a global biodata repository. It would be naïve to assume these networks would not be linked.

    In 2020, Onfido called its immunity passport in development the “linchpin of a new normality in a post-COVID19 society.” This year, the company’s chief privacy officer (an Orwellian job title if ever there was one) told Biometric Update that proven immunity to the virus du jour might become a “basic permission attribute.” A Swedish company has introduced a vaccine certification microchip that can be implanted under the skin.

    What should I be afraid of?

    I have no beef with data collection per se. Data are the lifeblood of what Michel Foucault called the biopolitical state, which governs by maximizing life and sustaining populations rather than by threatening violence and imposing death, as earlier regimes had done. Logically, one of the chief institutions of the biopolitical state is public health. A big part of public health is containing transmissible, fatal diseases: keeping illness from becoming epidemic, and epidemics from mushrooming into pandemics. In the last century, that job has been the ambit of epidemiology, the science of the spread of disease.

    Epidemiologists have a lot of tools, but many are stored in the drawer marked “surveillance” — identifying the first cases of a superspreader like Ebola, avian flu, or Covid-19; tracing and testing the patients’ contacts; treating or isolating those who’ve been infected — and all the while gathering and analyzing data to predict the routes the pathogen will take and the bodies it will hijack to keep traveling. The data then go into larger databases to parse when the next murderous bug comes along.

    Biodata can serve the public good — or they can give ammunition to eugenicists or evidence to the prosecutors of an HIV-positive person who failed to inform a lover of his serostatus, a felony in some states. In the biopolitical state, there is no bright line between benign and malign surveillance.

    In the biopolitical state, there is no bright line between benign and malign surveillance.

    Similarly, prevention and cure can look a lot like discipline and punishment. When the Trump administration squandered the opportunity to use less draconian epidemiological measures, the nation was pitched into extreme action: lockdown. Jeffrey Escoffier, a historian of sexuality, queer activism, and public health, was alarmed. Quarantine is a grave incursion on liberty, he told me. During the two decades he served as director of health media and marketing for the New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene — “propaganda minister for the biopolitical state” — the decision to impose it on even one person was taken with caution. But lock up everyone? Self-isolation is sometimes necessary. It is also the carceral function of the health-protecting state; the doctor moonlights as a prison warden.

    During Italy’s lockdown, the philosopher Giorgio Agamben blogged about the “techno-medical despotism” so focused on eliminating the risk of contagion to preserve mere biological existence — what he calls “bare life” — that it prohibited everything that makes human society meaningful, from dating to democracy. “How could we have accepted,” he asked in a New York Times interview, “in the name of a risk that we couldn’t even quantify, not only that the people who are dear to us … should have to die alone but also — and this is something that had never happened before in all of history from Antigone to today — that their corpses should be burned without a funeral?” Actually it has happened before: during the plagues of the Middle Ages, according to Foucault, the birthplace of the biopolitical state.

    But we don’t have to look back that far to see a wish for perfect security trumping everything else that matters. The surveillance technologies of the War on Contagion are inherited from the War on Terror, and the software is encoded with the same forever-war mentality: Both fight risk rather than actual threat. When the enemy is protean, like suicide bombers and viruses, the calculation of risk is easily manipulated and often subjective. My partner and I used to argue about whether to wash the milk cartons from the supermarket. Now we listen to delphic sentences like this one, from Chief White House medical adviser Anthony Fauci speaking of the omicron variant on NPR: “You have so many cases it essentially obviates any diminution of the severity, because of the quantitative number of cases that you’ll get with such a highly transmissible virus.” Then we Google the latest statistics and argue about whether to eat out.

    Risk cloaked in statistics is a ghost in a suit. It starts to resemble a person. Who is the terrorist? Who is the Covid carrier? Among the contradictions of the pandemic is that collective safety requires honesty and mutual trust, yet the expression of that trust is vigilant mutual suspicion. The best bet is to fear everyone.

    The vaccination passport seems to solve this problem, replacing suspicion with certainty. But in admitting the vaccinated and deporting the unvaccinated, it also sorts the good biocitizen from the outlaw. The rhetoric of contagion has long mobilized xenophobia and legitimized racist and eugenicist citizenship and immigration policies (think Donald Trump’s “Chinese virus”). American University historian Alan M. Kraut calls this “medicalized nativism.”

    “Securing borders is all about fear. The action of fear is to restrict movement.”

    “Passports have everything to do with borders,” says Jenell Johnson, associate professor of rhetoric, politics, and culture at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and a co-editor of “Biocitizenship: The Politics of Bodies, Governance, and Power.” “Securing borders is all about fear. The action of fear is to restrict movement. The passport allows for movement in both physical and economic ways. It also immediately suggests belonging — the people who belong and people who don’t.”

    A pocket-size dossier of one’s “attributes of permission” affords its holder a sense of inclusion, and thus protection from a menacing world. My Facebook friends told me as much. “What I like about Excelsior is the extra level of confirmation it offers — the info individuals input is checked against a database,” responded one woman. “Basic steps to avoid fraud make me feel better about being in a venue with similarly vaccinated and vetted people.” In fact the apps are subject to fraud, glitches, and haphazard use; they may provide more security theater than security. Anyway, the omicron variant is infecting everyone, vaccinated or not. But even skeptics are buying the ticket. Wrote one: “I’d rather hand over my personal info to some corporation than eat [in a restaurant] next to the unvaccinated.”

    I too want to eat in a restaurant, away from the unvaccinated. But to be honest, it’s not just because I don’t want to get sick. It’s because I despise them — whoever they are — the sans-papiers. I am not proud of this.

    “We are going to be living in pandemic societies for the rest of our lives,” predicted Escoffier, the historian. “What does this mean politically?” I wondered: Can public health kill public life?

    Perhaps it was inevitable that in a nation where mutuality is in splinters, isolation turned from prescription to preference. Workers reconsidered the rewards of in-person colleagueship and deemed them not worth the commute. Shopkeepers slid the credit card reader forward, recoiling from accidental touch. We all withdrew further into our screens. Human connection squeezed further into digital pathways patrolled by corporations. With the decline of casual social intercourse in public spaces we are unlearning the instincts and emotions — the very notion — of the social. Babies are starting life without ever seeing a stranger’s smile.

    Omicron is leapfrogging from body to body. The virus is no doubt busily mutating. Now the corporate digital police are reinforced by agents of the biopolitical state, armed with scanners. They read our QR codes and unlock our cells. Who does not want out?

    The vaccine passport embodies the contradictions of the pandemic that birthed it. It guards borders, divides us from them. It also facilitates travel, and travel is an antidote to tribalism. In either case, it is not going away. Therefore, if it is indeed the prototype linchpin of a future global, digital hyper-surveillance apparatus, we must demand that it be universally accessible, publicly owned and regulated, its workings transparent, and its uses stringently defined.

    For the moment, the vaccine pass is allowing us to repopulate the third spaces and revitalize the public square, where accidental touch accustoms us to tolerance and minor conflict conditions us for democratic discourse. Technologies encode their makers’ and users’ values. This one must serve the survival of the social.

    The post Vaccine Passports Are Here to Stay. Why Worry? appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • By Luke Nacei in Suva

    National Federation Party leader Professor Biman Prasad has asked if the Fiji government inquiry into the Office of the Auditor-General will be held in public.

    Professor Prasad was responding to the announcement this week of a Commission of Inquiry into the OAG “to inquire into and report on: the conduct, operations and performance of the Office of the Auditor-General” and other issues concerning the office.

    Prasad, an economist before his political career, said commissions of inquiry were usually held in public.

    “So we ask the government if this will be a public inquiry?” he said.

    “Will the public hear the allegations against the Auditor-General’s office? Will the Auditor-General be allowed to respond in public to the Government’s complaints?”

    Professor Prasad claimed the commission of inquiry was being formed “to deflect questions about the tens of millions of dollars [the government] has spent on Walesi [Fiji’s controversial free new digital television platform]”.

    “The government refuses to talk about Walesi’s accounts. Even though Walesi’s accounts up to 2017 are ready, the government refuses to release them.”

    Petty argument while people in poverty
    The NFP leader said the government would end 2021 as a “laughing stock”.

    He said government “only cares about winning a petty argument even when tens of thousands of people are still living in poverty and despair because of the pandemic”.

    “We are once again threatened by the omicron variant,” he said.

    “Many families are in isolation because they have tested positive in homes, in villages and settlements on Vanua Levu, are struggling and are in need of help.

    “What is the government doing to help? We should be preparing for the cyclone season and ensuring our people are safe.”

    Luke Nacei is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The child’s parent Kristin Livdahl posted a screenshot of their Alexa activity history on her Twitter handle

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • Since it is undoubtedly a laborious process to track it all, we made a roundup of some of the most innovative gadgets that came out in 2021

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • Web desk:

    According to the France24 News, Tesla and SpaceX founder Elon Musk is facing a backlash from Chinese web users on Tuesday after Beijing said its space station was forced to take evasive action to avoid hitting two of the satellites launched by his Star link Internet Services project.

    China’s Tiangong space station was forced to take preventive collision avoidance control during two close encounters with SpaceX’s Star link satellites in July and October, according to a document submitted to the UN’s space agency by Beijing this month.

    On both occasions, the satellites moved into orbits that prompted space station operators to change course, the document said. “The maneuver strategy was unknown and orbital errors were hard to be assessed”, Beijing said of the satellite involved in the October incident, adding that it took action to ensure the safety and lives of in-orbit astronauts.

    Chinese social media users blasted Musk and his companies over the incident, with one hashtag racking up 87 million views by Tuesday morning.

    California-based SpaceX did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Although Musk is widely admired in China, the reputation of Tesla, which sells tens of thousands of vehicles in the country each month, has faltered this year following a spate of crashes, scandals, and data storage concerns. But Tesla is still hugely popular and sells around one out of every four of its cars in the country, as well as building a rare wholly-owned factory in Shanghai.

    This post was originally published on VOSA.

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    New Zealand’s leading daily newspaper has praised the “gift of inspiration” over global cooperation in launching the James Webb space telescope at the Christmas weekend, but has decried the failure of the international community to seriously tackle the growing covid-19 public health crisis cooperatively.

    The New Zealand Herald declared today in an editorial that the timing, cooperation, and development work involved launching the successor to the Hubble telescope “is in marked contrast with the still muddled, individual country-based approach to the pandemic”.

    The launch also could not help but “signify the yawning gap between what people are capable of and what they commonly settle for”, the newspaper wrote.

    The launch of the James Webb telescope was a collaboration between the space agencies of the United States, Europe and Canada with people from 29 countries having worked on the project, reports AP.

    “It blasted away from French Guiana on a European Ariane rocket. As with previous space missions, it involves vision, ambition and precise calculations that have to work perfectly to pull it all off,” the Herald said.

    “The telescope has a 1.5 million km journey ahead, far beyond the moon, with a task of eventually gazing on light from the first stars and galaxies.

    “It all hinges on the telescope’s mirror and sunshield unfolding on cue over nearly two weeks, having been tucked away to fit into the rocket’s nose cone.

    “If that goes right, the telescope will be able to look back in time a mind-boggling 13.5 billion years.”

    Fascinating year for science
    The US$10 billion telescope project had capped a “fascinating year for space science” after the “incredibly precise landing of a rover and a helicopter drone on Mars, which resulted in the first powered flight on another planet”, said the Herald.

    Noting Nasa’s science mission chief Thomas Zurbuchen’s comment welcoming the launch — “what an amazing Christmas present” — the newspaper contrasted the collaborative achievement with the “muddled, individual country-based approach” over covid-19.

    “While the rocket was launching humanity’s imaginative time machine, hundreds of thousands of people on Earth were getting a ‘gift’ of covid at Christmas. Both Britain and France hit more than 100,000 cases on Saturday,” the Herald said.

    “The cost of the space project is tiny compared to the US$725 billion the US spent on defence in the 2020 financial year — more than the next 11 countries combined. Next year’s bill is US$770 billion.

    “It is closer to the US$50 billion amount the OECD has estimated it would cost to vaccinate the world’s population against the coronavirus and protect the global economy.

    “Far more money than that — US$12 trillion — was spent by countries in financial support between March and November 2020.

    Time to hatch global covid plan
    “Although that support was urgently needed, surely there was also time to hatch a US$50 billion global plan for a coronavirus endgame before the vaccines came on stream in late 2020.

    “Now, a year later, each country is dealing with the omicron wave its own way, and progress in distributing vaccines to poorer regions is slow. People feel frustrated the vaccines haven’t guaranteed a return to life as we knew it.

    “The vaccines themselves are an amazing scientific achievement: developed quickly and still doing their job of protecting the vast majority of vaccinated people against severe covid disease.

    “A study by the World Health Organisation and a European Union agency estimated in November that the vaccines had saved nearly half a million lives in a region of 33 countries.

    “But it is hard for people to really absorb achievements that involve prevention: When they work as hoped, at least some people believe it’s proof the threat was overblown.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The latest rumours claim Apple will ditch the physical SIM card slot beginning with the iPhone 15 series in 2023

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    Suva lawyer and media commentator Richard Naidu consumer demand should be driving television stations onto a digital platform like Walesi and not the Fiji government forcing them, reports FijiVillage.

    Naidu said he had asking these questions because “we know so little about the amount of tax dollars being spent on Walesi”.

    He asked why was the government saying use only the Walesi platform when there were still other platforms available, writes Semi Turaga.

    Naidu said he was not saying do not use Walesi, but he was asking why use only Walesi.

    He said the first consequence of this change was already in Fiji where there were many people who could no longer access their TV channels.

    The Suva lawyer said every content provider who could now only distribute through Walesi was “completely at Walesi’s mercy”.

    Naidu asked why private sector television channels were being forced to do something they did not want to do.

    He added that after having being forced to do it, the television channels were now also being forced to pay.

    Walesi chief executive officer Sanjay Maharaj said Walesi was a service provider and not a content producer, therefore it was not within the company’s means or expertise to inform television viewers of the switchover from analogue to digital television.

    In a statement released on the Fiji government Facebook page, Maharaj however said that the company had conducted extensive free installations as well as a media campaign — especially on social media — and awareness roadshows to accommodate broadcasters and viewers over the transition.

    Walesi has 21 digital transmitter sites across Fiji claimedby Maharaj to be “300 percent larger” than existing analogue broadcast networks, with expansion plans for Kadavu, Rotuma and Lakeba.

    Opposition People’s Alliance Leader Sitiveni Rabuka has called for a public inquiry into Walesi as he said the unilateral decision to transition all television operators to one singular digital platform was typical of the “arrogance of the dictatorial regime”.

    Rabuka said Walesi had not tabled audited financial reports in Parliament since it started in 2016 and yet it had received millions of dollars in grants apart.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The 48MP sensors still output 12MP images after pixel-binning, but allows more data to be gathered

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • When Bradley Wilkinson and his husband were planning their move from Fayetteville, North Carolina, to a small Army base outside Colorado Springs, they were already worried about where they would charge their electric car. 

    Wilkinson, a 31-year-old who works in customer care at T-Mobile, had bought a used Nissan Leaf several years earlier, and although he joked that it wasn’t a particularly high-end vehicle — “It’s the peasant’s Tesla,” he said — he had come to appreciate how cheap it was to run. Because of low electricity costs, driving an electric car is typically three to four times cheaper than driving a gas-powered one.

    “Being military, we really don’t make a lot of money,” Wilkinson said. But with the Leaf, he added, “We could always get somewhere.” 

    Wilkinson and his husband, an infantryman in the Army, didn’t own their own home, and so they needed to negotiate with landlords to get access to charging. Wilkinson called ahead to Fort Carson, the military base, to make sure that there would be a standard 120-volt household outlet available to charge their Leaf outside their quadruplex. This was in the spring of 2017, and after just a couple of weeks in freezing cold Colorado temperatures, however, he realized that the trickle of electricity from the outlet wasn’t going to be enough, as cold weather quickly drains lithium-ion batteries. He went to the leasing office to ask if he could install a faster charger by his parking spot.

    To his surprise, the office said no — multiple times. “They weren’t even sure what I was asking,” Wilkinson said.

    Wilkinson had fallen into a familiar and frustrating trap for many EV owners around the country. By all accounts, the market for electric cars is booming, with sales on track to double over last year. President Joe Biden has promised that by 2030 half of all new cars sold in the U.S. will be electric, General Motors is about to start full production of the F-150 Lightning, an EV version of America’s favorite pick-up truck, and some states have even vowed to phase out gasoline-powered cars entirely

    A man stands in front of his gray electric car
    Bradley Wilkinson stands in front of one of his electric car. Courtesy of Bradley Wilkinson

    But for the 36 percent of U.S. households who rent their homes, charging an electric car isn’t easy. Apartment buildings and other multi-family homes often have shared parking, which makes it hard to find accessible 120-volt outlets or install faster charging systems. (Electric cars can charge in three ways: on a simple, 110- or 120-volt outlet — found everywhere in a U.S. home — on a faster “Level 2” 240-volt system, or with technology known as “DC fast” charging.) For landlords, however, there’s little incentive to allow tenants to use existing outlets, let alone install new ones. 

    “The real fundamental issue from a landlord or the property owner point of view is that there’s no money in charging cars,” said Marc Geller, the vice president of Plug In America, an EV advocacy group. Tenants who want to charge their car batteries will gobble up electricity from the parking lot, and — because it’s difficult to connect electricity in the parking lot to renters’ individual units — the landlord often has to cover the bill.

    It’s also an equity issue. Unsurprisingly, renters tend to have lower incomes than those who own their own homes; they are also more likely to be Black or Latino. At the moment, according to a report by the International Council of Clean Transportation, 4 out of 5 EV owners live in single-family detached homes. But to cut emissions and pollution from the country’s 250 million gas-guzzling cars — and bring the low cost of electric driving to people who could benefit most — EVs have to be accessible to people living in apartments, condos, townhouses, and all other types of multi-family dwellings. 

    “This is really something where none of us win if we all don’t win,” Geller said.  


    Most of the public focus on EV charging revolves around long trips: whether there are enough chargers along highways for interstate road trips, for example, or whether electric cars have enough battery life to avoid “range anxiety.” But the average American only drives about 30 miles per day, a trip easily accomplished in any electric car as long as its battery can get filled up overnight. 

    The vast majority of Americans with electric cars charge up at their homes. According to an estimate from the Department of Energy, over 80 percent of EV charging happens at the owner’s house. One simple reason is that it can take anywhere from two to 22 hours to fill up an empty battery. An electric car charging on a standard 120-volt outlet will replenish the battery by two to five miles of range every hour; a faster Level 2 charger can add 10 to 20 miles of range per hour. (DC fast charging can add a whopping 80 miles of range in 20 minutes.) While public charging stations are popping up at grocery stores, shopping malls, and community centers around the country, most EV owners don’t want to spend hours at a grocery store waiting for their cars to fill up. 

    Faced with a lack of chargers in apartment buildings and rental houses, EV drivers have found creative workarounds. Some use high-gauge extension cords to connect a garage parking space to their electric car — with or without the approval of the landlord. One EV owner on Facebook recounted the story of a man in San Francisco who ran an extension cord out the window of his apartment building to his car parked on the street. (Car manufacturers recommend against the use of extension cords, which can overheat and create a fire risk.) Others drop their cars off at nearby dealerships or public chargers overnight and return to pick them up in the morning. Still others charge their cars up at the office before returning home.

    But for some Americans, the hassle of hunting for a charger turns them away from electric cars entirely. Behzad Dabu, a 35-year-old actor living in Los Angeles, told me that he considered buying a Tesla after moving into an apartment with an underground parking garage that had several 120-volt outlets available. But after reading his lease, Dabu realized that the building specifically barred tenants from plugging anything into the outlets in the garage. He ended up getting a hybrid instead. 

    An outlet in an apartment parking garage in Seattle, Washington, is locked to prevent use. Kate Yoder

    Some landlords and apartment owners are starting to offer EV charging as a key amenity for prospective renters. “It’s all about retaining tenants,” said Mark Dunec, the managing director of FTI Consulting, a real estate consulting firm. “Those landlords that will have charging stations, they’re going to be the ones to obtain tenants as people acquire and lease electric vehicles.” 

    In some areas, this transition is occurring quickly. Christian Molino, a virtual design and construction engineer with a Tesla Model 3, looked for apartments in Orlando, Florida, earlier this year that specifically included EV charging. “If they didn’t have charging they got scratched right off the list,” he said. He estimates that around 25 to 30 percent of the buildings he looked at had chargers; all the rest had plans to install charging over the next several years. He eventually settled on a spot that had four Level 2 chargers in the apartment garage — about one for each of the EV owners in the building. 

    But according to Mike Nicholas, a researcher for the electric vehicle program at the International Council on Clean Transportation, apartment buildings with chargers tend to be on the higher end or luxury side. Most landlords, he said, “just don’t know about it, or find it confusing.” 

    Some have suggested that installing more superfast chargers around the country could be the solution. The Biden administration, for example, has emphasized that fast, public chargers could help fill in the gaps for Americans without off-street parking. But fast charging is up to four times more expensive than home charging — meaning that lower-income households won’t get the full benefit of having an electric car. “In some cases, fast charging could end up costing more than gas,” Nicholas said. 


    After a few weeks of tussling with property managers at Fort Carson, Wilkinson gave the leasing office a copy of Colorado Title 38, Article 12, Part 6, which gives tenants the right to install charging at their apartments or rented homes. Wilkinson said he offered the leasing manager three options: comply with the state’s “right-to-charge” law, end his lease without penalty, or meet him and his husband in court.

    The property managers complied, ultimately agreeing to install a Level 2 charger for Wilkinson’s Chevy Bolt two months after his first request. (He had replaced the Nissan Leaf after an accident). They even agreed to pay most of the cost of the installation: Wilkinson’s share came to about $500. 

    “Right-to-charge” laws are currently on the books in Colorado and eight other states: Maryland, New Jersey, Virginia, New York, Florida, Oregon, Hawaii, and California. While they can help tenants, as in Wilkinson’s case, they also come with drawbacks. Most require tenants to pay for the entire cost of the charger installation, which for Level 2 charging can cost between $1,000 and $3,000. “The financial burden falls on the EV owner,” Nicholas said. Because renters often only sign one- to two-year leases, he added, “they can’t really get the benefits over a long period of time.” 

    Other potential fixes are still in progress. The bipartisan infrastructure bill, which Biden signed into law last month, includes $7.5 billion dedicated to electric charging and alternative fuel infrastructure, but there’s still little information about what kind of chargers will be built and where. According to a fact sheet from the White House this week, the funds will prioritize building public chargers in “rural, disadvantaged, and hard-to-reach locations.” 

    Another option is for cities and states to revamp their building codes: In 2017, for example, San Francisco mandated that all new residential or commercial buildings be “EV ready” starting the following year, with enough electrical capacity for cars to charge in at least 20 percent of the parking spots. Though that doesn’t mean that the building owners have to install chargers, it does dramatically cut costs should they decide to do so later on. EV advocates are pushing the entire state of California to do the same in its new building codes. Similar moves are happening abroad: The U.K. government announced new rules last month that would require EV chargers to be installed in all new residential and commercial buildings. 

    A few startups are also trying to help accelerate the shift. Companies like Plugzio in Richmond, Canada, and Orange in San Mateo, California, provide easy-to-install, cheap charging ports that allow landlords to easily monitor and charge tenants for electricity costs. And some cities are working on developing on-street charging for EV owners who don’t have access to off-street parking. Nicholas points to the example of Amsterdam, where the city government ran a program to provide on-street charging systems for free to residents who asked for them. In London, Siemens and a German company called Ubitricity have started converting lamp posts into charging stations for curbside parking. The city of Seattle, Washington, offers a lower-tech solution: Residents are allowed to run an extension cable over the sidewalk with a cord cover on it. 

    Geller hopes that policymakers will focus on such easy, cheap solutions — more 120-volt outlets, for example, rather than installing lots of expensive Level 2 or DC fast chargers. But ultimately, he says, Americans just need more chargers in their homes. Although 90 percent of the media conversation is about public charging, he says, 90 percent of charging happens at home. 

    “I’ve met and talked to too many people who really wanted to do the right thing,” Geller said. “They got an electric car, then had to rely on public charging — and it was just a burden.” Some of those drivers, he says, ended up giving up their electric cars. And they aren’t alone: According to a 2015 study from researchers at the University of California, Davis, 1 out of 5 EV drivers switches back to a gas-powered vehicle. The top reason? Dissatisfaction with the convenience of charging. 

    Wilkinson doesn’t regret his decision to go electric, even though it’s forced him to jump through hoops to get his car charged at home. “I remind myself that my experience is going to help people that are in a position like me 15, 20 years from now,” he said. Since his tussle with the leasing manager, three other EV chargers have been installed at homes in Fort Carson.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Think apartment-hunting is frustrating? Try doing it with an electric car. on Dec 20, 2021.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • As per GSM Arena, the rollout is incremental, meaning only a small percentage of units are getting it today

    This post was originally published on The Asian Age | Home.

  • ]

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    This story was produced in partnership with WBUR. WBUR’s investigations team is uncovering stories of abuse, fraud and wrongdoing across Boston, Massachusetts and New England. Get their latest reports in your inbox.

    Across the country, some law enforcement agencies have deployed controversial surveillance technology to track cellphone location and use. Critics say it threatens constitutional rights, and members of Congress have moved to restrain its use.

    Nonetheless, in 2019 the Boston Police Department bought the device known as a cell site simulator — and tapped a hidden pot of money that kept the purchase out of the public eye.

    Never miss the most important reporting from ProPublica’s newsroom. Subscribe to the Big Story newsletter.

    A WBUR investigation with ProPublica found elected officials and the public were largely kept in the dark when Boston police spent $627,000 on this equipment by dipping into money seized in connection with alleged crimes.

    Also known as a “stingray,” the cell site simulator purchased by Boston police acts like a commercial cellphone tower, tricking nearby phones into connecting to it. Once the phones connect to the cell site simulator’s decoy signal, the equipment secretly obtains location and other potentially identifying information. It can pinpoint someone’s location down to a particular room of a hotel or house.

    While this briefcase-sized device can help locate a suspect or a missing person, it can also scoop up information from other phones in the vicinity, including yours.

    The Boston police bought its simulator device using money that is typically taken during drug investigations through what’s called civil asset forfeiture.

    An August investigation by WBUR and ProPublica found that even if no criminal charges are brought, law enforcement almost always keeps the money and has few limitations on how it’s spent. Some departments benefit from both state and federal civil asset forfeiture. The police chiefs in Massachusetts have discretion over the money, and the public has virtually no way of knowing how the funds are used.

    The Boston City Council reviews the BPD annual budget, scrutinizing proposed spending. But the surveillance equipment wasn’t part of the budget. Because it was purchased with civil forfeiture funds, BPD was able to circumvent the council.

    According to an invoice obtained by WBUR, the only city review of the purchase — which was made with federal forfeiture funds — came from the Procurement Department, confirming that the funds were available.

    In fact, it was only after sifting through hundreds of documents received through public records requests that WBUR discovered BPD had bought the device from North Carolina-based Tactical Support Equipment Inc., which specializes in surveillance technology.

    Sgt. Detective John Boyle, spokesman for the Boston police, did not explain why the department used forfeiture dollars to buy the equipment instead of purchasing it through the regular budget process.

    Requests for interviews with Boston police leaders were declined.

    Boston city councilors interviewed by WBUR said they weren’t aware that the police had bought a cell site simulator. Councilor Ricardo Arroyo, who represents Mattapan, Hyde Park and Roslindale, said, “I couldn’t even tell you, and I don’t think anybody on the council can necessarily tell you … how these individual purchases are made.”

    State Rep. Jay Livingstone, who represents parts of Boston and Cambridge, says this kind of covert police spending is exactly why more oversight is needed.

    “Police chiefs just have these slush funds they can do whatever they want with,” Livingstone said.

    Hidden Purchases

    WBUR discovered the secret purchase of cell site simulator technology when it set out to identify how civil forfeiture money was being spent.

    In April, WBUR requested from Boston police all invoices for purchases made with civil asset forfeiture money between 2017 and 2019. One transaction stood out: $627,000 paid to Tactical Support Equipment, identified only as a “multi-channel, multi-band base station.” WBUR obtained model numbers from invoices to establish that this equipment was a stingray.

    In an invoice from Tactical Support Equipment, the Boston Police Department was billed for the purchase of a cell site simulator. (Robin Lubbock/WBUR)

    Boyle, the police department spokesperson, confirmed the technology was a cell site simulator.

    This isn’t the first time the BPD has bought spy equipment that is shrouded in mystery.

    It paid Harris Corporation, a Florida-based defense contractor, more than $400,000 for cell site simulator equipment in 2013-14. While the majority of that money came out of the regular police budget, much of its use and purpose has been redacted in past public records.

    In unclassified documents obtained by MuckRock.com, the FBI in 2013 prohibited Boston police from communicating to the public about cell site simulator technology. (Robin Lubbock/WBUR)

    At the time, the FBI deemed cell site simulators so specialized that it prohibited Boston police and other law enforcement from talking about the devices publicly, specifically with the media. Boston received stingray training and equipment as far back as 2009, according to a Harris invoice acquired by Muckrock.com.

    When Harris discontinued the stingray equipment for local law enforcement use in 2019, Boston police turned to Tactical Support Equipment.

    A Push to Regulate the Spy Technology

    The proliferation of this technology among local law enforcement departments across the country concerns civil rights advocates.

    Kade Crockford, who heads the Technology for Liberty program at the ACLU of Massachusetts, called the cell site simulator “extremely invasive” and was not surprised Boston police used forfeiture dollars to pay for it, which avoided scrutiny.

    “For a long time, law enforcement has been extremely secretive about their acquisition and use of this particular kind of technology,” Crockford said.

    Knowing precisely how many are being used by law enforcement across the country is impossible. By 2014, federal law enforcement purchased 434 devices totaling more than $95 million, according to a congressional oversight committee. The ACLU reported a few years later that 75 local departments and state police also had the equipment in their hands.

    Facing nationwide controversy about the stingray, legislators at the federal, state and local level want more oversight of how cell site simulators are purchased and some demand police get a warrant from a judge.

    In June, U.S. Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore., co-sponsored a bipartisan bill called the Cell-Site Simulator Warrant Act of 2021, which would require a warrant to use the technology except in cases of emergencies. It would also require federal law enforcement agencies to provide annual reports about how the devices were used.

    “Cell site simulators have existed in a kind of legal no-man’s land for far too long,” Wyden said in a statement when the legislation was introduced. The bill, he said, replaces “secrecy and uncertainty … with clear, transparent rules for when the government can use these invasive surveillance devices.”

    As of 2016, California was the only known state that requires city councils to approve written police procedures for use of stingrays before purchasing.

    But even with that regulation in place, at least one police department tried to avoid the new rules.

    A privacy advocacy group sued the city of Vallejo after the city approved the purchase of a $766,000 cell site simulator in March 2020 without adopting a use policy. After a judge determined the city violated state law, the city required the Vallejo police to obtain a search warrant before using the technology, or immediately after in the case of an “exigent” or emergency situation involving the threat of physical harm or death.

    From 2009-16, Boston police never obtained a warrant, claiming exigent circumstances when using a cell site simulator, a practice the ACLU heavily criticized.

    The StingRay II, manufactured by Harris Corporation, a Florida-based defense contractor, is a cell site simulator used for surveillance purposes. (U.S. Patent and Trademark Office via AP)

    Legislators in Massachusetts have tried pushing for more oversight of stingrays. In 2019, while the BPD was purchasing the new cell site simulator, legislation was pending for two electronic privacy bills. They would have limited the use of cell site simulators and required warrants in most cases. Both bills died in committee.

    That same year, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court ruled that real-time surveillance of a person’s cellphone constitutes a search under the state’s Constitution and therefore requires a warrant, except in “exigent” circumstances.

    Federal courts in Oakland, California, and New York City, as well as a Maryland state appellate court, also ruled that police use of spy technology is a violation of the Fourth Amendment right not to be unreasonably searched without a court-ordered warrant.

    WBUR asked Boston police spokesman Boyle what policies and procedures the department has for the use of the powerful and controversial technology. He said it has none.

    He said that according to internal investigative reports, there have been 98 instances since 2017 in which BPD has used a cell site simulator. Forty-one of those, he said, involved “exigent” circumstances in which a warrant wasn’t necessary.

    Boyle also confirmed that BPD’s equipment is capable of collecting identifying information from cellphones in the area that are not being actively investigated. According to Boyle, that information is “discarded.”

    Shedding Light on How Money Is Spent

    The details of how this technology is purchased and operated by Boston police fall mostly outside of the public’s view, but the City Council is trying to change that.

    Arroyo is a co-sponsor of a new city ordinance barring BPD from acquiring new surveillance technology without first receiving approval from the city council.

    The current system, Arroyo said, is “just a bunch of folks in a room somewhere saying, ‘We’re going to buy this, or we’re going to move on that.’”

    There have been efforts at the state level to insert more transparency into the spending of civil forfeiture dollars.

    The criminal justice reform act passed in 2018 mandated, for the first time, that Massachusetts district attorneys file annual reports to the state treasurer’s office on how they spent their share of proceeds from civil forfeitures. The law also references that similar reports be created by police departments, but its interpretation varies. WBUR found only two out of more than 350 police departments in the state had filed reports with the office since 2018.

    In an email sent days after it became law, Chelsea Police Chief Brian Kyes, head of the Massachusetts Major City Chiefs of Police Association, instructed more than 100 law enforcement officers from departments across the state to comply with the new reporting requirements “effective immediately.” Nonetheless, some police departments told WBUR they thought it was voluntary.

    When WBUR asked Boston police whether it files expenditures to the state, BPD said it would begin doing so.

    Livingstone, the state representative who helped write the statute, said he believed police departments had been filing forfeiture spending reports to the treasurer’s office, until WBUR informed him that’s not the case. “It is incredibly disappointing to learn that police departments have just decided not to provide any information to the public,” Livingstone said.

    He said the only long-term remedy is taking forfeiture dollars out of the hands of law enforcement and rerouting them into the state’s general fund. “Having these systems where police departments or DAs are nickel and diming some of the poorest people in the state to create this slush fund that they can use for whatever they want, it doesn’t make any sense to me.”

    Saurabh Datar contributed reporting.

    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.