Category: The Cultural Front

  • Marcel Proust’s 4,000 page magnum opus, À la recherche du temps perdu (In Search of Lost Time) was written shortly before his death in 1922Proust’s sprawling work is a meditation on the human condition in all its complexities and foibles. To mark the 100-year anniversary of Proust’s death, philosopher Justin E. H. Smith joins Chris Hedges to discuss this towering achievement of 20th century literature.

    Justin E. H. Smith is a professor of history and the philosophy of science at University of Paris 7 – Denis Diderot. The main-belt asteroid 13585 Justinsmith is named after him. You can find him on Substack at Justin E. H. Smith’s Hinternet.

    Studio: Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Chris Hedges:  A century ago on Nov. 18, 1922, Marcel Proust died. He worked feverishly in his final hours on his masterpiece, À la Recherche du Temps Perdu, In Search of Lost Time. His 4,000 page novel is one of the most remarkable works of literature of the 20th century. During the war in Bosnia, I plowed my way through its seven volumes populated with 400 characters not as an escape from the war, for the specter of death and the twilight of an expiring society haunts Proust’s work, but as a way to reflect on the disintegration around me. Proust, like all great writers, gave me the words to describe aspects of the human condition I knew instinctively but had trouble articulating.

    Proust understood the conflicting ways we perceive reality and come to our own peculiar self-serving truths. He illuminated human folly with its illusions, ambiguities, and contradictions. He reminded his readers that empathy is the most important virtue in life, especially for the vulnerable. He explored the fragility of human goodness, the seduction and hollowness of power and social status, the inconsistency of the human heart, racism, especially antisemitism, and our looming mortality, which hovers over every page, as it did for the sickly Proust as he struggled to finish his masterpiece, dictating changes on the last night he was alive in his hermetically sealed, cork-lined bedroom in Paris.

    Those who see in his work a retreat from the world are poor readers of Proust, for his power is his Freudian understanding of the unconscious and subterranean forces that define and shape human existence. There are very few writers who are his equal.

    Joining me to discuss Marcel Proust’s In Search of Lost Time is Justin E.H. Smith, a professor of history and philosophy of science at the University of Paris. The main-belt asteroid 13585 Justinsmith is named after him. You can find him on Substack at Justin E.H. Smith’s Hinternet.

    So Justin, the passage of time haunts the novel, especially at the end. It exposes as we age, as the character’s age, the vanity of our youthful pretensions. I think this is true for most of the characters, including Berma, who’s a thinly disguised Sarah Bernhardt, abandoned by her admirers in her old age; the main courtesan, Odette, the passion of Swann and the Comte de Forcheville, who was once a beauty and a seductress who enchanted, certainly, male Paris, is, in the end, relegated to the corner of her daughter’s salon where she’s ignored, even ridiculed. Proust writes about Odette. “And this woman, adulated and worshiped her whole life, now a human wreck in formal dress and grande toilette looks out alarmed and bewildered at the ferocious social world and seems, to me, for the first time likable.” So I wondered if you could address time, the passage of time and its effects, which is certainly one of the themes that is central to Proust’s novel.

    Justin E. H. Smith:  Absolutely. Thanks, Chris. I know you want to talk about Proust and philosophy later, but I think it’s hard, at least for me, to talk about time without engaging at least a bit with the question of Proust’s relationship to philosophy, in particular to the reflections on the nature of time as something experienced that are unfolding in the early 20th century, of which Proust is, I would say, vaguely aware, interested. I wouldn’t call him a dabbler. I would call him a thorough reader who is also intelligent enough to absorb reflections from phenomenology, from figures like [inaudible], from Henri Bergson’s philosophy of time and to translate this into something that, on the face of it, is a sort of auto fiction. It’s an auto fiction, but it’s also a philosophy of time.

    For me, that really only becomes clear, or the payoff really only emerges, in the seventh and final volume, Le Temps retrouvé, Time Regained, as we usually translate it. And it’s funny that you mentioned your coverage of the war in Bosnia in the 1990s and your encounter with Proust in the context of war because for me, it’s the ravages of World War I that are recounted in the seventh volume that really make us understand what it means for the things we value to slip into the past and for our world to collapse. So obviously throughout the previous six volumes, there are the, let’s say, gentler ravages of time with La Berma getting old and wrinkly, and of course also the several little deaths of falling out of love with the people he has at least thought he was in love with. That’s debatable, and we can get back to that. And also, of course, the more signature moments of the madeleine and the tea and the unsolicited memories that come back to us that make us realize what’s been lost.

    But nothing makes this clearer than his ghost-like stalking throughout Paris when there are curfews because of the air raids and his sense that everything is really in the past. And of course the real Proust, not the narrator, but the real Proust during World War I already surely has a sharp sense of his own declining health and his own near-ghost status already.

    So that’s where it really comes through, to my mind, and that’s where we start getting le Temps capitalized with a big capital T, and his, so to speak, discovery of time as something approaching transcendent or divine worship-able and awesome and terrible entity. That’s the culmination of the previous six volumes. That’s one thing that’s so striking about À la Recherche, is the way that there’s often, for the most important themes, a very slow buildup where you only realize the full depth or the full awesomeness of the theme he’s exploring little by little. And that is, above all, the case with time. But we can talk more about this when we get back to philosophy.

    Chris Hedges:  So let’s just stay on that because there’s two… When I read the last volume, they were like death charges. You really needed everything that came before to get there. He talks a lot about masks. That pervades the entire novel, but can you just address that issue of masks, which he suddenly becomes cognizant of at the end?

    Justin E. H. Smith:  Well, it’s especially haunting when we think of Man Ray’s famous photograph of Proust on his deathbed when he’s grown a long beard and he’s very close to death and he has a face that looks very much, as Proust himself puts it, like Marcel Proust the Assyrian. Very dark, a very stark nose that looks like something sculpted in deep antiquity. And I don’t know if Man Ray is trying to show in a visual form this notion of mask that had become so important to Proust, but it’s certainly an important datum in our reflection on Proust and masks.

    But also, of course, the example that you bring up of La Berma, the famous actress modeled broadly on Sarah Bernhardt, who is such a focus of Proust’s or of the narrator’s fascination and adoration in his youth. And of course, he already loses the fascination long before she has been relegated to a corner of her daughter’s salon. But he loses it when he goes – And this is one of my favorite scenes in the whole novel, when he watches her perfect gestures on stage and he contemplates the fact that there are parts of the actress’s body, like for example between the wrist and the elbow, over which the actress has no control. So this part of my arm cannot be transfigured by art no matter how great a genius artist I am. And Proust sees this on the stage and loses it. Basically he thinks, why was I so impressed by La Berma? She’s got a forearm just like I do. And it’s such a weird thing to discover, or at least to articulate, but Proust does it.

    And of course, this has something to do with the whole novel’s long reflection on the relationship between art and life. Ordinarily, you couldn’t put a mask on a forearm, that’s not the sort of thing that is masked, but it is still the sort of thing that shows the limits of transfiguration by art. And then when she is elderly and relegated to a corner of her daughter’s salon and evidently overly made up as some old women who are not going gently into the good night often are, this is literally a mask. It’s cosmetics or mascara that are showing the futility of the fight against time and, ultimately, I suppose, showing the futility of trying, struggling to live in a world that is perpetually transfiguration in the name of art against death. Something like that.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, he’s constantly uncovering masks. He holds up from the beginning [inaudible] and he idolizes the elite, and these turn out to be very banal, disappointing figures. I think there’s an undercurrent of disillusionment that runs constantly throughout the book. We are going to have to talk about the tea madeleine. I loathe mentioning it. [crosstalk]

    Justin E. H. Smith:  You gotta do it. You gotta do it. Yeah.

    Chris Hedges:  But this unconscious, involuntary memory, and it’s not just with the madeleine and the tea. But are there any examples of this that evoke the past? And I wondered if you could… These dim fragments, these brief flashes of recognition in an unexamined life, which keeps that life fragmented and unknown and void of context. And I just wondered how, for Proust, do we locate the past? How do we give it context? And then if you can talk about the importance of involuntary memory and illuminating the reality of experience.

    I’m just going to read a little quote from Proust. “I find the Celtic belief very reasonable that the souls of those we have lost are held captive in some inferior creature, in an animal, in a plant, in some inanimate thing, effectively lost to us until the day, which for many never comes, when we happen to pass close to the tree, come into possession of the object that is their prison. Then they quiver. They call out to us, and as soon as we have recognized them, the spell is broken. Delivered by us, they have overcome death and they return to live with us.” So that’s a lot, but maybe you can address those issues.

    Justin E. H. Smith:  Oh, yeah. Can I say something first about unmasking, the last thing we were talking about?

    Chris Hedges:  Sure.

    Justin E. H. Smith:  One of the most striking parts of the whole novel, for me, is the scene when we know Swann is dying, and he comes to the home of the [foreign language] and the Duke and his wife, Basin and Oriane, are leaving for some social engagement and she’s worried about which shoes to wear, and basically he’s trying to tell them he’s dying and they’re not going to see him anymore, and they’re just chattering back and forth about whether the shoes match the robe.

    Somehow I always picture that couple – This is my dumb American pop culture orientation – As Thurston Howell and his wife on Gilligan’s Island. And it’s fascinating indeed the way they are unmasked, taken down so many notches from their early exalted status. And this is why I really hate the commentary by people like Maxim Gorky on Proust who say that he is a slavish, adoring lackey of the aristocrats. Obviously that’s not all that’s going on. This is more like an exposé of how base and petty these people are, just like all of us. It’s definitely not any sort of class consciousness of the sort Gorky would like to see, but it’s also not sycophancy towards the nobility. All right. So that’s just one thing. We can go back to –

    Chris Hedges:  I’m going to just stop you on that scene, because first of all, Gorky ends up becoming a tool of Stalin. But he eviscerates the ruling… I don’t know how you can read Proust and not see that.

    Justin E. H. Smith:  I don’t know. I don’t know.

    Chris Hedges:  But just that scene that you pointed out, because they dismiss him, and the way they dismiss Swann is by saying, oh, you’re not really that sick. You’ll be fine. And then they’re saying, well, we have to go. We’re in a hurry. And then the Duke sees that his wife’s shoes don’t match her outfit and sends her back inside for a half hour to get another pair of shoes. So they’re in the face of death. I think it says it all. Like you, I found that scene haunting. But let’s address the other issues.

    Justin E. H. Smith:  Yeah. Sure, sure. So I have to say, it’s not like my interest in the novel trailed, but I think there’s no more powerful part than the opening maybe third of the first volume of the whole novel when he is a child and when he is very much an animist describing the natural milieu of Combray and the flowers and the grass and the weather. And he is very, very good at evoking natural landscapes.

    And it’s in this connection rather early on that the allusion to the Celts and their beliefs… I think this comes from Julius Caesar’s Gallic Wars, where there’s some reflection on druidic religion, and then it becomes commonplace in French history of ancient peoples of France that the druids did indeed believe that we are reincarnated in trees. I see this a lot in 17th century texts. But it’s a way for Proust to indulge this proximity to nature and also to pursue the themes of memory.

    And I love the scenes in the early parts of the novel, particularly surrounding asparagus and the idea that a stalk of asparagus is some kind of nature sprite or fairy. That is presumably rooted in Northern French folk beliefs, and that it’s this supernatural entity in turn that causes the peculiar bouquet, as he would put it, in your urine some hours after you eat asparagus. And it’s such an intense engagement with the smells and colors and sensations of nature that he practically goes metempsychotic himself and inhabits a tree for a while.

    I just love all that stuff. And I think it’s at its strongest in the first volume where he is, of course, a boy, and you’re supposed to get over that when you get older and enter society. So he retreats from the intense engagement with nature as he becomes an adult and leaves behind childish things. But in the particular sequence of images associated with the Celtic or druidic beliefs, I think, indeed, the idea seems to be that, in this reduced state, you have a dimmer sense of who you are and it has to be coaxed back out in order for the ancestor to rejoin us. And that, in a sense, to evoke this image of the soul lodged in a tree is to give an account of the condition we are all actually in, where we can scarcely hold onto our pasts and they only come back to us in dim fragments.

    Chris Hedges:  What’s interesting is that they do come back to everyone in a smell, a sound, a something, but Proust… Here maybe we can talk about art. While they can evoke the past, they’re largely meaningless unless we are able to interpret them through artistic expression. I don’t know if you would agree.

    Justin E. H. Smith:  Yeah, yeah, yeah. That’s absolutely right. And of course, he covers, really, all of the great arts, not just literature, but also certainly music and painting. These are leitmotifs of the whole novel. And indeed, they do seem to be the answer to the question, what are these dim fragments of memory for, anyway? Well, that can be catalyzed or sublimated into a great musical idea like, for example, the phrase in Vinteuil’s sonata that seems to hold the secret to our existence. And we really get this towards the very end of the novel, the seventh volume, again, functioning as the payoff for so much of the long-windedness of the whole thing. The realization that the narrator has of himself that he needs to conjure out of himself something as valuable, as redeeming as Vinteuil’s sonata in order to make this whole lifetime of dim fragmentary memories do anything for him at all.

    Chris Hedges:  I want to talk about the mutation of the self, especially around grief. Albertine, who he has a relationship with, modeled after his driver who was killed. But there’s that lamentation… And of course of the death of his grandmother, which is probably modeled on the death of his mother. He had pretty much a nervous breakdown after his mother died. But he doesn’t fear grieving. I thought this was brilliant. He fears the day he no longer grieves, because the self that was once in love with those we lost no longer exists. I wonder if you could talk about that.

    Justin E. H. Smith:  Sure. Well, we already alluded to the several small deaths, not in the sense of orgasms, but in the sense of falling out of love, with Gilberte in particular, that so much surprise him, that make him really, I think, question the nature of love, that you can fall out of love with someone and sit in a room with them and be like, oh yeah, I used to be in love with this person, makes it seem very fragile and far from transcendental, and that seems to worry him a great deal. At the same time, it seems like the love that he has for his grandmother is, in some respects, of a different character than these various romantic loves that he has, that the narrator has.

    And I should say, incidentally, that I’m not a Proust scholar. I’m a scholar of other things. And weirdly, since I started writing about Proust on Substack, I’ve had journals send me requests to referee Proust scholarship. And I have to say, sorry, I’m not your guy. That’s not my field. And in fact, for that reason, this helps to explain why I do not read secondary literature on Proust. I don’t want to read it. I think it would make me fall out of love, so to speak. It would take away the magic if I learned much more than I know about Proust’s life.

    I know, at least, that the female love objects that the narrator has are transformed versions of his own same sex love objects. That much I know, but I don’t know exactly how the transformation is affected. What I can say is that Marcel Proust, whatever his sexual orientation, is remarkably good at describing heterosexual desire and obsession. He’s certainly capable of imagining his way into other people’s desires. So that’s just a little parenthesis.

    So this falling out of love is something that, again, seems to be what… I just read Mary Shelley. A lovely line. It’s a weaning from the things of this earth, and in that sense a rehearsal for death. And I think the narrator sees it this way. The question of whether the narrator ever experiences true love or whether it’s just obsession… And certainly I find the narrator rather morally abhorrent and someone who really never figures some basic things out about how to be good to other people. I think the whole fifth volume, The Prisoner, is just shocking.

    Chris Hedges:  [inaudible], which essentially Albertine… His lover becomes his prisoner.

    Justin E. H. Smith:  Yeah. Yeah. And he’s extremely sadistic for no good reason and doesn’t seem to have any compunction about this. He doesn’t seem to have any interest in his own moral growth. And you might say that his attachment to his grandmother, and having to knock on the wall is an example you mentioned earlier, having to knock on the wall of the hotel so that she’ll hear him in his room and feeling reassured when he hears her knock back. That’s already a bit like the relationship to Albertine, right? And yet, his love for his grandmother is, in many respects, the best thing he’s got going, and it is, indeed, very sad when she dies.

    Let me also add that there’s another person towards whom the narrator is morally abhorrent, who I think is a really key figure for understanding the whole novel. She’s the backbone of the novel, and that’s Françoise, the maid, the nanny who is, of course, alive until the very end, witnesses it all, has a wisdom that aristocrats can never have and that he can never have, and really, really holds things together. He’s nasty to her, too, but I think it’s pretty clear he loves her.

    Chris Hedges:  Great. That was Justin E.H. Smith, professor of history and philosophy of science at the University of Paris. I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team: Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, and Kayla Rivara. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Our contemporary political discourse is rife with claims that certain forms of art, literature or thought are poisoning our culture and advancing the decay of civilization. The right has whipped itself into a frenzy over “critical race theory” bogeymans and campaigns to ban any books that contain even a passing acknowledgment of LGBTQ life. While certainly less zealous, the left can be sanctimonious and counterproductive when it comes to genres and works of fiction we deem politically pernicious—or just bad. Of course, none of this is new. Pop culture has been a terrain of political struggle for about as long as pop culture has been around. In her forthcoming book, Dangerous Fictions, Art for the End Times host Lyta Gold traces the history of these “cultural” conflicts and the deeper social fissures they belie.

    Studio: Maximillian Alvarez

    Post-Production: Brent Tomchik


    Transcript

    The transcript of this story is in progress and will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • A chill is in the air, the leaves are changing, and the spirits of the vengeful proletariat wander the land. It’s Halloween time—also known as Spooky Season. Once again, staff members at The Real News join Art for the End Times host Lyta Gold for another special episode on our favorite horror flicks. From vintage classics to revisionist takes on the colonial psychology of the horror genre, Maximillian Alvarez, Mel Buer, and Julianne Simitz get Halloween started in the tradition of The Real News.

    Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    Transcript

    The transcript of this episode will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • How does living in a consumer society at war with basic human needs affect our minds and, ultimately, our bodies? In his new book, The Myth of Normal: Trauma, Illness and Healing in a Toxic Culture, Dr. Gabor Maté and his son Daniel argue that our culture’s standards of normalcy are destructive to the health of human beings. In a society where profit and personal attainment are the highest values, traumas abound, and everyday people are left to endure their pain and shame in silence. The consequence of this dark ethic, Dr. Maté illustrates, plays out on our bodies, severely damaging our psyches, and pushing us towards individual and social self-annihilation. Dr. Gabor Maté joins The Chris Hedges Report to discuss his new book.

    Dr. Gabor Maté is a physician and childhood development specialist who has written several best-selling books, including In the Realm of Hungry Ghosts: Close Encounters with Addiction, When the Body Says No: Exploring the Stress-Disease Connection, and Scattered Minds: The Origins and Healing of Attention Deficit Disorder.

    Studio: Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    Transcript

    Chris Hedges:  Dr. Gabor Maté in his new book The Myth of Normal: Trauma, Illness & Healing in a Toxic Culture, which he wrote with his son Daniel, argues that what is defined as normal in a consumer society is at war with basic human needs. The engine of capitalism, defined by the cult of the self, thrives on the fostering of psychological and physical chronic disorders, including high blood pressure, diabetes, anxiety, depression, addictions, and suicide. It rewards the core traits of psychopaths: superficial charm, grandiosity and self-importance, a need for constant stimulation, a penchant for lying, deception, and manipulation, and the inability to feel remorse or guilt.

    Personal style and personal advancement are mistaken for individualism, equated falsely with democratic equality. We have a right in the cult of the self to get whatever we desire. We can do anything, even belittle and destroy those around us, including our friends, to make money, to be happy and to become famous. Once fame and wealth are achieved, they become their own justification, their own morality. How one gets there is irrelevant. The consequence of this dark ethic Dr. Mate illustrates plays out on our bodies, severely damaging our psyches and pushing us towards individual and social self-annihilation.

    Joining me to discuss his new book is Dr. Gabor Maté, who has written several bestselling books including In The Realm of Hungry Ghosts: Close Encounters with Addiction, When the Body Says No: Exploring the Stress-Disease Connection, and Scattered Minds: The Origins and Healing of Attention Deficit Disorder.

    So I said before we went on the air, this is a book that could have easily been three or four books, so your readers are rewarded. You write that most of us are in the grip of what you call a distant past, a psycho emotional time warp that prevents us from inhabiting the present moment. This is what the psychotherapist Peter Levine calls the tyranny of the past. Can you explain this process?

    Gabor Maté:  Yes. First of all, thank you for having me on your broadcast. In my own life, coming to reflect on many of my behaviors, I’ve had to realize that often I wasn’t reacting to the present, I was reacting to some interpretation of the present based on old traumatic programming for my early childhood. So often when I get upset, say in my relationship with my spouse, the degree of upset is not related to anything that’s occurring right now, but it’s some dark pain or wound, which is what trauma means, based on a sense of me being rejected or not being loved or not being accepted when I was a very young infant.

    And so that’s what Peter means by the tyranny of the past, that the past colors are… the Buddha said once that with our minds we basically create the world. But what it didn’t say is that before with our minds we create the world, the world creates our minds. So that the mind, in fact the very brain itself, including the physiology of the brain, is programmed very early in childhood by our earliest relationships with our caregivers beginning in utero, and those imprints govern a lot of our behaviors even into adulthood.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, you write about it. One of the things I liked about the book was its honesty. You give voice to your wife and your son, and are quite frank and, I think, courageous about your own failings as a father. We all have them. It’s painful to confront that we failed, in some way, those we love, and I wondered if you could, for people who don’t know your story, just tell us quickly what that trauma – It is in the book – But what that trauma that you endured was.

    Gabor Maté:  So, in a large historical context, the trauma was that I was born in January 1944 in Budapest, two months before the Nazis occupied Hungary, which is when the genocide began, two months after I was born. Now, the day after the Germans marched into Budapest, my mother phoned a pediatrician, I was two months of age, and she said, would you please come and see Gabor, because he’s crying all the time? And the doctor said, of course I will come, but I should tell you, all my Jewish babies are crying. And this is true, you don’t have to have war and genocide for this, infants absorb the stresses of their parents, and that has an impact on their nervous systems.

    So I spent the first year under predictably difficult, even life-threatening circumstances, which culminated with my mother giving me to a total stranger in the street in Budapest, because where we were living, I would not have survived. So I didn’t see her for five or six weeks. Of course, an infant can only experience that as an abandonment, and who gets abandoned? Somebody who’s not lovable, somebody who’s not wanted. So my sense of self, on a deep unconscious level, was somebody who’s not lovable, who’s not wanted. And that then leads to all kinds of behaviors in adulthood. Not to mention that, for the whole year, I’m absorbing the stresses and terrors of my mother, which, infants and children being narcissistic in the sense that they think it’s all about them, naturally I think, she’s suffering so much, it must be my fault.

    So this tremendous sense of guilt and shame that comes with trauma. It does not take historical trauma of those proportions. It doesn’t take war or genocide. In a diary entry, my mother described, when I’m two weeks old, before they were Nazis, before the Germans occupied Hungary, just how she was following doctor’s orders not to pick me up and feed me when I was asking for it because then the ethic was you feed on schedule, not on the child’s demand. That itself is a trauma, because what message do I get as a two-week-old? That my needs aren’t important, that I’m alone, that the person who loves me doesn’t care enough about me to pick me up. And that kind of trauma is very common in all societies, so I don’t want to create the impression that trauma is only under dramatic circumstances such as I endured as an infant.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, you’re writing the book about your mother’s instincts and that she didn’t like it, and of course, I think much of your book is a celebration or holding up those instincts against modern medicine or modern psychotherapy. The psychiatrist, Basil van der Kolk –

    Gabor Maté:  Bessel, if I may say.

    Chris Hedges:  Bessel. Excuse me, yes. Bessel van der Kolk in The Body Keeps the Score, he writes that trauma is when we are not seen and known, and you build on this idea that trauma is a fracturing of the self, of one’s relationship to the world. You define this fracturing as the essence of trauma. What do you mean by fracturing of the self, and how does this fracturing work?

    Gabor Maté:  Well, so trauma means a wound, wounding, a psychic wound, and you can wound people in two major ways, you might say. By doing terrible things to them, such as the abuse that many people endure in childhood, whether at home or in school, but the other way you can hurt people is just not to meet their needs. Now, one of the essential needs of human children – I’m talking about essential needs in a sense that if it’s not met the child suffers – Is to be seen and accepted for exactly who they are. Now, in Bessel’s words, if you’re not seen, that hurts you, because a child develops their self-image, their self-concept based on how he’s seen and treated by the adults around them. If the adults themselves are too limited, too stressed, too traumatized, too preoccupied to see the child in their child’s fullness, with all their emotions, the child will develop a very limited sense of themselves. So that’s part of that fracturing, first of all.

    Secondly, when you’re not being seen, or worse, if you’re being hurt or abused, it’s just too painful to be in your own body and to experience your own emotions. So literally, as a survival adaptation, quite unconsciously, the child will cut off their sense of feeling, their gut feelings, and they even disconnect from their bodies. So that disconnection then fracturing the self, which is the essence of trauma, happens if you’re not seen and accepted just who you are, even more so if you’re hurt.

    Chris Hedges:  You’ve long argued that addiction is an outcome of childhood trauma. You say this is based on shame, a shame-based view of ourselves, negative self-perception, a loss of compassion for one’s self. You write, “The more severe the trauma, the more total that loss.” Can you talk about the loss and its effects?

    Gabor Maté:  Sure. So for 12 years I worked as a physician in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, which, I don’t know if you’ve ever been here, Chris.

    Chris Hedges:  I have. I have. And I have gone down to the Eastside.

    Gabor Maté:  It’s shocking for people coming even from the ghettos in the United States. It’s North America’s most concentrated area of drug use. And in 12 years I worked down there, I never met a single female patient who had not been sexually abused as a child, and all the men had been severely abused, sometimes sexually, sometimes in other ways, neglected and so on. Not by accident, 30% of our clients down there were Indigenous First Nations Canadians. They make up 5% of the population. They’re also the most traumatized segment of the Canadian population. A shocking 50% of the women in jail in our country are Indigenous. They make up 5% of the female population. So what that trauma does is it hollows out the self because, again, it’s too painful to be connected to the self, and that pain will break through. And there’s a sense of emptiness, because the sense of fulfillment as a human being needs to come from within.

    It needs to come from an embrace of one’s self as one is. But when it’s treated that badly, one ends up rejecting one’s self as not hurt, as a flawed, deficient individual. So underneath all trauma is a shame-based view of oneself, and that shame is searing. Now, all addictions are an attempt to escape from pain. So I don’t care if you’re addicted to gambling or sex or shopping or the internet or self-cutting or eating or drugs or alcohol, it’s all about soothing the pain of that shame, soothing the pain of what you endured. And when that pain breaks through, you have to soothe the pain by some addictive behavior. So that’s what I meant there. So underneath addiction – People think that they’re ashamed of themselves because they’re addicted, it’s as least as much the other way around. They’re addicted because they’re so ashamed of themselves.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, you write about how consumer society plays on this. You say that if trauma entails a disconnection from the self, then it makes sense to say that we are being collectively flooded with influences that both exploit and reinforce this trauma.

    These are your words, “Work pressures, multitasking, social media news updates, multiplicities of entertainment sources, these all induce us to become lost in our thoughts. Frantic activities, gadgets, meaningless conversations. We’re caught up in pursuits of all kinds that draw us on, not because they are necessary or inspiring or uplifting or because they enrich or add meaning to our lives, but simply because they obliterate the present.” Those are your words.

    So that passage reminded me of the lines from W.H. Auden’s poem “September 1st, 1939”. “Faces along the bar, clinging to the average day. The lights must never go out, the music must always play. All the conventions conspire to make this ford assume the furniture of home. Least we should see where we are, lost in a haunted wood, children afraid of the night who have never been happy or good.”

    Gabor Maté:  I should have just published a book with that poem and forgot everything else, because he says it all. Well, there are two large classes of people who confuse their desires with their needs. One of them is young children. When they want something, they think they need it, and they’re desperate if they don’t get it. In the hands of healthy adults, one learns that needs are not the same as desires. The other class of people who confuse their desires with their needs, of course, are addicts of all kinds. I need to go shopping, I need to have a drink. These aren’t needs, these are desires, but consumer society is based on making addicts out of everybody, to confuse our desires with our needs.

    As the Catholic monk, whose work I’m sure you’re familiar with, Thomas Merton, said, the whole society is geared to raising our desires to this fever pitch so that we can be consuming the products of the film studios and all the factories. And so our whole consumerism is based on creating false needs. And if we weren’t at this fever pitch of desire all the time, we wouldn’t buy all the stuff that we buy, nor would we be coasting on the internet to fill every moment because we’re so empty and we’re so afraid of ourselves that we have to distract ourselves from our own presence by whatever means. Now, if you look on the internet, on YouTube for example, what gets seen by millions?

    There’s, recently, Eli Manning, the former New York Jets, was it? No, Giants quarterback went to this college, and he pretended to be somebody he wasn’t. It doesn’t matter, it’s trivial. 11 million views in three weeks. So the average person in America knows a whole lot about what quarterbacking strategy the Denver Broncos or the Tampa Bay Buccaneers should be pursuing, and then there’s big discussions about this. What does it matter to anybody? But ask the average American or Canadian to string two intelligent sentences together about the history of Afghanistan, or the history of Ukraine, or even about climate change, they’re not able to do it. So the whole society is designed, the whole culture is designed to draw our attention away from what’s important and make us believe that what’s trivial is actually essential. And that’s both a consumer strategy, but it’s also a propaganda imperative.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, you’re right about the dopamine hits, and a constant need because you get a high, but then you fall into a low and you need another hit, and that consumer society depends on this pleasure principle, if we want to quote Freud. But in fact, of course, what makes us content, what provides joy, is outside of that self-destructive behavior.

    Gabor Maté:  Absolutely. And this society is perfectly, I would say designed, but it’s not actually designed. As you and I know, it’s not that there aren’t conspiracies at the top and in all aspects of corporate life, but the whole thing is not a conspiracy as such. It’s almost a self-organizing organism that, on the one hand, deprives us of our genuine needs as children and as young people so that we create false needs to which you can cater. So society both creates these false needs and then creates an economy that caters to them. In fact, the economy couldn’t survive the way it is if it wasn’t based on false needs. So it’s a perfect mechanism, and it couldn’t have been designed better to sustain itself, at the cost of human health, of course, and human life even.

    Chris Hedges:  I want to talk about passing on trauma. That’s something that I’ve had to deal with, that when we don’t resolve that trauma, you write in Ourselves, you say, “The home becomes a place where we unwittingly recreate scenarios reminiscent of those that wounded us when we were small.” Can you talk about how this trauma is passed down?

    Gabor Maté:  I’m reminded of a statement of Primo Levi. I don’t know if you’ve read Primo Levi, but –

    Chris Hedges:  Oh, of course.

    Gabor Maté:  …He’s one of the great writers, one of the very few great writers, actually, on the genocide. He wasn’t somebody who sentimentalized anything. And he said at some point in one of his books that let’s not recreate in our homes the same conditions that existed in the camps. And that may seem like a shocking statement, because how can you possibly compare the two? But in terms of wounding children, again, you don’t need those dramatic historical circumstances. So I talked about my own formative year, the first year of my life, in the sense that I thought I wasn’t lovable and wanted.

    Well, the way I compensated for that, in part, was to go to medical school, because when you go to medical school, you get a sense of self-importance. And it’s very traumatic to go to medical school, but you come out of it with a lot of power and a lot of knowledge that makes you indispensable to the world, and now they’re going to want you all the time. And the beeper’s always going. Every time the beeper goes, you get a dopamine hit. Oh, they want me. I’m so important. But it’s addictive, because it never fills the emptiness inside. So I’m a workaholic physician and I’m carrying my depressions and anxieties and so on, but not on the job. They come out at home.

    Now, what message do my kids get when daddy’s not around because he’s always busy looking after other people, or when he is home, he’s kind of depressed and morose? Same message I got: that they’re not wanted. And this is a middle class Vancouver, British Columbia, home in a leafy, lovely neighborhood, no circumstances of abuse or deprivation or war, and yet my children are getting the same message I got. So this is how we pass it on unwittingly. And not because we don’t love our kids, and not because we don’t do our best, but simply because our best is constrained and informed by our own unresolved trauma. And most of us, or many of us have children when we’re very young, before we actually have resolved or even recognized our traumas.

    Chris Hedges:  Yes. That was something I’ve dealt with. I remember helping my kids build a gingerbread house when they were little and then just without thinking, I said, let’s play Bosnia and burn it down.

    You say that all illnesses, if not psychosomatic in origin, have psychosomatic components, and there are long passages in the book where you tie trauma of individuals, often childhood trauma, to a variety of diseases. You argue that confronting the underlying trauma often mitigates and even, at times, eradicates the disease. Stress, you say, may disable our immune system’s capacity to control and eliminate malignancy. That’s a big topic, and people are going to have to buy the book, which they should do, but can you touch on that?

    Gabor Maté:  Yeah. I’ve discussed this in a previous book of mine which you mentioned, When the Body Says No. But this is what’s so frustrating, Chris, is that I’m talking here not about conjecture or intuition, I’m talking about science. So in the 1860s or ’70s, whenever it was, Jean Martin-Charcot, the French neurologist who first described multiple sclerosis, said that this is a stress-driven disease. James Paget, a British surgeon around the same time, talked about breast cancer in women and how it’s inescapable to link between emotions and breast cancer. Sir William Osler, one of the founding physicians at John Hopkins in Baltimore, said in the 1890s, I think, that rheumatoid arthritis was a stress-driven disease.

    Without going into, in 1938, a great lecturer at Harvard, a physician whose name is still honored at Harvard in a research day named after him, Dr. Soma Weiss, like myself from Hungary, he said that emotional factors are at least as important in the causation of illness as physical elements and should be at least as important in the treatment. This lecture was published in the Journal of the American Medical Association. Now, they had no science to back it up, they just had their intuition. Since then, we’ve had 80 years of science showing the relationship between emotions and physiology, because you can’t separate the mind from the body. Scientifically speaking, you cannot separate the mind from the body, and the emotional apparatus is part and parcel of the same system that runs the immune apparatus as well. So when I say psychosomatic, I’m not meaning imagined, I’m meaning literally the oneness of psyche and soma, the mind and the emotional circuits of the body and the brain with the physiology of the rest of the body.

    Chris Hedges:  Is this what you mean by neurogenic inflammation?

    Gabor Maté:  Well, neurogenic inflammation simply means that the nervous system can trigger inflammation in the body, and of course the nervous system, as easy to demonstrate, is very much influenced by emotions. You have a certain emotional state, your nervous system changes by definition, and that can initiate inflammation in a body. A recent study three weeks ago showed that a single episode of racism will instigate inflammation in the body and suppress the immune system. So everything is psychosomatic in that sense, not in the sense of imagined, but that the psyche is influencing the soma because they’re one system.

    Long-term stress, long-term release of stress hormones like cortisol, suppresses the immune system and makes it less able to resist malignant transformation, and also can turn the immune system against oneself so that one has more of a chance of developing autoimmune disease, which not surprisingly, who’s most prone for? Women of color. Because A, they’re women, so they’re more stressed over gender reasons, and of color because they’re more stressed because of racist reasons. So the more intersection there is of gender and race, the more autoimmune disease you have. It’s strict science. And the frustrating part of it is the average medical student doesn’t get a single lecture on any of this stuff despite the voluminous science. It’s incredible, the gap between science and medical practice.

    Chris Hedges:  On pages 101 and 102, you drop a list of personality features that you say are most often present in people with chronic illnesses. What are the traits, and why do so many chronically ill people have those traits?

    Gabor Maté:  Yes. So in family practice, which I pursued for 22 years, I think, some of which I also was the medical coordinator of the palliative care unit at Vancouver Hospital, I noticed that who got sick and who didn’t wasn’t accidental. And as a family physician, I did have an advantage over my specialist colleagues in that I knew my patients as people. I knew them before they got sick. I knew them in their families of origin. I knew them in their multi-generational family context, so I began to notice that people that developed chronic illness had certain character traits. These were an automatic regard for the emotional needs of others while ignoring their own, rigid identification with duty, role, and responsibilities. So in other words, their duty out in the world, their responsibility out there rather than who they were as individuals, a repression of healthy anger.

    Healthy anger. There’s a distinction between rage and unhealthy and healthy anger. And finally, two fatal beliefs that one is responsible for how other people feel, and one must never disappoint anybody. Now, these traits, it’s not, again, fanciful they lead to illness because they all impose tremendous stress on the individual. If you’ve ever been angry and if you know what a perturbation of the nervous system and the visceral anger involves, imagine not feeling anger, what energetic demand it is to repress the anger so much so you don’t even feel it, so one of these really nice people that never gets angry. It’s a tremendous diversion of body energy. That wears on the immune system and the nervous system.

    So it’s that long-term stress, then, that leads to the illness. Not these traits cause the illness, but these traits make you much more prone to be stressed without even you knowing it, and therefore you’re more prone to illness. It’s a very straightforward correlation.

    Chris Hedges:  I see that play out in the prison, because my students in the prison cannot express anger to the guards, and it’s just an epidemic. Diabetes, hypertension, heart disease, everything because, of course, if they express that anger, they’re immediately punished.

    Gabor Maté:  Yeah. And no wonder, you see, like James Baldwin once said, I think that to be an American Black is to be in a constant state of suppressed anger.

    Chris Hedges:  Yes.

    Gabor Maté:  And the question is what to do with that anger? It’s no wonder that Black American males have a much higher risk of high blood pressure. It’s got nothing to do with genetics. Their genetic relatives in Africa do not have the same risk. It has to do with the stress of being American and Black and not being allowed to be angry.

    Chris Hedges:  I want to talk about the tension or the clash between what you call two essential needs: attachment and authenticity. You call this ground zero for the most widespread form of trauma in our society. Can you explain that idea?

    Gabor Maté:  Sure. So attachment is simply the drive to be close to somebody. It’s a biological, instinctive, psychological drive that’s part of our evolutionary heritage. And we share that with other mammals, because without attachment, the drive to be close between parent and infant, no mammalian infant would survive. So we’re simply wired for it, and especially the young child is wired to attach because without that attachment, there’s just no life, period.

    Now, we also have another need as well, which is what I call authenticity, and that comes from the word auto, for the self, and being in touch with our feelings, knowing what we feel and being able to act on that. Now, don’t forget, we evolved out there in nature for millions of years and for hundreds of thousands of years until a blink of an eye ago in humans, even in existence of our own species, we lived out in nature. How long does any creature survive in nature if they’re not in touch with their gut feelings? And that’s what I mean by authenticity, is being in connection with our bodies and our emotions.

    However, according to much of the toxic parenting advice that is doled out, the tiger mom and Emily Oster’s Parenting by the Numbers, it is designed to teach parents to ignore their parenting instincts. And if a child shows up angry, for example, they should be made to sit by themselves until they come back to normal, according to a very famous psychologist who, blessedly, will remain unnamed in this program. But he’s Canadian –

    Chris Hedges:  He’s named in your book, isn’t he?

    Gabor Maté:  He’s named in my book. And he says that an angry child should be made to sit by themselves until they come back to normal. So anger in a child is not normal. I got news for that psychologist. Anger is built into our brain as one of our essential brain circuits because it’s an important boundary defense. Now, if a child gets the message, or Hillary Clinton, who I talk about, who runs into her mother’s home at age four seeking protection from bullies and she’s told there’s no room for cards in this house, that you get out there and deal with it, when a child’s natural fear is not acceptable and a child’s desire for help is not acceptable, when the child’s natural anger is not acceptable, the child has a decision to make.

    Am I going to be authentic and be rejected by my parents, or should I reject myself and be accepted by my parents? Well, the tragic tension invariably gets resolved in favor of attachment, and a person adaptively suppresses their authenticity, but then that becomes a lifelong paradigm and we live out of a false sense of self. We don’t know what we feel, we dare not ask for help. We dare not say no at the demands of the world, and that makes us sick. So that’s what the tragic tension is. And a lot of people, when they get sick, they actually learn to be themselves. And when they do, not just as documented by myself but by others as well, there’s a much better chance for health.

    Chris Hedges:  Yeah. I think this is why you write that the personality traits we come to believe are us, and perhaps even take pride and actually bear the scars of where we lost connection to ourselves.

    I’m going to stop there. I want to thank the Real News Network and its production team: Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, and Kayla Rivara. You can find me at chrisedges.substack.com.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Editor’s note: Both Adam and Tish Turl use they/them pronouns.

    Adam and Tish Turl, two of the co-founders of the avant-garde Locust Arts & Letters Collective, are the big booming hearts behind its brick-and-mortar manifestation, the Born Again Labor Museum, in Carbondale, Illinois. They inaugurated their immersive art and left movement space in March earlier this year. Like a lot of their works, visual and literary, the name is meant to be lighthearted (as is their fanciful locust-filled “origin story”). Changing the world for the better is certainly a task they take seriously, but a lot of their charm comes from the fact that they don’t take themselves too seriously. They’re not exactly your prototypical evangelical Marxists proselytizing scripture from the sacred texts of 19th-century German philosophers. As you’ll see for yourself if you ever happen to visit the Born Again Labor Museum, Adam and Tish uphold no orthodoxies, artistic or political. They did, however, post signs around town offering free copies of Marx and Engels’ Communist Manifesto. (Eight people so far have responded to the offer.) 

    Sign posted in Carbondale, Illinois, saying “Need a free Communist Manifesto? Call 614-768-BALM.” Inspired by similar signs posted around Southern Illinois advertising free Bibles, Adam and Tish Turl have posted their signs around town as part of the Born Again Labor Museum’s Communist Manifesto Distribution Project. Photo courtesy of Adam and Tish Turl.

    “So far, we only got one negative call. We’d put up a sign on the side of one of the dorms on [the Southern Illinois University] campus and a libertarian called us to tell us to go fuck ourselves,” Tish explained with a laugh. “We used his message in the intro to one of our podcasts.” 

    Aesthetically, BALM is a museum of the radical weird infused with what Tish calls “aspirational escapism” (as opposed to “acquiescent escapism”). Aspirational escapism is about you writing potential alternatives and lives for yourself, they say. Acquiescent escapism, however, is something different—something that requires giving up being the author of yourself altogether and just hiding from the world for a while. 

    Joking aside, catering to rich patrons is wholly besides BALM’s point. Tish writes about eating them.

    Even though it’s devoted to the working class, BALM is not anything like The Lower East Side Tenement Museum, which offers informative displays for visitors detailing working-class immigrant life in downtown Manhattan in an actual tenement, and everything inside is suffused with the tint of the American Dream. BALM is also definitely not like the immersive arts and entertainment company Meow Wolf, which, while structured as an artists’ cooperative that revels in the weird, has no radical political core (but does have a history of mistreating its own workers). Moreover, BALM is not at all like the splendid four-story Andy Warhol museum in downtown Pittsburgh: the contents of the museum track and curate the (market-driven concept of) Warhol’s singular genius, from working-class art prodigy to international art superstar; the museum itself, on the other hand, is a sterling example of how cultural institutions can be catalysts for gentrification

    The Turls refuse to be gentrifiers. 

    “Opening an art space just to make art and share it—that’s something that’s alien in most cities now,” Adam told me. “I’m not making a moral argument exactly, and I especially don’t blame artists who got caught up in this 40 or 50 years ago, but it’s so obvious now, and you can’t pretend to wash your hands of it.”

    They see Carbondale as gentrification-proof, at least for now. 14,000 of its 25,000 residents are college students.

    “For Carbondale to gentrify, something huge would have to happen,” Adam noted, gesturing outside. “There would have to be a critical mass of well-paid professionals, and that’s not gonna happen here. And it’s definitely not happening at the strip mall.” 

    BALM’s neighbors in the run-of-the-mill strip mall located two miles from the university’s campus include a head shop, a record store, a music store, and a “hippie place where you can get a tarot card reading.”

    “The most important thing about having the space,” Tish said, “is to provide working people with a place where they can walk in and see themselves.

    Adam, a self-described Brechtian, thinks every art space is a theatrical space that tells a story. “So what is the white-cube fancy art gallery saying about rich people in new shoes, having mid-shelf wine, looking at really expensive paintings? Because that changes the meaning of the work in there, in a big way,” they said. And the story told by hoity toity exclusive art galleries is the story of bourgeois rot and cultural constipation. BALM, of course, hopes to tell a different kind of story with the space and resources available (Adam kidded that they’re “not poor, just broke,” but also that they wouldn’t mind if the occasional rich person wandered in to support the museum). 

    Joking aside, catering to rich patrons is wholly besides BALM’s point. Tish writes about eating them. In their short essay “Class Revenge Fanfiction,” published in the winter ’22 issue of Locust Review, Tish doesn’t mince words:

    I want to create characters not that people aspire to be like but whom people see themselves in who end up doing things they already aspire to do but won’t, for whatever reason. Probably this penchant for fictional violence against wealth hoarders will get me into trouble eventually. Until then, however, I will continue to write about working class robots in sewers trying to shoot the evil meat above.

    “The most important thing about having the space,” Tish said, “is to provide working people with a place where they can walk in and see themselves. And [where they can] also know that it’s safe here to start doing the stuff that they need to do, which is not safe to do elsewhere. We can disagree on some finer points of things, we don’t all have exactly the same ideology, we can discuss things. But we’re not tolerating certain kinds of passive aggressions, microaggressions—things like that don’t fly here.”

    BALM has a central meeting area where local Starbucks workers organized their successful unionization campaign (the union election, which took place on Aug. 11, had a final tally of 11 “Yes” votes and 2 “No” votes). In that same meeting area, pro-choice activists have made protest signs and hashed out plans to support a new abortion clinic in town. The Young Democratic Socialists of America (YDSA) chapter holds its political education movie nights there, too, viewing films like 9 to 5, Matewan, Land and Freedom, United in Anger (a documentary about Act Up), and The Janes (a recent HBO documentary on the underground abortion rights group in Chicago before Roe). 

    On display where the mostly young people gather are photos and posters of revolutionary leaders and iconic scenes of working-class, radical, and socialist struggles, all finished with gritty touches of cotton and ash. The images are hung so high on a wire affixed by clothespins that most people have to look up to see them. They are part of the intentionally never-finished installation—an unspoken but purposeful reminder to activists to document our actions for posterity, lest they be forgotten. 

    Adam, who is older than Tish by more than a decade, can name each photo’s subject with the kind of nonchalant expertise of a diehard sports fan rattling off key player stats and team lore: “This is Paris in ’68, Memphis in ’68, the WTO protest in Seattle in 1999, a Black Panther poster by Emory Douglas, a still from Harlan County USA,” they explained. “The cotton is a reference to the slave crop and the ash is a reference to General Sherman’s march to the sea. One of my ancestors came over from England, went right into the army, and was part of the march to the sea.” 

    Like many socialists, Tish and Adam have thought long and hard about how unfairly society is currently structured and how it could be remade in a more just way. And that desire to restructure comes from a place of love—for the world, and for other people.

    Like many socialists, Tish and Adam have thought long and hard about how unfairly society is currently structured and how it could be remade in a more just way. And that desire to restructure comes from a place of love—for the world, and for other people. Contra the Fredric Jameson axiom, popularized by Mark Fisher in Capitalist Realism, it’s far easier for these two to imagine the end of the capitalist order than the end of the their earthly home. Adam grew up in Carbondale, which is surrounded by natural beauty.

    “When I was a little kid, I thought everybody lived in the forest,” Adam said. “I’m not religious or anything, but those forests are sacred. That’s the closest thing I have to cathedrals, and they’re in trouble.”

    Neither Tish nor Adam believes that the climate catastrophe has even the remotest chance of being solved by market-driven solutions.

    “If you can’t imagine anything else other than capitalism, over time that narrows your options considerably. The amount of space to think outside of the market, outside of hustling every day, is narrowed,” explained Adam. 

    BALM is meant to be a bulwark against that constriction of imagination. Tish and Adam are swashbuckling.

    In every BALM gallery, original artwork by the Turls will spin you round and stop you in your tracks, even though, as Adam confessed, “sometimes it’s not even necessarily fun to make it, but it’s something you have to… try to do.” There is a room, for instance, where handcuffs dangle off fry baskets. It takes a minute to register their startling reminder that what happens in workplaces is often traumatic and cruel—and that workers’ subjugation is mandatory. In the Slow Apocalypse Room, an angel’s wings are attached to a toilet paper display, prompting one to wonder what happened to all of those essential workers stocking the shelves during the toilet paper frenzy at the outset of the pandemic. Also on display is a Wounded Tool Library, where the stories of the tools themselves, and how they came to be broken and wrecked, are told. Passing through space, the personification of the tools conjures in one’s chest an uneasy sense of the ways flesh-and-blood working people, whose stories are rarely told or listened to, are objectified.

    The Turls are deeply in love with each other—and with their communities of struggle, in Southern Illinois and beyond. Like so many others in the international working class, despite having a multitude of oppressive forces bearing down on them daily, they still have everything to live for. They will not be relinquishing their happiness to the ruling class anytime soon. After all, it is that same class that, if it considers them at all, sees queer, non-binary low-wage-earners like them—who give their all to the world while they themselves are just barely scraping by—as little more than swarming insects to be avoided. Nonetheless, as Adam and Tish believe, there is power in the swarm. 

    “If you can’t imagine anything else other than capitalism, over time that narrows your options considerably. The amount of space to think outside of the market, outside of hustling every day, is narrowed.”

    Adam Turl, co-founder of the Locust Arts & Letters Collective and its Born Again Labor Museum, in Carbondale, Illinois.

    “The amount of trauma that I have experienced in my life,” Tish said, “not even related to capitalism, but also the capitalism on top… Even if you’re not necessarily conscious of it, if you’re doing writing and creating, you’re processing that trauma. It’s either moments of vengefulness that I wish could’ve happened or, ‘Look at this thing that is a fact of our life that is disgusting. We have to stop it.’”

    Exercising (or, more precisely, weaponizing) their imaginations in the service of the working class is one of their primary daily joys. Over breakfast, Tish might tell Adam a dream they just had.

    “I was in a room full of people and they weren’t wearing masks, and there was an elephant in the corner with a large knife,” Tish explained, half-groaning. “And I woke up and I told them about it, because I was frustrated at how obvious it was. As a writer you want to plumb your dreams for the weird stuff, but I was like, ‘Really, brain? You’re just gonna give me a big elephant in the room with a knife!” 

    Later Adam will paint that dream scene and make Tish gasp.

    They pass the inspiration back and forth like a glowing baton in a relay race against time—and the stakes of winning that race couldn’t be higher. From the locusts’ point of view, they are able to see how corporate executives and government bureaucrats are normalizing policies of exterminism in the face of rising fascism and climate destabilization

    While “exterminism” may sound too extreme to some, how else are we to characterize the logic on display with an institutional “response” to  COVID-19 that has condemned hundreds of thousands of essential workers in the US to an early grave—and still claims an average of 338 lives a day? “The handling of the pandemic brought a 40% increase in working age deaths according to an insurance industry report,” Adam explained. “They consider a 10% increase in working age deaths to be a catastrophe, and it was 40%. It’s one of those things that’s not talked about in the ‘tight labor market’ discussion, but there were about 400,000 people who are no longer alive, who were working.”

    Maybe it’s one of the weird effects of the curated displays, but BALM can feel a little bit holy at moments, a temple of sorts for the souls of ordinary folk—who are, as Adam and Tish believe, anything but.

    “I don’t think anybody is actually ordinary,” Adam said. “And that’s part of the problem, because everybody’s actually amazing, and I live in a world that doesn’t allow them to be.”

    Exercising (or, more precisely, weaponizing) their imaginations in the service of the working class is one of their primary daily joys.

    The inspiration for BALM stretches all the way back to artisan workers of the 19th-century Parisian working class who would gather in studio garrets and cafés to stay up all night talking about a world more suited to human flourishing than the contemporary, industrializing one taking monstrous shape all around them. “They would talk about what kind of art people should make to help realize [that better world],” Adam said. “It was a normal part of life, and that’s what we should build in working-class communities all over the place. Let’s get together and talk about how we make our life better.”

    One of the ways that Adam and Tish make BALM available to working-class people who are not already politicized and organizing is by renting a room within the museum to the Carbondale Tool Library. It’s a lending library stocked with a good amount of inventory.

    “One of the deficits of meaning in a lot of contemporary art is that it’s situated next to well-heeled people who don’t really care about it,” Adam explained. “If it speaks a little to people who are coming to borrow a drill so they can fix their table, that’s a much better use of it than sitting on a wall 10 feet away from some other artwork.”

    “I don’t think anybody is actually ordinary,” Adam said. “And that’s part of the problem, because everybody’s actually amazing, and I live in a world that doesn’t allow them to be.”

    Burger King Parking Lot’s Wife is a work that gets noticed and commented on … well … a lot. It’s a sculptural column made of salt packets that references Genesis 19, a Bible story about a man named Lot and his wife in the land of Sodom. In the parable, she turns back to look at the sinners being destroyed by God’s wrath and, having disobeyed the angel’s instruction specifically not to look back, is changed into a pillar of salt. The rabbis argue over many things. Was it defiance, or worse, a sign that she loved that fast city life God was in the process of scorching? Or did she see with her own eyes God manifest raining terror down on the Sodomites, a sight so terrible that she could not contain it and remain human? “For us, it’s maybe you look back at your trauma, and then you become salt, in the sense of salting your workplace,” they said.

    The graceful column made of salt balanced on a scalloped pedestal, the salt apportioned and commodified in hundreds of tiny packets. Its construction seems to defy physics, all the constituent parts held loosely together by the lightly netted force of solidarity. Adam and Tish have already made a Wendy’s Parking Lot’s Wife and a Hardee’s Parking Lot’s Wife, and the three columns now stand shoulder to shoulder. Good ideas, like good structures, can multiply and proliferate in a given locus, and ideally can nurture the full flowering of the subjective expression of, by, and for the working class.

    “I want total liberation of the working class,” Tish said unhesitatingly when asked about BALM’s vision for the future. “I want for us to be in charge, to do what we know we have to do to reverse the things that capitalism has done to ruin this planet. I really, really hope that we can get there.”

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Ray Nayler’s novel The Mountain in the Sea asks the kinds of questions about us, our future and our interaction with other living beings that are raised by many great works of science fiction. In his book the marine habitat of a hyperintelligent species of octopus, endowed with its own language and culture, is seized by a global tech corporation determined to harness this non-human intelligence for profit in new systems of artificial intelligence. This dystopian future world is one of total surveillance, vast polluted dead zones, climate breakdown, a pervasive alienation, frequent targeted assassinations by governments and corporations against those who resist bondage as well as the brutal enslavement of workers, especially those from the Global South.

    Ray Nayler joins Chris Hedges to discuss his new novel, the curious consciousness of cephalopods, and what octopod ontology can teach us about capitalism and ourselves.

    Studio: Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    The transcript of this interview will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In 1973 the organization 9 to 5 was founded as a national association of women office workers advocating for their rights. Organizing women against workplace discrimination and harassment, 9 to 5 brought a new generation of white collar women workers into the labor movement, and remains one of the largest organizations of women workers in the United States. Their experiences inspired the 1980 film 9 to 5, starring Jane Fonda, Lily Tomlin, and Dolly Parton. Now, almost half a century since 9 to 5’s beginnings, founder Ellen Cassedy joins The Marc Steiner Show to discuss her new memoir, Working 9 to 5: A Women’s Movement, a Labor Union, and the Iconic Movie.

    Ellen Cassedy was a founder and longtime leader of 9 to 5, the national association of women office workers. Working 9 to 5 is her first-person account of this exciting movement, which began in the early 1970s, mobilizing women across the country to organize for rights and respect on the job. Ellen is also the award-winning author of We Are Here: Memories of the Lithuanian Holocaust.

    Post-Production: Brent Tomchik


    Transcript

    Marc Steiner:  Welcome to The Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner, and it’s great to have you all with this once again.

    “Working 9 to 5”, that was the famous song by the great Dolly Parton, created for a film we all love called 9 to 5, with Jane Fonda, Lily Tomlin, and Dolly Parton. Now, that comedy took a serious look at the lives of clerical workers, women workers. And it was all inspired by the real 9 to 5 movement that organized women across America in a multiracial union of office workers and clerical workers, who are among the lowest paid and oppressed and most numerous. Who underwent sexual harassment, they were unpaid, as I just said, working in servitude at the whim of the mostly male bosses. That movement created a massive change.

    One of those women who built that movement is Ellen Cassedy, who wrote the book Working 9 to 5: A Woman’s Movement, A Labor Union, and An Iconic Movie. As I said, Ellen was one of the founders of the 9to5 movement, and for a time she was even a speech writer for the Clinton administration, wrote a play about her Aunt Jesse, a long time secretary who wore her hair like Jane Fonda, shagged, in a nursing home, and became a film called Beautiful Hills of Brooklyn. Wrote a book called, We Are Here: Memories of Lithuanian Holocaust, and more.

    She joins us now here on The Marc Steiner Show on The Real News. Ellen, welcome, great to have you with us.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Thanks so much, Marc, glad to be here.

    Marc Steiner:  Let me just start just talking about you for just a moment before we get into the heart of the book. Because your life as a union organizer, your life as an activist all through the ’60s and ’70s and beyond in the decades that come, really are in the heart and soul, or in your genetic roots, are inside of you. Something you grew up with, something you learned from childhood. Talk a bit about that and how you grew up.

    Ellen Cassedy:  I guess I can trace it back to my grandfather who was an immigrant from Eastern Europe. He arrived in the United States in 1911 at the age of 19. He used to talk to me about standing in a public square in New York City, listening to this fiery garment worker named Rose Schneiderman who was talking about bread and roses for women garment workers. I never forgot that. Later, when we began organizing in the early 1970s, we came to feel that we were the heirs of those garment workers way back then who fought for their rights and who really not only transformed their own lives, but also transformed the labor movement.

    As I was growing up, I was involved, thanks to my parents, in the Civil Rights Movement in the Baltimore region, and also in the anti-war movement into the ’60s. So by the time I got to the early 1970s, I was like a lot of women at that time who were hitting the workforce out of economic necessity, but also were bringing with them a desire not just for a job, but for a good job, a job that paid fairly, that treated them fairly. One historian has talked about it as the coming together of two rivers; an economic and a cultural. And women looked around, and looked at each other, and looked from side to side, and felt that we were united as women, and a discontent began to brew.

    Marc Steiner:  And brew it did. Let’s get right into the heart of what it brewed for you and these other women, because I think that many people even listening or watching this now are not aware that the film that we saw that clip of, 9 to 5, was a national movement. Was a movement of women in this country that organized women who were unorganized in ways that were never done before. I’d like to talk about that. Let’s just talk about the beginning of that, the inspiration of that, and the women you worked with, and how that began.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Well, 10 of us started sitting around in a circle in Boston. We were women office workers, and we just started talking about our jobs. We talked about low pay, unequal pay, training men to be our own supervisors, and being asked to do all kinds of favors for our bosses. From there we ended up starting a newsletter and distributing it all over town in Boston. We got government agencies working on our side, and we won millions of dollars in back pay and raises from banks, insurance companies, and more. We went on to expand nationwide, and we started a women-led union, and we inspired that movie that you talked about, 9 to 5, 1980 Hollywood hit and Dolly Parton’s toe tapping enduring anthem, which has just been re-released in a duet with Kelly Clarkson just last week.

    Marc Steiner:  Really? I have to check that out, I haven’t heard that one.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Yeah, they re-released it. And one of the messages is that we are still working 9to5 and we’re still needing to organize. I’ve been so thrilled to see the upsurge of labor organizing that’s going on today. It really reminds me of people back when I got started, who, we hadn’t really been involved in demonstrations or the Women’s Movement that much. In fact, a lot of women who we met, women office workers would start out when they sat down across a lunch table with us, start out by saying, I just want to make clear I’m not a feminist. But then as they got involved in the organization they thought, I’m for equal pay, I’m for equal treatment, maybe I am a feminist. But we didn’t create that as a litmus test, you didn’t have to call yourself a feminist to get involved in 9to5.

    Marc Steiner:  That’s interesting. I’d like to get into how different this was. I mean, as I was reading your book, when I was younger, both when I was a school teacher and helped organize the union of my high school, and then before that I was a warehouse worker and I got a Teamsters union at our warehouse and organized that. But what you described in your book was very different in terms of its approach to organizing. A, because the group of people you were organizing didn’t necessarily see themselves as workers, and B how you moved away from the narrowness of a left ideology that would turn people off while you were trying to organize a broader coalition, how you used humor, and more. Talk a bit about how this developed, because it was really a unique and powerful approach that I think also can change the entire nature of how you organize workers.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Yeah, well that’s very insightful. I think what impressed me as I was doing the research for this book was that 9to5, it really was different. We really followed our own noses. We looked around for advice and we asked people for advice and some people said, oh, you’ll never succeed. We’ve tried that before. It’s never going to work. Other people just welcomed us with open arms. But we really had to change where we were going frequently, depending on what happened with the people we were talking to. We listened really carefully to how people talked about their jobs. We went out to lunch with so many people, just countless women. Sometimes I went to lunch three times a day and just listened to how people were talking and what they seemed to be ready to do.

    It was a situation where unions were not in the picture at that point. Even any kind of collective action was really foreign to the people we were talking to. When they had a problem, people tended to think it was their own individual private problem. I should have dressed for success. I should take another class. It’s my fault that I haven’t gotten that promotion. We really had to work on showing people that, while an individual can make a difference, individuals working together can make a bigger difference. Now, the workplace was very authoritarian, in these giant soaring skyscrapers. If you stood up from your seat at the typing pool, your supervisor could see and might come over and say, sit back down, you might get a black mark.

    In leafleting, we had to stay close to the curb because these skyscrapers were situated in the middle of private plazas, often with security guards. So we would be leafleting and skirting from person to person as they streamed in the doors. Then once they got inside the door, leaflet in hand, a lot of times supervisors were waiting there for them and just ripped the leaflets right out of their hand. So we had to come up with all kinds of tactics that would be suited to what people were willing to do. People weren’t even willing to put a pile of leaflets in the bathroom, for example. We thought that’d be pretty easy, but what if they got caught?

    So one thing we used to very great effect was press coverage. One thing was getting government agencies on our side to help us. We didn’t just file a charge and then leave. No, we kept the pressure on them, kept their feet to the fire. And then we used women as whistleblowers. We invented all kinds of crazy ways for women to feed us information about what was going on in the executive suites anonymously. We’d leaflet a company and then people would send in their answers. We’d digest those answers and then feed it back to them with another leaflet the next day, and it drove the employers crazy. We really had them on the run.

    For example, at one bank we leafleted one day about pay at the bank. The next day there was a 5% raise. We targeted the biggest bank in Boston, the First National Bank of Boston, and we called 1979 “the year of the first”. By the end of the year of the first, 51 women had been promoted to management, and there was a 12% raise, and there was job posting and career ladders and a grievance system, and things really started to change. We really had them on the run. I remember that when we targeted a great big insurance company, one of the executives decided that he’d better sleep all night in his office in case we invaded. I don’t know what good he thought that was going to do, but a lot of people changed, and we made countless bosses get their own coffee.

    Marc Steiner:  [laughs] How shocking. There’s a bunch of things here I think that’s really important to understand the harassment that people suffered, women suffered in these jobs. It was just amazing, I’ve heard stories before from these women, but reading it in your book was different, just the way it punctuated and set up how you organized and got women to talk. And when you read passages, many entries talking about what women said to you involved bodily fluids, private parts, personal hygiene. The boss who asked his secretary to clean a spot off his tie was trumped by the one who handed his secretary a warm container of his own urine to carry to a lab. That one was eclipsed by the one who asked his secretary to carry his stool sample to a doctor’s office. A boss asked his secretary to clean his dentures, another to vacuum up the fingernail clippings he scattered on the floor. One boss asked his secretary to wax his back hair, another to snip his nose hairs. The thing is, if this was a rarity, it would be a comedy, but it wasn’t.

    Ellen Cassedy:  That’s right. What you’re talking about is these bad boss contests that we held as –

    Marc Steiner:  Which is great, I love that.

    Ellen Cassedy:  We would invite people to send in the most outrageous thing they’d ever been asked to do on the job. Then, we would take a posse of women to that winning boss, and while the TV cameras were rolling, we would present – For example, there was one boss who had asked a secretary to sew up a hole in his pants while he was wearing them, so we presented him with an executive sewing kit. We also showed up at the office of a lawyer who had fired his secretary for bringing him a corned beef sandwich on white bread instead of rye. I’m sorry to say that that boss did not back down, that woman didn’t get her job back. She might have been glad, in the end.

    But from those things appearing on TV and in the press, a lot of bosses thought, hmm, and a lot of women thought, maybe I can say no. I remember after the 9 to 5 movie came out in theaters in 1980, I was sitting on the bus and I heard this woman saying to the woman next to her, so I said to him, no, I will not make your coffee. I just saw 9 to 5, and I’m not going to make a cup of coffee again, so we really had an impact.

    Marc Steiner:  Talk in greater detail about why it was so difficult, in some ways, to organize women in these offices. Both in terms of who you were facing in terms of the boss and the industry, but also the women themselves who didn’t see themselves as workers. And how difficult it was to make that organization happen, and the tactics you used to change that, to turn it around. Which really, in some ways, reminded me of what it took to be a community organizer and that kind of approach. Talk a bit about that arc.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Yeah, employers were definitely not pleased when we showed up on the scene. It was as if somebody said the wallpaper came alive. In other words, employers were used to just thinking of office workers as just part of the wallpaper. And office workers did not necessarily think of themselves as, we’re just as much workers as a man in a hard hat wielding a wrench, but we were. Employers, especially when we started our union, they pulled out every trick in the book, and they hired union busting consultants and lawyers, and they delayed, and they threatened, and they did all kinds of things, some of them legal, some of them illegal. They got away with a lot of it. And they made it very difficult to organize.

    In the 1980s there was a real downturn in union organizing. And now, as you know, we’re seeing a resurgence of retail workers, restaurant workers, warehouse workers, even grad students are organizing, and support for unions is higher than it’s been in two generations. When you ask what was it about women that made it hard, we didn’t want to talk about that. We didn’t want to talk about what was wrong with women and why women wouldn’t organize. We talked about what they’re up against, that their bosses really were ready to fire them for getting together. And they were oppressed, and we were doing everything we could to have people look at each other, feel united as women across race, across class, across age, and we did that.

    Marc Steiner:  And you did do that. I mean, this was a sojourn. I think if we can, in the time we have together, talk a bit about how that sojourn happened and grew from your organizing in this one place and expanding it into a national union, that really changed in many ways. I mean there are many who didn’t want to have anything to do with you. We can talk a bit about that. But when you did get in, it was almost change… You helped change the nature – People don’t realize this – The nature of unions, the nature of what it means to organize, to build this group, the 925 local and what you did to build that and how that changed the nature of union organizing as well. So talk a bit about that. I mean, because I think that’s a really important journey, when people start isolated and alone in one locality, but it ends up being this national movement of women fighting back.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Yeah, we did expand nationally. We came up with a formula of how you start an organization of women office workers in any city. And wherever we went, there were women who had the exact same problems and were ready to do the exact kind of thing. We also started approaching unions, because we recognized that it’s really only through a union contract that you have it in writing it. The boss can’t go back on it, they’re legally bound to carry out the contract. And eventually we began running into women who were ready to unionize. And our union, which was called District 925, like 9to5 –

    Marc Steiner:  Love it.

    Ellen Cassedy:  …On purpose. The confusion was definitely on purpose. We organized a little differently from some unions. We held meetings at lunchtime, we provided childcare for evening meetings, and we also paid very, very special attention to each woman. And we understood from the inside what it felt like to be afraid to give a speech. We encouraged women to take a wastebasket up to the podium if you’re afraid you’re going to throw up while you’re speaking in public. And we wrote scripts out for women to make phone calls. And, again, we understood ourselves what it was to be scared, and we had a feel for that. So that really had an impact. And our District 925 organized tens of thousands of people across the country. And I also would like to say that, even if you didn’t join the union or join the organization, a lot of people were affected by it.

    And I think issues that had been considered private individual issues became matters of policy for employers, for employees, for the public, and for unions. So today, pregnancy discrimination is illegal, sexual harassment is illegal. We don’t have help wanted male and help wanted female ads in the newspapers anymore. And managerial jobs have opened up to college-educated women. But in many ways, being a worker today is more difficult than it was 50 years ago. In the gig economy it can take two or three jobs to put food on the table. There are fewer workers who have pensions, paid vacation, paid sick days. Computerized monitoring, second by second surveillance of how fast you’re working. That’s something that we didn’t have back then because there weren’t computers.

    But again, as I said before, what’s so exciting is that people are coming together again in unions. And some of them are directly working through the National Labor Relations Act and going workplace by workplace, and other workers are organizing citywide the way we did. The Fight for $15 is a good example of a minimum wage fight. The kind of thing we did, where we’d just go into a city and we’d start just raising a ruckus all over town, and change got made.

    Marc Steiner:  I do want to leap forward for a moment because of what you said. And when you think about the way you organized, you said raising a ruckus, because you did raise a ruckus. You did it with both strategy and humor and mocking the other side while you organized women to stand up and fight for themselves. And what do those lessons say about what we face today? I mean, part of your book you write about, towards the end, about the period where unions kind of began to fall apart, that they stopped organizing, that businesses got the upper hand and started being able to push back. And women became more and more part of the unionized workforce than men, and Black and Latino folks became more and more part of the workforce than white people. So talk about where you think all that means for now.

    We see this surge at Starbucks and other places where people are organizing and standing up, which is really important. But talk about that in the context of what you did and how that translates to the 21st century in terms of what we face and how you organized.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Well even back then, starting in around 1973 was just when we started organizing. The social contract between employers and unions or workers was beginning to fray. Employers were facing globalization, and they pretty much came to a decision. They were done with unions, they were done with the social contract. And so you began to see this really fierce resistance by employers.

    And that continued on through the present day. It’s still happening. The Starbucks workers, the Amazon workers are up against these lawyers who have every trick in the book and every trick outside the book. So I think that the lesson that I draw is that every generation has to come up with its own tactics. And so when you read the history of 9to5, I think it’s really important to learn from history, but to understand that you’re going to need to forge your own path.

    So it’s not a question of reading my book Working 9 To 5 and thinking of it as a manual. Oh, we’ll do that too. You won’t do that. This is a different time. You’re going to have to invent your own tactics. But that’s the point, is that you just keep going and trust yourself, trust your instincts, and come up with the kind of tactics that make sense for today. Because there’s an old union song that says every generation has got to win it again. And we might wish that that weren’t true, but it is true. So every generation’s got to go for it on your own.

    Marc Steiner:  Right. The struggle never ends. I mean, I feel that a lot in terms of when I was reading your book and I was thinking about where we stand now with voting rights and the push against women’s right to choose and all the rest, and pushing back on unions, and how the struggle almost seems like it’s… Not starting over again, but it’s like that we’re facing some of the same obstacles we faced when we were organizing, when we were in our younger years doing that. Talk about how you would talk to people about how you would not let that be a frustration point, but to be a point of optimism that you can fight and win.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Yeah, well I guess if I wanted to convey anything in my book, it was what a ball we had. [Marc laughs] We were in our tiny little office from dawn to after dusk, and we were a feisty team. We were 23 years old, but we were in the newspaper all the time. We were just gleefully dreaming up all these great things to do, and we just kept moving forward. And I think that’s what people have to do. And I see people doing that today, and that’s what’s so exciting to me.

    Marc Steiner:  So I want to kind of digress a moment into part of the book where you talk about the role of the film 9 to 5, in meeting Jane Fonda, getting this story out that way, which was really amazing to me. I mean, I remember the movie when it came out and how we all loved it and it inspired so many people. Because it came out just when I was in the midst of organizing at my high school where I was working. So it was inspirational in that sense for many people to watch it. So talk a bit about that in that process, the movie, and what do you think the movie did, and how important that was?

    Ellen Cassedy:  Jane Fonda knew a member of our group from the anti-Vietnam war movement and she came to us and said that she wanted to make a movie about the concerns of women office workers. We were thrilled. She brought a team to meet with the leaders. And they popped a question that we had never thought to ask on our recruitment lunches, which was, have you ever thought about doing in your boss? And there was a moment of stunned silence and then the room just exploded, because it turned out everybody had. So one woman talked about fantasizing about grinding up her boss in a coffee grinder. And another woman talked about wanting to swivel her boss around in his swivel chair and swivel him right out the window. And those fantasies all went into the script. And the film was a huge hit. The atmosphere in the theaters was electric.

    Even men like the movie, because it turned out some of them had fantasized about doing in their bosses, too. And there’s famous scene in the movie – You should really watch the movie again today because it really stands up – So there’s this one scene where Jane Fonda is new on the job, and they usher her into this room with a huge photocopier that’s about the size of a room, and she very timidly presses the start button, and all these papers start flying out in her face, and she’s scrambling to pick them up and she’s starting to cry. And women would stand up in the theater and say, push the stop button. So people took it really seriously and felt that they were being reflected on the big screen in a way they never had before. And that really changed things.

    Jane Fonda was an amazing partner to have. She really understood how a movie could be inspired by a movement and then propel a movement forward. And we worked really closely with her. And I think the debate, the public debate about whether there is discrimination, whether women are satisfied with the lower jobs and the lower pay, that debate really changed. It made a huge difference.

    Marc Steiner:  For some reason, as you were describing this, I was thinking about parts of your book that I think are really important to pull out here, which is the issue of race. The issue of race and organizing and the issue of race, especially in how effective organizing in the workplace can begin to address racism, change minds and attitudes, especially among white women in this case, but white workers, white women, and how that played out in your world. Because when you started out, you were mostly white women who started this thing out, but it morphed and changed as it grew. And talk a bit about how that really challenges the notion of racism, how important that is in terms of that struggle.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Absolutely. So we started organizing in 1973 in Boston. And Boston at that time was an almost entirely white city, and had a particularly almost entirely white clerical workforce. And so we could have just stopped there and thought, okay, well I guess we’re going to have a white organization, but we didn’t. And one of the reasons we expanded nationally was we wanted to make sure to build a multiracial organization. And so we targeted cities like Milwaukee, Baltimore, Cleveland, Atlanta, that had large numbers of women of color in the clerical workforce, as Boston did not. And as we went along, we were very conscious about making sure that our staff, our leadership, and our membership all reflected the demographics of the workforce. And that meant we had a multiracial organization. It didn’t just happen, and it required hard work, and I’m really proud of what we all did together.

    And we really linked arms and went forward together with our eye on the prize, targeting the boss. And I think a lot of people’s minds were changed in the organization. They had experiences with people of different backgrounds that they wouldn’t have had otherwise. When we organized unions, had union drives, of course you can’t win a union drive if you only are organizing in one department or one race. So we had to have multiracial organizing committees, and we paired a woman of color and a white woman in going into workplaces. So we didn’t just have the white organizers organizing the white people and the women of color organizing workers of color. We used our organizing to break down barriers and to build our multiracial organization.

    Marc Steiner:  I mean that, to me, given what we face in today’s world, is really a critical lesson to understand. I mean, because if you think of racism as… If you look at racism as an underpinning of the society that’s woven into the DNA that destroys our society, and how the role of organizing and unions can actually change that, to me anyway, in my history, more than any other sit down sessions talking about race can. Something about the work together and the struggle together, how that changes things. And the conversations that are ensued because of that struggle actually change ideas and feelings and attitudes.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Yeah, I mean we really, as you said, we started with action rather than with discussion. And I think that really worked to our advantage. So I really agree with that and that approach. A lot of our work had to do with the federal affirmative action regulations. And when I was doing my research for this book, I was just amazed to read this history. Affirmative action, which was passed in 1965, it was an executive order put out by President Johnson. It said that any company getting a certain amount of federal funding had to set goals and timetables for hiring underrepresented groups into every part of the workforce. So companies were required to say, okay, we’ve got X number of women in this kind of job. We’ve got X number of people of color in this kind of job, and our goal over the next three years is to increase those numbers. It seems almost impossible now to imagine that that was true, but it was. And of course it wasn’t happening, don’t get me wrong.

    But when we showed up and waved these regulations in the faces of government enforcers and companies, things began to change. And I can’t tell you what an incredible thrill it was to work side by side with people of different ages, different classes, different races to make those changes and to actually win those victories.

    Marc Steiner:  So talk a bit about, before we close up, how you expanded nationally. Because that’s a really fascinating part of the story. I mean, I know that when you began organizing in Boston, this was not… You weren’t thinking about how to organize an actual union. Maybe some of you were, but it wasn’t there. But how that happened, how that morphed over these 10 years of organizing and working in all these different industries from finance to publishing to all the industries where women were working in these offices, how that morphed into this national organization.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Well, part of it was just combining with other efforts that were out there. We were in Boston, but then immediately people started getting in touch with us from all over the country. And there was a group in San Francisco, and there was a group in New York. And then we formed a group in Cleveland, and we formed a group in Dayton, Ohio. And then, as I said, we targeted Baltimore and Atlanta and Milwaukee. And so it was putting together efforts that were bubbling up all over the country and uniting in one organization. To some extent, we made it happen in and in other respects we just put together what was already there.

    Marc Steiner:  Well, I thought that was an amazing part of the story for me to watch how that grew and how the women you began with, you actually spread out across the country and started doing work in different places.

    Ellen Cassedy:  That’s right, some of the original organizers left Boston and went to Seattle and Hartford and other places to start new 9to5 organizations all over.

    Marc Steiner:  So last couple things here, one has to do with the other story in this story. Because this is a story of organizing and building a national women’s movement, a labor movement. It’s also a love story. It’s the story of you and Jeff Bloom. The way you portrayed it and weaved it into the context of the story, but also how honest you were about your relationship and how it grew, tell a bit about this. As a writer, I’m interested in how you, as a writer, how you did that and why you made that weave between the political organizing and this love you’ve had your entire life.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Well, my goal in writing Working 9 to 5 was to create an intimate perch from which to explore a wider world. And that’s my favorite kind of book, my favorite kind of memoir. And when I was 23, it wasn’t the case that I thought, oh, how do I form a national movement? No, it was, how do I grow up? How do I become… How is it possible to be a girlfriend and an organizer at the same time? And the answer to those, that question was not obvious to me. And so some of the same struggles I was going through at work in 9to5 and before I even was a staff member of 9to5 when I was an office worker, were reflected in my personal life, also, with my boyfriend, Jeff.

    So how do you assert yourself? How do you ask for what you want? How do you make demands? What is coming on too strong and what’s being too timid? And I think that’s the case for so many people, that we ask people to join a movement, but for every person it’s so personal, it feels very personal. And so the issue of how do you ask for what you want at work without getting fired is not all that different from how do you assert yourself and make your needs known as a girlfriend without blowing up the whole relationship. And I wanted to make that connection in the book.

    Marc Steiner:  And you did it very well. I was so real. I just loved that part of the book as well. And also, I must admit to everybody who’s watching or listening that I also went to high school with your husband, so that….

    Ellen Cassedy:  You know how hard it can be. Right?

    Marc Steiner:  So I want to conclude here with your thoughts about how the book you wrote and how your life of organizing with women who are at the forefront of the struggle of change – And there’s no accident, whether it was in the Civil Rights movement or whether it was in the abolition movement, with many of the union movements, women were at the forefront of these struggles. Women across racial lines were at the forefront of the struggles. And when you look at what’s happening now, how do you maintain your optimism about what you see and what’s growing, if you do, and where you think this takes us? I mean, because you wrote in the book at the end about what we face, where we stand, where unions are. So talk a bit about that in the context of your perception of what’s going to happen to us now and where our future takes place, what our future could hold.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Well, that is the question, isn’t it? And I think writing this book really gave me… I went through a whole journey and a whole education. Our hopes at the beginning of this process in 1973 were just huge. We thought we were going to organize women by the tens of millions. We thought we were going to transform the labor movement. We thought we were going to solve all our problems. And that didn’t happen. Our hopes and dreams were way beyond what we achieved, and we didn’t win it all. But I came to understand that in this line of work, you never do. You’re always reaching for the horizon and beyond, and you’re never satisfied. And when you do win something, it just whets your appetite for more.

    So the fact that there’s so much more to do is not news. And we were not unique in what we were able to do. We were just one example of a really exciting, transformative effort. And there have been more and there will be more. So it always goes that way. And as I said before, every generation’s got to win it again. And so I really urge people to study our history, learn from our history, but expect to forge your own path.

    Marc Steiner:  And that’s what we have to do. This is an incredible book, and really well written. I mean, you’re a writer, and you’re an amazing writer, and I really appreciate how you wrote this book. It just brings you in. And I would recommend this book: Working 9 to 5: A Women’s Movement, a Labor Union, and the Iconic Movie, just an amazing piece of work. And I want to thank Ellen Cassedy for taking her time today with this here. On The Marc Steiner Show for The Real News. Been a pleasure to talk with you and look forward to many more conversations.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Thank you so much, Marc.

    Marc Steiner:  It was great. It was really great.

    And I hope you all enjoyed it as well. And please write to me at mss@therealnews.com. Let me know what you thought and I’ll get right back to you, as I always do. Also, while you’re there, stay there and go to therealnews.com and make a donation to The Real News to keep this place floating and going. We need you out there to help with that. And I want to thank the folks here at Real News for making this show possible and making it work. And again, Ellen, thank you so much for being with us.

    Ellen Cassedy:  Thank you.

    Marc Steiner:  It’s been a pleasure to have you with us.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • From ‘Game of Thrones’ to neo-Nazi viking obsessions, medieval images have a currency in contemporary culture that spans from the mainstream to the fringe. Why does the past have such a hold on us today? And what do we make of debates over medieval ‘authenticity’ that presume the medieval world was uniformly white, misogynistic and hyper-violent? Real medievalists Tirumular (Drew) Narayanan and Ben Bertrand join Art for the End Times to unpack the cultural complexes at work in contemporary medieval representations, and provide an actual historical perspective from their field. You can read Drew and Ben’s Current Affairs article “Medieval Dreams and Far Right Nightmares” here.

    Tirumular (Drew) Narayanan is a PhD candidate in Art History at the University of Wisconsin–Madison.

    Ben Bertrand is a History PhD candidate at Fordham University.

    Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    Transcript

    This transcript will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • In 1973 the organization 9 to 5 was founded as a national association of women office workers advocating for their rights. Organizing women against workplace discrimination and harassment, 9 to 5 brought a new generation of white-collar women workers into the labor movement, and remains one of the largest organizations of women workers in the United States. Their experiences inspired the 1980 film 9 to 5, starring Jane Fonda, Lily Tomlin, and Dolly Parton. Now, almost half a century since 9 to 5’s beginnings, founder Ellen Cassedy joins The Marc Steiner Show to discuss her new memoir, Working 9 to 5: A Women’s Movement, a Labor Union, and the Iconic Movie.

    Ellen Cassedy was a founder and longtime leader of 9 to 5, the national association of women office workers. Working 9 to 5 is her first-person account of this exciting movement, which began in the early 1970s, mobilizing women across the country to organize for rights and respect on the job. Ellen is also the award-winning author of We Are Here: Memories of the Lithuanian Holocaust.

    Post-Production: Brent Tomchik


    Transcript

    This transcript will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • As a country founded on the violence of racial slavery and genocide, the United States has yet to overcome its historical dependence on the ideology of white supremacy. In his new memoir, Inheritance: An Autobiography of Whiteness, author Baynard Woods reflects on the influence of racism and the meaning of ‘whiteness’ through the lens of his own life. Born and raised in post-Jim Crow South Carolina, Woods assumed he had left the prejudices of his home behind when he left the South—until he was accused of discriminating against a Black student at the university he taught at. The experience propelled Woods on a journey to investigate his own roots, leading to the revelation that his own family had claimed ownership of more than 700 human beings in the 19th century. On this episode of The Marc Steiner Show, Woods discusses his new memoir and the ways white supremacy survives intergenerationally, often hiding in plain sight from those who benefit from it most.

    Tune in for new episodes of The Marc Steiner Show every Monday on TRNN, and subscribe to the TRNN YouTube channel for video versions of The Marc Steiner Show podcast.

    Pre-Production/Studio: Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Stephen Frank


    Transcript

    Marc Steiner:  Welcome to The Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner, and it’s great to have you all with us.

    Whiteness and the power of it. Racism, the insidious power that defines this country. And in our society, it seems to permeate everything. But what happens when you wrestle with that on a personal level? When you know your family not only were enslavers, but took part in lynchings, and who were power brokers who instituted segregation in the wake of Reconstruction’s demise in the uncertain future after the end of slavery. Well, my friend and colleague Baynard Woods did just that in his new book Inheritance: An Autobiography of Whiteness. He grew up in South Carolina. He’s a writer whose work has appeared in The New York Times, The Guardian, and many other publications, and co-wrote with Brandon Soderberg the book I Got A Monster: The Rise and Fall of America’s Most Corrupt Police Squad. And he joins us now to talk about his book Inheritance. Baynard, welcome, good to have you with us.

    Baynard Woods:  Great to be here, and great to be back. You left out that I also worked at The Real News in the past.

    Marc Steiner:  Did I leave that out? You worked at The Real News? I’m just kidding.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah, but it’s great to be back in here.

    Marc Steiner:  It’s good to have you here.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah.

    Marc Steiner:  So let’s begin with the obvious question everybody asks about your cover. 

    Baynard Woods:  Well, yeah. So I cross out my byline on the front of the book, and then throughout the book on the top of the page, and whenever I have control over it, because I’d been writing for a long time and realized in reporting this that my name stood above every story that I ever wrote like a Confederate monument. I’m reporting on Black Lives Matter and here is a Confederate monument above it. The Baynard family in 1860 believed that they owned about 700 something people, the Woods family also believed that they owned people at that time. And this goes back for hundreds and hundreds of years with both of those families, and then with other really shameful history that we’ll get into after that. And so I thought, there’s no way that I can continue to use that name like that. On the other hand, it’s my name, and I didn’t feel I could change it without continuing the cover up that made me be unaware of it anyway.

    It would be like going in disguise and sneaking out of town. So instead, what I did was I crossed it out as something like crime scene tape, to draw a line around it as full disclosure of the crimes involved in the name and the way that they may have infected me. And I also did it using the tools of French deconstruction. They have a technique called, putting a word under erasure, or sous rature, where they cross it out like that. And it says that it’s a necessary word, but it is inadequate to deal with what it’s trying to deal with. Being, for instance, a word can’t capture that, so they cross through it. And so I wanted to put that in at the ends of American Reconstruction and how we can try to create a multiracial democracy out of this white supremacist, oligarchical country we have.

    Marc Steiner:  It is a slight digression, but I was really thinking about this this morning again as I was going through the book again and taking some notes again. We talk about racism in America a lot, some of us do anyway, and really wrestle with that. But the term and the notion of whiteness seems to have grabbed especially your generation and generations that came after the Civil Rights Movement, to wrestle with this notion of whiteness. Well, why do you think that is? What do you think that means?

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah, it’s a fascinating question and I think… So in your generation, my parents grew up in South Carolina, about the same age, and every door they walked in in a public space said “white” or “whites only”.

    Marc Steiner:  Right.

    Baynard Woods:  And then right about the time I was born, after the Civil Rights Act, those signs were gone, and so they said, we just don’t talk about that anymore. That’s just not something we’re going to say. And then you have people like Donald Trump saying, I don’t have a racist bone in my body. And so instead of having Bull Connor and George Wallace saying, segregation now, segregation forever. You have people saying, oh, I’m not racist, while still enacting racist policies. So saying racist allows someone to say, I’m not racist.

    Marc Steiner:  It was just like that woman that you talk about in the book. You went to this, maybe it was NASCAR, it was a rally, I forget which exact moment. When she was clearly a racist and showed you this picture of her Black grandchild, right?

    Baynard Woods:  It was at the Tea Party rally.

    Marc Steiner:  Tea Party rally, that’s where it was. Right.

    Baynard Woods:  Where a bunch of people almost assaulting an interracial couple sitting there with a sign that said, outlaw white supremacy. And then, yeah, she was very intent on showing me that she had a Black granddaughter and that meant she wasn’t racist. But the thing is whiteness was only invented as white supremacy. There’s never been a notion of whiteness separate from white supremacy. So if we talk about whiteness, you don’t have Donald Trump saying, I don’t have a white bone in my body.

    Racism isn’t just a thing that happens when you’re a Bull Connor or a Klansman being actively and openly and intentionally racist. It’s a larger conspiracy that structures our entire society. And so in order for me to figure out the ways in which I am racist, then I had to figure out the way that whiteness worked in me. I think Kwame Ture had that line that, when you look at a Black man, you see a Black man. When you look at a white man, you see the army and the navy and all this behind him. And so I wanted to see how that army and navy had its tentacles in my own thinking.

    Marc Steiner:  And for folks who are not sure who Kwame Ture is, he used to be Stokely Carmichael then he changed his name to Kwame Ture.

    Baynard Woods:  Since we’re talking about changing names and stuff.

    Marc Steiner:  Yes.

    Baynard Woods:  I had to go with the rather most to the name.

    Marc Steiner:  Yeah, absolutely. Just wanted folks to know who you were talking about to be clear, because many folks don’t know.

    So I’m going to read a few things in this book as we go through this and this kind of fits what you were just saying. You wrote earlier in the book, “I’d come to see whiteness—the system of power governing Mom and Dad’s idea of success—as a way to cheat, a false criterion of value. But whiteness is also a lie we tell ourselves to save face when we have failed. Whiteness is the willingness to replace reality with a myth in order to protect our perceived worth.” Each piece of this book was fascinating to me because at the end of almost every chapter there’s a different aspect of you struggling with this notion of whiteness. It’s your progression and figuring out who I am as a human being, and why do I think this way, and what does this legacy of the Confederacy and slavery and what my family did over these hundreds of years really mean?

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. And for most of my life I didn’t have to think about it in terms of race or whiteness. I think the first one of those that ends at the first chapter is, “For most of my life, whiteness was the freedom not to think about race”. And only in rare instances you would feel, oh, I’m white, I’m different than people around me or whatever, and then almost immediately we’d be able to go back into the not thinking of it. And that’s, again, why I wanted to use the word whiteness rather than racism, is that we’re so uncomfortable to talk about our own whiteness. And even white people who are progressive can talk about, oh, those Trumpists and stuff are racist, but not us.

    Marc Steiner:  No.

    Baynard Woods:  It’s only in down South, and it’s only people whose family were here in the Civil War and it’s only… But thinking about the way that we become so uncomfortable every time we have to think about it was just on display every day with the backlash to 1619 Project, the backlash to critical race theory. Forever when we had Black history month, you always had some white jerk in prospect, well, when are we going to have white history month?

    Marc Steiner:  Right.

    Baynard Woods:  And what ends up happening, we have white history and they immediately outlaw it, because what we actually don’t want is white history month. We do want white mythology month, but that’s every month in America. So what we end up with is outlawing talking about whiteness at all.

    Marc Steiner:  So let’s talk in a broader frame about this one question we’re going to get into a little bit more detail. You are wrestling with your shift in consciousness, all the forms it took, especially you. I mean, I didn’t mean you necessarily, Baynard Woods. But especially you, Baynard Woods, because you grew up in South Carolina, because you have this family history. I mean the legacy of I. M. Woods, your great-grandfather, permeates the book. Even when his name’s not mentioned, you feel him throughout the entire book. And what that is like, I mean, because we’re both white, but we come at this from very different places. So talk a bit about that. How difficult it was and what it meant for this opening to happen in its own way, slowly but profoundly.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. Now when I think back on it, it’s such a strange world to grow up in. So I grew up in Columbia, South Carolina, or right outside of Columbia, South Carolina, in the ’70s and ’80s. And I heard far more about the Civil War than Civil Rights, which had been very recent, but all of the talk now, I think, about the Civil War was very much of what was code about Civil Rights. And we never talked about race when we talked about it, the enemy was the Yankees. And so that had this sort of thing of people migrating to the South from the North also, and all the Yankees came here and ruined everything, but also like, oh, they ruined everything in the 1860s. They ruined everything again in the 1960s, states’ rights, the Confederate flag flapped above the state capital. There are these gold stars on its dome showing where Sherman’s cannonballs hit it.

    And one of my earliest memories is my mom telling me, I was there with her as a kid, feeding the squirrels and whatever. And there’s a statue of George Washington in front of the statehouse and it’s holding a cane, and the cane is broken. And my mom told me, well, the Yankees who came, they hated freedom so much that they stoned the father of our country. And I realized that she was getting that from the plaque, as I later learned, that was on the plinth of the statue, and it’s completely false. The cane was broken moving the statue, just a complete lie. And so you have that going on mixed with this weird counter-cultural thing with my favorite shows, The Dukes of Hazzard and Smokey and the Bandit, where you see this counter-cultural distrust of authority being merged and melded with rebellion of the Confederacy.

    And so the rebel flag marking rebellion of the dope smoking variety or whatever. Also, our moonshine running or whatever. And so it was a really weird false world, mythological world, that they tried to bring me up in. And yet my dad was also the biggest company man you could imagine, and the biggest proponent of the system in America, and you have to work hard, and it will pay you off. And so it was just full of contradictions

    Marc Steiner:  Well, let’s go through some of these. I mean, let me find this analogy here, which I really liked a lot.

    Baynard Woods:  Maybe while you look, because I didn’t quite answer the question in the full past of my family. So there was never a time that I didn’t know that my family were enslavers. I always knew that. But much of my life, I didn’t know what that meant and how utterly horrendous and totalitarian and truly evil that was. And yeah, that was something that’s been a really… The real discovery was having to think through – And I think we all are still needing to do this – What that meant for the white people who felt like they somehow deserved to own people, and that in order to do that they were willing to use any means necessary: extreme, extreme force, extreme control, extreme surveillance. And all of that I didn’t know while being talked to about the Civil War and the Antebellum period and all of that stuff all the time.

    Marc Steiner:  So this might be a good time, since I mentioned his name earlier, and what you just said, to bring in your great-grandfather. Let’s talk a bit about him before I go back into reading from the book. I. M. Woods, and the legacy he left, and who he was, and why he played such a powerful role in the psyche of your family and yours.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. So my great-grandfather was named Irvin McSwain Woods, I. M. Woods, and he’s so fascinating to me because he was born in 1842.

    Marc Steiner:  18. You said 1942?

    Baynard Woods:  1842.

    Marc Steiner:  1842. It’s okay.

    Baynard Woods:  1842, and he turned 18 the year the war started. He had a chance to change. He had an ability to see differently. It wasn’t even a generation, two generations before living in some small isolated place. You could maybe make more of an argument, he was a man of his time, and that kind of stuff. But this guy, the times were a-changing and he could have done any number of things as people did, scalawags in the South who supported… But instead he went and fought for the Confederacy. He came back, became a Klansman terrorist. Was involved in the assassination of a Black county commissioner named Peter Lemon in 1871. Had to flee the state of South Carolina and hide out for a while, came back and was elected to the state legislature, and helped pass Jim Crow laws, was in the legislature for a while. And the laws that created the Jim Crow system and segregation.

    And so I was taught to revere him like, oh, you had family who fought in this big historic event. He was wounded at Gettysburg. He was a legislator. There’s a plaque to him in a courthouse. And there was nothing more complicated that was shared with me about what his legacy was. And until I was 25 and my dad told me, oh, well, he ran away and had to hide out for a while because he killed a Black man. And that’s the only details he had. And so for me then, I had a mystery story that was I knew the culprit, and I didn’t know the victim. And it became important for me to find out who he had killed, partly because the mask crimes of enslavement were so vast that I didn’t know how to get my head around it.

    The way that enslaving families would marry enslaving families back and back and my family came in the 1600, so thousands and thousands of people. And then after that, the mass harm of Jim Crow in South Carolina and the generations of that. So this one brief period, during the Reconstruction period, these acts that he did were considered crimes. And in the period before and after, they weren’t considered crimes. And so by focusing on the crime of that period, I hoped it would help me find a way into the greater miasma of criminality that created their entire lives.

    Marc Steiner:  I think that you’re wrestling with that, the journey you took in this. It’s amazing and it blew my mind to read it, because at the end of each chapter, the way you bring it to a place where, this is what I have to wrestle with, this is what we have to wrestle with. You have this great thing in here when you are… The woman you were with, I guess, before you met the incredible Nicole, who is your wife, also from South Carolina, and it takes place in a strip club. And you said, I’ll just read this piece I’m talking about, all right?

    Baynard Woods:  Sure.

    Marc Steiner:  “Me and Candy, a white girl, and Syreeta, who, you know, is Black, were talking at work one night. Candy said her parents weren’t racist, because her mom had been raised by a Black woman, Blake,” who was your girlfriend then, “said. Syreeta laughed so hard she spit out her drink. ‘Your mama is just like the men who come in here and believe we love them.’ I laughed, but I recognized something I’d not noticed before, something about how the strip club worked. The men who went in there weren’t paying for a naked body, they were paying for a flattering fantasy. They wanted to believe the woman would want to spend time with them even if they hadn’t been working as strippers. It reminded me of my Grandmother Woods’s illusion that Africans were happy to have been enslaved; she’d tell me how lucky they were to have been brought to America and how much they loved Ole Marse. The fantasy of love in this sort of racism is not incidental, it is an essential feature. If we can tell ourselves that the people we oppress love us and are happy about it, then we can justify that oppression.” I mean, the idea of taking a strip club and making and showing the analogy between oppression of women and a strip club and that of Black folks in America was really interesting. And as you answer that, talk about that, talk about when you really came to that realization.

    Baynard Woods:  Man, I guess I came to the realization in that moment of when I first heard the story. But as with so many things in this book, you have a brief realization, and then the way whiteness works, like a tide, it washes it away quickly. And so you’re no longer aware because my own sexism and racism and stuff was what I’d been raised in and felt safer than something other than that. But it did really strike me. My mother always would tell me stories about having been raised by a woman named Slim. And her mother was generally a very pretty cold person, and I started to realize that my grandmother outsourced the love of her children to this Black woman. But my mom then gained something else through that. That was also part of what I think my grandparents were paying for, this sense that like, oh, well I understand Black people and things weren’t hard for them then, really, Slim told me that.

    And it’s like, well, they weren’t in a position to tell you the truth. How many employees tell their boss how much they hate the job? Why was “Take This Job and Shove it” such a big hit? Because everyone wants to tell their boss to go to hell. And it’s the same in that situation, but the power dynamics were even so much different and so much worse. I mean, things that we don’t think about in that period. My mom would say, in Greenville, when they tried to make Slim go to the back of the bus I insisted on going with her, but she wouldn’t let me because it would make it worse for her. And it’s not like I don’t believe her with that, but I think she had no way to have an accurate view of what was happening.

    And I think they’ve blocked out. I asked her, there was a TV movie last time I saw her about Emmett Till. And so I asked her and my mother-in-law, so what do y’all remember about this? Oh, nothing, absolutely nothing at all. And I do find that hard to believe, but I feel like they block it out because they don’t want to see it or they didn’t have to see it. That every person of color would have to step off of the sidewalk to let a white person pass in their town. I think they didn’t even notice that.

    Marc Steiner:  Of course not.

    Baynard Woods:  Unless someone didn’t, and then they’d noticed it.

    Marc Steiner:  Then they’d noticed it. Right.

    Baynard Woods:  But as long as it happened according to the way it was supposed to happen, they didn’t notice it. And similarly, so for instance, I was living off of Blake in that situation, she was paying me the money she was making. I got to go off and be a romantic Percy Shelly writer or whatever while she was a better writer than I, and she was working, and it was really in my interest to not think too deeply about the dynamics of that situation.

    Marc Steiner:  But you have thought about it now, obviously.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. Certainly.

    Marc Steiner:  It’s in the book. There’s so much here, and it is really difficult sometimes to [figure out] what to read. I could read the whole book, but then you wouldn’t read it yourself, which you need to do, people who are watching and listening to this. But I was thinking about how these legacies symbolically never leave us. And I thought about it in terms of the ring that I see on Nicole’s hand all the time and realizing when you wrote about this ring, the legacy of that ring, how the engagement ring itself is wrapped up in enslavement, wrapped up in the history of America, and is wrapped up between the two of you, and it’s wrapped up in your lives as South Carolinians and that ring is there. Talk a bit about that. I mean, to me, that was the screaming symbolism of everything that connects us to that madness, to this madness.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. And especially it being gold, and it highlights the role of wealth in all of this. So when I was proposing to, then my girlfriend, Nicole, my mom gave me the ring that my dad’s mother had given him to give to her, my mom. And the story was it had been in our family for seven generations, and that was like, oh, a thing of pride, that was cool. It was made before there were machines, it was made before… But as I learned in reporting the book, only three generations ago – Because my grandfather was sort of a generation older than my grandmother, and so at least on one side of my family only three generations ago – They were involved in Klan terrorism, and four generations ago were slave holders. And so seven generations, what was the horrendous abuse and violence and control involved in the production of that ring and in the giving of that ring? And it symbolized, as I was saying, the way that enslaving families would marry enslaving families.

    It was a union between these, also at a time when women had very, very few rights. And so there was also, as I did my rough math, sometime around seven generations ago would’ve been around the time that Mary Wollstonecraft was writing A Vindication of the Rights of Women. And so it was a symbol of this woman agreeing to be the property of this man as well, to some extent, a lesser extent than those other people that she was considering property. And so it was this whole chain of the illusion of ownership of other people and the way that that creates social bonds and also then distorts all of our social bonds, and all of our… When people say, well, my family were kindly slave owners, I believe. That is just impossible.

    Marc Steiner:  Right.

    Baynard Woods:  That’s just not a possible situation that one could have because you believe you own someone. That is in itself an unkind relationship.

    Marc Steiner:  What you’re just saying now, you describe it with another point in the book, enslavement as a concentration camp and living in the midst of a concentration camp. Not just living in the midst of a concentration camp – It was horrendous enough for my family who was killed there for a period of 10 years, whatever that number was – But for generations. Generations living, running in a concentration camp. What that does to your consciousness, what it does to the people that you kept in that concentration camp.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. I mean, and I don’t want to in any way diminish the unique evil involved in the Holocaust and the concentration camps in Europe. But I do think that what you said is really important. That was a very, very short-lived regime of ’33 to ’45. And this was from 1660 in South Carolina, officially, and they were mainly enslaving Native people before that. But so from early, we’ll say 1619, up through 1865, and then you create this heavily, this apartheid system, which was itself too extreme for the Nazi jurists. When they were trying to come up with their race separation laws, they looked at Arkansas and they said, whoa, that’s too much. We can’t have that kind of –

    Marc Steiner:  [crosstalk] Right.

    Baynard Woods:  Because they thought that some German blood would help purify Jews racially, whereas Americans had the one drop sort of thing. But we’re still so different now, the problem is we need to adopt more of the model that Germans have had since then of never again, and of really trying to memorialize it and recognize that evil to make it happen. But we had a 400 year totalitarian regime, and we say the South will rise again instead of never again. And like you said, we think of the evil of listening to some beautiful classical music while the concentration camp’s going on around outside you. This was the daily life for centuries of my family and of so many of our families. And people still go to these places to get married today because it’s a beautiful sight. Monstrous.

    Marc Steiner:  I can’t even imagine that.

    Baynard Woods:  Monstrous.

    Marc Steiner:  I can’t even imagine that. So there’s another piece later on in the book, and it’s a few paragraphs long, but I really want to read it. You alluded to, and we talked a bit about the history of your family and the enslavement and Reconstruction and instituting segregation, and this is something you wrote, and you were reflecting on what happened in Baltimore, and I’ll just start here.

    “I felt silly, aware of all the things that people go through, whether reporters covering rural war zones or Black people attacked by police in West Baltimore or women terrorized by the sexual violence of men. I knew my trauma was nothing in comparison, and I didn’t want to think of myself as the kind of wussy white guy reporter who sees the violence of racism and gets all weak at the knees. But I was. Something was wrong with me. 

    “The furies of whiteness were haunting me. I had to expiate the sins of my family, I felt, even while recognizing the absurdity of this quest. At the least, I had to know more precisely what atrocities my family had committed so I could make an accounting of what they had bequeathed to me. 

    “In this reflection, I realized that my own name was like a Confederate monument perched above every story I wrote, and I had to, at the very least, know the miasma the names bore.

    “Online, I started looking through the so-called slave schedules, census and tax documents for slavers and the people they held in bondage. In 1860, I quickly learned, the Baynards had held 781 people in bondage. 

    “The Woodses, at the time, held only about twenty-three people in bondage. Then the absurdity of my own formulation struck me: in comparison to the eight hundred people that my Grandmother’s family, the Baileys, had enslaved, I found myself using the word ‘only’ to limit the twenty-three people the Woodses felt entitled to control in every respect.”

    I could go on, there so much here about thinking about the horrors of slavery. But I’d like you to really explore here for everyone, what you do in the book as well, what it means for somebody like you, coming from that legacy to wrestle with this, to come to the changes you came to and how you got there, and how that could translate into something you think may be larger than that. It goes beyond Baynard Woods but into society, given everything we’re facing, given January the 6th and more.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. Maybe I’ll walk through a little bit of –

    Marc Steiner:  I threw a lot out there, I’m sorry.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. No, I’ll walk through a little bit. So that passage came immediately after Charlottesville. And I had been with my co-writer on I Got a Monster, Brandon Soderberg, who was working as my editor at the time. We were in the march that the car drove into and killed Heather Heyer five years ago this month. But the amount of violence we saw that day was just extreme and unrelenting from the minute we got there to the minute we left and it was over the statues, the same statues that I was taught to revere. Statues of Lee and Jackson. My doctor diagnosed me with PTSD. But that was the second stage. And when Dylan Roof went to Charleston right after the Baltimore uprising here in 2015 and massacred nine Black churchgoers, that broke something open in me and made me realize that the way that I thought I had escaped South Carolina and all that, that I hadn’t and that I couldn’t. That we had to confront it and couldn’t escape it.

    He grew up 10 miles from me, Dylann Roof. That bowl cut he had, like every kid on my street had that haircut when we were growing up. So it almost felt like that Jordan Peele movie, Us, where part of you gets left behind. You try to repress it and it becomes a distorted monstrous version of yourself that tries to destroy you. And that was what that felt like, seeing him go to all of these places that I’d seen as a kid. Historical sites, but he was treating them as pilgrimages. To go to these Confederate sites and plantation sites before committing this murder and assassination of a public official, Clementa Pinckney, the preacher in the church was also a state senator. And so I saw the face of my great-grandfather for the first time in Dylan Roof’s face. And I saw my own face in other ways for the first time in that face. And I knew it was something that was going to continue to haunt us unless we tried to deal with it. And we have to, in a larger political way.

    And so the third thing then that happens after those two is I’m already writing the book, deeply involved in the process, and I’m researching the overthrow of Reconstruction in 1876, in which a group of people called the Red Shirts, who’d previously been the Klan, and after that was disbanded by federal law enforcement, they became Rifle Clubs, essentially the Oathkeepers, the Three Percenters, the Proud Boys. And then they all united with these Red Shirts to storm the Capitol, occupy it, and overthrow the government. And they were successful in a way that they weren’t successful yet on the January 6th attempt to do exactly the same thing.

    But seeing the ways that these repeated, there’s the famous Seamus Heaney line that Obama liked a lot, sometimes history and hope rhyme. And I was like, history and hate also rhyme. And we’re seeing this happening right now. And so I do think that we need to find larger ways to… White people who want to be better can’t just say, we’re done with it, we’ve moved up North, we’ve moved along, everything’s fine. We’ve got to find ways to dismantle whiteness, which is essentially a criminal conspiracy to afford power to us over other people. Afford power based on a racial category that was purely invented. And thinking of it as a criminal conspiracy helped me, because when people say, well, my family didn’t own slaves, I’m not like you, yeah, you South Carolina people are weird.

    Marc Steiner:  Right.

    Baynard Woods:  Or, I wasn’t around then even if my family did. In federal law to be part of a criminal conspiracy you don’t have to have been there at the beginning. You don’t have to have been an instituting member of it, and in fact, you don’t even have to benefit. Think of all the mobsters who thought they were going to benefit by a conspiracy and are instead at the bottom of a river or whatever. And so it’s not saying that white people have had perfect lives, as a lot of people have sort of asked, but it’s saying that we hold onto a hierarchical system that is intended to benefit us. In fact, it is intended to just control all of us.

    And so that’s the other thing that can maybe, if we start to try to abolish whiteness, the way that it works in our own psychology, we might also see that it doesn’t benefit us at all. If we look at it as a zero sum, are we better off than Black people are under this? Then sure, maybe. But if we look at it, actually, are we being benefited? We’re being greatly harmed every day. Here in Baltimore, imagine what the city would be without the racist drug war and all of the racist policies that divide our city, spend all of the funding on police, on imprisonment. When I got arrested in South Carolina for smoking weed in the late ’80s, I got off a lot easier than a person of color would’ve. 

    But had it not been for the racist drug war, I wouldn’t have been arrested in the first place, and those resources could have been used to make our community a much better community.

    Jonathan Metzel writes about this in Dying of Whiteness, and Heather McGee in The Sum of Us. And her example’s great, how the white people would rather fill in a swimming pool than share the swimming pool, and so the white kids aren’t able to swim either. And that’s what whiteness does to us, but we have to see it clearly and think about what it’s done to our psychology in order to have any hope of overcoming it. Because we have to fight it directly rather than just say, I’m moving on from it.

    Marc Steiner:  So I was thinking about you presenting this book and the places you presented this book and the conversations you have about this book. And I was thinking about a good friend of mine who I actually sent this book to, his name is Hy Thurman.

    Baynard Woods:  I’ve spoken with him before, on our old podcast.

    Marc Steiner:  Yeah. Right. So Hy is an old friend. He was one of the leaders of the Young Patriots, which is a Southern white movement in Chicago in the ’60s. They made alliances with the Panthers, the young Lords, and Brown Berets, and the Red Guard in the original rainbow coalition. And he’s now back in Alabama and organizing in Alabama and in the white community and across racial lines. When you write this book and I think about Hy’s life and your life, they’re different. I mean, he grew up as a poor working-class kid in Appalachia, and you grew up in South Carolina, very different ways, but embedded in that culture. So taking a book like this and these ideas and taking them beyond us having these conversations with “kindred spirits,” how do you think that would play? How does it play in your family?

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. Those are great questions. And I mean, what I’m hoping for, who I wrote the book for is somebody like Dylan Roof, or my friend in the book, who gets sent white supremacist pamphlets from David Duke, and whose family was worse off than mine. And so he is like, yeah, of course you don’t have to see this because you’re getting the benefits, but I’m not, and I want them. And by holding onto whiteness as a way to get them. And I think that it’s absolutely necessary. I mean, I put a lot of sex, drugs and rock and roll and stuff in the book.

    Marc Steiner:  You did. We didn’t talk about that yet.

    Baynard Woods:  Partly because that’s the contours of my life. And also partly because I want the kids of the people out there who are banning CRT to be sneaking the book under the covers at night and reading it. And that’s who I want to get, is Tucker Carlson’s kids. Hi Tuck. I do think one of the huge problems of the left, or the so-called left, and the centrist Democrats and whatever too, is you don’t see a lot of organizing at NASCAR races and at gun shows. There are a couple of things like John Brown Gun Club, The Redneck Revolt that are really doing this kind of organizing and work, because the reality is that there’s the situation of the people who are so angry and that Trump has got does suck. It isn’t a great situation for them, and Trump and the Trumpists are able to tell them that it’s people of color, it’s immigrants, it’s women, it’s affirmative action. All these things are what’s making your life suck instead of income inequality. The Democrats are giving them nothing there. They’re telling them, well, the world doesn’t really suck.

    And all they hear them saying is, look, it doesn’t suck for you because you’re the one with the privilege. And so we’re giving them nothing to believe in, nothing to fight for. The Democrats have become purely managers for the most part. And it’s self-serving. I mean the reality is Biden and Pelosi and stuff, I think, would infinitely rather have Trump than Bernie. Because if they have Trump, then –

    Marc Steiner:  Interesting.

    Baynard Woods:  …They’re hashtag resistant instead of just being career hacks who have done nothing but start wars and lock people up all of their lives. And so now they’re suddenly heroes and like the French resistance. Whereas if they have Bernie, then they just look like corporate hacks. And so they’d infinitely rather get to cosplay resistance than have to actually address their own and their corporate interests and all of that.

    And so just by saying, we’re just not going to let anything get worse. The Democrats have become the party of, we’re not as bad as those guys. And we have to offer something that says we can get beyond this. And this is where white people shouldn’t be scared to talk to your families about this. Although, someone asked me the other day, do you have any tips on talking to your family after writing this book? I said, no, I had to write a book because I’m terrible at talking to my family. It’s hard to talk to your family, even without race. Talking to your mom can suck sometimes, and especially having hard conversations. And it’s so much harder than talking to someone else.

    Marc Steiner:  True.

    Baynard Woods:  But you’re able to free them from an ideology that they’re not even aware that they have. And so it’s like talking to them about the vaccine or something. It is a deadly thing that will kill them and we have to do it, and it’s not that we’re doing it to school them. I always come to everyone, I’m coming to you from a position of deeply flawed… I’m a tremendously flawed person, and this isn’t white fragility, it’s not a human resources manual. White fragility has great ideas in it, but it feels a little bit like you’ve been taken to the principal’s office, and there’s a lot of people that’s just never going to reach.

    Marc Steiner:  It’s not going to work.

    Baynard Woods:  And the great academic work that people are doing on race is also a lot of things, is the kind of thing that is not going to reach a lot of people. And so that was one of the reasons I did this, wrote the book like this as a story, was to really try to come to you from where you are.

    I’m also fucked up, and we have to acknowledge that we’re fucked up and that we make mistakes. Because it’s the same with men with sexism. If we just pretend that we’re better and harbor all of the stuff in us, we’re not actually going to get better ourselves, but we’re also not going to provide models for the people who are younger than us of how to move forward. How to come out of this place in your life where you’re part of this ideology, and how to move beyond that ideology and go through the really difficult work of trying to dismantle it in yourself.

    Marc Steiner:  Phew. I have a dozen worth of things we could talk about, but after that riff, man, we should just shut up.

    Baynard Woods:  All right.

    Marc Steiner:  No, that was good. No, I think it’s important people realize this book also is this personal journey. It’s about you and your father, you and your family, and his passing from Lou Gehrig’s disease and his becoming a Trump person, and you’re wrestling with him about all this. And also your deep love for him at the same time. And I think that’s the complexity of our existence, which this book really does touch upon, and makes us [inaudible] with our whiteness, but our own humanity. And I think that’s really important. And what you said earlier about fragility a moment ago. I argue with people about this all the time, fragility is not a way to organize people.

    Talking about fragility, but talking about the stuff you talk about, which is the reality of what racism does. And this line you have, your line, “Whiteness is a moral pollution that demands expiation. I had to unravel the details of the murder my great-grandfather had committed.” And all of how it’s wrapped up in where we are now, the end of Reconstruction and what that brought to us, but wrapped up in this personal story, is a really unique way of doing it.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. And I mean, it’s such a tough thing when you’re dealing with people that you love. One of the things I noticed was that when white people talk about racism now, we talk about structural racism. Again, because people aren’t generally as willing – Although they’ve become much more so in recent years – To be the Bull Connor types or whatever. So we talk about how it’s structural, but then that lets us off the hook. So we have to realize that it’s structural, but we can’t just be like, oh, it’s structural racism. But that’s what most white people do is then go on with their business. But that structure means that it intersects with all of the love in your life. So many people that you care about. So many of the fond memories that you have. So many of the people that you do love, and you can’t just abandon those people because you disagree with them, unless that might help to sway them over, because those people can then aid to and cause harm to others.

    Marc Steiner:  Right.

    Baynard Woods:  I mean, once my dad was on his deathbed – And he died while I was writing the book – I gave myself a caring for him and then working in his hometown of Clarendon County to try to figure out what I could do to undo the murder of Peter Lemon, recognize my great-grandfather’s murder of Peter Lemon and memorialize it and care for my dad. But when he was still able to cause harm and he was still able to vote for Trump or whatever, it was my job to argue with him as much as I could. Because I had to play defense to try to stop that harm in the same way that the anti-fascists in Charlottesville, to come back to that, when the car drove into the crowd, they’d already driven the racists out of town, the white supremacists out of town, for the most part.

    And there was a rumor that they were going to regroup and attack a Black apartment complex. And when they marched over, there was a discussion like – And it wasn’t about, you needed white saviors to go save this apartment complex from the Nazis, you didn’t. But it was like these people who live in this apartment complex should get to enjoy their Saturday without having to worry about the Nazis coming there, so we’re going to go get in the middle. And that’s a role we can play with our families. And that moral pollution that needs expiation line, I desperately wanted the book to be called Miasma, which in ancient Greek was an inherited curse. The curse of the house of Atreus that goes down, and a curse that’s passed on from generation to generation. And it was also the word that the slavers in South Carolina called the mists that would rise up from the marsh –

    Marc Steiner:  Because they were into Greek culture, Roman culture, they were deeply into it.

    Baynard Woods:  …And they thought that was what caused malaria, bad air, mal air, and they didn’t know about the mosquitoes. So they would leave their plantations in the summertime, leaving the Africans there, often under Muslim overseers, which was an interesting sort of dynamic that allowed African culture to remain more intact. But it seemed like the perfect symbol of the inherited curse that I had gotten. And so trying to figure out that curse and how it worked was an important part of the book. And I mean, one of the things I was most horrified to notice was the slave codes of 1740 in South Carolina after the Stono Rebellion in 1739, really delineated two purposes of law: That law protected white people without binding us, and bound Black people without protecting them.

    And when I saw that logic permeated my own psychology. When I was young and was driving drunk and crashed into the car of an older Black driver, and my grandfather got me off because of knowing the cops, I was enacting the same logic of the slave codes of 1740. When Amy Cooper was breaking the law in 2020 by walking her dog without a leash in Central Park, and Christian Cooper was following the law watching birds there, and he asked her to obey the law, she immediately called the police on him because her unconscious belief was the law was supposed to protect her and bind him. And that comes directly from the slave codes of 1740. And so we have to really think about the way that these centuries of totalitarian rule have warped our own sense of the world and made us see the world in really inaccurate ways. And so no wonder we have people clamoring for authoritarian rule, wanting authoritarian rule, because we still have not ever addressed this kind of totalitarian mindset that we maintain.

    Marc Steiner:  All I can say right now is thank you. I really mean it. And this is a really important book, folks. It’s a really important book. And one that I would encourage folks to read, wrestle with, with family and friends and more. Inheritance: An Autobiography of Whiteness by Baynard Woods. And it is of the moment, what we all have to wrestle with and think about what we’re facing. So Bay, thanks for coming here, really good to see you, man.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah. Thanks so much for having me Marc. It’s great to sit here and talk with you. I love it.

    Marc Steiner:  Always. With or without a beer.

    Baynard Woods:  Yeah, indeed. Thank you.

    Marc Steiner:  Good to have you here. And once again, Baynard Woods, thank you so much for being with us. It was a really great discussion. And the book is well worth your read. Again, Inheritance: An Autobiography of Whiteness. Check it out, and share it with your friends and talk about it. It’s a really very serious and important piece of work.

    So please write to me here at mss@therealnews.com, let me know what you thought about today’s program and what you’d like us to cover, and I will write you right back, and we’ll go back and forth and see what we can do about all that. And so with the folks here at The Real News, Dwayne Gladden, Kada Rivera, Stephen Frank, who make this show hum, I’m Marc Steiner for The Real News Network. Thanks for joining us, and take care.

  • Where did all the good tunes go? Have millennials just gone the way of Gen X and Boomers before them, pining nostalgically for gilded memories of a past that never glittered? Or has the music business—and music along with it—really changed? In this episode of Art for the End Times, Lyta Gold explores the unsavory reality of the capitalist music industry with special guest Torquil Campbell (AKA Torq), co-lead singer of the acclaimed indie pop/rock band Stars. Torq guides us on a journey to understand the contemporary music industry, and how streaming platforms and usurious music-industry capitalists have built an environment hostile to creativity with their relentless fleecing of artists and consumers alike. To take back the culture, we’ll have to take back the means of artistic production, and Torq offers some thoughts on what that might mean for cultural workers. Torq Campbell is a socialist musician, songwriter, co-lead singer of the band Stars, and co-host of the Soft Revolution podcast. Stars have released nine studio albums—including, most recently, From Capelton Hill—and have been nominated for multiple Juno and Polaris awards

    Studio/Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    Transcript

    The transcript of this story is in progress and will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The venerable Star Trek universe is really the only major pop culture property that can be claimed as certifiably leftist. But how do the newest batch of shows hold up? In a special crossover episode, Lyta Gold of Art for the End Times teams up with a lively panel of fellow podcasters and Trekkies—David Banks and Britney Gil (Iron Weeds), Leslie Lee III (Struggle Session), and Aaron Thorpe (Trillbilly Workers Party, Struggle Session, and Everybody Loves Communism)—to discuss the most recent Star Trek show to hit the airwaves, Strange New Worlds. Drawing on decades of collective Trekkie experience, they debate Paramount’s increasingly cynical approach to making Trek, and how the whole series succeeds (or fails) in imagining fully automated luxury space communism while still being created by capitalists.

    Pre-Production/Studio/Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    Transcript

    The transcript of this podcast will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Moby Dick, by Herman Melville, is among America’s greatest novels. It is a prescient portrait of the American character and our ultimate fate as a nation and perhaps a species. Melville makes our murderous obsessions, our hubris, violent impulses, moral weakness, and inevitable self-destruction visible in his chronicle of a whaling voyage. Melville’s description of the ship’s captain, Ahab, is a description of the bankers, corporate boards, politicians, television personalities, and generals who through the power of propaganda fill our heads with seductive images of glory and lust for wealth and power. We are consumed with self-induced obsessions that spur us toward self-annihilation. Melville is our foremost oracle. He is to us what William Shakespeare was to Elizabethan England, or Fyodor Dostoyevsky to czarist Russia.

    Joining Chris to discuss Melville’s novel is Nathaniel Philbrick author of Why Read Moby Dick? as well as books such as In the Heart of the Sea: The Tragedy of the Whaleboat Essex, Mayflower: Voyage, Community, War, Travels with George: In Search of Washington and His Legacy and The Last Stand: Custer, Sitting Bull, and The Battle of the Little Bighorn.

    Watch The Chris Hedges Report live YouTube premiere on The Real News Network every Friday at 12PM ET.

    Listen to episode podcasts and find bonus content at The Chris Hedges Report Substack.

    Studio: Adam Coley, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino, Rebecca Myles


    Transcript

    The transcript of this video will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Resistance is everywhere, but everywhere a surprise, especially when the agents of struggle are the colonized, the enslaved, the wretched of the earth. Anticolonial revolts and slave rebellions have often been described by those in power as “eruptions”—volcanic shocks to a system that does not, cannot, see them coming. In his new book, Anticolonial Eruptions: Racial Hubris and the Cunning of Resistance, Geo Maher diagnoses a paradoxical weakness built right into the foundations of white supremacist power, a colonial blind spot that grows as domination seems more complete. TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez interviews Maher about his book and what understanding the dynamics of anticolonial eruptions, past and present, can tell us about the historical moment we’re in and the task ahead of us.

    Geo Maher is an organizer, writer, radical political theorist, co-editor of the Duke University Press series Radical Américas, and Visiting Associate Professor at Vassar College. He is the author of numerous books, including We Created Chávez: A People’s History of the Venezuelan Revolution; Building the Commune: Radical Democracy in Venezuela; Decolonizing Dialectics; A World Without Police; and Anticolonial Eruptions: Racial Hubris and the Cunning of Resistance.

    Pre-Production/Studio: Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Adam Coley


    Transcript

    The transcript of this interview will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • American society is the most violent of any nation in the industrialized world. Nothing we do, from administrating the world’s largest prison system to militarizing our police, seems to help. Dr. James Gilligan argues that childhood abuse, and the shame it engenders, is the engine that fuels America’s deadliest epidemic. This abuse and shame, he argues, fosters a dangerous numbness that breeds a deep self-loathing and inchoate rage. It is only by understanding the causes of our national epidemic, and addressing those causes, that we will have any hope of stemming the nihilistic violence that grips American society. Dr. Gilligan grounds his writing not only in case studies of the violent patients he works with, but Greek myths and Shakespeare.

    Dr. James Gilligan is a professor of Clinical Psychiatry at New York University. Formerly, he served as the director of the Center for the Study of Violence at Harvard Medical School and the director of the Bridgewater State Hospital for the criminally insane in Massachusetts. He is the author of Violence: Our Deadly Epidemic and Its Causes, and Holding a Mirror up to Nature: Shame, Guilt, and Violence in Shakespeare, which he co-authored with David A.J. Richards.

    Watch The Chris Hedges Report live YouTube premiere on The Real News Network every Friday at 12PM ET.

    Listen to episode podcasts and find bonus content at The Chris Hedges Report Substack.

    Pre-Production: Kayla Rivara
    Studio: Adam Coley, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Chris Hedges:  American society is the most violent of any nation in the industrialized world. Nothing we do, from administering the world’s largest prison system to militarizing our police, seems to help.

    Dr. James Gilligan, the former director of the Study of Violence at Harvard Medical School and the former director of the Bridgewater State Hospital for the Criminally Insane, argues that childhood abuse and the shame it engenders is the engine that fuels America’s deadliest epidemic.This abuse and shame, he argues, fosters a dangerous numbness that breeds a deep self-loathing and inchoate rage.

    It is only by understanding the causes of our national epidemic and addressing those causes, that we will have any hope of stemming the nihilistic violence that grips American society.

    Dr. Gilligan grounds his writing not only in case studies of the violent patients he has worked with, but Greek myth and Shakespeare. Joining me to discuss his book Violence: Our Deadly Epidemic and Its Causes, as well as his book Holding a Mirror up to Nature: Shame, Guilt, and Violence in Shakespeare, which he co-authored with David Richards, is Dr. James Gilligan, professor of clinical psychiatry at New York University.

    You argue that the usual dichotomies between life and death, this world and the other world, rationality and irrationality, pleasure and pain, reward and punishment, the body and the soul, self-preservation and self-destruction, have broken down for those who commit violence. Can you explain this dichotomy?

    James Gilligan:  One of the first things I started hearing from, really, the most violent of the prison inmates I was working with was that they would tell me that they had died, even before they started killing other people. What they meant by that was they felt dead inside. They felt empty. They felt numb. They lacked the capacity for emotions or even physical sensations.

    They would refer to themselves with terms that refer to the living dead, like zombie or vampire or robot. They would mutilate themselves to see if they could have feelings. They weren’t doing this as an act of penance. They didn’t feel guilty about their crimes. What they found was that their feeling of numbness and deadness inside was more tormenting than even physical pain would be. So, they were trying to see, could they feel alive? Could they see blood flow? They cut themselves to prove that they had blood, rather than being filled with straw or other lifeless matter.

    Now, what struck me was these people were willing to go to their physical death in order to try to resurrect their soul death, their psychological death. There’s a very good book that a psychoanalyst at Yale wrote called Soul Murder. The most violent people I saw in the prisons were victims of soul murder.

    Now, what I discovered with them was, when most of us talk about self-preservation, we take it for granted that we mean both the body and the soul. You don’t survive if your body dies. I mean, your soul goes with it. In the prisons, the most violent inmates had disassociated the body from the soul. They were willing to sacrifice their bodies in order to try to save their souls or to resurrect their dead souls.

    I heard from the most violent ones that their goal in life is to go to their own death, physical death, but in a blaze of glory. A hail of gunfire in which they would kill as many other people as possible before they themselves got killed by the police. In many actual cases in the community, you see mass murderers who kill themselves after they have killed as many people as they could.

    The Columbine High School boys, the mass shooting there. The guy in the hotel room in Las Vegas, I mean, you can’t read the newspapers without seeing it.

    Of course, we see this with the suicide bombers in the Middle East. When people feel so desperately, overwhelmingly humiliated, it causes the death of the self. And they’re willing to sacrifice their bodies in order to try to reclaim some sense of agency, of power, of revenge, these things that they feel will undo the shame and humiliation that they have suffered all their lives.

    Chris Hedges:  This is the point Emile Durkheim makes, that people who seek the annihilation of others are driven by a desire for self-annihilation.

    I’m just going to stop and ask you about the word soul. That’s a religious term. You’re a medical doctor. I went to Harvard Divinity School. I’m curious how you define a soul.

    James Gilligan:  Well to me, I mean, it’s the English translation for the Greek word psyche, which really is the root of the words psychology and psychiatry and psychoanalysis.

    But I think it makes sense to use the word soul. The human person has something I think you can only describe as a soul. It’s more than just a mind. It’s what it means to be human. I mean, other animals have minds, to one degree or another, but only humans have a soul. To me, but I would actually go further. I would say this. To me, I was approaching trying to understand the causes and prevention of violence as a psychiatrist. But actually, for me, this was really a religious vocation.

    I’ve felt every major world religion has put the problem of violence very much at the center. I’m thinking in the Old Testament, one of the first of the Ten Commandments is thou shalt not kill. And then you think that the iconic symbol of Christianity is the most cruel form of murder ever invented, the cross, the crucifix. I mean, the problem of violence is absolutely central to religion itself.

    My approach to the prisons was to… I quote something I used as an epigraph in my first book on violence, a statement that from a religious point of view, none of us humans are good, but all are sacred. When I say none are good, I mean that we have all committed harm to people we love and who loved us. There are none of us who do not stand in need of forgiveness. But on the other hand, every human being, even the worst, has what I would say is a soul that is sacred.

    I took that attitude with the worst murderers that our society produces. They were still human beings. They had a soul. It was our obligation, my obligation and that of my colleagues, to reach that soul, to try to bring it to life after it had died on them. We were trying to resurrect their dead souls, or help them to resurrect them.

    So to me, the word soul is the only word that has a large enough meaning, a large enough capacity to describe what I thought we were really working with when we worked with the most violent people that our society produces.

    Chris Hedges:  One of the consequences of PTSD is numbness. Is that the numbness that these people endure, or is it different from the numbness one gets from PTSD?

    James Gilligan:  Well I mean, I’d say both. When I would ask people about their feeling of being dead, they could often tell me what had happened. They could describe an event in their lives in which they felt totally unloved, treated like dirt. Our word humiliation comes from the Latin word humus, which means earth. To be humiliated is to feel like you’re treated like dirt, that you can just be stepped on. That is how the men that I saw in the prisons felt. I’d say this feeling of deadness had been caused by experiences of total rejection and humiliation and having it made clear to them how unloved they were, beginning at home, beginning in the family.

    Chris Hedges:  You talk about murder as an attempt by these people to bring back one’s dead self, bring it back to life. You say, of course, that fails, but can you speak about that process?

    James Gilligan:  Well, actually, their method of trying to resurrect their dead soul does fail. I compare it to, it’s like they’re drinking salt water to try to quench their thirst. It’s really counterproductive. They only provoke more loss of love. They provoke hatred from other people.

    But I’ll tell you what would happen when I would work with these guys in the prison. When they first came into the prison, after some of them having committed terrible crimes, murders and rapes and so on, they would feel absolutely innocent. They would feel they were the victims. When I would ask them why they had assaulted somebody in this way, they’d say because the person had disrespected them. So, they were trying to gain respect by being violent. But it was, as I said, like drinking salt water.

    When they’d been in the prison for a couple of years, working with the prison mental health service that my colleagues and I ran, where we treated them with respect. We didn’t put them down. We showed an interest in them and in their life history, their life story. We engaged them in psychotherapy. We offered them opportunities for education. After a couple of years or so, these impossible people often became capable of empathy toward other people. They began to realize how much pain and suffering they had caused others. And they developed the capacity to feel guilty about that. Up to that point, they were noticeably incapable of feelings of guilt.

    For example, Freud said once that nobody feels guiltier than the saints. I mean, guilt feelings inhibit people from hurting other people. I mean, saints feel too guilty to hurt a butterfly. But I would add something that Freud did not know because he never worked with violent people, and that is that no one feels more innocent than the criminals. That’s why they’re capable of committing crimes, because they lack the capacity to feel guilt or remorse about hurting other people.

    But after they’d had an experience of being treated like a human being and responded to as a human being with dignity, they developed the capacity to empathize with other people and realized that they actually were guilty of having committed horrible pain and suffering on other people. Then they would feel so guilty they would become suicidal. They would make serious suicide attempts. Our struggle then would be not so much to prevent them from committing homicides, but to prevent their suicides. That might take another couple of years.

    However, then something happened that I had not anticipated. I hadn’t read about it anywhere. It took me by surprise. They discovered something that enabled them to transcend both the shame and guilt. That is, they discovered that they could be useful and helpful to other people. They could teach the illiterate prisoners – And many prisoners are illiterate – They could teach them to read and write. They could help them to write letters home. They could help them navigate the law library in the prisons, and so on.

    Once they had discovered that, they had something that enhanced their own self-esteem, but also enabled them, actually, to care about other people and to care for them. To me, that was the resurrection of… Maybe resurrection’s the wrong word. Maybe it was the coming to life for the first time of a soul. People who had really just been treated in a way that was inhuman and had become what we use the word inhuman to describe, they became human.

    Chris Hedges:  Yeah. I think that point is correct and matches my own experience teaching in the prison.

    You write about capital punishment. You say, correctly, that more prisoners are killed by other prisoners than are killed by the state. You even say that for this reason, perhaps no group is more strongly and widely in favor of capital punishment. And then you say, you just find it risible, these people who argue that capital punishment deters murder and other violent crimes. Can you explain that?

    James Gilligan:  Well, one thing I’d mention is that more murderers killed themselves than were ever killed by the state, even when capital punishment was the default punishment for murder. I think the biggest mistake that our criminal justice system makes is to make the assumption that punishment will deter violence or crime. On the contrary, punishment is the most powerful stimulant of violence that we have yet discovered.

    If you’ll remember what I just said about the childhood history of the violent criminals I worked with, they had been punished by their parents, as severely as it is possible to punish somebody without actually killing them. As I said, they were often the victims of attempted murder. I saw one multiple murderer whose mother had thrown him out the window, on another occasion set him on fire, on another occasion attacked him with an ax. He said to me, more in a state of confusion than bitterness, I guess she wanted to kill me, but I just didn’t die.

    Then the thing is that so many of them do kill themselves after they have killed other people. Or, as I mentioned earlier, many of them want to kill as many as they can even though that will mean going to their own death. So the notion that the death penalty will deter them is just based on total ignorance of the psychology of people who commit serious violence, and precisely the people that we need to be most concerned about. I mean, the most violent.

    We know this from developmental psychology. Psychologists who study child development have found that the more severely children are punished, the more violent they become, both as children and as adults. As I said, if punishment would prevent violence, then the people I saw in the prisons would never have become violent in the first place, because they had already been punished so severely.

    I would see this also on a day-to-day basis in the prisons. The more a prisoner was punished by prison guards, the more violent they’d become until there would be an endless vicious cycle between the prisoners and the guards. They would punish, the prisoner would become more violent. They’d punish more, the prisoner would become more violent, and on and on. Until finally the officers would ask me to see people like this, just to help them figure out how to get out of this vicious cycle of punishment stimulating violence.

    I remember talking to one man who finally wound up in solitary confinement with the door closed. He was in darkness. The light was turned off. He was deprived of a mattress. The toilet was a hole on the floor, and so on. I asked him, what is it you want so badly that you’re willing to give up everything in order to get it? Because that’s what he was doing. This guy, who was usually so inarticulate, he usually just talked to his fists, he stood up tall and looked at me and said, pride, dignity, self-esteem. And then he went on, more in his usual way, and said, I’ll kill everybody in this cell block if I have to in order to get it.

    Again, my point is the idea that punishment deters violence is totally the opposite of the truth. I think it’s very important, particularly for Americans but really for all human beings, to know this, when America has the most punitive criminal justice system in the developed world. As you mentioned, we have the highest imprisonment rate in the world, even of the non-developed countries. We have more prisoners in our prisons on a per capita basis than the countries we call police states.

    Yet, despite that, or I’d say because of it, in part, we have the highest murder rates in the developed world. Our murder rate is seven times as high as the murder rates in the political democracies and social democracies of Western Europe, and roughly five times higher than the other English-speaking democracies of Canada, Australia.

    Our violent criminal justice system, including the death penalty, it only stimulates violence, to the extent it has any effect at all. There is no Western European country or English-speaking democracy that still has the death penalty. The US stands alone on that. And it’s not surprising, since punishment only stimulates violence, that there would be this correlation between our violence and the violence of those that we punish.

    Chris Hedges:  Before we get into Shakespeare in the last five minutes, you write, “Actions are symbolic representations of thought.” What do you mean by that?

    James Gilligan:  I mean that violence doesn’t occur at random. One reason I wrote about Shakespeare, and I refer to him often in describing the prisoners I see, is because he described what I saw in the prisons. In King Lear he describes how Edmond, the bastard son of the Earl of Gloucester, has his father’s eyes gouged out after having been humiliated repeatedly by his father. That helped me to understand a criminal that came into the prison who had killed and gouged out the eyes of his victim. He made it clear. He had the same motive that Shakespeare’s character did. He said, he didn’t like the way she was looking at [him].

    He had felt he had also been bullied, been called humiliating words, a wimp, a punk, a pussy. He felt overwhelmingly humiliated. The way to undo his humiliation was to destroy the eyes of a person, because, as Aristotle put it, people experienced shame in the eyes of others. We experience shame as we’re being in front of an audience that is witnessing our shame and seeing how weak and shameful we are. So, attacking the eyes is not an accident.

    I could give you many other examples of the part of the body that inmates attack, the violent criminals attack, it is not chosen at random. It has a real emotional meaning. I just saw this over and over.

    Chris Hedges:  I want to ask you about Antony and Cleopatra, where Antony says to the soothsayer, “Say to me, whose fortunes shall rise higher, Caesar’s or mine?” The soothsayer says, “Caesar’s. Therefore, Antony, stay not by his side: Thy demon, that’s thy spirit which keeps thee, is noble, courageous high, unmatchable. Where Caesar’s is not; But, near him, thy angel becomes a fear, as being overpowered: Therefore make space enough between you.” I’m asking whether love is a helpless force against those who have been rendered numb.

    James Gilligan:  You mean giving them love, is that helpful?

    Chris Hedges:  Well, that Antony, in a way, his strength and his weakness is that unlike Caesar, he can feel love.

    James Gilligan:  Yes.

    Chris Hedges:  He loves Cleopatra. That, of course, leads to his downfall, at least in the play. While Caesar, who feels nothing but a cold lust for power, rises. There’s that moment in the play that said, in a way, your greatest strength is your greatest weakness. Other students in the class, in the prison, would caution me about trying to care for people who couldn’t care for themselves.

    James Gilligan:  Well, when I think of Antony and Cleopatra, I think of Antony as having… His love for Cleopatra was so deep that it made what Caesar did to him relatively irrelevant. Remember when he said, “Let Rome in Tiber melt.” My world is here with Cleopatra. There’s a sense of, she didn’t even care what Caesar did. He had achieved, I think a sense of personal immortality in his love, his love for Cleopatra was so deep. I’d say he had transcended the difference between life and death, not dissociated himself from it.

    I think that if people can develop the capacity for love… Well, first of all, as I mentioned earlier, when prisoners learned they could be helpful to other people, that was a form of loving other people. It was not personal intimacy, but it was transpersonal. It was just helping people because they needed help, responding to other people’s needs. I think that once people develop that capacity for love, that they lose the incentive for violence.

    Now, what I do think Shakespeare showed in the play Antony and Cleopatra is that there was no room in that world of ancient Rome and the Roman Empire. That was a world based on violence and on the denial of love. So in that sense, I think Shakespeare correctly was showing that there was no room for love between people in that kind of world. I thought it was a powerful indictment of the world that he lived in, that Shakespeare lived in, and that Antony lived in.

    Chris Hedges:  Yes, I think that’s right. But it’s an understanding, I think, of the attributes that, in many ways, are required for power, certainly autocratic power. It’s really those who objectify and dehumanize others who have many of the characteristics, the numbness that you write about.

    James Gilligan:  Absolutely. I think that Octavian, who later became Emperor Augustus, exemplified the kind of person who does not have the capacity for love and whose life is really, frankly, dull and empty and not fully human compared to Antony’s. Yes, Antony becomes the victim who dies in the play. I mean, he kills himself, but in order to stay with Cleopatra and be loyal to her.

    He’s much more human, and I think had a much fuller life,even though he died young, or relatively younger than necessary. He had a much fuller life than I think Augustus could ever even imagine or ever realize existed.

    Chris Hedges:  Great. That was Dr. James Gilligan speaking about his book Violence. I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team: Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, and Kayla Rivera. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Marilynne Robinson established herself through some of the most biting critiques of neoliberalism written in her time. Since being identified as Obama’s “favorite novelist,” she’s taken political positions more aligned with the powerful than her readers might have once thought possible. Nevertheless, the searing insight and aesthetic magnificence of Robinson’s ornate prose can’t be denied. Phil Christman, author of How to be Normal, joins Lyta Gold on this episode of Art for the End Times to discuss Robinson’s oeuvre, its impact on his own writing, and what the left can still recover from her work.


    Transcript

    The transcript of this podcast will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • A licentious, money-drenched, morally bankrupt and intellectually vacuous ruling class—accountable to no one and free to plunder and prey on the weak like human vultures—rises to power in societies in terminal decline, where the rule of law has collapsed and desperate human beings have been reduced to commodities. This class of parasites was savagely parodied in the first-century satirical work Satyricon by Gaius Petronius, written during the reign of Nero when Rome’s Republican values were abandoned for unbridled greed, hedonism, and narcissism. Jeffrey Epstein and his cohorts, drawn from the ruling political, academic, and financial elites, for years engaged in sexual perversions and exploitation of Petronian proportions. Sex, as in the late Roman Empire, has been transformed in the twilight of the US empire from a private act of intimacy to one of public entertainment. In her book Satyricon USA: A Journey Across the New Sexual Frontier, author Eurydice Eve set out to look, with remarkable understanding and empathy, at the sexual landscape of the United States, spending time with BDSM practitioners, celibate Catholic priests, and even necrophiliacs. In this episode of The Chris Hedges Report, Chris speaks with Eurydice about her portrait of America, which, carried out below the radar, exposes a nation desperately seeking catharsis and, as she writes, a “need for continuity and safety and uniformity—and love.”

    Eurydice Eve is the author of Satyricon USA: A Journey Across the New Sexual Frontier and F/32, a novel that won a national fiction contest before its publication and has been translated into several languages. She writes a monthly sex column for Gear magazine, and her non-fiction has appeared in Spin, Harper’s, and other national magazines. She lives in Miami, New York City, and Crete, Greece.

    Chris Hedges interviews writers, intellectuals, and dissidents, many banished from the mainstream, in his half-hour show, The Chris Hedges Report. He gives voice to those, from Cornel West and Noam Chomsky to the leaders of groups such as Extinction Rebellion, who are on the front lines of the struggle against militarism, corporate capitalism, white supremacy, the looming ecocide, as well as the battle to wrest back our democracy from the clutches of the ruling global oligarchy.

    Pre-Production: Kayla Rivara
    Studio: Adam Coley, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden

    Watch The Chris Hedges Report live YouTube premiere on The Real News Network every Friday at 12PM ET.

    Listen to episode podcasts and find bonus content at The Chris Hedges Report Substack.


    Transcript

    The transcript of this video is being processed and will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The writer Mark Kurlansky, by a series of coincidences, spent his life as a journalist and author in the shadow of Ernest Hemingway, starting with his presence in Idaho on the day Hemingway died. Kurlansky would reside and work during his career in Paris, the Basque region of Spain, Cuba, and Ketchum, Idaho—all places where Hemingway lived, and where his myth remains firmly implanted and celebrated. Kurlansky struggled to free himself from the haunting presence of Hemingway, whose life—starting with the tales he told of being an ambulance driver in Italy in World War I—was a confusing blur of fact, exaggeration, hyperbole, and lies. There is much in Hemingway’s life and writing to admire, and much to reject. Mark Kurlansky joins The Chris Hedges Report to discuss his new book The Importance of Not Being Ernest: My Life with the Uninvited Hemingway.

    Chris Hedges interviews writers, intellectuals, and dissidents, many banished from the mainstream, in his half-hour show, The Chris Hedges Report. He gives voice to those, from Cornel West and Noam Chomsky to the leaders of groups such as Extinction Rebellion, who are on the front lines of the struggle against militarism, corporate capitalism, white supremacy, the looming ecocide, as well as the battle to wrest back our democracy from the clutches of the ruling global oligarchy.

    Watch The Chris Hedges Report live YouTube premiere on The Real News Network every Friday at 12PM ET.

    Listen to episode podcasts and find bonus content at The Chris Hedges Report Substack.

    Pre-Production: Kayla Rivara
    Studio: Adam Coley, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    TRANSCRIPT

    Chris Hedges:  The writer Mark Kurlansky, by a series of coincidences, spent his life as a journalist and author in the shadow of Ernest Hemingway. Starting with his presence in Idaho on the day Hemingway died. Mark would reside and work during his career in Paris, the Basque region of Spain, Cuba, and Ketchum, Idaho, all places where Hemingway lived and where his myth remains firmly implanted and celebrated. Mark struggled to free himself from the haunting presence of Hemingway, whose life, starting with the tales he told of being an ambulance driver in Italy in World War I, was a confusing blur of fact, exaggeration, hyperbole, and lies. And yet, Hemingway was undeniably one of the most gifted writers of the 20th century. More importantly, he believed that writers should go places and do things, living with the writer and journalist Martha Gellhorn in the hotel Florida during the siege of Madrid during the Spanish Civil War, hunting big game in Africa, fishing for Marlin off the coast of Key West and Cuba, or joining in American combat units as they fought in France and Germany in World War II.

    Mark and I pursued this life as foreign correspondent for newspapers, something Hemingway also did throughout his career, although badly. Hemingway could never disentangle fact from fiction in his life and his writing, including his journalism. There is much in Hemingway’s life in writing to admire and much to reject. Joining me to discuss his new book, The Importance of Not Being Ernest: My Life with the Uninvited Hemingway, is Mark Kurlansky.

    So Mark, in your book you have some, I thought, very wise comments about writing. I want to ask you about that. You say that writing is about establishing rhythm, and rhythm is often established by repetition. If a writer seems flat and without appeal, the problem is usually not that he or she does not use the right words, as is often believed, but that the writer is arhythmic. And I thought that captured the essence of Hemingway’s power as a writer. It’s not the [parody] of the staccato sentences. It’s that almost jazz-like rhythm. And I wondered if you could talk about that.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. I mean, establishing a rhythm and setting up the line. I found it very rewarding that once in an interview later in his life, he listed Bach as one of his great influences. And I was thrilled to see that because I’m a classical musician, not a very good one, but I regard Bach as a tremendous influence on [writing], a tremendous influence on everything. And [inaudible], that’s what we do. We have a theme, we set it up against another theme. We have rhythms. Sometimes you change the key, but then you get back to the theme. Musicologists say that Bach did theme in variation, both horizontally and vertically, which is a very complex thing. But if you really study what Bach was doing, you can learn a lot about writing.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, you even say in the book, don’t listen to music while you write.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Oh, absolutely. It’s a terrible mistake. Because you have to establish the rhythm of what you’re working on. If you’re listening to music, you don’t want your piece to come out sounding like Motown. Although Motown’s nice, but it’s not what your piece is supposed to be.

    Chris Hedges:  You write in the book that you are very influenced by the [Beatniks], Alan Ginsburg. Poetry of course, like great writing, is, I think, a form of music. And you say for this reason, when you write, that poetry should not be completely understandable, that it expresses the truth that we can sense, but is slightly beyond us. I thought that was a wonderful insight. And I wondered if you could just talk about that.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. You know, William Carlos Williams, one of the great modernist poets, was giving a reading somewhere and somebody complained. They didn’t understand the poem. And he said, I’m not asking you to understand it. I’m just asking you to listen. And this is actually very much in line with Hemingway’s thinking about prose, which has famously become known as the iceberg theory, where he didn’t believe that everything should be explained. I think this is a very important idea, a very counterintuitive idea if you’ve spent time as a journalist. Newspapers like you to explain things. If you’re recreating the experiences of life, everything in life isn’t explained, you don’t understand everything, you see.

    Chris Hedges:  You say in the book, don’t go to school to learn how to write. That if writing is any good, it’s too personal an endeavor to be taught by someone else. I also thought, especially with the proliferation of all these masters of fine arts, this was pretty wise advice.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. On the rare occasions when I find myself giving a writing course, I always begin by talking about a conversation I once had. I used to know Isaac Bashevis Singer, and he taught a course at the University of Miami. And I said to him once, what is it you teach there? And he said, I teach what can’t be taught. That’s it, you can’t really teach writing. So when I give a writing course, I mean the worst thing you could do to somebody who’s struggling to become a writer is to tell them how to write. They have to find it in themselves. What I do in a writing class is that I ask everybody to write something and read it and everybody else to criticize it. And what I’m doing is I’m trying to teach critical thinking and how you evaluate criticism that you receive. But also just how you regard things critically. And I think that’s all you can do. I mean, you can’t, you can’t tell somebody how to write.

    Chris Hedges:  But would it be fair to say that you can teach someone to write clearly, but to write lyrically would be a difference?

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. You don’t want to teach… I mean, lyricism is something… If you’re not Irish, forget it. But yeah. What you shouldn’t do, and what is done a lot in writing classes, you cannot teach people how to develop their prose style. Your prose style is your voice, and everybody has their own. Some voices are better than others.

    Chris Hedges:  And yet I think all writers, like many artists, begin by imitation. In your case, I think it was Hemingway, in mine it was Faulkner. I was trying to write a lot of drivel that sounded like Go Down, Moses. And it’s a kind of trap. I mean, you need to break free from it. But talk about those initial stages, because I think that is how you learn how to write and how you learn, perhaps, any artistic expression, is beginning through imitation.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah, I suppose so. And I suppose when I was really young, I mean was in something like third grade when I decided I wanted to become a writer. And when I was young, well, I mean, Hemingway was a huge influence. Lawrence Ferlinghetti was a huge influence. But you eventually just have to find the voice that’s within you. And a good way to do this is don’t try to write, just tell somebody the story, listen to how you’re telling it. Because for some reason we almost always use our own voice when we tell a story, when we speak. But we have this, if we’re novices, and experienced people have this tendency to imitate great writers when they’re writing, if they just listen to how they speak. Basically, most people do write the way they speak. Hemingway did, if you ever heard recordings. You read Hemingway and it’s sort of odd the way people are talking, but he talked like that.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, Hemingway was a very stilted public speaker.

    Mark Kurlansky:  He didn’t like public speaking, no.

    Chris Hedges:  But he wasn’t very good at it.

    Mark Kurlansky:  No he wasn’t. And it’s funny because he worked so hard at having a public persona, but he just hated getting up and speaking. He claimed ill health and not going to his Nobel Prize speech. But I think he just didn’t want to do it.

    Chris Hedges:  Let’s talk about Hemingway, who is this kind of shadow character in your book. He began very early on to turn himself into a myth, into a celebrity. He came back, he was 19 or something. And as you point out in the book, by the way, he only spent a week, I believe, in the front lines in Italy –

    Mark Kurlansky:  Not as a combat soldier.

    Chris Hedges:  And not as a combat soldier, although he rapidly inflated his role. And you write that he essentially made himself a fictional character. And what dogged him throughout his life as he became more famous, in the same way that I think it did a figure like Hunter Thompson, I want to speak about that idea of artists becoming myth, because I think it’s very dangerous.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Well, it is. And it doesn’t make you happy. Hemingway, towards the end of his life, was complaining a lot how nobody knew who he really was. And well, whose fault was that, Hem? But he did create this mythical person that wasn’t him. But he was also a very complicated person, which becomes clear when you talk to people who knew him, which there are not many around, but there were still a few when I was working on the book. And they’re all talking about a different person. The Hemingway who hunted in Idaho was not the Hemingway who hung out in Nevada. Who was the real Hemingway?

    I think he was an intellectual. [Dorothy Dugby] who was his secretary and later his daughter-in-law said, when you really got to see the real Hemingway, as if you get him to sit down and talk about writing and painting, that’s who he was, an intellectual. He talked about these things. The Hemingway who talked about fishing and hunting and boxing, that wasn’t who he was.

    Chris Hedges:  Right. Well, it was this kind of hyper masculine myth. And yet if you read, I think some of his best stuff was written in his early 20s, A Clean, Well-Lighted Place, these are incredibly – Cat in the Rain – These are very sensitive stories that I think show exactly what illustrate the point you’re making.

    Mark Kurlansky:  He wrote a story that, the title escaped me at the moment, he wrote a story, one of his earlier stories about this guy who comes back from the war. It’s one of the Nick Adams stories. He comes back from the war and he makes up all sorts of stories about his bravado and his war experience. And they’re all lies. And he can’t face himself or deal with his guilt over the things that really happened because he lied so much. Isn’t it interesting that Hemingway wrote that story?

    Chris Hedges:  Right. So you and I both worked as newspaper reporters, and you write in your book that newspaper writing can crush creative expression. And that’s why, as you say, the prose of many fine journalists, if stretched to book length, induces real pain. And then you quote the novelist William Kennedy, who also worked as a newspaper reporter, who says that while journalism gave him entry into a world he had no right to enter – Which I think is one of the reasons to be a journalist – It also pounded into him the voice of literary objectivity, which he calls “a journalistic virus that paralyzes the imagination and cripples the language.” So I think there are benefits to having worked as a newspaper reporter. Part of it is being able to go places and do things as Hemingway correctly points out. It also teaches you to write cleanly and quickly. But I think that transition to being a book writer, also that newspaper ethos, as you correctly point out, can cripple you. Just talk about that.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. I mean, when I was writing for newspapers, I mean, I loved it, but I never intended to remain a newspaper writer. It was more formulaic then than it is today; it was like the lede and the nut graph. And then I always felt like if I wrote a good lede and a good nut graph, then the other 600 words would just be there and you were done.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, we used to call it B matter. It was just vomiting up what you’d written a few days before.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Right. And I remember once talking to my editor, foreign editor of The Chicago Tribune, who was one of my favorite editors. He was a really great editor, and an experienced foreign correspondent, and a good guy to work with. And he called me up one day and said, you have just written a 50 word lede. And the only thing I could think of to say to him was, have you never read Proust?

    Chris Hedges:  Right. Proust did not write for newspapers I believe.

    Mark Kurlansky:  No, I don’t think he did. Writing for newspapers, exactly like Bill Kennedy said. It teaches you how to get in places and talk to people you’d never get to meet otherwise. And it’s a great experience, but the writing part is not a great experience.

    Chris Hedges:  Although, a clever lede, I mean, we used to spend a lot of time on our ledes because it’s a hook, and it’s something that Graham Green would always do at the front end of his novels, is use a very clever, well thought-out lede to hook you into the novel.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Hemingway too. Look at Hemingway’s short stories. Every one of Hemingway’s short stories has a great opening line. Really understood the idea that you hook them in the first line. “In the fall, the war was [always] there, but we didn’t go to it anymore.”

    Chris Hedges:  Yeah.

    Mark Kurlansky:  [The opening line of] In Another Country. And you know, it’s often said there’s a lot that’s been written about what Hemingway learned from writing for newspapers. I don’t think he learned much from writing for newspapers. If you read his newspaper copy, he didn’t even learn how to write for newspapers.

    Chris Hedges:  No, it’s pretty bad. That’s the interesting…

    Mark Kurlansky:  And I mean, I don’t know how he got away with it. No editor I ever worked with would’ve taken copy like that. But what he learned from that is that he was an avant-garde writer part of the modernist movement. And it’s modernism that made him so clean and concise. It’s not this cable [inaudible]… It’s how they say that how he cabled stories to newspapers is how he got his style. It’s not true. He got this style from Ezra Pound and even Gertrude Stein. He had an interesting relationship with Getrude Stein. He thought that her writing was really interesting but hopelessly unreadable, and he kind of admired the way she didn’t care that she wasn’t commercial. But of course, she came from a wealthy family, so she could do that. But Hemingway wanted to be that experimental modernist, but do it in a way that he would be popular and have readers. And that is really what shaped his writing style, not newspaper work.

    Chris Hedges:  Well we forget that he was quite close to Joyce, and they would all go out drinking. And Joyce loved drinking with Hemingway because he was a big guy, so when they both got obnoxious in some French bar, people would leave them alone. Although, as you point out in your book, his bravado as a boxer, again, was a myth. He used to fight Ezra Pound, of all people, because Pound knew nothing about boxing. And he liked to knock people down, but he couldn’t actually fight anybody who was a boxer. You and I, by the way, both boxed.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. I boxed enough to know he wasn’t, I wasn’t either. I was not a great boxer. I was the opposite of Hemingway. I really didn’t want to hurt anybody.

    Chris Hedges:  That’s the whole point of boxing, Mark.

    Mark Kurlansky:  I know.

    Chris Hedges:  That was the difference between you and me.

    Mark Kurlansky:  No, if I planted a good punch, there’d be a part of me that might pull back [inaudible]

    Chris Hedges:  Okay. So you make the point in the book that I thought was also really true and interesting that Hemingway really didn’t know Spain or Cuba, but that he created these powerful fictions of these places that we’re still grappling with, in many ways we still can’t overcome.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. You know, he may have known Spain, what he didn’t know is the Basques.

    Chris Hedges:  Right. That you were specific about that. Yeah.

    Mark Kurlansky:  He had no idea who the Basques were. And as someone who spent a lot of my life around Basques, I read Hemingway, and it’s a little strange, that’s not who Basques are. Never met a [inaudible] He was a fiction writer, and he created fiction. But you know, as you say, For Whom the Bell Tolls, pretty good portrait of what Spain was like in the Civil War. And you know, one of the interesting things for me, I mean, I didn’t go to Spain because of Hemingway. I went to Spain because it was an incredible experience to see the last 1930s fascist dictatorship still in power.

    And it was a fascinating place. It was very different from any place else in the world because it was in this time warp, but it was… The Paris that I went to was completely different than the Paris Hemingway went to. And the Cuba I went to, his Cuba was pre-revolutionary, mine was post. Everything was different except Spain, the Spain I went to, because I went to Spain when Franco was still in power. And the Spain I went to was really the same Spain that he left.

    Chris Hedges:  I want to talk about Spain. So he had a rupture with John Dos Passos in Spain, Jose Robles Passos he had taught at Johns Hopkins. He translated Dos Passos. He was a Colonel in the Republican army during the war. He was arrested in December of 1936 by the principal communist hatchet man and homicidal maniac Andre Marty. He was the political commissar of the international brigades, credited with the executions of 500 people that he suspected of being spies. Hemingway knew about the executions.

    And he knew about who Marty was in his novel For Whom the Bell Tolls. He said that “his face looked as though it was modeled from the waste material of his victims that you find under the claws of a very old lion.” And yet during the war, Hemingway would not denounce the crimes in the way that Orwell did, because of course it would’ve made him a pariah, and he was feted and a celebrity in Spain. It would’ve shattered his privileged status. And he turned his back on Robles, he turned his back on Dos Passos, and I want to talk about that dishonesty, that cowardice, and that betrayal.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Well, I mean, let’s be honest about this. I mean, so there’s all these reporters there, and he is getting better information, better sources than anyone because he’s a celebrity. Most of his sources are from communists. And if he reported on the bad stuff they were doing, he’d lose his sources. Now you and I both know this is not a unique thing. It’s often without naming names in every war, in every difficult situation, there are reporters who gloss over truths so that they won’t offend the people who are feeding them information. It’s actually, in a way, it’s the most journalistic thing he ever did, unfortunately.

    And then he wrote a novel and told all, revealed all the truth, because he didn’t need his sources anymore. It is completely dishonest. It’s interesting, because he was around a lot of good reporters like Herbert Matthew, and they sort of accepted that he would do this. But you know, [inaudible], the Civil War was covered. The New York Times had Herbert Matthew for the Republic, and they had somebody else for the fascists. And Matthew who worked his side, this other guy worked his side, and they filed stories. And I think it must have been extremely confusing for New York Times readers to try to figure out what was going on in Spain. Because you’re getting two different versions all the time. They won the battle, then they lost the battle. I mean it was just completely opposite.

    Chris Hedges:  Well that’s how The New York Times works. So as a foreign correspondent, I’m writing one thing in El Salvador and the Washington Bureau’s writing another based on administration sources, and it’s that old IF stone line that people who have sources to the powerful, he said they know more than I do. Unfortunately, most of it’s false, and Hemingway spewed propaganda. I mean he talked about how they were winning the war on the Eve of the Republican defeat.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. I mean, yeah, it’s the whole thing about journalism. But one thing I always struggled with was the reporters who took everything the US government told them. And sometimes the US government had their own propaganda reasons. Sometimes they were just completely misinformed, but these guys would just take what they were being fed. There’s laziness. You know, you don’t have to go out and find a source.

    Chris Hedges:  Right. Well that’s the difference, because most reporters in a war zone, the war zones I’ve been in, they don’t want to go out. They want to get the handouts, and they’re used against the rest of us that do go out. And Hemingway wrote a lot of his stories at the bar. He didn’t go out.

    Mark Kurlansky:  No, he did go out. He did both. He did both. I mean all the material for For Whom the Bell Tolls was from a story he reported on. There’s things that actually happened about blowing up the bridge and stuff. And it was this story that the Communist Party put him up to. You know, they said you go to this place and you’ll get a good story.

    Chris Hedges:  But did he go or did he interview the people who did it?

    Mark Kurlansky:  No, he actually went, he went, he went out a lot. He’d go out with Herbert Matthews and they’d go to places. You’ll appreciate this having been in Nicaragua, that he had a great advantage that he had a car and plenty of gasoline. When I was in Nicaragua, I mean, it was pathetic. I just couldn’t get anywhere unless I’d befriended somebody who had a car and a tank full of gas. I was noticing in your new book, you talk about how you avoided working with people who were green and didn’t know what they were doing. In principle, I agree, but the truth is in Nicaragua, I would work with anybody who had the gasoline.

    Chris Hedges:  So I want to talk about World War II. Hemingway blurred the line between correspondent and combatant, and you and I both know that that’s exceedingly dangerous for those of us who attempt to report in a war zone. He, because Hemingway of course carried a weapon, and perhaps used it, and it’s already dangerous enough.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Right. Don’t shoot at me, I’m not a combatant. Oh, but this guy over here is. Really bad, but it’s not clear how much of that he actually did.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, that’s the other thing we can’t tell, which I think you acknowledge in your book, since he’s an unreliable source.

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. I don’t think he had nearly the role in the liberation of Paris that he claimed he did. They know he didn’t liberate the rips. There were no Germans in the Ritz by the time he got there. Which, if you think about it, the allies have come down from Normandy, they’ve [inaudible] Paris, the troops have come in, and the Germans are sitting around in the Ritz hotel. Really? So he would just make these things up. But one of the interesting things is that the other correspondents got fed up with him doing this stuff and having weapons and acting like a combatant. And they complained about it. And they had a hearing, they examined him. They were considering throwing him out of the front for violating the rules of correspondence. And he denied everything, said, oh, I never did this stuff. You never know when Hemingway was telling the truth.

    Chris Hedges:  I want to talk about – This is from Hemingway and he is dead on, in the book. This is from your book. He said, “Writers should work alone. They should see each other only after their work is done, and not too often then. Otherwise they become like writers in New York. All angleworms in a bottle, trying to derive knowledge and nourishment from their own contact and from the bottle.” I thought that was kind of brilliant.

    Mark Kurlansky:  It is. And as a writer who lives in New York, I have to tell you that my saving grace is that I live in Manhattan, whereas all the other writers live in Brooklyn.

    Chris Hedges:  I want to talk a little bit about his fiction. And I think before we went on the air, you said the only time he’s honest is in his fiction, what do you mean by that?

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. Well, I mean, he had this code about his fiction, about it being true and honest that he didn’t have about his journalism. So you see in For Whom the Bell Tolls, he talks about the atrocities on both sides. He has this book that was published posthumously in which they’re game hunting, big game hunting in Africa. And there’s this character named Hemingway who was talking about how really awful it is, these white guys going to Africa and killing all their natural resources, and really questioning the whole role of hunters. And he would bring up lots of issues and lots of points of view. And he really, in his fiction, he wasn’t really trying to indoctrinate you. He was trying to just show how it is.

    Chris Hedges:  Would it be fair to say that’s because he wasn’t writing about himself? That when he wrote about himself, in a way he was building this kind of mythic idea of who he was, but when he stepped out of himself, he could be honest?

    Mark Kurlansky:  Yeah. I don’t know. You know, it’s not clear when he was writing about himself because in his fiction he has all these characters, Nick Adams, for example, all these characters that clearly seem to be Hemingway, or some aspect of Hemingway. And then he writes about them in ways that are often critical, big and small ways. Jake Barnes, who you really feel is Hemingway, cheats as a fly fisherman and uses bait, something probably Hemingway wouldn’t have done. He was just very complicated.

    Chris Hedges:  Well, you capture it in the book, which is a great read. That was Mark Kurlansky on his book, The Importance of Not Being Ernest: My Life With the Uninvited Hemingway. I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team: Cameron Grenadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, and Kayla Rivara. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Love is rarely simple, and love on the high seas is no exception. The HBO Max show Our Flag Means Death brings something fresh to television we didn’t know we needed until we saw it: queer pirate love. Created by David Jenkins and starring Rhys Darby and Taika Waititi, this romantic comedy series brings the right mix of humor, humanity, and heartthrob to light up our dark days. In this episode of Art for the End Times, Lyta sits down with Allegra Silcox and Adrian Rennix to discuss the show’s surprising tenderness—and to butcher the New Zealand accent.

    Pre-Production/Studio: Maximillian Alvarez
    Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    TRANSCRIPT

    The transcript of this podcast will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The best-selling and (mostly) critically acclaimed Irish novelist Sally Rooney has sometimes come under fire for not—despite her professed personal left-leaning politics—writing “Marxist” novels. But what does a Marxist novel look like? Is the novel form itself inherently bourgeois? In this episode of Art for the End Times, Lyta Gold sits down with writer and McGill University PhD candidate Richard Joseph to discuss Rooneymania, love stories, the limitations of the realist novel, and what exactly we are asking of writers when we ask them to tell “Marxist” stories.

    Additional links/info below…

    Pre-Production/Studio: Maximillian Alvarez
    Post-Production: Brent Tomchik


    Transcript

    The transcript of this podcast will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • If you enjoyed our sweet, charming let’s-recommend-art-we-love episode of Art for the End Times, then you’ll love this hatin’-ass episode where we swing wildly in the other direction. Recorded on May 18—when, for a brief moment, there was some good news in the world, before everything went back to being terrible—Lyta convenes a special all-TRNN panel of haters to blow off some steam and talk about people and things we hate. We let the world know what we really think about Dr. Oz and open up a can of whoop-ass on Baltimore’s least favorite purveyor of Black pain for public consumption (hint: his name begins with a “D” and ends with an “-imon”).

    Panelists include: Taya GrahamStephen Janis, and Julianne Simitz.

    Pre-Production/Studio: Maximillian Alvarez
    Post-Production: Brent Tomchik


    TRANSCRIPT

    The transcript of this podcast will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The leaked majority draft opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health—which suggests the Supreme Court is poised to overturn Roe v. Wade, returning the question of abortion to the states—is part of a broader assault against women. The COVID-19 pandemic, for instance, has seen an estimated 30% increase in violent attacks against women, along with the curtailment of their rights. This assault, writes author and activist V, is “the most severe setback to women’s liberation in my lifetime.”

    Much of this abuse, including an increase in sex and labor trafficking, is driven by the loss of work, further disempowering women. “In the US, more than 5 million women’s jobs were lost between the start of the pandemic and November 2020,” V writes in The Guardian. “Because much of women’s work requires physical contact with the public—restaurants, stores, childcare, healthcare settings—theirs were some of the first to go. Those who were able to keep their jobs were often frontline workers whose positions have put them in great danger; some 77% of hospital workers and 74% of school staff are women. Even then, the lack of childcare options left many women unable to return to their jobs.” 

    In this installment of The Chris Hedges Report, Chris speaks with V about how the expected overturning of Roe and the attacks on LGBTQ+ rights are part of a global, reactionary, theocratic war for patriarchal domination. V (formerly known as Eve Ensler) is a Tony-award winning playwright, author, and activist. Her new book is The Apology.

    Chris Hedges interviews writers, intellectuals, and dissidents, many banished from the mainstream, in his half-hour show, The Chris Hedges Report. He gives voice to those, from Cornel West and Noam Chomsky to the leaders of groups such as Extinction Rebellion, who are on the front lines of the struggle against militarism, corporate capitalism, white supremacy, the looming ecocide, as well as the battle to wrest back our democracy from the clutches of the ruling global oligarchy.

    Pre-Production: Kayla Rivara
    Studio: Adam Coley, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino

    Watch The Chris Hedges Report live YouTube premiere on The Real News Network every Friday at 12PM ET.

    Listen to episode podcasts and find bonus content at The Chris Hedges Report Substack.


    Transcript

    Chris Hedges: The leaked majority draft opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health which suggests the Supreme Court is poised to overturn Roe v. Wade, returning the question of abortion to the States, is part of a broader assault against women. The COVID-19 pandemic has seen an estimated 30% increase in violent attacks against women, along with a curtailment of their rights. “This assault,” writes V, formerly known as Eve Ensler, “is the most severe setback to women’s liberation in my lifetime.” Much of this abuse, including an increase in sex and labor trafficking, is driven by the loss of work, further disempowering women.

    “In the US,” she writes, “more than five million women’s jobs were lost between the start of the pandemic and November 2020. Because much of the women’s work requires physical contact with the public: restaurants, stores, childcare, healthcare settings, theirs were some of the first to go. Those who were able to keep their jobs were often front line workers whose positions have put them in great danger. Some 77% of hospital workers and 74% of school staff are women. Even then, the lack of childcare options left many women unable to return to their jobs.”

    Joining me to discuss the assault on women’s rights, as well as her new book The Apology, is the Tony Award-winning playwright and author and activist V, formerly known as Eve Ensler. So V, let’s begin with the expected Supreme Court decision with this leak. Number one, were you surprised? And number two, where do we go from here?

    V: I was surprised it was leaked, that’s for sure. I just want to say how happy I am to be with you, Chris, to be talking to you. And I was not surprised in that I think we’ve all been waiting to hear that this was coming. I think there are so many feelings that I’m having about this and so many… I just got off a call with many women, who all of whom on that call were clear that this ruling will never be accepted by many, many women across this country. And it is coming out of a theocratic court. It is coming from judges who perjured themselves on the stand when they talked about Roe v. Wade.

    It is coming from sexual predators on the court, Clarence Thomas and Brett Kavanaugh, and by people who were appointed to that court by a sexual predator president. So we can’t at all trust them to… Women would not only not want to go near these men in terms of their bodies, but we certainly wouldn’t accept laws from them. And I think one of the things we all need to be thinking about, and I’ve been thinking about this so much this last week, is when our institutions fail us as the Supreme Court is doing, 70% of the people in this country support abortion, support reproductive justice, support reproductive rights.

    When our institutions fail us, it’s not just our right, it is our duty to not obey those institutions. And I think what we have to communicate now to the Senate, to the courts, is that women across this country are not going back in the bottle. We’ve been freed for 50 years. We’ve had choice. We will never give those rights up, that’s not going to happen. And we’re not going to accept this, period.

    Chris Hedges: I want to talk about the Democratic Party, because the Democratic Party had 50 years when it could have codified this into law. You had Jimmy Carter, you had Clinton, and you had Barack Obama, all of whom had majorities, at least at the inception of their presidencies. Barack Obama said, I think it’s called the Freedom of Choice – I can’t remember the title of it – Act that would’ve codified Roe v. Wade into law. It was the first thing he was going to sign when he took office. He said this as a candidate. And then, in his eight years as president, never signed it. Talk a little bit about the failure of the Democratic Party to stand up and do what it should do.

    V: Well, I think it’s exactly what the Democratic Party is doing right now. What was Biden’s message that he put out? When this happens, this is what we will do. You don’t lead people into battle already claiming defeat, right? As you’re moving into it, you say, we will stand up and we will fight to make sure this never happens. And I think that attitude, that commitment to women, to people with pregnancies, wanted or unwanted, has never been there in the Democratic Party. It has never been with the rigor, with the devotion, with the commitment that is necessary to codify a law.

    And I think we’re seeing the results of that now. And I think one of the things we all have to look at is the people have to be clear that this is not what the people want. And we have to go to any lengths to show we will not accept this as law. We will not. Because I believe, as many people believe, once the chips start to go, every right is going to start to go with him. This is essentially a theocratic Christian right-wing takeover of the courts. And we’ve already seen what it’s done with voting rights. It’s going to keep going one right after another right after another right.

    So I don’t even know if it’s about pushing the Democratic Party anymore, because I think we have pushed and pushed and pushed. I think it’s more of people saying, at this moment, the state is no longer serving us in ways that are necessary to protect our basic rights.

    Chris Hedges: I mentioned before we went on the air that I covered Romania, where abortion was illegal. It didn’t stop abortions. It meant that those who had resources, the wealthy, the mistresses of the party bosses all had access to safe abortions, and poor women died in back rooms. That’s what happens when you outlaw abortion.

    V: That’s exactly right. And we know that the people who are going to suffer most in this country from these laws are Black women, and Brown women, and poor women, and Indigenous women, and immigrants, and people who don’t have access to resources and money. And this will be devastating. And the idea that we think we’re going to go back to those times where women’s bodies are destroyed, or women are forced to have children against their will, this is just unconscionable. It’s not possible. It’s not something we can accept.

    Chris Hedges: And we should be clear, Biden supported the Hyde Amendment, which stopped the federal government from paying for abortions. And he supported allowing states individually to overturn Roe v. Wade. So that’s Biden’s track record on this issue.

    V: Right. And I think what we need right now, one of the things we were talking about is, we need leadership in this country that has the commitment to women’s rights, and commitment to LGBTQ rights, and commitment to voting rights that are matching the times that we are living in with the energy, with the thinking, with the imagination, with the creativity, and with the commitment. And we see that completely lacking in the Democratic Party. I’m sorry, it’s just not there.

    Chris Hedges: Before we talk about the response, why? What is it about patriarchy that is so obsessive about abortion?

    V: Well, I think one of the things we have to look at is like a history of going back and back and back to when did the idea of controlling women’s bodies start? In my piece in The Guardian, I wrote, what is it about women’s bodies that make the patriarchy so afraid and insecure and so cruel and so punishing? And I think it has to do with our autonomy. And I think it has to do with our mere existence. I think it has to do with our capacity for pleasure and unending pleasure. I think it has to do with our strength, which is able to bend and carry and birth and lift and isn’t reliant on weapons and violence, but it has an inherent strength. It has an inherent energy of strength.

    And I think that patriarchy is insistent that there are certain men that rise, that control, that dominate, that have the goods, that have it all, that that hierarchy is maintained. And I think when women have a right to their bodies and have access to their bodies and know that they can have children if they want them and don’t have children if they want to, if they can have sex when they want to or not have sex when they want to, we’re living in a completely different world. And I think there is a huge pushback against that world because, essentially, the few very, very white men who have the power will be disabled of that power, and they are not giving it up.

    Chris Hedges: So where do we go? What’s the response? So you’re right, there’s a kind of fatalism on the part of the Democratic Party leadership that it’s already going to happen. What should we do?

    V: I think what we have to do, first of all, is believe that we can do something. My feeling the last few days is talking to people and hearing just this feeling like there’s nothing we can do. I’ve been reading so much about the early days of Germany when they were banning books and the Nazis were beginning to evolve. And there was time in those moments for people to really make change and for people to fight back and for people to say, this is not my country anymore. I don’t recognize this country anymore. And I think part of what we have to do is be willing to be more bold, more daring, go further out to actually shut this country down if it means that all of our rights are entangled in one right.

    Like the fact that we keep separating out voting rights from abortion rights from gay and LGBTQ rights, but all of this is the same story. There is an attempt to keep the world that is trying to emerge from emerging. The world where we, for example, reckon with our history and look at the history of white supremacy in this country, and teach critical race theory, and look at what this history of this country has done to Indigenous people, to Black and Brown people. It’s pushing back against gender liberation. It’s pushing back against workers’ rights liberation. It’s pushing back against a deep and powerful concern for the earth and for protecting the world.

    All of these things are one for all and all for one. And what patriarchy and what capitalism has brilliantly done has divided us into these silos. So we all think we’re fighting for this issue over here and this issue over here, when in fact this is one story. And when we go out to fight for one issue, we need to fight for all issues. And I think first it’s believing that you can change things and standing up and joining forces and becoming unified with others in fighting that. And then it’s being willing to say, I’m just not going to accept this as law, period. That’s not going to happen. So when I don’t accept that, what’s going to happen as a result of me not accepting that? And I think that’s what has to emerge over these next days.

    Chris Hedges: I want to talk about what you write about in The Guardian, the COVID crisis being manipulated and used by patriarchy. And you had some staggering figures – And these are global figures – Of violence, disappearance. With that lockdown, with COVID, with the law, with the economic consequences of the pandemic, you’ve also seen a reassertion of very dark patriarchal figures. Speak about what’s happened.

    V: Yes, it’s been really, really terrifying. I wrote this piece called. “Disaster Patriarchy,” which was based on Naomi Klein’s idea of disaster capitalism, when capitalists used a disaster to impose measures they couldn’t possibly get away with in normal times, generating more [inaudible] for themselves. And disaster patriarchy would be a parallel and complementary process where men exploit a crisis to reassert control and dominate and rapidly erase the hard-earned rights of women. And all over the world, patriarchy has taken full advantage of this virus to reclaim power on one hand, escalating danger and violence to women everywhere. And then on the other then kind of stepping in as this supposed controller and protector of women.

    I have to tell you that working on the front lines of violence against women, we have seen an explosion of violence towards women across the planet, and cisgendered, gender diverse violence, intimate terrorism. I mean, first of all, the fact that people were locked in their homes with partners with their children, no one even considered what kind of violence that would generate when men weren’t working, when no one was working, when people were panicked about how they were going to live, when people were getting sick. We’ve seen unbelievable violence, and we don’t even know what that is yet.

    And then of course at the same time, they were shutting down shelters and places that people could escape to, and not lifting up women and protecting women. And I think we’ve seen the spread of revenge porn as the world was pushed online and digital sexual abuse has escalated. I hate to be the bearer of really bad news, but confinement, it was a perfect storm with economic insecurity, fear of illness, and excessive alcohol, all of these combined to make violence disturbing everywhere.

    I’m in contact with sisters around the world from Italy to the Philippines, to all across this planet. It is the same thing across the world. The statistics of violence against women during the pandemic are absurdly high. And I think as we come out of the pandemic, what’s being done to support those women? Because so much of those shelters and so much of those systems that would be there for women have gone away because there’s no funding for them. And I think we’ve also seen the rise of rape. We’ve seen the rise of sex trafficking because of poor families around the world.

    One of the things that deeply concerns me is how many girls have been out of school and the ending of education for young girls. Because we were seeing a progression of that and a movement forward on that in the world. And to see millions of girls out of school. There’s pushbacks on so many things. For example, if you look at the issue of female genital mutilation. When girls were going to school and they weren’t being cut, they were becoming doctors, they were becoming teachers. They were becoming people who could provide for their families.

    And so their families weren’t cutting them anymore, because they were bringing income and they were bringing food back to their family after they’d been educated. Now with girls not being able to go to school, we’re seeing a rise again of FGM. We’re seeing a rise again of families selling off their daughters. A rise again of being pushed into child marriage. And I think this isn’t even being taken up on a scale or being addressed on the scale that it needs to be addressed on, because it’s really happening in real time. And then as you said at the beginning of the show, in the US, more than five million women have lost their jobs.

    And because of that, women are now home, they’re back inside the house taking care of children all day long, taking care of their families all day long. We can’t even estimate how exhausted women are as a result of the pandemic and how panicked they are about what’s become of their lives that they had before the virus.

    Chris Hedges: Let’s talk about women on the front lines. You write about the nurses, for example. But it is a disproportionate percentage of women who, in the midst of this pandemic, are on the front lines. Talk a little bit about what’s happened to them.

    V: Well, I think I really want to talk specifically about both nurses and restaurant workers. As we all remember, at the beginning of the pandemic, no one even thought about what was going to happen to our nurses and to our care workers in hospitals. Remember, women were being forced to wear garbage bags as protective uniforms, and they were reusing masks, which were obviously going to get them sick. The way nurses have been treated throughout this pandemic, who are the fundamental people on the front lines, has been simply outrageous and, in my opinion, profoundly inhumane.

    And I did a piece called “That Kindness,” where I interviewed lots of women who were on the front lines to ask them what it was like during the pandemic. And nurses become nurses because they want to heal and they want to make people better. And to put nurses into conditions where they are on these front lines but really cannot help people get… At the beginning of the pandemic, nurses were just flooded with patients. They weren’t able to help anyone. They were doing their best to heal and do this. But with no support, with no backup from the government, from the hospitals.

    And that is across the board in terms of women’s work. If you look at women in restaurants who are still fighting, most of them are making $2.13 an hour, and are fighting for the basic fair wage. Those women have been forced to work in restaurants where there’s even a new development called “maskular” harassment, if one can believe this, where, when you’re serving a man, they were asked to take down their mask so the man could see if they were pretty enough to get a tip. And obviously this puts women at high risk of getting sick. It puts them at risk of… Obviously it’s humiliating.

    It’s degrading. But there was nothing women could do to fight that, because there was no one backing them up during the pandemic. And I think the more we erode women’s rights in the workplace, the harder it gets for women to stay well, to do their jobs well, to even keep those jobs because they’re so working against their basic human rights.

    Chris Hedges: You write about women farm workers as well, pesticides, poisoning, sexual abuse, heat stress issues. I want to read a little passage you wrote and then have you comment on it. You said, “COVID has revealed the fact that we live with two incompatible ideas when it comes to women. The first is that women are essential to every aspect of life and our survival as a species. The second is that women can easily be violated, sacrificed, and erased. This is the duality that patriarchy has slashed into the fabric of existence and that COVID has laid bare. If we are to continue as a species, this contradiction needs to be healed and made whole.” I thought that was a really prescient point.

    V: Thank you, Chris. I feel it so deeply, and I feel it particularly around everything that’s going on with abortion too. Women are expected to do basically all the labor and all the work that keeps this culture together and keeps the world together. Whether it’s parenting, or teaching, or caring for people, in restaurants, or taking care of the elderly, or working as nurses, or working in the field, just go down the list. The world would absolutely stop in its tracks if women withdrew their labor from it. Who would rear the children? Who would teach the children? Who would nurse people? Who would care for people?

    Who would clean? Who would do everything that is essential to our lives? And yet we are the most undervalued, unpaid, unrecognized, uncherished and most easily disposed off. And I think one of the things I think we have to understand as women and people who are doing this work is that we actually have power. We hold the power. And if we make a decision to withhold that power and stop doing all these things, the world would actually stop. That we have essential value, that we are critical to the evolution of the human race and the continuation of the human race.

    And if we make a decision to say, we are no longer participating in this until the world changes, it will change. But part of it is getting us together and unifying us with our male and LGBTQ allies so that we are all joined in this understanding that there are only some people who are valued in this culture. The rich, the billionaires, the white men, the people with power are valued, and everybody else is not. And so part of it is, how do we all come together to understand that we are in a struggle to fight for the majority, to fight for majority rights, to fight for what is basic and human, and to stand for the people who keep this world together?

    Chris Hedges: I want to close by talking about your book, which I read, The Apology. Beautifully written, hard to read. It’s essentially written in the voice, you wrote it, but written in the voice of your father who sexually abused you as a child. Talk about why you wrote it and why an apology is so important.

    V: Thank you for asking me about the book. I think as a child, I always thought there would come a day where my father would wake up and come to consciousness and realize what he had done, that he had sexually abused me, that he had beaten me, that he had almost murdered me, and that he would come to his senses and say, I was wrong, and I want to make amends to you, and I want to look deeply in my soul for what I’ve done. And that didn’t happen. I waited all my life. And then my father died. And somehow, even in his death I had this fantasy for 31 years that I would go to the mailbox and there would be this apology letter, and he would finally have sent it to me from some other realm.

    And I don’t think I’m alone. I think there are millions if not billions of women waiting for those apologies. And then Me Too happened and I saw so many men being called out for their behavior, whether it was sexual harassment, whether it was rape, whether it was abuse, whatever it was. And I kept waiting for men to be accountable, to make apologies, to do self-reflection, to look at themselves, to say, this is what I’ve done and I’m doing self-investigation and I’m trying to understand, how did I become a man who was capable of doing those things? What in my family, what in the culture, what in the society made me like this?

    And to do the work enough so that apologies could be made. And to be honest with you, I didn’t hear one single apology. Not only that, we see men who have done terrible things going to prison briefly and then getting out, or never going prison, or never having any ramifications. And so I realized, I’ve been waiting for this apology my whole life. I’m just going to write it. I’m going to write the apology to myself and say the words to myself that I needed to hear so that I could be transformed and I could go on with my life. And to be honest, writing this book was probably the hardest thing I’ve ever done in my life.

    I had to kind of climb into my father, who’s been dead for 31 years. But to be honest, as soon as I made the determination to write the book, he felt very much present through the writing of the book. And I had to kind of go into him to try to understand – Not justify, let me be clear. There’s a difference between understanding and justification – To understand what went into my father. Who was he that he was capable of attempting to completely destroy his child? His daughter. To sexually abuse her, to put her down, to beat her, to eviscerate her on every level, to make her feel stupid, to make her feel unworthy.

    And doing that was a very, very profound thing, because I began to understand patriarchy on a level I had never understood before. And I began to understand that one of the columns of patriarchy, one of the things keeping it, supporting it, holding it up is the non-apology. Is men having joined in some kind of unspoken, unconscious decision that they will never say they’re sorry. Because one man says he’s sorry, the whole system begins to crumble. The whole idea. And I think what I discovered is that apologies are a pathway for all of us in a lot of different areas.

    Look, we have a country with a completely unexamined history. Deny, deny, deny, whether it’s how this country began with the destruction and the genocide towards the Indigenous and the stealing of their lands and the eviscerating of their culture, going towards 400 years of slavery and destruction of African Americans and Jim Crow and all that’s come after. And all of that has been buried. There’s been no apology. There’s been no reckoning. There’s been no accountability. And I think part of this country, one of the reasons we’re here is we have diabolical amnesia. It’s diabolical.

    And that is countered with an apology. Because an apology forces you to remember, forces you to go back, forces you to look at the details of what actually happened and what you are responsible for. And then gets you to actually say to the person you’re apologizing to, I understand what my actions did to you. I see the impact of it on you. I see the long term effects it’s had on you. I actually get that I am responsible for that, and I take responsibility. So that you’re not gaslit for your entire future. So you understand you didn’t make this up, that you’re not insane. This really happened, and you can be free of those crimes. As well as the perpetrator beginning to be free of those crimes.

    Chris Hedges: Well, if there’s no honest reckoning with the past, there’s no capacity to have a dialogue.

    V: None.

    Chris Hedges: Because you have to begin grounded in a truth, however unpleasant. In the book, you talk about its ramifications, very self-destructive ramifications that it had on you. The kind of reverberations of that abuse are awful. Can you address that?

    V: Thank you for asking that, because I think one of the things we do is we talk about “gender violence,” and we keep it very abstract, and we don’t look at, what is the impact of sexual abuse on children and girls and on boys? And what is the impact of violence? I was an outcome of violence. I was a consequence of violence. My daily existence was threatened by being beaten, and that came after the years where my father was coming into my room at night and invading my body, and taking me and doing with me what he wanted to do with me.

    So I grew up in a state of terror, anxiety. I couldn’t think. I lost my ability to think. I couldn’t focus. I couldn’t concentrate. I had to start basically erasing everything that had been done to me, because it was so intolerable. So I began to erase my memory and my capacity for memory. My body got sick. It got all kinds of strange infections. It became vulnerable in ways it would never have become vulnerable if somebody hadn’t invaded me. I lost my capacity for intimacy. Whatever relationships I was in, the closer I got to whoever I was involved with, I had to withdraw myself because it was too frightening, because intimacy meant a form of takeover and violence and invasion.

    And it’s interesting. 12 years ago, I had stage three/four uterine cancer. And I started to really do research about how many women have gotten reproductive cancers. And I have to say, I know – I haven’t been able to prove this scientifically yet, but it will be proved eventually – There is a direct link between trauma towards the body and cancers that develop in the body. I think one day we will come to call cancer trauma. There is a direct link with that. So the kind of impact that sexual violence has on children, on women, on our mental health, our ability to believe that we are worthy.

    I have fought my entire life not to believe I am nothing. Not to believe I am stupid. To fight to believe I have a right to be here. Because that right was eviscerated from the time I can remember. And I’m a fortunate person. I’m a white person. I grew up in an upper middle-class environment where at least I was exposed to resources that could help me. But I’ve spent time in prisons. I’ve spent time in homeless shelters. I spent time where there are poor people who haven’t access to those resources, and they simply disappear. They simply are broken. They simply are drug addicts. They end up doing crimes because at some point, all of the trauma that’s been done to them is explosive, and eventually there’s a reaction to it. And we don’t treat any of this, although there are millions of us who are in this position, because one out of three women will be beaten or raped in her lifetime.

    Chris Hedges: I did a book on the Christian right American fascist, The Christian Right and the War on America. I didn’t put it in the book, but I interviewed dozens and dozens of women in the movement and every single one had spoken about domestic or sexual abuse. Every single one.

    V: Yeah. And I think it’s one of those things where when you… Look, I’ve been doing this work to end violence against all women and girls for, it’s going to be 25 years. And I sat with women everywhere in the world and all over this country. And there are so many women who have been beaten, who have been raped, who have been cut, who have been incested. And yet it’s the underlying thing that’s determining so much of our existence and still has not been confronted in a way that is measurable, that is comparable to the severity of the crimes. And I think that’s all part of this way of minimizing women and erasing women and making women feel they don’t have a right to their voice and a right to their body and a right to their basic worth.

    Chris Hedges: Great. We’re going to stop there. V, I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team, Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, and Kayla Rivara. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • From relentless war, militarism, and apartheid around the globe to climate catastrophe and reactionary attacks on civil rights and basic freedoms, the world is a scary place right now, and it is perfectly reasonable to feel despondent about it. It’s at times like this that we need art the most—not as some utilitarian salve for the pain we’re feeling, but because art connects us to the most joyful, beautiful, and human aspects of being alive. In this special all-recommendations episode of Art for the End Times, Lyta and a raucous panel of guests share their top recommendations for art that will make you happy and remind you why life is worth living.

    Panelists include: Allegra Silcox, Adrian Rennix, Kate Gauthreaux, Stephen Frank, and Maximillian Alvarez.

    Pre-Production/Studio: Maximillian Alvarez, Stephen Frank
    Post-Production: Brent Tomchik


    Transcript

    The transcript for this podcast will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Heroic dissidents are demonized, marginalized, physically and psychologically destroyed, or assassinated by the American ruling class. Before the persecution of Julian Assange, before the FBI assassination of Fred Hampton and Malcolm X, before the murder of Martin Luther King, there was the relentless campaign to silence the activist, actor, and singer Paul Robeson. Robeson, the most internationally known and revered Black American of his day, was a socialist and a militant who stood with the crucified of the earth.

    Historian Gerald Horne is author of the biography “Paul Robeson: The Artist as Revolutionary,” and is the Moores Professor of History and African American Studies at the University of Houston. In this episode of The Chris Hedges Report, he joins Chris hedges to discuss the life of “the most blacklisted performer in America,” linking the persecution of Paul Robeson directly to the persecution of Julian Assange, held today in a high security prison in London where his mental and physical health—like Robeson’s at the end of his life—is in serious decline.

    Chris Hedges interviews writers, intellectuals, and dissidents, many banished from the mainstream, in his half-hour show, The Chris Hedges Report. He gives voice to those, from Cornel West and Noam Chomsky to the leaders of groups such as Extinction Rebellion, who are on the front lines of the struggle against militarism, corporate capitalism, white supremacy, the looming ecocide, as well as the battle to wrest back our democracy from the clutches of the ruling global oligarchy.

    Watch The Chris Hedges Report live YouTube premiere on The Real News Network every Friday at 12PM ET.

    Listen to episode podcasts and find bonus content at The Chris Hedges Report Substack.

    Studio: Adam Coley, Cameron Granadino, Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Cameron Granadino


    Transcript

    Chris Hedges:    Welcome to the Chris Hedges Report. When you defy the imperial capitalist American state; When you denounce the crimes done to its own people, especially the poor, immigrants, and African Americans, as well as the crimes it commits abroad; When you have a global audience in the tens of millions that admires you and respects you for your courage and integrity; When you cannot be intimidated or bought off; Then, you are targeted for destruction.

    Heroic dissidents are demonized, marginalized, physically and psychologically destroyed, or assassinated by the American ruling class. Before the persecution of Julian Assange, before the FBI assassination of Fred Hampton and Malcolm X, before the murder of Martin Luther king, there was the relentless campaign to silence the activist, actor, and singer Paul Robeson. Robeson was a socialist and a militant who stood with the crucified of the earth. He was fearless, confronting then president Harry S. Truman in a face to face meeting in the White House and berating him for failing to halt the reign of terror and lynching that afflicted Blacks.

    He famously filed a petition with the United Nations charging the US government with genocide against African Americans. Robeson, who had a law degree from Columbia University, was multilingual. He had a global appeal that has perhaps never been matched by another Black American, even by figures such as Muhammad Ali or Malcolm X. W.E.B. Du Bois called him, without doubt, the best known American on earth. He was a stalwart member of the radical left, an active defender of trade union movements. But he was to become, in the words of Pete Seeger, the folk singer who was also persecuted in the United States, the most blacklisted performer in America. By the end, stripped of his passport, subject to relentless character assassination, denied the ability to make a living, he would end his days in 1976 a virtual recluse in his sister’s home in Philadelphia.

    His life illustrates the lengths to which the American empire will go to destroy and silence its most powerful critics. Linking the persecution of Paul Robeson directly to the persecution of Julian Assange, held today in a high security prison in London where his mental and physical health, like Robeson’s at the end of his life, is in serious decline.

    Joining me to discuss the life of Paul Robeson is his biographer Gerald Horne, the Moores professor of history and African American studies at the University of Houston. So in your book, you write that Robeson pioneered the struggle against Jim Crow throughout the ’30s and ’40s. It was only with Robeson’s fall that King and Malcolm could emerge as they did. The undermining of Robeson created a vacuum that these two leaders filled. I wondered if you could talk about his battle against racial segregation, racial terror, and this legacy that you highlight.

    Gerald Horne:     Well, the great Paul L Robeson was born in central New Jersey in 1898, passed away in Philadelphia in 1976. In between, he is an All-American football player at his alma mater, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, New Jersey. He’s also a stalwart on the basketball court and on the baseball diamond. As you suggested from there, he moves on to Columbia University, and seemingly is en route to a comfortable life, or as comfortable as a “negro” could be under the savage ravages of Jim Crow.

    But his life is diverted. His life is diverted in part because of the fact that he was friendly with another Black lawyer, speaking of William Patterson, who eventually becomes a leading Black member of the US Communist Party. And also his life is diverted by his spouse, Eslanda Robeson, who encourages him to express his artistic and cultural talent as a singer, as an actor. And he’s finding it difficult – This is in the early 1920s, or in the post World War I era, post 1918 – To pursue that kind of career in New York City where all three, Patterson and Robeson and his spouse, were living.

    And so he decides to go into exile, like so many Black Americans before or since. For example, the great James Baldwin, for example, spent a good deal of his most fertile years as an artist in France and in Turkey, for example. Robeson decided to choose exile in London, where he found things a bit more comfortable than he did in New York City. And he quickly becomes a star of stage and screen, on stage as a singer and as an actor. His Othello is still considered to be the definitive performance of that Shakespearean tragedy. And as well, because of the influence of Patterson, he is encouraged and decides to move even further to the left than he had been to that point.

    What I mean is that as you suggested, Robeson was multilingual and that allowed him, for example, to perform in Germany, since he was fluent in German. But he was performing in Germany at a time when fascism was rising. And this was perhaps the definitive episode in Robeson’s life. That is to say, coming face to face with the ugliness and horrors of fascism in the 1930s. He of course was fluent in Russian, and winds up educating his only son, Paul Jr., his only child, in Russia, in the Soviet Union because he wanted him to escape the pernicious nature of Jim Crow in the United States and his homeland. And another turning point comes as well in the 1930s, indeed, when he performs on the battlefield of Spain. Recall that a democratically elected government in Spain was then under siege by fascism. That is to say, the eventual victor, Francisco Franco, and his fascist supporters in Rome and Berlin, Robeson performed there.

    And that too was a turning point in his life. And it’s fair to say that he would have likely resided in London indefinitely but for the coming of World War II in Europe. By the late summer of 1939. Feeling that he and his family might be trapped in a war zone, they all decamped back to the United States across the Atlantic. And this was a kind of propitious moment, because the United States was egging itself on towards entering the antifascist war. Robeson, as a result, was on the same page as his homeland and initially was lionized. He was able to perform Othello on Broadway, for example, where he was applauded heartily. Although I should mention that when performing Othello in New York, he was nervous about embracing, as a Black person, his leading lady, Desdemona in the Shakespearean play, for fear that some racist in the audience might storm the stage and slap him, for example, or worse.

    But in any case, that sort of New York spring or US spring lasted until the conclusion of World War II 1945, when the political climate shifted towards anti-communism, the new Cold War, the Red Scare. Robeson was becoming a non-person as a result. He had an infamous face-to-face confrontation with the then US president Harry S. Truman, with Robeson reading the Riot Act to the US president because of Washington’s seeming inability to do anything or lift a finger with regard to the lynching of Black people, with certain Black soldiers in particular, coming home from the war and being attacked in their uniform.

    One notorious case of Isaac Woodward in South Carolina has his eyes gouged out by racists, which obviously inflames the ire of Robeson. But what’s inflaming the ire of the White House is the fact that the Red Scare is underway and Robeson refuses to turn his back on his comrades in the US Communist Party, among which, as noted, is William Patterson, Ben Davis Jr., the eventual spouse of W.E.B. Du Bois, speaking of Shirley Graham Du Bois, and many others.

    And so Robeson finds himself on the so-called blacklist. That is to say, he finds it difficult to perform. He finds it difficult to find a venue where his records could be sold. His income plummets from the six figures to the low four figures. He becomes a kind of non-person. The All-American Football Squad of which he was a member decades earlier at Rutgers University, his name is stripped afterwards during the Red Scare so that there were only 10 players on that All-American Football team instead of the requisite 11. And there is an attempt to drive Robeson into the ditch. In fact, there are attempts on his life, most notoriously when he gives a concert in 1949 where Pete Seeger performs, amongst others. A fundraiser for the Civil Rights Congress led by his friend William Patterson, which is raising money so that they could file that petition at the United Nations that you mentioned, charge The United States with genocide against Black people.

    A mob amasses, they are baying for blood. They are apparently in league not only with neo-Nazis, but with the police authorities as well. Robeson barely escapes with his body in one piece. And that is the case for a good deal of the 1950s. That is to say, attempted marginalization, attempted isolation, being hauled before congressional committees, being interrogated and brow beaten as to whether or not he is a member of the US Communist Party. Until finally in the late 1950s, as a result of a global campaign – Where, by the way, the leaders of independent India, speaking of Prime Minister Nehru and his daughter Indira Gandhi, play a leading role – Robeson’s passport is returned. He speedily departs the United States of America. But he tends to overdo it in terms of his travel. He travels down under to Australia, for example, and engages in solidarity with other victims of racist persecution, speaking of the Indigenous population, which are referred to as the Aboriginal population on these shores.

    What happens as well is that his spouse who is also his manager, Eslanda, also kind of over does it. She passes away by 1965. Robeson by then is in a kind of decline. He returns to live in West Philadelphia with his sister, where he spends his declining years, although he is in touch with many of the strugglers and fighters in the anti-Jim Crow movement, particularly the younger strugglers and fighters and SNCC, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the shock troops of the anti-Jim Crow movement in Dixie, before passing away in 1976. Where, interestingly enough, he is celebrated in the pages of the Black Panther Party newspaper.

    Chris Hedges:    One of the things in your book that you highlight is that while living in London, he has a very close relationship with anti-colonial movements and many future leaders of independent countries in Africa. And that is a very important part of his education, that he was accused, I think, at one point of espousing communist or Soviet ideas. And he said, well, all of my political education came in London.

    Gerald Horne:    Yes, that’s true. Because London, although it may be difficult to imagine today, had a very strong left-wing movement. Not only comprised of those who had escaped colonialism, such as C.L.R. James of Trinidad and Tobago, who wrote the still worthy book The Black Jacobins about the Haitian revolution, still consulted. Or Jomo Kenyatta, the founder of independent Kenya, who was once as close to the organized left as Robeson was before deciding to make his peace with London for various reasons. But in the 1930s, as noted, he was part of the left as well.

    And that’s not to mention the now forgotten stalwarts of the left in London itself. Speaking of R. Palme Dutt, D-U-T-T, for example, whose works on fascism are still worthy of consultation, or other leaders of that stripe. And so Robeson correctly suggested that it was in London that he received this fundamental education. And so perhaps instead of pinning Moscow on his lapel, as Congress sought to do, they should have pinned London on his lapel.

    Chris Hedges:      I want to talk about his role in Othello. So he said that playing Othello gave him a more profound understanding of white supremacy and that it was his art that helped drive him to revolutionary understanding. “Performing Othello,” he said, “has taken away from me all kinds of fears, all sense of limitation. Quite simply, it has made me free.” I thought it was fascinating. I wonder if you could speak about that.

    Gerald Horne:       Well, of course, as you recall, Othello deals with the very striking period in the late 1500s early 1600s, that is the time when it is written by William Shakespeare. Interestingly enough, London at that time is on the verge of surpassing Catholic Spain as the leading European power, and also surpassing Protestant Holland as well, in part because opportunistic London cuts the deal with the other major European power, speaking of Ottoman Turkey, which is a leading, if not the leading Muslim power.

    And so in telling this story of Othello, the Moor hailing from North Africa, a predominantly Muslim territory, in some ways, Shakespeare like Othello himself, is performing a service for the state. That is to say, he’s helping English and London audiences become more comfortable with Queen Elizabeth’s defacto alliance with Muslim powers, which is seemingly at odds with a Christian ethos, which suggested that Islam was as antagonistic to Christianity, as many people centuries later thought communism was antagonistic to capitalism.

    And so Othello happens to be a character who also is done in by gossip, by the fact that Iago is whispering in his ear and driving him to the depths of despair. And I think that Robeson thought that in order to perform that character of Othello, he had to understand that character psychologically. In fact, when he was playing the role on Broadway in New York, he suggested that in order to work himself up psychologically to generate the kind of rage that audiences would find perhaps comprehensible and help them to understand what he was trying to convey as Othello, he would imagine that he was being betrayed. Of course, betrayal is a central concept of Othello, as you know. He would imagine that he was being betrayed by one of his communist colleagues, speaking of William Patterson or Ben Davis Jr., another Black leader of the Communist Party.

    And so I think that that quote that you mentioned also helps to expose and reveal the fundamentals of acting, which many spectators tend to take for granted when they see someone on stage or the silver screen: trying to convey a character. But if you’re going to convey that character adequately and move the audience emotionally, it’s very important for you as the actor to understand the character emotionally and psychologically. And I think that that’s what he was driving at in that quote that you referenced.

    Chris Hedges:     I want to read another quote. He writes, “Every artist, every scientist must decide now where he stands. He has no alternative. There is no standing above the conflict on Olympian heights…. The artist must take sides. He must elect to fight for freedom or slavery. I have made my choice. I had no alternative.” What was the role of the artist for him?

    Gerald Horne:        Well, the role of the artist was to inspire. The role of the artist was to convey eternal truths. And, given his imminence, the role of the artist was to be a fundraiser, which he did quite successfully for anti-colonial movements, for union movements. For example, he was quite close to another Black communist leader, speaking of Ferdinand Smith, a founder of the National Maritime Union, a once powerful union that had control, to a degree, over imports and exports on vessels, before he was subjected to the Red Scare and chased back to his homeland, speaking of Jamaica.

    And so I think that Robeson was one of the early victims of the so-called blacklist which swept through Hollywood, which has been the subject, as you know, of many different films and plays and novels and memoirs and all the rest. And I think the fact that Hollywood was so deeply impacted by this anti-communism, by this Red Scare, betokens and bespeaks the fact of how the rulers of the United States fundamentally were afraid of artists. They were afraid of artists like Paul Robeson because the ruling elite were aware of the kind of popularity that he held, the kind of esteem in which he was held, and they were aware that he could move millions. And so it’s no accident that A, Robeson is subjected to a vicious persecution, and B, artists more broadly and more widely were treated similarly.

    Chris Hedges:      Let’s talk about that persecution. So the FBI follows Robeson’s every move. They mount an extensive and a covert campaign to destroy him, including of course, as you mentioned, his ability to make a living. I think in 1947, he’s making about $104,000 a year. In 1950, it’s fallen to $2,000. I want to speak about what they did to Robeson. And then, talk about how they used Black celebrities, figures like the great baseball player, Jackie Robinson, to attack Robeson and his supporters.

    Gerald Horne:         Well, as you suggested, Jackie Robinson at one time, particularly in the 1940s, was quite popular, broadly being depicted as the man who helped to break the color line. Actually breaking the color line for the second time circa 1946, of course, Major League Baseball, such as it was, was desegregated in the late 19th century before the onset of the 1890s and the rise of a very vicious Jim Crow and racism.

    And so Jackie Robinson was importuned to come before the house Un-American Activities Committee and denounce Paul Robeson. This is in the wake of Paul Robeson quite famously speaking in France, casting doubt on whether Black Americans would be up for a nuclear war against the former Soviet Union. Of course, he doubted it. And that created a firestorm of protest which led to Jackie Robinson coming before the QAC to castigate him.

    Of course, subsequently Jackie Robinson apologizes. But by then it’s a bit too late for that kind of apology. And interestingly enough, baseball fans might recall Jackie Robinson’s Brooklyn Dodgers teammate, the fastballer Don Newcombe, who went further than Jackie Robinson in denouncing Paul Robeson. And that’s the way as a Black celebrity, or as a celebrity in general, or as a US national in general, you kept your head above water. By denouncing Paul Robeson, who was thought to be, believe it or not, the “Black Stalin.” That is to say there was a devious plot to somehow have Paul Robeson be in league with domestic and global communists to somehow take over the United States of America.

    I know that some of your viewers and listeners might be tittering at this point. But if so, that suggests that they do not necessarily comprehend the kind of hysteria that was sweeping from the Atlantic to the Pacific at that particular historical moment.

    Chris Hedges:        I want to talk about… His physical, as you mentioned, and psychological health deteriorates under this constant campaign against him. And in 1961, his son finds him in the bathroom of a Moscow hotel attempting to slit his wrists. And until the death of his son, he argued that his father was a victim of the CIA chemist Sidney Gottlieb’s MK Ultra program, which secretly administered synthetic hallucinogenics to dissidents, leaving many to have mental breakdowns or even commit suicide. And of course, one of the tactics was that after that hallucinogenic trauma – Which is not explained to them, they don’t know why they have it – They funnel them into electroshock therapy, which happened to Robeson. And they never really recover. And his son always argued that this was orchestrated by the CIA. And I wondered if you could address that.

    Gerald Horne:          Well, interestingly enough, his son, Paul Robeson Jr., writes a two volume biography of his father which is actually quite interesting, and he deals with that point. Likewise, at New York University at the Temement Library at NYU, under Paul Robeson Jr.’s name, you can find details and files that help to substantiate the point that Paul Robeson Jr. makes. Likewise, as history proceeds, new documents arise, which is one of the reasons why many historians speak to history as argument without end, because as time passes, new documents arise. As you know, there’s a 30-year rule with regard to the United States government releasing documents.

    And so now we can expect documents as recent as, what, 1992 to be coming forth. And so you see in this new book, White Malice, which just came out recently, a very thick tome, the author takes advantage of some of these records to talk about Sidney Gottlieb, and actually to talk about the CIA malfeasance on the African continent, with the same kind of dirty tricks that were directed against Paul Robeson also directed against African leaders as well. Which helps to give sustenance and credibility to the charges that Paul Robeson Jr. makes.

    And interestingly enough, the author of the book White Malice, who brings out this new evidence that I was just alluding to, also suggests that recent regulations and legislation with regard to files on the Kennedy assassination, which as you know takes place in 1963 – Well before the 30-year rule, now we’re talking about a 60-year rule – That documents are still emerging that are shedding light on Africa, shedding light on the US Red Scare. Interestingly enough, the current US president, for various reasons, has put a hold on coming releases of documents. I take it that hold will be lifted soon. And so we can expect to receive more documentation that no doubt will help to substantiate the charge that not only was Paul Robeson likely subjected to dirty tricks of the most malevolent variety, but many of his comrades, there are a lot of unexplained deaths in this country. As the book White Malice points out, there’s this really striking coincidence of so many people committing suicide by jumping out of skyscrapers, for example. That’s a very curious trend.

    And so once again, the lesson is that historians need to keep researching. Journalists need to keep researching. Journalists and historians need to keep writing.

    Chris Hedges:        Well, there was a whole unit set up to terrorize Black artists like Billie Holiday and destroy their lives. And Billie Holiday is another example, perhaps, of that.

    Gerald Horne:        Well, certainly, and in fact, there was a recent movie that did not do very well at the box office, perhaps fortunately, that tries to depict the kind of dirty tricks that Billie Holiday was subjected to. But alas, I think that the salacious aspects tend to overcome the creativity of the screenplay writer and the director.

    Chris Hedges:          Great, we’re going to stop there. That was professor Gerald Horne on the great Paul Robeson. I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team: Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, and Kayla Rivera. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • If you didn’t enjoy Emily St. John Mandel’s post-apocalyptic book Station Eleven, you’re not alone—Lyta didn’t like it either. However, the HBO Max mini-series, starring Mackenzie Rio Davis and Himesh Patel, brings a powerful, unique, and deeply human quality to St. John Mandel’s story of a devastating global flu pandemic and societal collapse. In the latest installment of Art for the End Times, Lyta talks with writer and podcaster Aaaron Thorpe about why Station Eleven, an underrated and brilliant TV show in its own right, is one of the few contemporary examples of anticapitalist utopian storytelling.

    Aaron Thorpe is a writer and podcaster based in Atlanta, Georgia. You can find his writing at Space and Light and his podcasting on The Trillbilly Workers Party, Everybody Loves Communism, and Struggle Session.

    Pre-Production/Studio: Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Jules Taylor


    Transcript

    The transcript of this episode will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • JK Rowling, the now-infamous author of the Harry Potter series, has been rightfully condemned for her stances on trans people and gender identity. But what are we supposed to do with her still-popular and influential books and the deep attachments we have to them? It would be easy to condemn Harry Potter and all its fans as neoliberal trash, but, as Lyta and her guests discuss, that’s a reductive framing that doesn’t address the complex ways that readers, not just authors, define literary works and their meaning.

    In the latest installment of Art for the End Times, Lyta speaks with Jessie Earl and Aja Romano about fandom, the deep problems with the Harry Potter franchise, and how we handle “The Death of the Author” in a social media era when the author is very much alive and spouting bigoted opinions. Jessie Earl is a writer, editor, producer, and host of the popular YouTube channel Jessie Gender, where she talks about “the nuance in the nerdy,” focusing on “issues facing the LGBTQ community, transgender specific community, women, nonbinary and autistic folks as well as other social and political issues through and within geek topics, with an eye to the most vulnerable.” Aja Romano is a culture staff writer for Vox reporting on internet culture. For Vox, Romano wrote a widely shared piece titled “Harry Potter and the Author Who Failed Us.”

    Pre-Production/Studio/Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    Transcript

    The transcript of this podcast will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • As the Russian military invasion of Ukraine enters its second month and diplomatic relations between the US and Russia are at their most strained point in decades, seven-time WNBA All-Star Brittney Griner is being held as a political prisoner by Russian authorities. As famed sports analyst and journalist Dave Zirin recently wrote for MSNBC News, “While Griner’s detention has received a measure of media attention, the fact that she was in Russia in the first place demands its own examination… Like most professional women’s players, who make a microcosmic fraction of what the men make in the NBA, this kind of international play is essential for supplementing their income.” TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez speaks with Zirin about the current status of Griner’s detention, why sports media hasn’t made Griner’s case a bigger story, and what can be done to bring her home safely.

    Pre-Production: Maximillian Alvarez
    Studio/Post-Production: Adam Coley

    EDITOR’S NOTE: When referencing Sue Hovey, former ESPN executive editor and co-author of Brittney Griner’s 2015 memoir In My Skin: My Life On and Off the Basketball Court, Alvarez mistakenly states that Hovey is the former ESPN “executive director.”


    Transcript

    Maximillian Alvarez:    Welcome, everyone, to The Real News Network. My name is Maximillian Alvarez. I’m the editor-in-chief here at The Real News, and it’s so great to have you all with us. It’s been one month since Russian military troops launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and diplomatic relations between the US and Russia are at their most strained point in many decades.

    And yet, as we speak, seven time WNBA all-star Brittney Griner is being held in detention by Russian authorities. And that detention has reportedly been extended until May 19, according to the Russian state news agency TASS. As famed sports analyst and journalist Dave Zirin recently wrote for MSNBC news, “Griner was detained at an airport near Moscow reportedly in mid February for the alleged possession of vape cartridges containing oil derived from cannabis. Aside from a mugshot that circulated in early March, she hasn’t been seen since, and reports on her status have been sparse. A drug offense could get her up to 10 years in a Russian prison.

    While Griner’s detention has received a measure of media attention, the fact that she was in Russia in the first place demands its own examination. Besides playing for the Phoenix Mercury, the 6-foot-9 Griner is a basketball titan overseas, where she plays for the Russian league, UMMC Ekaterinburg in the WNBA off-season. In 2021, she helped the Russian team win its fifth Euro League Women’s Championship. Like most professional women’s players, who make a microcosmic fraction of what the men make in the NBA, this kind of international play is essential for supplementing their income.”

    As Sue Hove, former executive director of ESPN and co-author of Brittney Griner’s 2015 memoir In My Skin: My Life On and Off the Basketball Court, told Zirin in an email exchange, “Brittney’s detainment in Russia also once again shines the spotlight on an unfortunate truth: that the vast majority of WNBA players earn their living overseas. A lot of casual sports fans still don’t know this, which kind of blows my mind. But that just shows you how much more work needs to be done when it comes to raising awareness around equity issues in women’s sports.”

    To talk about the immense international injustice of Brittney Griner’s detention, what it says about the state of professional women’s sports that Griner was in Russia to begin with, and what can be done to bring the WNBA star home safely, I’m honored to be joined by Dave Zirin himself, who is sports editor for The Nation, where he also hosts The Nation‘s Edge of Sports Podcast. He is an internationally renowned sports analyst, a frequent guest on ESPN, MSNBC and Democracy Now, and he is the author of 10 books on the politics of sports, including most recently The Kaepernick Effect: Taking a Knee, Changing the World. Dave, thank you so much for joining me today, man.

    Dave Zirin:              Oh, it’s great to be here, Max. Thanks for having me.

    Maximillian Alvarez:    So you’ve been doing a lot of really crucial reporting on this, and I’m really grateful to you for coming on. And I wanted to ask if you could first help us break down, maybe expanding on the quotes that I read from your MSNBC report, just what exactly is happening or what we know right now about Brittney Griner’s detention in Russia.

    Dave Zirin:               Well, since I wrote that article over at MSNBC, a member of the US consular’s office has been able to visit Brittney Griner and has reported back only that she is in “good condition.” Now that is a relief because since the February arrest we’ve really known nothing. Absolutely nothing. All we’ve known for sure is that Brittney Griner’s mugshot was paraded in front of Russian state media and all sorts of pronouncements were made on Russian state media about the importance of this trial and prosecution, already speaking about Griner as if she was guilty. And of course, you can’t separate what Griner is going through from the larger, as you put it, the geopolitical situation right now with diplomatic relations being all but broken off between Russia and the United States. That makes Brittney Griner a political prisoner. And that’s my argument in this.

    I mean, even though there’s a part of me that believes that anybody who’s wrapped up in the international war on drugs, particularly the international war on cannabis, is inherently a political prisoner. But in this particular case, I think you have to look at the charges with a real sort of side eye. And yet I see so many people saying things like, well, she shouldn’t have been carrying those hashish cartridges through the airport, and things like that. And it’s like, I don’t know why we’re assuming that Brittney Griner is guilty. We shouldn’t assume that about anybody. You’re innocent until proven guilty. That’s a fundamental principle. Yet in this case I think too many people on this side of the pond in the United States are quick to write Brittney Griner off.

    I mean, what I’ve been saying over and over again is that if this was Tom Brady in a Russian prison, every single day on ESPN there would be updates and the amount of international pressure to get Brady home would be tremendous. But Brittney Griner: WNBA, disrespected. Black woman, disrespected. A queer woman, disrespected. And it’s almost like they don’t even have a language – And when I say they I mean US sports media – Don’t even have a language to speak about Brittney Griner and speak about her condition and her plight at this point. I mean, can you imagine facing 10 years behind bars in the context of what is going on right now anyway between the United States and Russia? I mean, we should be raising all kinds of holy hell right now. But we’re not. And I think the reasons for that very much lie in the issues of race, gender, and sexuality, and the disrespect that we have in this country for women’s sports.

    Maximillian Alvarez:    Yeah. I think that’s very well put. And as someone who has been navigating that sports media scene from a principled, progressive place for many years, I was curious if I could just quickly follow up on that and ask, what maybe do folks watching this not know about what goes on behind the scenes when folks are determining whether or not this is a story worth covering that extensively?

    Dave Zirin:               Well, the first thing… That decision is made, honestly, [by asking] does this have anything to do with the National Football League? And if it doesn’t have anything to do with the National Football League, I don’t care what month it is, immediately it goes on a second tier. Then on that second tier: does it have anything to do with LeBron James? If it doesn’t have anything to do with LeBron James, all of a sudden it goes to a third tier. Then there’s the question of women’s sports. Is it women’s soccer? Is it women’s gymnastics? Oh, it’s not that? Then it goes lower to another tier.

    And then finally it’s the WNBA, which has a completely committed fan base. It has fans in cities across the country. It has higher ratings now than it did. And yet it’s something that, in the sports media, it doesn’t get nearly the equitable coverage that it possibly could. I hear people say all the time, well, the WNBA players shouldn’t be paid because their sport’s not very popular. But it’s like, if all anybody ever gives you is Coke and Pepsi, how are you supposed to judge whether or not orange juice is good? The WNBA is the orange juice. And yet we’re fed this steady diet. It’s a monochromatic diet of the kinds of foods that we’re told to eat. And those usually rely around the National Football League, LeBron James, and the rest.

    Maximillian Alvarez:    Yeah. I do even just personally, when I saw your first story about this, which was how I learned about it, I immediately thought back to the first time I saw Griner slam at home. I think it was maybe in college or something. I was like, yeah, why isn’t this a big story? This is absolutely bonkers. And I know that’s been essentially the story of the struggle of the WNBA since and even before it began. And I wanted to sort of build on that. Because one thing that you made very clear in your piece for NBC and your writing for The Nation is that there’s a larger issue that’s made very clear here that has to do with why Brittney Griner was in Russia in the first place. Could you talk about that a bit?

    Dave Zirin:             Yeah. I want to talk about that. And then if I could, I’d like to talk a little bit more about the silence that’s accompanying her case, because I feel like I’ve given a half picture about why there’s so much silence. And I’d love to give the full picture if I could. First and foremost, the exact number is 50% of all WNBA players, in the off-season, go overseas. And they do that to supplement their income, which is usually around like mid five figures to low six figures. And for a lot of people listening, that might sound like a heck of a wage. But when you’re usually done playing by the time you’re in your mid twenties that money goes away very quickly.

    So to supplement that income, they go overseas. And some of the countries they go overseas to are not very friendly to some of the democratic norms that they might be used to in the United States. Although, we could do a whole show about how those democratic norms aren’t necessarily always worth the paper they’re printed on. But when you go to Russia, when you go to Turkey, when you go to Jordan, you have to watch your Ps and Qs a little bit or you can get in a lot of trouble locally. That being said, one of the perks of going overseas for these players is that oftentimes you’re under the protective wing of the owner of whatever team you’re playing for, and that’s usually an oligarch of some sort. They usually make sure that you have a pretty nice life while you’re over there making more money than you could ever make in the WNBA.

    And that factors into this too, because it says, I think Brittney Griner was targeted at the airport when she was brought to the side and said, let’s check your bag. They said it was because the dog smelled the oil in her bag and that’s why it happened. I look at that with a real side eye. Because remember, Brittney Griner is 6 foot 9. It’s not like she’s wearing a baseball cap and nobody knows who she is. Women’s basketball is a big deal in Russia. People knew who she was. People knew she was a prominent American. And at the time, she’s trying to get the hell out of Russia because it’s clear in mid-February that the war clouds are forming all over the place. And for them to put her in custody right at that moment where relations were that delicate and balancing on the head of a pin, it just stinks to high heaven to me, top to bottom.

    Now about the silence though, because I do believe that the reason why the sports media has been silent has to do with racism, sexism, homophobia, all the things that we discussed. But then there’s the other silence. And that’s the silence from the WNBA, silence from teammates, and silence that’s been called for by Brittney Griner’s partner, who has just asked for privacy and silence. Now, this is also problematic, I want to say. Why are they being silent? And I know this for a fact, that they’re being silent on the advice of the State Department and on the advice of attorneys who are saying that to negotiate getting Brittney Griner home, we have to not make too loud a stink about this. Because if we make too loud a stink, then Brittney Griner is going to be seen as some sort of trophy for Vladimir Putin and it’ll make it more difficult for her to come home.

    I’m a believer that whether you’re silent or whether you are loud about getting a political prisoner out from behind bars, these are tactical questions. And I know folks, Maximillian, around you who worked on the case of Marshall Eddie Conway, not to mention numerous other cases of political prisoners in the United States, know that there is a tactical question. Like, do you let the lawyers do their work, or do you raise hell? And maybe at the beginning, those first couple weeks in February where, frankly, nobody really knew where Brittney Griner was, maybe that could have been a time for quiet negotiations. But the time for quiet negotiations has passed. I mean, Russia is breaking off diplomatic relations with the United States. What’s the State Department supposed to do then? Then our only choice is to hold Brittney Griner’s name up to the light.

    So I’m beyond sympathetic with Brittney Griner’s friends, colleagues, certainly family. And I feel like they’re being led in an incorrect direction by the State Department and by the attorneys who are working on this. I mean, I’ve been interviewing people who do this for a living, people who do this kind of high stakes, let’s call them hostage negotiations, to get prisoners extradited from countries that have difficult relations with the United States. And one of the things that they say to me over and over again is that, look, if we’re still exercising with silence as a strategy to get Brittney Griner home, then we don’t really understand what we’re doing.

    And that strategy, it may help the government, the United States. That’s more of a strategy for what US foreign policy is right now. They don’t want Brittney Griner’s name to be such a big deal because they want to make sure that she doesn’t turn into that kind of bargaining chip that Putin can use. But on the flip side, if we raise hell, then we can actually embarrass, humiliate Putin at a moment where his situation is very delicate, at a moment where he’s losing, at least militarily. And he’s certainly losing politically and ideologically in this war. All he has is overwhelming firepower and the ability to destroy at this point. And that seems to be the only strategy that they have left.

    In this context, we can raise up Brittney Griner’s name and turn her into a headache for Vladimir Putin at a moment where he has many headaches, at which point he can just send her home. With a word he could send her home. So that’s where we are right now. And I just think that the strategy of silence is one that we need to get beyond. Because, tactically, at this point it makes no sense.

    Maximillian Alvarez:    Man, man –

    Dave Zirin:          I know that was a lot. I apologize. It’s just, these are complicated questions. It’s not like if I call a rally then Brittney will come home. Or if I don’t call a rally then the lawyers will do their work. I mean, I know Real News dealt with this around Marshall Eddie Conway. It’s like what you do, there’s not like a kit that tells you what to do. You have to debate it. You have to discuss it. And then you have to fight for it.

    Maximillian Alvarez:    No, man. No apologies necessary. I thought that was very powerfully put, and one of the many reasons I wanted to get you on to educate our viewers about this. Because I think what you’re saying is very important. And ultimately, we’re talking about a human being’s life at stake right now, and her family and her friends. Like you said, I get the kind of urging for silence while the people behind closed doors do their work. But enough time has passed. And the State Department is dealing with a lot of other stuff right now, so there’s also the very real possibility that they’ll just say this isn’t a priority like the media has done. And so, what do we get for all that silence? We potentially get nothing. And I guess I wanted to fold that into a final question before I let you go. I guess, for people who are watching or listening to this, are there any directions that you think we could point them into, any efforts that are ongoing to raise that noise a little bit in defense of Brittney Griner?

    Dave Zirin:          Well, there’s an online petition, easily found through Google. People should seek it out and sign it. There actually are several online petitions. I would argue to sign them all. Keep Brittney Griner’s name alive however one can, whatever access one has to social media. And continue to push her name into the light, because I think that’s our strategy right now. One positive thing about social media and its relationship to the sports media – And anybody who watches sports media on the regular knows this – Oftentimes the cues for the stories that are told come straight from social media. It’s one thing if there’s a huge story that drops.

    Remember, sports media is a 24 hour a day, seven day a week beast. And it either feeds upon the individual or the individual provides something for it to feed upon. And so, I think pushing forward the idea on social media to free Brittney Griner, to say her name, I think these are very important steps to make sure her name stays in the limelight. And maybe it can push sports media to acknowledge what’s happening right now. And, frankly, not to hide behind the State Department, which is what they’re doing.

    Because I’ve pushed some people and been like, why aren’t you reporting on this? And it’s always behind the State Department, which is what they do. They hide behind the State Department and say, well, they’re doing their thing. It’s not our job to pressure the State Department. And it’s like, well, if I’m Brittney Griner, I’m saying it is your job to pressure the State Department because I don’t want to have to wait here until mid May and sleep in a bed that’s not big enough for my body. Because that’s something else we know about her conditions right now. And I don’t know what else we can possibly say other than shouting it even louder from the rooftops to bring Brittney home.

    Maximillian Alvarez:    So that is Dave Zirin, sports editor at The Nation, where he also hosts The Nation‘s Edge of Sports Podcast, which everyone should listen to. Dave is the author of 10 books on the politics of sports, including most recently The Kaepernick Effect: Taking a Knee, Changing the World. And if you guys haven’t already, you should listen to Dave’s interview with our own Marc Steiner about that book, because it was really incredible. Dave, thank you so much for coming on. And thank you for doing this important work.

    Dave Zirin:           Oh it’s absolutely my pleasure, Maximillian. Anytime.

    Maximillian Alvarez:    For everyone watching, this is Maximillian Alvarez at The Real News Network. Before you go, please head on over to therealnews.com/support. Become a monthly sustainer of our work so we can keep bringing you important coverage and conversations just like this. Thank you so much for watching.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • This story originally appeared in Mondoweiss on March 10, 2022. It is shared here with permission.

    Israel’s war on Palestinian sports is as old as the Israeli state itself.

    For Palestinians, sports is a critical aspect of their popular culture, and since Palestinian culture itself is a target for the ongoing Israeli attack on Palestinian life in all of its manifestations, sports and athletes have been purposely targeted as well. Yet, the world’s main football governing body, FIFA, along with other international sports organizations, has done nothing to hold Israel accountable for its crimes against Palestinian sports.

    What took the anti-Apartheid movement in South Africa decades to achieve was carried out against Russia in a matter of hours and days.

    Now that FIFA, along with UEFA, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and others have swiftly joined the West’s anti-Russia measures as a result of the latter’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, Palestinians and their supporters are puzzled. Years of relentless advocacy to sanction Israel at international sports competitions have paid little or no dividends. This has continued to be the case, despite the numerous documented facts of Israel’s intentional targeting of Palestinian stadiums, travel restrictions on athletes, the cancellation of sports events, the arrest and even killing of Palestinian footballers.

    Many Palestinians, Arabs and international activists have already highlighted the issue of western hypocrisy in the case of the Israeli military occupation of Palestine by apartheid Israel within hours of the start of the Russian military operations. Almost immediately, an unprecedented wave of boycotts and sanctions of everything Russian, including music, art, theater, literature and, of course, sports, kicked in.

    What took the anti-Apartheid movement in South Africa decades to achieve was carried out against Russia in a matter of hours and days.

    Palestinians are justified to be baffled, since they have been informed by FIFA, time and again, that “sports and politics don’t mix.” Marvel at this hypocrisy to truly appreciate Palestinian frustration:

    “The FIFA Council acknowledges that the current situation (in Palestine and Israel) is, for reasons that have nothing to do with football, characterized by an exceptional complexity and sensitivity and by certain de facto circumstances that can neither be ignored nor changed unilaterally by non-governmental organizations such as FIFA.”

    That was, in part, the official FIFA position declared in October 2017, in response to a Palestinian request that the “six Israeli football clubs based in illegal settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories should either relocate to Israel or be banned from FIFA-recognized competitions.”

    Two years later, Israel callously canceled the FIFA Palestine Cup that was meant to bring Gaza’s top football team, Khadamat Rafah Club, and the West Bank’s FC Balata together in a dramatic final.

    Palestinians perceive football as a respite from the hardship of life under siege and occupation. The highly anticipated event would have been a moment of precious unity among Palestinians and would have been followed by a large number of people, regardless of their political affiliation or geographic location. But, and “for no apparent reason,” as reported in the Nation, Israel decided to deny Palestinians that brief moment of joy.

    Even then, FIFA did nothing, despite the fact that the event itself carried the name ‘FIFA.’ Meanwhile, outright racist Israeli football teams, the likes of Beitar Jerusalem Football Club, are allowed to play unhindered, to travel unrestricted and to echo their favorite racist cheers, “Death to the Arabs,” as if racism in sports is the accepted routine.

    FIFA’s double standards are abhorrent, to say the least. But FIFA is not the only hypocrite. On March 3, the International Paralympics Committee (IPC) went as far as denying athletes from Russia and Belarus the right to compete at this year’s Winter Paralympics held in Beijing. The decision was justified on the basis that having these athletes participate in the Games was “jeopardizing the viability” of the events and, supposedly, making the safety of the athletes “untenable,” despite the fact that the Russian and Belarusian athletes were, due to the political context, set to take part as ‘neutrals.’

    Not only are Israeli athletes welcomed in all international sports events, the mere attempt by individual athletes to register a moral stance in support of Palestinians, by refusing to compete against Israelis, can be very costly. Algerian Judoka Fehi Nourine, for example, was suspended along with his coach for 10 years for withdrawing from the 2020 Tokyo Olympics to avoid meeting an Israeli opponent. The same course of action was taken against other players and teams for displaying symbolic solidarity with Palestine, or even fans for merely raising Palestinian flags or chanting for Palestinian freedom.

    Mohammed Aboutrika, the former Captain of the Egyptian National Football Team, was censured by FIFA in 2009 for merely displaying a shirt that read, in both Arabic and English, “Sympathize with Gaza.” For that supposedly egregious act, the Confederation of African Football (CAF)–a branch of FIFA–warned him against “mixing politics with sports.”

    About the double standards of FIFA, Aboutrika recently said in a media interview that the “decision to suspend Russian clubs and teams from all competitions must be accompanied by a ban on those affiliated with Israel (because Israel) has been killing children and women in Palestine for years.”

    It must be stated that the hypocrisy here goes well beyond Palestine and Israel, into numerous situations where those demanding justice and accountability are often affiliated with poor nations from the Global South, or causes that challenge the status quo, such as the Black Lives Matter movement, among others.

    But there is much more that can be done aside from merely delineating the double standards or decrying the hypocrisy. True, it took the South African Anti-Apartheid movement many years to isolate the racist Apartheid government in Pretoria at international sports platforms around the world, but that seemingly impossible task was eventually achieved.

    Palestinians, too, must now use these channels and platforms to continue pushing for justice and accountability. It will not take days, as is the case with Russia and Ukraine, but they will eventually succeed in isolating Israel, for, as it turned out, politics and sports do mix after all.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • As the horrific Russian invasion of Ukraine continues and anti-Russian sentiments are boiling over, Americans have found themselves hearkening back to the moral and narrative frames that defined Cold War-era cinema to make sense of this moment and our role in it. From Red Dawn to Rocky IV, Hollywood depictions of the pitched battle between the scrappy, freedom-loving West and the cold, monstrous Other in the East made for great movie watching, but it also had curious and long-lasting effects on the American psyche.

    In the latest installment of Art for the End Times, Lyta speaks with writer and media critic Adam Johnson about some of their favorite ‘80s Cold War action movies, how they shaped the ways we think, how they’re problematic, and how sometimes we like them anyway. Adam Johnson is the cohost of Citations Needed, “a podcast on the media, power, PR and the history of bullshit,” and author of The Column on Substack.

    Pre-Production/Studio/Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden


    Transcript

    The transcript of this podcast will be made available as soon as possible.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The election of Donald Trump and the insurrectionary violence at the US Capitol on Jan. 6 are a bad dream that many desperately want to forget. But the political, economic, and cultural forces driving far-right political movements in the US and around the world have been brewing for decades, and they are not going away—quite the opposite, in fact. We need to understand where these forces come from, how they have given rise to a wide variety of different far-right factions that are converging into a dangerous coalition, and what anti-democratic, authoritarian futures they are fighting to impose on society. We need to know what we’re up against—and, most importantly, we need to know how to fight it.

    In this special series of The Marc Steiner Show, co-hosted by Marc Steiner and Bill Fletcher Jr., we will examine the rise of the right in the US and beyond, we will explore the different tendencies and motivations fueling today’s surge in far-right politics, and we will engage with a range of critical voices who can help us understand how we got here and what we can do about it. In Episode Zero of “Rise of the Right,” Marc and Bill introduce the series and establish the stakes of understanding and soberly addressing the threat today’s far right poses to what remains of democratic society.

    Tune in every Monday over the next month for new installments of this special series of The Marc Steiner Show on TRNN.

    Pre-Production: Dwayne Gladden, Stephen Frank, Kayla Rivara, Maximillian Alvarez, Jocelyn Dombroski
    Studio: Dwayne Gladden
    Post-Production: Stephen Frank


    Transcript

    Marc Steiner:         Welcome to The Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner. Good to have you all with us. And I’m here with my co-host for this very special series, Bill Fletcher Jr.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:        Glad to be here, Marc.

    Marc Steiner:           Who I’ve interviewed over the years and now we’re doing some work together.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:        And it’s interesting Marc. I remember the day that I proposed doing this to you. It was after you had interviewed me on something. I don’t even remember what the interview was, but it was good. I mean, you’re a great interviewer. And I said, Marc, you need to do a series on the rise of the far right. And that there is, out there in the media, it’s either denialism about how bad it is, or people are apocalyptic. But there’s this lack of real in-depth analysis. And so when we started talking about this I got very excited and I’m really happy the way this is turning out.

    Marc Steiner:          Me too. To me, when you said that to me, I had been obsessed about the rise of the right for a while, with Trump’s election, seeing what led up to that, but also from the ’70s through the ’90s to now and that whole arc that brought us to where we are. And for me, I must admit that I was getting extremely pessimistic seeing this powerful group of people that are much more highly organized than other sectors of society and well-armed with political power, controlling 26 states in the country. Completely controlling 26 states politically.

    And what that means for everything people have fought for from the ’30s to the ’70s in the movements from the left that helped change the face of America, and it’s a reaction to that. And for me, it’s also personal. I’m thinking about my daughters, I’m thinking about my grandchildren. I’m thinking about my great grandchildren, I have those too, what they’re going to inherit and how we can’t be defeatist. We have to figure out what is going on around this and how we stop it.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:     No, absolutely. I’m not someone that’s prone to fatalism or determinism. But there is something about the history of this country that, in a very odd way, makes what we’re going through feel that it was almost inevitable, in the sense that inevitable that we would face a moment of truth, that when you factor in settler colonialism, racial slavery, Jim Crow, annexations, imperial conquest, all these, they have an effect on the consciousness of millions of people. And then you add to that mark when the living standard stagnates and then starts to decline for masses of people, the question then becomes, well, why is that happening and who’s the enemy? Leaving fertile ground for the left or the right, but particularly the right because they have the advantage over us because of the way that they’ve constructed the historical narrative. And part of what we’re up against is that historical narrative.

    Marc Steiner:      And I think also in that historical narrative, the history of this country is one of major contradictions. You have those we call the Founding Fathers, many of whom were slaveholders, but they built a democratic system. They wrote about a democracy and wrote about freedom and liberty in ways that appeal to everyone on the planet. But it was only meant for a small group. And that contradiction launched the battles this country has fought internally –

    Bill Fletcher Jr:     Correct.

    Marc Steiner:           …From the beginning. The genocide with the Indigenous people and the resistence to that, the resistance to the enslavement by Africans when they were brought here, to the workers who had no right to vote until Andrew Jackson, who was one of the worst racist settler colonial presidents we’ve ever had despite his image in this country, and so it lets all those contradictions. And I think that when you look at the way the governments have run in this country, for the most part they’ve been very conservative, and there have been periods of radicalism on the left and where people’s voices were actually heard and things began to change.

    The battle around reconstruction in the 1860s and ’70s, and the struggles from the 19th and the early part of the 20th century with the union movements and the socialist party, and then from the ’30s to the ’70s, and real progress was made. And that’s the root of the right-wing pushback now, is the progress we made in pushing back.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:      Yes. And I’m often reminded, and we’ve discussed this, that very eloquent saying by Martin Luther King about the arc of history is long but it bends towards progress, is eloquent but it’s not correct. I mean, that’s the problem. The arc of history is long, that is true. But it bends in a lot of different ways.

    I mean, when I think about metaphor, I think that we progressive people are the ones that are walking up the declining escalator, and that escalator keeps going down. So for us to get to the top means that we have to be moving faster than the declining escalator. That the moment we stand still, we go down, so this was one of the problems, I think, in the beginning of the ’70s when many people thought we had won, we had succeeded, and we had arrived at a point where continued progress was inevitable. To me, those were people that stopped trying to walk up the escalator.

    They thought, we’ve made it. But the escalator was pulling us down, down, down. And so A, we can’t be fatalistic. We can’t be defeatist. We’ve got to put the energy into walking faster than the declining escalators so that we actually can get to the top and then shut the escalator down.

    Marc Steiner:          [laughs] I love it. That’s great. I love it. I also like the metaphor because I was one of those kids growing up that always ran up the declining escalator when I was a kid.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:        Me too, me too.

    And I remember showing off with my daughter doing it. And I’ll tell you the way I thought about this once was when I was in the Service Employees International Union. And I was talking to folks about this challenge, and all of a sudden the imagery came to me, and so I think that it’s really important that we understand we’re always going to have to put more energy into it. The other thing that we have to keep in mind, Marc, in going against the right but also going against the more traditional establishment folks, is that they’re always going to have more resources than we do. I don’t know any time in history that the oppressed have ever had more resources than the oppressor. I’ve studied history. I don’t remember that time. And so therefore our struggle is one in which the other side seems to always have the advantage, which means that we have to think in a very different way.

    Marc Steiner:        And I think that when you think about where we are today, that it’s a really tough place to be in, a very strange place to be in. I mean, I think that people do not seem to be thinking through, at least in large part, about how you confront it and how you defeat it, what that means. And I think part of it is that, as you were alluding to earlier, that people who are in the movement of the struggle for the ’60s and the ’50s and the ’40s, once it began to open up in Congress, people became part of that establishment and they were invested in it.

    And that stagnated everything, and then we lost the fight. As you can see now with Biden, he doesn’t know how to fight the right. He has no idea what he is doing when it comes to fighting the right, none. And then there’s always debates on the left. How do you approach this? Is this something you do narrowly on your own? Do you build this broad coalition of people that you wouldn’t necessarily always agree with to stop what we are facing in this future? And how do we do that? And sometimes I feel like the right has organized effectively, and they learned how to do it from us.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:     Oh yeah.

    Marc Steiner:       And we have to re-learn how to do what we started.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:      We do. The other thing is that what I think hamstrings the Democratic Party establishment is a belief that the pendulum will ultimately even things out. That yes, you’ve had maniacs like Trump and these other folks in Congress, but that ultimately the democratic small D system will work things out. And the problem is, I think particularly when we look at Jan. 6, 2021, and how close, I would argue, we came to a coup, a successful coup, there’s no reason to believe the pendulum will even things out, that it’s going to be up to us. Because the other side is not interested in playing the game anymore. That’s what they’re making clear.

    That what they’re doing with the electoral manipulations, the turning a blind eye on paramilitary, they’re basically saying, you suckers can play whatever game you want, but we are not playing the game. We’re going to do what we have to do to win. And the thing is that this is true not just in the United States, but it’s true around the world when you look at these far right actors.

    Marc Steiner:         Right. And it all, I think, comes down to a bunch of realities. One is that the capitalist system itself has failed, even its most progressive moments, to answer the needs of people long term and of the planet long term. They’ve not been able to do it. And so that erupts anger in people. And when you add to that mix the anti-immigration feeling in the world, the racist feeling in the world, the fall of the [Leninist states], all these things together have allowed the right to erupt, because it’s expressing anger. The anger is very real.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:      Right.

    Marc Steiner:           Is just also laced with racism and laced with the most negative aspects of our society. And that’s something that is sometimes hard to get around. But as somebody, as you have in your work all these years in unions and as I have some in unions, but mostly in community organizing and issue organizing around the country, is that you can build a coalition that puts a giant dent in that, because people will come across the line. I remember Chicago in 1968 and the Young Patriots who made an alliance, the first rainbow coalition, with the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, the Brown Berets, the Red Guards, and the leadership of the Young Patriots? Many of them were former members of the Ku Klux Klan.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:      Right?

    Marc Steiner:          It can be built.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:        Which is why we did the show.

    Marc Steiner:         Yes.

    Bill Fletcher Jr:        And to our listeners and viewers, we welcome you to join into what I think has been and will continue to be a fascinating exploration of this virus in the US system, what it is, what it’s about, and what we can do to fight it successfully. And I’m glad to be doing this with you.

    Marc Steiner:          I am too. I am too.

    And so along with my colleague and co-host Bill Fletcher Jr., I want to invite you to join us for our five-part series looking in-depth at the rise of the right. In our first episode, we’ll explore the real danger the rise of the right poses. How did we get here, and why now? What really happened on January the 6th? What is its significance and how do we fight it? And as my co-creator in this series Bill Fletcher says, we’re going up the escalator. Because we have to get to the top of a declining escalator and shut it down.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.