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  • U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Sunday visited Panama to relay President Donald Trump’s concerns about alleged Chinese control of the Panama Canal and to repeat his threats to reassert U.S. control over the key trade route.

    After touring the canal and meeting with Panamanian President José Raúl Mulino, Rubio called China’s influence in the Panama Canal a “violation” of the treaty under which the United States handed over control of the waterway to Panama.

    “Absent immediate changes, it would require the United States to take measures necessary to protect its rights,” Rubio said according to a State Department statement.

    What have Trump and Mulino said?

    During his inaugural address on Jan. 20, Trump said that “China is operating the Panama Canal. And we didn’t give it to China. We gave it to Panama, and we’re taking it back.”

    In response, Mulino said on Jan. 22 that the canal is “is and will continue to be Panama’s.”

    “Panama is moving forward. Panama is not distracted by these kinds of statements,” Mulino said at the Davos Forum in Switzerland. “Over time, we have been an ally and friend of the United States; partners in large part in important benefits, not only through the Canal, but also participants, being the main user of the Canal, transporting goods to and from the United States.”

    “One cannot ignore public international law,” he said. “So, I think that does not concern me, because that is strictly impossible in law.”

    Does China control the Panama Canal?

    The United States invaded Panama in 1989, overthrowing then-President Manuel Noriega –- a one-time U.S. ally who was later targeted for his role as an international drug kingpin. The canal was handed over to Panama in 1999 under a treaty signed by President Jimmy Carter in 1977.

    Any nation is allowed to use the transoceanic waterway, which lifts massive cargo vessels above sea level through a series of interconnected locks and back down again, connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.

    Beijing says it has no control over the running of the canal, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning told journalists on Jan. 22.

    “We agree with Panamanian President Mulino that Panama’s sovereignty and independence are not negotiable and the canal is not directly or indirectly controlled by any major power,” Mao told a regular news conference in Beijing.

    “China does not participate in the management and operation of the canal and never interferes in canal affairs,” she said. “We always respect Panama’s sovereignty over the canal and recognize the canal as a permanently neutral international waterway.”

    However, Panama granted a concession to operate the ports of Balboa and Cristobal, on the Pacific and Atlantic sides of the Canal, to Hutchison-Whampoa in 1996, which is owned by Hong Kong billionaire Li Ka-shing and has since been merged into his CK Hutchison Holdings.

    The U.S. government has previously said it does not believe that the concession represented a threat to the canal.

    “Several entities of the U.S. Government, including the Federal Maritime Commission and the staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, have researched this issue extensively and have not uncovered any evidence to support a conclusion that the People’s Republic of China will be in a position to control Canal operations,” according to the Department of State FAQ on the canal.

    The neutrality of the Canal and its operations are guaranteed by the Neutrality Treaty and associated protocols, to which 36 other countries are party, it said.

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    What is the extent of Chinese influence in Panama?

    While attempts by Chinese state-owned enterprises to acquire ports in Latin America have been largely unsuccessful, Li Ka-shing’s expansion in the region has been unimpeded.

    In 2017, Panama severed diplomatic ties with democratic Taiwan and established relations with the People’s Republic of China, becoming the first Latin American country to join President Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road global supply chain and infrastructure program.

    The move paved the way for Chinese companies — both private and state-owned — to plow hundreds of millions of dollars into a new cruise terminal and a bridge across the canal.

    Li, probably Hong Kong’s most famous businessman, has been courted by Beijing since the 1997 handover of Hong Kong to Chinese rule. He has close connections to the highest levels of leadership, and has been received by past Presidents Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao.

    The U.S. investigation into Li’s Panama Canal concession in 1999 concluded that it was largely safe from Chinese influence because of Hong Kong’s status as a separate trading jurisdiction from the rest of China.

    That separate status — called into question as China stepped up its political control over the city in the wake of mass popular protests — was officially revoked under the last Trump administration through an executive order in July 2020, which said the city was “no longer sufficiently autonomous to justify differential treatment in relation to the People’s Republic of China.”

    So what is Li Ka-shing’s international role?

    In 1991, when Hong Kong billionaire Li Ka-shing’s CK Hutchison acquired Britain’s biggest seaport at Felixstowe, the city’s rags-to-riches tycoon was just getting started.

    Now, he heads a multinational cargo port empire with operations in 53 ports in 24 countries in Europe, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America.

    Li Ka-shing leaves a press conference in Hong Kong on March 16, 2018.
    Li Ka-shing leaves a press conference in Hong Kong on March 16, 2018.
    (ANTHONY WALLACE, Anthony Wallac/AFP)

    Experts say Li is trusted both by Beijing and the wider international community, and that his ventures are seen as a way for China to bring influence to bear, but without making it too obvious.

    While not all of Li’s corporate investments can be seen as a disguised form of Chinese diplomacy, many of his Latin American ventures are ports in highly strategic locations, often in countries that initially lacked diplomatic ties with Beijing, according to Hong Kong political scientist Simon Shen.

    Many of the countries Li invests in once recognized the Republic of China on Taiwan rather than the People’s Republic of China. Yet the pace of his investments slowed once Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou — who advocates warm ties with Beijing — took power.

    Investments made by Li haven’t typically set off many alarm bells in the corridors of Western governments; CK Hutchison has won contracts that a Chinese state-owned enterprise could only dream of.

    But according to Shen, complaints were emerging in U.S. right-wing media of Chinese influence in the Panama Canal as early as 2011.

    Those concerns have now become mainstream under the Trump administration.

    What does this mean for Hong Kong?

    Hong Kong’s shift from an international free port to a city that is increasingly run along mainland Chinese lines has led to a change in attitudes to the activities of its business community.

    “Hong Kong isn’t the city it was back in the day — it is a Chinese port,” Taiwanese national security research Shih Chien-yu told RFA Cantonese in a recent interview. “Naturally, other countries are going to have doubts.”

    According to Hong Kong entrepreneur Herbert Chow, the ongoing crackdown on political dissent in Hong Kong is coming back to bite its companies, which are now more likely to be viewed as Chinese.

    He said China should consider making some concessions, including releasing jailed media tycoon Jimmy Lai, to boost the city’s international image.

    “So many Hong Kong businesses have gone to Southeast Asia now to put down roots and break away from the politically sensitive connection to China,” Chow said.

    CK Hutchison was invited to respond to this article, but hadn’t replied by the time of writing.

    Translated and edited by Luisetta Mudie.

    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Ha Syut.

  • Part of a three-story series to mark the fourth anniversary of Myanmar’s 2021 coup, looking at how the military treats its own soldiers.

    The 2021 coup that plunged Myanmar into civil war has been a disaster for its military. It has lost control of much of the country, and thousands of soldiers have been killed or wounded in the face of rebel advances.

    That’s also made it one of the riskiest places on Earth to enlist as a soldier – one where life insurance sounds like a sensible idea to those on the front line and a risky business for those offering it.

    Not so Myanmar, where members of the armed forces are required to take out life insurance provided by a company run by the son of army chief and coup leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.

    The scheme is operated by Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance, or AMMMI, established in June 2013, when Myanmar opened up life insurance to the private sector. The company, however, is believed to be a subsidiary of Myanmar Economic Corporation, one of the military’s two sprawling business conglomerates.

    Aung Pyae Sone, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing's son, left, and Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company in Yangon in 2018.
    Aung Pyae Sone, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing’s son, left, and Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company in Yangon in 2018.
    (Justice For Myanmar via X and Google Maps)

    A U.N. report in 2019 said the top general’s only son Aung Pyae Sone, 40, holds a “significant stake” in AMMMI. The U.S. government sanctioned Aung Pyae Sone in March 2021 for profiting from his connection to the coup leader. His business interests extend to telecommunications, real estate and the health sector.

    Families of soldiers killed in the past year tell Radio Free Asia that they have been unable to get a payout from the life insurance that the U.N. report described as “required” for all personnel in the Tatmadaw, as the military is known in Myanmar. AMMMI also offers policies to government employees and the public.

    RFA contacted the company for comment. It said that life insurance payouts are processed within a few days of a policyholder’s death.

    Myanmar military chief Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw on June 10, 2017, at a donations event for victims of the military transport plane crash in the Andaman Sea.
    Myanmar military chief Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw on June 10, 2017, at a donations event for victims of the military transport plane crash in the Andaman Sea.
    (Aung Htet/AFP)

    “It should surprise nobody that control of the military life insurance policies for Myanmar’s army rests with the son of Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. Corruption in Myanmar’s military flows from the top down,” said political analyst Jonah Blank from the Rand Corporation, a think tank partially funded by the U.S. government.

    “Corruption permeates every rank, with profits flowing straight to the top,” he told RFA.

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    ‘We protect the family’

    Former Maj. Tin Lin Aung, who defected from the military after the coup, said a service member starts paying premiums with their first paycheck, and the policy’s beneficiary is their spouse or other nominated family members.

    Ei Ei Aung, an independent online insurance agent, said that when life insurance was operated by state-run Myanma Insurance soldiers would be fully covered in the event of their death as soon as they submitted their first premium.

    Things became more flaky when Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance, whose motto is “We Protect the Family,” took control.

    Rescue workers carry a body at Sanhlan village in Dawei on June 8, 2017, after a Myanmar military plane crashed in the Andaman Sea off southern Myanmar.
    Rescue workers carry a body at Sanhlan village in Dawei on June 8, 2017, after a Myanmar military plane crashed in the Andaman Sea off southern Myanmar.
    (Ye Aung Thu/AFP)

    The first high-profile sign of the company’s unwillingness to pay out came in 2017, when a military transport plane crashed in bad weather offshore near the southern city of Dawei killing 122 people.

    It was one of the worst aviation disasters in the nation’s history. Among the dead was a captain travelling to see his wife, who was about to give birth.

    “Aung Myint Moh Min Company claimed that only 30% of the premium had been paid and therefore refused to pay the full life insurance amount. They offered to refund only the amount that had been paid,” Tin Ling Aung said.

    When a colleague of the dead captain shared online a photo of the rejection letter from the insurer, it was widely circulated, drawing attention to how the scheme operated, and reportedly causing trouble for the captain’s colleague who was redeployed to the frontline.

    Little information

    There is scant public information about the company, but a university thesis supported by the AMMMI and submitted to Yangon University’s Economics Department in 2019 outlined the company’s revenue stream and payouts in its first five years of operation.

    The thesis, “Customer Perception on Life Insurance Service of Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance,” written by Min Aung, showed that army personnel life insurance was by far its biggest earner and that claim payouts in 2018-19 amounted to less than 7% of premiums paid.

    10,000 kyat banknotes currently in use in Myanmar.
    10,000 kyat banknotes currently in use in Myanmar.
    (RFA)

    Aung Myint Moh Min has a variety of policies catering for different ranks. Payouts on maturation of a policy or the death of the policyholder start as low as $110. Those cost the equivalent of $1.55 to $2.65 per month, depending on the lifespan of the policy. There are policies offering higher payouts with higher monthly premiums.

    RFA could not find publicly available financial information about the current operations of AMMMI, but if the number of military personnel is estimated at 130,000 and each person contributed $2 a month in premiums, the Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance company would be raking in more than $3 million a year in life insurance premiums.

    Concerns over the life insurance have intensified in the past four years since the coup, as conflict has escalated across Myanmar, and the military’s casualties have mounted.

    Insurance agent Ei Ei Aung told RFA there are many ways the company avoids paying out.

    “In the military, there are numerous cases where families of deceased soldiers fail to claim compensation,” she said.

    “This may be due to family members being unaware of the soldier’s death, lack of notification from responsible superiors, or insufficient communication. As a result, many compensation claims go unprocessed and are ultimately lost,” she said.

    Graphic by Amanda Weisbrod
    Graphic by Amanda Weisbrod
    (RFA)

    Documents lost

    One widow, Hla Khin, told RFA about her attempts to secure a military pension or life insurance payment for her husband, Sgt. Min Din who died in a battle in Shan state in June. She discovered after her husband died that applications for any benefit had to be made in person where the soldier last served. The battalion in which he had served suffered major losses.

    “There was nobody in Battalion 501 as many people died. Almost all documents have been lost as some office staff moved out, some died and some are still missing,” she said.

    Six months after Min Din was killed, the paperwork has now been filed. Hla Khin is waiting for a response.

    Tin Lin Aung describes how the process works.

    “If an entire battalion is captured by resistance forces, there are significant challenges. For single soldiers, their parents can still apply for the insurance, but this is little more than a hope because, in many cases, the battalion’s office and records are gone, and the military commander responsible for the claim may also have been captured. In such cases, Aung Myint Moh Min Company seizes the life insurance for the entire battalion,” he said.

    The firm would also have pocketed the payments of the thousands of soldiers who have defected. Two opposition-aligned groups, People’s Embrace and People’s Goal, estimate that nearly 15,000 soldiers and police have defected – at the risk of the death penalty if caught – in the past two years.

    Capt. Zin Yaw defected from the military a month after the February 2021 coup. He provided RFA with a copy of his August 2020 pay slip, which shows the 25,000 kyat ($5.55) deduction for life insurance taken from his pay.

    In 2017, he redeemed his first life insurance policy after it reached maturity. He got nothing out from the next policy he took out because he defected. He also confirmed that families of fallen soldiers are being denied money.

    “If they couldn’t show photos and any proof of the death, then both the army and the insurance company put them on the missing list, not in the dead list,” he said.

    Ei Ei Aung said that claims have to be made within one month of death, although it can take much longer for families to get word that a soldier has died. If there’s no notification after a year, any claim for compensation is forfeited.

    Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company deducted a 25,000 Myanmar kyat ($11.93) monthly premium for life insurance from a captain's August salary in 2020. Capt. Zin Yaw, who left the Burmese military in 2021, provided this document to RFA.
    Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company deducted a 25,000 Myanmar kyat ($11.93) monthly premium for life insurance from a captain’s August salary in 2020. Capt. Zin Yaw, who left the Burmese military in 2021, provided this document to RFA.
    (Zin Yaw)

    Missing out

    Relatives of Min Khant Kyaw, a 23-year-old from Ayeyarwady region, learned from authorities in November of his death in the military, without saying how, when or where he died. It was the first time the family had learned he was even in the military. Now they say they don’t know how to claim any benefits for him as they have no idea which unit he fought in.

    “The key issue is that the person connected to the deceased must be aware of the death and notify the insurance company,” Ei Ei Aung said.

    “If a death goes unreported, the family of the deceased misses out on significant rights as well. As a result, even though it is undeniable that these people have died, many do not receive the benefits they are due.”

    This is not the only benefit that the junta or its associates are accused of pocketing.

    Former and current soldiers told RFA that deductions from their salaries were made to buy shares in the two military-run conglomerates, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation, which have interests in everything from banking to mining and tobacco, and tourism, and are a direct source of revenue for the military. In 2020, Amnesty International released documents showing that MEHL had funneled up to $18 billion in dividends to the military.

    According to military defector Capt. Lin Htet, soldiers are coerced into buying shares according to a sliding scale according to rank, requiring payments of between 1.5 million and 5 million kyats ($110 and $330).

    Capt. Zin Yaw, another defector, said the practice has been that if foot soldiers can’t come up with the full amount on the spot, deductions are taken from their pay.

    Before the coup, annual dividends were paid to soldiers in September each year, but defectors and serving soldiers have told RFA dividend payouts became sporadic after the coup and stopped altogether in 2023.

    “I left the army in 2023,” said Lin Htet. “From 2021 to 2023, MEHL paid us the benefit very late. Sometimes, they pretended to forget to pay it. They paid us six months late.”

    Currently serving warrant officer Soe Maung’s experience has been similar.

    He was told he had to buy 1.5 million kyats in shares. He didn’t have the money to pay outright, so he paid in monthly installments of 10,000 kyats. He said that after 2021, there was a year-and-a-half delay in getting dividends that used to be paid regularly at the end of the fiscal year.

    The names of many RFA quoted in this story have been changed to protect their identity and their family’s safety.

    Additional reporting by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mat Pennington.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Aye Aye Mon and Ginny Stein for RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • This content originally appeared on Human Rights Watch and was authored by Human Rights Watch.

  • TAIPEI, Taiwan – North Korea condemned U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio for calling it a “rogue state” in its first direct criticism of the Trump administration, about a week after the U.S. president suggested he might try to revive contacts with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

    Rubio referred to North Korea and Iran as “rogue states” in a Jan. 30 interview while discussing foreign policy challenges. He emphasized the importance of addressing the threats posed by those countries, highlighting their destabilizing activities and the need for a robust U.S. response.

    A North Korea foreign ministry spokesperson dismissed Rubio’s comments and said U.S. hostility was incessant.

    “It is necessary to mention how absurd and illogical it is that the most depraved state in the world brands another country a rogue state,” the North Korean spokesperson said, as cited by the state-run Korean Central News Agency, or KCNA, on Monday.

    “The hostile words and deeds of the person who is in charge of the U.S. foreign policy served as an occasion of confirming once again the U.S. hostile policy toward the DPRK which remains unchanged.

    “We will never tolerate any provocation of the U.S., which has always been hostile to the DPRK and will be hostile to it in the future, too, but will take tough counteraction corresponding to it as usual.”

    The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or DPRK, is North Korea’s official name.

    It marked the North’s first public criticism of the new U.S. administration since Donald Trump returned to the White House last month.

    Trump launched an unprecedented diplomatic effort on North Korea during his first term, meeting Kim three times, but in the end making no progress on persuading him to give up his nuclear and missile programmes in exchange for relief on sanctions.

    Trump mentioned his effort on North Korea during his presidential campaign but it had until Monday refrained from making direct comments about him or his government.

    South Korea’s unification ministry said the North was responding quickly to measures and remarks from the new Trump administration, following a pledge on the “toughest” response to the U.S. in a key party meeting at the end of last year.

    “To be clear, the one that undermines international rules and threatens the peace of the international community is North Korea itself,” said the South Korean ministry spokesperson, Koo Byoung-sam.

    “South Korea, the U.S. and the international community share the goal of completely denuclearizing North Korea.”

    North Korea’s remarks came about a week after Trump was asked in an interview if he planned to “reach out” to the North Korean leader.

    “I will, yeah. He liked me,” Trump said.

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    In a sign that Trump might intend to revive his diplomatic effort on North Korea, he has picked as a senior White House official an aide, William Beau Harrison, who was involved in planning summits with Kim in Singapore in 2018 and in Vietnam in 2019.

    Trump met Kim for a third time on the heavily fortified border between the two Koreas later in 2019 when Trump became the first U.S. president to set foot on North Korean soil.

    But the meetings led to no progress on efforts to get North Korea to abandon its nuclear and missile programs.

    Edited by Mike Firn.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Taejun Kang for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Mexico City, January 31, 2025—The Committee to Protect Journalists calls on Mexican authorities to swiftly complete an investigation into the killing of journalist Alejandro Gallegos León, an academic and evangelical pastor based in the state of Tabasco, who was reported missing on January 24, according to a report. His remains were found the next day in the town of Cárdenas, according to news reports.

    “The killing of Alejandro Gallegos comes weeks after the killing of journalist Calletano de Jesús Guerrero, underscoring the ongoing crisis violence and impunity journalists in Mexico face,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “Unless Mexican authorities take all appropriate steps to find Gallegos’ attackers, president Claudia Sheinbaum’s commitment to protecting press freedom continue to ring hollow.”

    Gallegos, 51, was the editor of La Voz del Pueblo, a news website based on Facebook, according to newsreports. He also worked as a teacher at the Alfa y Omega Presbyterian University in Tabasco and as a lawyer, they added. 

    La Voz del Pueblo mostly publishes short news stories and videos on regional politics in Tabasco. Despite news reports of a recent spike in criminal violence in the state, the website did not extensively cover that topic. Its recent articles on politics mostly cover press events in a neutral tone.

    It is unclear whether Gallegos had received threats. CPJ was unable to find contact information for his family. Messages to La Voz del Pueblo via Facebook and calls to the Alfa y Omega University for comment were not immediately answered.

    The Tabasco state prosecutor’s office (FGE) said in a statement released on X on January 25 that it opened an investigation, without providing further details. Several phone calls by CPJ to the FGE to request comment were not answered.

    The Mechanism for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists, a federal government agency that provides protective measures to the press, said in a January 25 statement on X that Gallegos was not incorporated in a federally sanctioned protection program.

    On January 29, Tabasco governor Javier May said on X that a suspect in the case had been arrested. He did not provide further details. Several calls by CPJ to the governor’s office were not answered. 


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Speculation has emerged on Chinese social media that flaws in an airplane made by Boeing, a U.S. aerospace manufacturer that has faced a raft of safety issues in recent years, was responsible for a midair collision between a passenger plane and a U.S. Army Black Hawk helicopter that took place on January 29– the worst accident in U.S. civilian aviation since 2009.

    This speculation is unfounded. The American Airlines passenger plane involved in the collision was not manufactured by Boeing.

    On January 29, an American Airlines passenger plane collided with a U.S. Army Black Hawk helicopter (UH-60) as it was approaching its landing at Ronald Reagan Airport near Washington. The two planes exploded midair before crashing into the Potomac River below. All 60 passengers and 4 crew members on the commercial flight and three soldiers on the helicopter are believed to have died in the crash.

    Suspicions about Boeing’s supposed role appears to have originated on Weibo. “Guyan Muchan,” a widely-followed Weibo user, attributed the collision to a Boeing plane accident. Another Weibo user wrote a post claiming that “Boeing, the giant of the US aviation industry, is really not good. The loopholes in the aircraft system have claimed countless lives. Now even regional airliners have become full of fatal risks?”

    This image annotated by Asia Fact Check Lab shows Weibo users making false claims that Boeing is involved in this accident.
    This image annotated by Asia Fact Check Lab shows Weibo users making false claims that Boeing is involved in this accident.
    (Weibo, annotation by AFCL)

    However, AFCL has found that the plane involved in the crash was from a fleet flown by PSA Airlines, a subsidiary of American Airlines, with flight number 5342.

    According to the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration (FAA), this was a CRJ700 regional airliner produced by Canada’s Bombardier, not a Boeing passenger plane.

    A budget question

    In the same post the Weibo user claimed that “just last week, Congress rejected a proposal to upgrade the air traffic control system.” The reason, the person claimed, was that the money would be instead used to build bomb shelters at holiday villas for elected officials.

    This image annotated by Asia Fact Check Lab shows a social media post making a false claim that Congress rejected a proposal to upgrade the air traffic control system last week.
    This image annotated by Asia Fact Check Lab shows a social media post making a false claim that Congress rejected a proposal to upgrade the air traffic control system last week.
    (Weibo, annotation by AFCL)

    This is also false. Neither the House of Representatives nor the Senate held hearings or meetings related to budget review last week, according to publicly available schedules for the relevant committees in each chamber.

    Moreover, budgets of various U.S. administrative departments are calculated based on the fiscal year, which runs from October 1 of each year to September 30 of the following year.

    Generally, the President and the executive departments submit budget plans to Congress in early February each year. The committees of the Senate and the House of Representatives then hold public hearings and review the budgets. Usually this is completed by the end of June each year.

    According to the Congressional Research Service, the Department of Transportation’s fiscal year 2025 budget was signed and implemented by then-President Biden on September 26, 2024, involving a budget of approximately $21.8 billion for the Federal Aviation Administration. Congress also separately passed the Federal Aviation Administration Reauthorization Act 2024, giving the FAA at least $105 billion in budget to expand the recruitment of air traffic controllers and upgrade the reform of the new generation of air traffic control systems to maintain operations until fiscal year 2028.

    Therefore, the statement that “the U.S. Congress has just rejected a proposal to upgrade the air traffic control system” is wrong.

    Edited by Boer Deng.

    Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Rita Cheng for Asia Fact Check Lab.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • On February 1, Myanmar will mark four years since soldiers and military vehicles raided the country’s capital at dawn, signaling the military’s forceful seizure of power from the civilian government. RFA Insider sits down with three staffers who’ve recently traveled to the region to learn what life is like for those actively resisting the regime and those who’ve chosen to flee.

    Off Beat

    Since the coup, Myanmar has descended into civil war as the military and various resistance groups battle for control of key areas across the country.

    Jim Snyder from RFA’s Investigative team and Gemunu Amarasinghe from the Multimedia team recently traveled to Myanmar to report on life inside rebel-controlled territories in Kayah State. Insurgents have successfully seized large sections of countryside from the military forces, and now are undertaking a new operation: building a new state government. Jim and Gemunu explain the aims of the newly-established Interim Executive Council (IEC) and how residents are reacting to the IEC’s initiatives, including a new police force.

    Additionally, they share stories from their visit to a rebel hospital in the area, where Yangon medical professionals and students who oppose military rule have moved their practice.

    Double Off Beat

    While production engineer Wa Than is present at almost all of RFA Insider’s recordings, he joins Eugene and Amy inside the recording booth this episode to talk about his recent trip to Thailand.

    At 11, Wa abruptly fled Myanmar to the U.S. with his family to escape persecution from the then-military regime. Last November, he traveled to the Thai-Myanmar border, the closest he’s able to get to his home country under the current circumstances. Wa spent time with acquaintances from Myanmar who have since migrated to Thailand to escape the military’s conscription orders.

    How difficult was it for these young people to leave Myanmar, and how were they faring in Thailand? What kinds of attitudes did young, displaced Burmese have towards Myanmar’s future, as well as their own? Tune in to hear these answers and more from Wa.

    BACK TO MAIN


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Amy Lee for RFA Insider.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Seg rfk doctor

    Author and investigative journalist Brian Deer, who debunked disgraced ex-doctor Andrew Wakefield’s fraudulent claims that vaccines were linked to autism, says that Wakefield and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Donald Trump’s nominee for secretary of health and human services, are major leaders of the anti-vaccine movement. “They basically run this movement together,” he says.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Part of a three-story series to mark the fourth anniversary of Myanmar’s 2021 coup, looking at how the military treats its own soldiers.

    Thirty-year-old Aung Aung was arrested at gunpoint on a July morning as he left his house in central Myanmar – one of about 30 people rounded up and taken into custody in his town that day. Their crime? Being the right age to be enlisted in the struggling ranks of the Myanmar army.

    Less than a month later, during a monsoon downpour, he and 10 others fled No. 7 Basic Military Training Center in Taungdwingyi township, about 70 miles from his home in Yenangchaung in Magwe region. They were clothed in little more than their underwear and were drenched in the heavy rain.

    They spent two nights in the forest and had to avoid military checkpoints as they fled northward, relying on local people to provide them food, money, clothing – and directions – until they reached safety three days later.

    “The journey was extremely difficult, unlike anything I had ever experienced,” Aung Aung told RFA Burmese. He requested his name be withheld as he remains at large from the military. The punishment for avoiding conscription is up to five years in prison; those who abscond from the military after enlistment could face the death penalty.

    New junta recruits at No. 7 Basic Military Training Center in Taungdwingyi, on May 13, 2024. This is the same training center where Aung Aung and Zaw Zaw fled in July 2024.
    New junta recruits at No. 7 Basic Military Training Center in Taungdwingyi, on May 13, 2024. This is the same training center where Aung Aung and Zaw Zaw fled in July 2024.
    (Myanmar Ministry of Information)

    It’s not an unusual story in Myanmar. Since the ruling junta declared national conscription in early 2024 for men aged 18-35 and women aged 18-27, growing numbers of men are being forced into the army.

    The military’s ranks have been depleted in the civil war that has ensued since army chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing launched a coup four years ago against an elected government. The recruits to fill the ranks typically come from poor families that are unable to pay off officials to avoid conscription.

    Reported forced conscriptions are tracked on the Unlawful Conscription Watch website.
    Reported forced conscriptions are tracked on the Unlawful Conscription Watch website.
    (Ministry of Human Rights, National Unity Government)

    The shadow National Unity Government, formed by pro-democrats ousted from power in the coup, says that 23,000 people have been conscripted against their will since the start of 2024.

    But the problem actually pre-dates the conscription law.

    Killed in action

    In November, the relatives of Min Khant Kyaw, 23, got a call out of the blue from authorities that he’d been killed in action. He’d been missing for three years, and it was the first they’d learned that he was in the Myanmar army.

    Authorities offered little information. No details about how, when and where Min Khant Kyaw, who had been living in Yangon, died. They were just told that he was dead and the army would provide his next-of-kin with some benefits. It was only because his national registration card was found in his shirt pocket that authorities were able to contact next-of-kin in his native village.

    His uncle, Lu Maw, recounts the story with sadness and anger. He had raised Min Khant Kyaw since age 7 after he was orphaned during the massive Cyclone Nargis in 2008 that devastated the Ayeyarwady delta and claimed the lives of his parents and three siblings.

    Lu Maw is convinced that his nephew was forced to enlist.

    “None of us, no one in our family, knew he had joined the army,” he told RFA Burmese.

    “After asking all his relatives, we concluded he didn’t join the army of his own will. If he did, his relatives and everyone close to him would have known. We all knew nothing, but the authorities just informed us he died on the frontline,” Lu Maw said.

    “I would not complain if Min Khant Kyaw had joined the army on his own account, but it was not like that. He was dragged into it.”

    The junta's Chief Minister of the Ayeyarwady region, Tin Maung Win, center, inspects new recruits in Pathein, on June 29, 2024.
    The junta’s Chief Minister of the Ayeyarwady region, Tin Maung Win, center, inspects new recruits in Pathein, on June 29, 2024.
    (Myanmar Ministry of Information)

    The Myanmar military has a record of duping recruits and of forced recruitment. The International Labor Organization reported the practice in the 1990s, a time when the military was in the ascendant and was seeking to boost its ranks.

    Its need for recruits has become far more acute since the 2021 coup. The ruling junta has suffered mounting losses on the battlefield and has lost control of most of the country.

    RELATED STORY

    ‘My father’s death wasn’t worth it’: Poverty awaits families of Myanmar army dead

    Snatched off the street

    In an analysis last year, Myanmar expert Ye Myo Hein estimated that by late 2023, it had about 130,000 military personnel – about half of them frontline troops – compared with earlier estimates of between 300,000-400,000. Anecdotal evidence suggests battalions are at a fraction of regular fighting strength.

    In February 2024, when the junta enacted a compulsory conscription law that took effect in April, chief junta spokesman, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, indicated that about 50,000 people would be recruited by year’s end. He said women would only be drafted starting in 2025, which has now begun.

    There’s no reliable count of how many have been drafted so far. What is clear is that conscription has accelerated the exodus of able-bodied people from Myanmar. It’s also fueled a cottage industry of graft where families pay administrators the equivalent of hundreds, even thousands, of dollars to avoid the draft.

    Even more sinister is that people are being snatched off the street both in cities and rural areas, multiple sources say.

    Data collected by RFA showed a spike in youth arrests in Yangon, Mandalay, Naypyitaw and Bago in December. The spike appeared connected to clandestine operations at night, which residents described as “snatch and recruit,” by men wearing plain clothes and driving private vehicles. RFA reporting indicated 250 people were caught in the dragnet in those four cities in a single month.

    Zaw Zaw, 27, lives outside the big city. He’s from Salay town in Magwe region. He told RFA Burmese that he was caught in a night raid on his home in early July. He was taken to the local police station before being sent for a medical at another town in the region, Chauk.

    “Even those who were mentally unfit passed the test, as it seemed they accepted everyone regardless of their condition,” said Zaw Zaw – not his real name as he wanted to protect his identity.

    “When I arrived at the training center, they confiscated everything my family had given me: clothes, watches, phones and money.”

    Like Aung Aung, he was at No. 7 Basic Military Training Center in Taungdwingyi, and was among the group that escaped, heading toward an area controlled by an anti-junta People’s Defense Force.

    This image released by the Arakan Army shows the battle for Maungdaw town, Rakhine state, on August 30, 2024.
    This image released by the Arakan Army shows the battle for Maungdaw town, Rakhine state, on August 30, 2024.
    (AA Info Desk)

    No option but to enlist

    Forcible recruitment takes different forms. Not all are snatched off the streets. Others are simply presented with little option but to enlist.

    Moe Pa Pa, a mother of three living in Kungyangon township in Yangon region, says her missing husband, Ye Lin Aung, 29, signed up because he couldn’t afford to bribe his way out of conscription.

    “He said that if he did not go this time, the ward administrator would force him again and again. I told him not to go, he should stay and work here so at least we wouldn’t run out of food. I strongly discouraged him, but he went anyway.” she said.

    She last saw him, for a 15-minute conversation, just before he was shipped out to the front line in Rakhine state, where junta forces have taken a battering from the rebel Arakan Army.

    “The ward administrator told my husband he would pay us 500,000 kyats ($110) up front. He also promised to pay 310,000 kyats per month while my husband was undergoing three months of training, with payments to be made monthly,” Moe Pa Pa told RFA.

    All she’s seen is the bonus, no salary.

    “He called me two or three times after arriving at the front line in Buthidaung and Maungdaw,” Moe Pa Pa, referring to two battle zones in Rakhine state. “He said he would transfer his salary, but since then, I have been unable to contact him. He never sent his payment, and we have been out of contact ever since.”

    She suspects he’s dead. Phone calls made from the Rakhine front line stopped six months ago.

    Other RFA Burmese journalists contributed reporting. Edited by Ginny Stein and Mat Pennington.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Aye Aye Mon for RFA Burmese.

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  • DeepSeek, an open-source artificial intelligence app founded by a tech entrepreneur with close ties to the Chinese government, knocked a US$1 trillion-sized hole in an AI-fueled rally on global stock markets this week when it topped app charts ahead of U.S.-rival ChatGPT.

    The fresh challenge to U.S. dominance in the sector comes from a firm at the core of the Chinese government’s vision for an economic recovery driven by high-tech innovation.


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  • Comprehensive coverage of the day’s news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice.

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  • Illustration of a city skyscraper and a country barn, separated by a dotted line

    The vision

    “Vivian’s loved images of cities ever since she was little, thrilled by the novelty of crowds and skyscrapers and teeming streets. She knew she’d been born in Chicago, had even been a baby there for a few years before her mama died, so that added to her interest. Whenever she saw a city in movies or pictures, she could imagine her mysterious ghost mama wandering through it.

    Her pa thought cities were one of humanity’s biggest mistakes, and when she got a little older his disdain became another factor in her fascination. She read everything she could about how cities came to be, how they were arranged, the many ways they grew and changed. She loved reading about plans gone wrong — Brasília, Dubai, Las Vegas — but also about the more recent successes in adaptation, mitigation.”

    — a passage from “This View From Here,” by Rich Larson

    The spotlight

    When you envision the future of sustainable living, do you picture a dense city or the rural countryside?

    The hyper-urban and the hyper-rural have both appeared in different visions of what a green future might look like, from sci-fi to pop culture to actual policy proposals. You may have a gut reaction that one of these visions is “better” for the planet; you likely jump to one or the other when you imagine what a truly sustainable society could look like.

    In “This View From Here,” one of the winning stories in this year’s Imagine 2200 short fiction contest, author Rich Larson explores the tension between contrasting urban and rural visions, in a future where that divide is still alive and well. The main character, Vivian, is preparing to leave her rural hometown in North Carolina to live out her dream of becoming an urban planner, which her father finds difficult to accept:

    “I knew you’d move to the city someday.” He shrugs those broad bony shoulders she used to ride on. “I was figuring on Asheville, though. Maybe Charlotte. Not all the way across the country to one of the world’s worst flood-and-fire zones.”

    “That’s where they need planners most,” Vivian says.

    He shakes his head. “That’s where people shouldn’t be living at all. It’s hubris, pure and simple.”

    “There’s no undo button for urbanization, Pa,” she says. “Even if there was, I wouldn’t push it. Humans group up for a reason. It’s resource-efficient, it’s space-efficient, it’s —”

    “It’s exactly what got us into this mess,” her pa cuts in. “Bigger, newer, bigger, newer, tear it down and build it again —”

    “You know that’s not what I’m going there to do,” Vivian snaps.

    In the story, the father’s resistance comes partly from the fact that he fears his daughter will be in danger from climate impacts in a western city, while their southeastern town enjoys relative stability. Larson noted that he wrote the story after a visit to North Carolina in the summer of 2024, before the devastation of Hurricane Helene. At that time, Asheville and the surrounding area was considered something of a climate haven. “The fact the region has since experienced horrific flooding underlines the reach and unpredictability of the climate emergency,” Larson said over email.

    But the story’s central conflict is based not on a question of where a person might live to try and escape the impacts of climate change, but a debate about the best way for humans to live if we want to mitigate it. Larson was inspired in part by a conversation with an urban planner friend in Montreal. “He poked some holes in the hyper-rural techno-village idea that often crops up in [sci-fi] — I’m guilty of it myself — by pointing out that cities are incredibly resource efficient when it comes to energy and infrastructure,” he said.

    Illustration shows a young woman and an older man sitting near each other, surrounded by vegetation and insects. Their expressions and pose suggest worry or tension.

    The lead artwork from “This View From Here,” showing Vivian and her father. Violeta Encarnación

    Whether you tend to imagine that hyper-rural existence, or immediately picture a future cityscape, looking at the relative sustainability merits of dense cities and close-to-the-land agrarian communities reveals something much more interesting than a contrast between competing ideals — the possibility that both belong in our visions for the future, improved by existing in closer relationship to one another.

    Small footprints in the city

    While the concrete, crowds, and bright lights of the city may seem to contrast with visions of living in sustainable harmony with nature, the truth is that there are real advantages city living creates when it comes to lowering carbon footprints. So many people living in close proximity both demands efficiency and creates it. (As Vivian tells her father in the story, “Humans group up for a reason.”)

    “In cities, you tend to have more compact living spaces,” said Mark Chambers, an architect and city policy expert who now leads partnerships for the cleantech investor Elemental Impact. Homes that are smaller and closer together — in the same building, or wall-to-wall — tend to be more efficient to heat and cool. And where there are masses of people, there is the opportunity for mass transit, in the form of trains, buses, and other communal offerings like bike shares and rideshares.

    “There’s an efficient use of resources, because your proximity to those resources enables you to tap into them without having to have them isolated solely for your use,” Chambers said.

    Those working on the future of city living are focused on how to make the most of those inherent efficiencies — concepts like the 15-minute city imagine dense, walkable neighborhoods that create connected communities.

    But one of the biggest challenges to realizing the sustainability benefits of denser living is that, in reality, many people still don’t want to live that way. Most Americans still aspire to own larger homes that are more spread out from one another. The chokehold that the single-family home has on the American consciousness — not to mention, our zoning codes — creates a significant obstacle to implementing denser housing arrangements in places that don’t currently have them.

    “Urban environments force compromise,” Chambers said, suggesting that may be viewed as a negative for many in the U.S., because it runs counter to deeply ingrained ideals of rugged individualism. “We don’t necessarily have a lot of great narratives around collectivism that are aspirational,” he said.

    His hope is that this can shift, and city life can become not just aspirational for its efficiencies, but also be a desirable lifestyle. That mindset would not only shift our willingness to imagine cities as the future, but also how we imagine the future of rural areas. Even in hyper-rural settings, the most sustainable version of country living might look a little more like the efficiencies of dense urban centers.

    Spencer R. Scott, a former career scientist turned writer and environmental consultant, felt the draw of the agrarian ideal. Scott and his husband left San Francisco to start Solar Punk Farms in 2020 — a queer-run land regeneration project in Northern California.

    “There is a lot that we can learn from why cities can be enjoyable and why density can be enjoyable — but we can also have that at a smaller scale in rural places,” he said. “I’ve seen a couple places in Eastern Europe, these small, rural farming towns are all kind of packed close together on a road, with the farmland extending back in these long lines. And so they all live very close together, but then they have all of this open space around them where they’re farming.”

    He hopes to be part of creating that mindset shift. “That is kind of our explicit purpose with Solar Punk Farms, is changing what is seen as aspirational,” he said. But, in addition to the messaging and educational work it takes to change attitudes, there are some practical barriers to building that dream vision. Policy shifts — for instance, upzoning for denser housing — can be more difficult to achieve in rural areas, for logistical reasons. Solar Punk Farms is on unincorporated territory in Sonoma County, meaning the area doesn’t have local governance. Scott and his husband have been working toward incorporation, “which is the process of becoming a town or a city so that you can have a mayor and set your own laws and have a little more agency over zoning and permitting and things like that,” he said.

    Production in the country

    While density is desirable from an efficiency standpoint, it also comes with a sustainability disadvantage: Cities rely on food, energy, and other goods produced elsewhere and shipped in.

    “We often are fairly disconnected from the origins of our food,” Chambers offered as an example. And the long, brittle supply chains that support cities are vulnerable to shocks, as the COVID-19 pandemic illustrated.

    In a rural setting, there’s a more obvious connection to the land and systems of production. That may be why many visions of a sustainable future idealize rural settings and an agrarian way of living.

    At the same time, living close to the land on a small-scale, restorative farm, like the one Scott and his husband are building in Northern California, is not the norm in most of the rural United States. The current realities of our mainstream agricultural system leave it pretty far off from the vision of a future of sustainable agrarian living.

    Sarah Carlson, senior programs and member engagement director at the nonprofit Practical Farmers of Iowa (who was featured on the Grist 50 list in 2019), notes that many commercial farmers in the Midwest aren’t actually growing food. Her family’s farm, for instance, in northern Illinois, grew corn and soybeans largely for animal feed and biofuels. While people might assume that farmers are likely to grow at least some food for their own use or local use — neighbors trading fresh eggs for fresh vegetables — that isn’t always the case.

    “My grandparents, who were Depression kids, they had gardens, but then my mom and dad never had gardens,” Carlson said. She would bet that there are more people tending gardens — food that they themselves will actually eat — in the suburbs where she lives now than on farms in Iowa.

    Plus, the methods of conventional farming mean that the natural environments surrounding large-scale, conventional farms are far from a pastoral ideal.

    At Practical Farmers of Iowa, Carlson is working toward a vision of healthy and resilient farms that amplifies the inherent sustainability advantages of rural life — and, she hopes, will attract more people to rural places, creating more vibrant communities. For example, planting cover crops — her number one “low-hanging fruit,” she said — can help reduce dependence on synthetic fertilizers and pesticides, reduce erosion, and bring more diversity to the landscape, as well as more jobs.

    She wants to see a world where more people are drawn to rural life, rather than lured away by opportunities elsewhere, creating diverse, thriving communities.

    But her dream vision would involve an even greater overhaul of land use. “To me, it’s concentric circles,” she said. “Nearest to the humans would be the most highly perishable crops — so, around small towns is more fruit and vegetable production. The next layer out from that would be milk and dairy systems that would be grass-based as much as possible.” And extending out from there, fields of broad acre crops would be grown in varied rotations.

    Bridging the urban-rural divide

    Scott, Carlson, and Chambers all expressed that, in a sustainable future, there needs to be more connective tissue between cities and rural areas. It’s not about favoring one ideal or the other, or even what each can learn from the other — a truly sustainable future requires both working together, and visions that imagine that harmony.

    For Carlson, that harmony is closer than people may think. “Rural and urban places are actually probably more similar than I think is given credit,” said Carlson. They suffer from some of the same challenges — like “brain drain” to the suburbs. And both can facilitate tight bonds between neighbors. In the city, it’s because there’s no getting away from each other, as Chambers alluded to. In the country, it’s because residents rely on one another to fill needs that aren’t provided by centralized public services. “I would have to depend on my neighbors to pull me out when there’s a snowstorm or whatever happens,” Carlson said. “So I think there’s actually more in common culturally, with dependence on community.”

    Like Carlson, Scott sees a future in which the separation between urban and rural communities is less stark. A future where perhaps, a character like Vivian’s father wouldn’t need to have as much anxiety about what awaits his daughter in the city, as we see in Rich Larson’s short story.

    Where Carlson imagines concentric circles, Scott sees sheds. “I think that we are in this shift to more bioregional thinking,” he said, including greater awareness of the ecosystems and human systems that we are a part of, wherever we live — our watersheds, fibersheds, and foodsheds.

    One thing that always struck him living in San Francisco was how few people knew where the city sourced its water. In fact, that was another impetus for Scott in starting Solar Punk Farms. “We want to be a little satellite off from the city in a more rural space, where people can start to weave that relationship,” he said.

    — Claire Elise Thompson

    More exposure

    See for yourself

    What about you? Where do you envision living your best, greenest, most fulfilling life? I’d love to hear from you at cethompson@grist.org.

    A parting shot

    Still one of my all-time favorite examples of solarpunk imagery is this Chobani commercial from 2021 — an animated short titled “Dear Alice.” The action takes place on a family farm, but a big city with plant-covered skyscrapers is visible in the distance, looking like a friendly neighbor. Although it is an ad, and ostensibly designed to make me want to buy yogurt and oat milk, what it really makes me want is to live in this future. Like, now.

    Screenshot of a Chobani commercial shows rolling green farmland and in the background a city with skyscrapers

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Fiction to reality: Bridging the urban-rural divide on Jan 29, 2025.


    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Claire Elise Thompson.

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  • Hundreds of millions of people in China and other parts of East Asia are on the move this week to celebrate New Year’s with family gatherings, feasts and traditional activities honoring ancestors and hoping to bring good fortune.

    Colloquially known as “Chinese New Year,” the Lunar New Year falls on Jan. 29 this year, but it can come as early as Jan. 21 or as late as Feb. 20. In 2026, the holiday falls on Feb. 17.

    The variation is the result of using a lunar calendar based on the phases of the moon, modified into a lunisolar calendar that addresses leap years to keep it roughly in line with the solar year of the Western, or Gregorian, calendar.

    Most East Asian nations adopted the Gregorian calendar in the late 19th or early 20th centuries, and the lunisolar calendar is used for cultural events, religious ceremonies, and for some people, birthdays.

    Worshipers burn incense at Wong Tai Sin Temple to welcome the Lunar New Year of the Snake in Hong Kong, Jan. 29, 2025.
    Worshipers burn incense at Wong Tai Sin Temple to welcome the Lunar New Year of the Snake in Hong Kong, Jan. 29, 2025.
    (Chan Long Hei/AP)

    Lunar New Year traditions vary greatly among the nine countries or territories covered by Radio Free Asia.

    Most of China’s 1.4 billion people -– as well as people in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Chinese communities around the world, observe the Lunar New Year, known as Chunjie, or Spring Festival.

    In China, the holiday brings a two-week vacation and a large mass migration of people back to their hometowns, where extended families reunite for feasts of special dishes believed to bring good luck.

    Red envelopes and fireworks

    Honoring ancestors is a key part of the festivities, but many of the rituals are forward-looking, symbolizing new beginnings and the hope of good fortune and health in the new year.

    Children and youth are given red envelopes full of cash, and families clean their houses and try to pay off their debts to clean the slate. Masses of fireworks are set off to scare away demons that may haunt the new year.

    When China was poor, the Spring Festival meant a rare opportunity to eat meat and other quality foods and wear new clothes. Now, many younger Chinese use the break to fly off to Japan to ski or to tour Southeast Asian countries.

    A Chinese woman lights a prayer candle during the Chinese New Year's Eve service at Dhanagun Vihara in Bogor, West Java,  Jan. 28, 2025, on the eve of the Lunar New Year of the Snake.
    A Chinese woman lights a prayer candle during the Chinese New Year’s Eve service at Dhanagun Vihara in Bogor, West Java, Jan. 28, 2025, on the eve of the Lunar New Year of the Snake.
    (ADITYA AJI, Aditya Aji/AFP)

    The reason “Chinese New Year” is a misnomer is that the holiday is also observed on the same date in South Korea and Vietnam –- two neighbors of China that were heavily influenced by Chinese culture centuries ago. Like China, they will ring in the Year of the Snake on Wednesday.

    In South Korea, the holiday is called Seollal and features a return to hometowns, the wearing of traditional hanbok attire, playing folk games, and performing rites and offering food to deceased relatives to honor the family lineage.

    Young people bow deeply before their elders and receive gifts and money, and rice cake soup is a main treat for the holiday, which is a three-day affair.

    Kim Dynasty and Tet

    North Korea, separated from the South in the wake of World War II in a division cemented by the 1950-53 Korean War, returned to the practice of celebrating the Lunar New Year in 1989, and made it an official holiday in 2003.

    But the most important holidays in North Korea focus on the birthdates of founder Kim Il Sung and his son Kim Jong Il, the father of current leader Kim Jong Un. Even Lunar New Year is observed mainly by visits to statues of the two elder Kims.

    A woman holds her granddaughter as they visit the Lunar New Year
    A woman holds her granddaughter as they visit the Lunar New Year “Tet” market in Hanoi, Vietnam, Jan. 27, 2025.
    (Hau Dinh, Hau Dinh/AP)

    Vietnam, which moved from the lunar calendar to the Gregorian one when it was a colony of France in the late 19th century, calls the holiday Tết Nguyên Đán, or Tết for short. As in China, the Vietnamese will clean their homes and pay off debts, cook special dishes and make offerings to ancestors.

    While Vietnam will ring in the Year of the Snake this year, they don’t follow all 12 signs of the Chinese zodiac. When China observes the Year of the Rabbit, Vietnam honors the cat, while the Chinese Year of the Ox is instead the Year of the Buffalo.

    Special dumplings and Buddhist chants

    Tibet, which was annexed by China in 1950, calls its new year Losar, which falls in February or March, and very occasionally coincides with China’s Lunar New Year. This year, Losar, one of the most important festivals, falls on Feb. 28 and runs for 15 days.

    A highly religious holiday, Losar features a special noodle dish called Guthuk, containing dumplings made of different ingredients such as salt or rice that are seen as good omens.

    Tibetan women prepare for a ritual dance as they celebrate the Losar, or Tibetan New Year in Kathmandu, Nepal, Feb. 23, 2023.
    Tibetan women prepare for a ritual dance as they celebrate the Losar, or Tibetan New Year in Kathmandu, Nepal, Feb. 23, 2023.
    (Bikram Rai/AP)

    The ceremony Monlam (“Wish Path”) held at major monasteries of the Gelug sect of Tibetan Buddhism entails monks chanting and praying to bring peace and good fortune to their Himalayan region.

    The Uyghurs of the Xinjiang region, annexed by China in 1949-50, celebrate Nowruz, the Persian New Year. It falls on or near the Spring Equinox and will be observed on March 20 this year.

    The holiday is observed by various ethnic groups in countries along the Silk Road, including Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, India, Iran, Iraq, central Asian states and Turkey.

    For the Uyghurs, facing repression under Chinese rule and heavy-handed assimilation policies, there is a strong emphasis on preserving cultural identity through gatherings, feasts of special food, music and dance.

    RELATED STORIES

    Cash-strapped Chinese take the slow train home for Lunar New Year

    China swamped with respiratory infections ahead of Lunar New Year travel rush

    In song and dance, Uyghurs forced to celebrate Lunar New Year

    Splashing water, Buddhist rites

    In Southeast Asia, while Vietnam follows the Chinese-inspired calendar and traditions, the traditionally Buddhist nations of Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar mark the solar new year in mid-April, when the sun enters the sign of Aries the Ram.

    A reveler plays with water as he celebrates the Songkran holiday, which marks the Thai New Year in Bangkok, Thailand, April 14, 2024.
    A reveler plays with water as he celebrates the Songkran holiday, which marks the Thai New Year in Bangkok, Thailand, April 14, 2024.
    (Chalinee Thirasupa/Reuters)

    Many rites and practices are similar to those of Thailand, with water festivals aimed at cleansing and renewal, as well as traditional food, games, music and dancing. The festival comes in the hottest month of the year, just after the harvest and before the rainy season.

    In Cambodia, the Khmer New Year – known variously as Chaul Chnam Thmey, Moha Sangkran or Sangkran – runs from April 14-16 this year. It is a time of family reunions, religious ceremonies and giving alms to the poor.

    In next-door Laos, the New Year is known as Pi Mai or Boun Pimay, and this will run from April 13-16. During the festivities, people splash water on each other to bring good luck and peace throughout the coming year.

    Revelers take part in mass water fights on the first day of Songkran, or Thai New Year, in Bangkok on April 13, 2024.
    Revelers take part in mass water fights on the first day of Songkran, or Thai New Year, in Bangkok on April 13, 2024.
    (Lillian Suwanrumpha/AFP)

    The people of Myanmar celebrate the Burmese New Year, called Thingyan, or Water Festival, by throwing buckets of water on each other and on Buddha images as an act of prayer to wash away misfortunes to welcome the new year. It falls on April 13-16 this year.

    Edited by Malcolm Foster.


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  • Seg3 sudan rsf gold

    As U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres renews his call for an immediate halt to fighting in Sudan between the country’s military and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, we speak with New York Times correspondent Declan Walsh about how the conflict is being fueled by the illicit gold trade. He reports that Sudan’s gold riches are being smuggled out of the country by both sides in order to pay for the drones, guns and missiles that have killed tens of thousands of people since the start of the civil war in April 2023. Much of that wealth is ending up in the United Arab Emirates, which backs the RSF despite mounting evidence of the group’s war crimes and crimes against humanity. “Gold is really at the heart of the RSF’s ascent to power,” says Walsh.


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  • Comprehensive coverage of the day’s news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice.

    The post The Pacifica Evening News, Weekdays – January 27, 2025 appeared first on KPFA.


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