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  • Seg3 munther rubble

    Christmas celebrations are canceled in the West Bank and the city of Bethlehem, Jesus Christ’s birthplace, for the second year in a row in response to Israel’s genocidal attack on Gaza and ethnic cleansing of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. We feature an excerpt of the Christmas sermon of Reverend Munther Isaac of the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem, titled “Christ Is Still in the Rubble,” referencing a sermon he gave at this time last year titled “Christ in the Rubble,” about the loss of Palestinian life to Israel’s assault of Gaza. We also go to Bethlehem to speak with Reverend Isaac. He shares his message to the U.S. and the rest of the world. “Our fear here in Bethlehem is that there is no one who’s going to hold Israel accountable,” he says. “We’re tired and sick of these wars, which are enabled by American tax money and American politics.”


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    More than a decade ago, loan financier Matt Martorello was worried that the golden days for his high-interest lending venture were over.

    In an email to his accountants, he detailed how attorneys general in multiple states were sending cease-and-desist letters to the online enterprise he operated with a Native American tribe based in Michigan. Major banks wanted nothing to do with the business, which offered small-dollar loans at exorbitant interest rates far above limits set by many states. Federal regulators were suing his competitors.

    The pressure was getting to be too much. Martorello feared the federal government seeking “every $ I have” in restitution, he wrote in the December 2012 email.

    He was expecting his firm, then based in the Virgin Islands, to be audited by the U.S. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and worried about the agency’s ability to put the tribal lending industry out of business. The federal agency was leaning hard on loan operations that formed alliances with tribes to claim sovereign immunity and bypass state laws that protect consumers.

    “Bottom line is, this business will simply not exist in 2 to 3 years anything like it does right now,” Martorello wrote.

    But none of that came to pass. In the 12 years since, the tribal loans kept flowing, fueling a multibillion-dollar industry built on punishing loan terms aimed at people who can least afford them.

    How did the industry survive?

    ProPublica found that tribal lending benefited from more than just sovereign immunity.

    Powerful allies in the financial sector and payday loan industry, which encompasses all forms of short-term lending, have served as protectors at key junctures. Even as many states kicked out storefront payday and auto title lenders, online tribal lending flourished. Industry lobbyists helped beat back congressional plans for consumer protections, while payday industry lawyers dragged the CFPB to court and hindered the agency.

    At the same time, differing approaches over three presidential administrations saw crackdowns on tribal lending excesses rise, then falter. Coming off a successful case that devastated one major tribal-affiliated operator, the Federal Trade Commission’s consumer protection bureau has been sidetracked by competing demands and a 2021 Supreme Court decision that constrained the agency’s ability to recover money from companies.

    An FTC staff attorney who handled lending cases across a variety of industries told ProPublica that the agency monitors complaints but “can’t sue every bad actor.”

    “We’re a small agency of limited resources. We have to pick and choose where we think we can make the greatest impact,” said Gregory Ashe, the attorney.

    A wavering commitment at the federal level provided just enough leeway for the tribes to adapt and thrive. The consequences for consumers have been catastrophic.

    Using a sample of personal bankruptcies nationwide over a three-year period, ProPublica found nearly 5% included unpaid high-interest loans linked to tribes. That translates to an estimated 19,000 cases on average per year.

    “They gave me the money quick, but they also empty your pockets just as fast,” said Bobbie J. Williams, a sheet-metal worker from Rhode Island and father of four who needed an infusion of cash when he was sick with COVID-19. His 2022 bankruptcy petition included two tribal loans.

    Since 2019, ProPublica found, on average more than 1,800 consumer complaints per year are routed to the FTC about these types of loans, which can carry annual percentage rates of over 600%. Complaints came from people in dire need, including single parents, people crushed under medical debt and others trying to stave off homelessness.

    Consumer advocates do not expect that the second Trump administration will do anything to crack down on abusive lending practices linked to tribes or any other form of predatory lending. The billionaire Elon Musk, Donald Trump’s close adviser, posted “Delete CFPB” on X in November, signaling that the nation’s primary consumer watchdog could be on the chopping block in the new administration.

    “We would like to see more enforcement action by both federal and state authorities,” said Lauren Saunders, associate director of the National Consumer Law Center, which has advocated for tougher measures on payday lenders.

    Martorello, who lives in Texas, declined through an attorney to comment for this story, citing “ongoing and pending litigation.” In the email to his accountants, which was later revealed as part of a civil suit, Martorello stressed he was operating legally and acting on the advice of major law firms. “I don’t want you to think that we are doing anything wrong, we certainly are NOT,” he wrote.

    With Martorello’s fears about regulation unrealized, the website affiliated with his tribal partners — Big Picture Loans — is still online offering short-term installment loans. The tribe, which split with Martorello, charges APRs between 160% and 699%, it told ProPublica.

    “We’ve helped more than 400,000 people experience a smarter way to borrow!” the website boasts.

    A Powerful Industry

    For more than a decade, U.S. Sen. Jeff Merkley has tried to protect consumers from outrageous lending rates.

    Over and over again — seven times in 12 years — the Oregon Democrat has proposed a bill to force internet lenders, including Native American companies, to comply with state interest rate caps and to register with the CFPB. Year after year the effort fails.

    On the Senate floor in 2016, he pressed his colleagues for their support, explaining the reality of high-interest online loans. “These payday loans pull families into a vortex of debt from which they cannot escape, and this vortex destroys them financially,” he said.

    U.S. Sen. Jeff Merkley argues for his SAFE Lending Act in this 2016 video posted to Facebook. (Sen. Jeff Merkley/Facebook)

    Merkley got only 13 co-sponsors that year: all Democrats and one independent, Vermont’s Bernie Sanders. The current version before the Senate has even fewer: 10.

    His legislation has never even made it out of committee, a fate he attributes to the considerable influence of “the payday loan industry and big banks,” he told ProPublica in a prepared statement.

    Payday lenders spent $4.9 million lobbying Congress in 2023, according to OpenSecrets, an organization that tracks money in politics. That includes $1.3 million laid out by the Online Lenders Alliance, a trade group that includes tribal lenders. “For Tribes involved in consumer lending, these enterprises have become a critical part of their economic development efforts as Tribes rely on business enterprises to provide essential government services to their members,” the Online Lenders Alliance told ProPublica in an email.

    “This is a very entrenched industry with a lot of dollars at stake,” said University of New Mexico law professor Nathalie Martin, who has studied tribal lending.

    Ellen Harnick, executive vice president of the Center for Responsible Lending, a nonprofit that works to end abusive financial practices, said the payday industry hires high-priced, experienced lobbyists who ingratiate themselves with state and federal lawmakers through campaign contributions, dinner invitations and casual meetings while roaming the halls of power. The access gives them opportunities to argue that high-cost loans are beneficial for people who find it hard to obtain credit.

    The result, she said, is that even legislators who would never counsel anyone they love to take on such burdensome debt nonetheless decide, “I’m not going to shut it down.”

    Reform measures have been opposed by the Native American Financial Services Association, which represents tribal lenders, and a larger industry group: the American Financial Services Association, which advocates for the consumer credit industry and does not include tribal lenders.

    Congressional action is a direct threat to tribal lending because while tribes claim immunity from state laws, they must comply with federal lending laws. Merkley’s bill would have given the federal government a means to force tribes to abide by state interest rate caps. The Online Lenders Alliance is against such caps, arguing they block some consumers from getting smaller loans necessary to make ends meet.

    Currently, there is no federal interest rate cap, with one notable exception: Payday lenders cannot charge active-duty service members and their families more than 36% annually.

    In every congressional session since 2008, separate from Merkley’s efforts, lawmakers have unsuccessfully sought to extend that cap to all Americans.

    Although banks and credit unions generally don’t charge over 36% for credit cards or other products, the larger financial industry has strongly opposed a cap. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce in 2021 also formally opposed the legislation, arguing that it would harm consumers by limiting access to credit. Proponents of the cap say that 36% is high enough to facilitate lending and that unconscionable rates lead to major debt traps.

    At times the role of Native Americans in the industry has been used to beat back the 36% cap. At a 2021 hearing, U.S. Sen. Jon Tester, a Montana Democrat, acknowledged the need to protect consumers from “bad actors and unscrupulous practices.” But he said the Senate also had to consider “the sovereignty issue” of Native Americans and the “good-paying jobs” the tribal lending industry provided in his state.

    He suggested that the committee “massage this bill” to make it better, fearing that the bill as written could have negative impacts on tribes. The legislation never passed.

    Federal Regulators Lose Their Way

    The Scott Tucker case, with its tales of lavish spending and colorful deception, temporarily brought attention to some of the questionable practices and partnerships associated with tribal lending.

    Tucker controlled AMG Services Inc., an online payday lender that grew into a billion-dollar business. Inside the call center in Overland Park, Kansas, employees were instructed to pretend they were on tribal lands somewhere else in the country. They were given out-of-state weather reports to help play up the ruse in their small talk with customers.

    AMG’s success helped fuel Tucker’s splashy lifestyle that included a side venture: Level 5 Motorsports, a professional auto racing team.

    But Tucker’s life in the fast lane — complete with luxury homes, a Lear jet, and a fleet of Ferraris and Porsches — came to a screeching halt. In early 2016, a federal grand jury indicted him on charges related to collecting unlawful debts and failing to truthfully disclose loan terms. It claimed he entered into “sham business relationships” with three tribes and “systematically exploited” more than 4.5 million borrowers.

    Tucker and his lawyer were convicted of participating in a racketeering enterprise, wire fraud and other charges. A judge sentenced Tucker to 200 months in prison and his lawyer to 84 months.

    Tucker’s spectacular downfall, the subject of an episode of TV’s “American Greed,” sent waves of fear around the industry. Federal prosecutors also indicted a Philadelphia-area tribal lender and his lawyer around the same time as Tucker, but then brought no major criminal cases against others in the industry in the years that followed.

    “I’m not aware of additional cases, and wouldn’t be able to comment on any ongoing investigations that may or may not exist,” U.S. Department of Justice spokesperson Wyn Hornbuckle told ProPublica.

    Scott Tucker, who faced wire fraud and other charges as result of his loan operations, exits a federal court in Manhattan in 2016. No other major criminal cases were brought in later years involving the tribal lending industry. (Brendan McDermid/Reuters)

    Earlier in the Obama administration, in an initiative dubbed Operation Choke Point, regulators sought to “choke off” fraud by pressuring bank executives and payment processors to scrutinize their relationships with industries deemed “high risk,” particularly payday lenders.

    The effort briefly stalled tribal lending as the companies disabled lenders’ access to customers’ bank accounts, effectively incapacitating their operations.

    But Republican lawmakers cried foul, seeing it as an attempt to stifle legal businesses. They hauled regulators into congressional hearings and chastised them. Faced with an uproar, regulators began to back off.

    “I view it as tragic that it kind of blew up politically,” said Dru Stevenson, a professor at South Texas College of Law Houston who studied the firestorm around Operation Choke Point.

    He believes that although the program’s image suffered from a few overly aggressive officials, if it had run its course, “tribal lending would be in a different place, where it would be less abusive and less exploitative.”

    The fallout likely had a long-term effect on enforcement, he said. “There’s too many people at these agencies who lived through the backlash of Operation Choke Point and it’s not worth the risk of having that come up again.”

    The Trump administration officially ended Operation Choke Point and set a new, friendlier tone across agencies.

    Trump’s appointee to head the CFPB, Mick Mulvaney, wrote in the CFPB’s five-year strategic plan in 2018 that the bureau would refrain from “pushing the envelope,” so as not to trample on the liberties of citizens or interfere with the sovereignty or autonomy of Native American tribes. That year he killed a case against Golden Valley Lending, a tribal lender based in California.

    The CFPB, under Trump, also repealed a rule requiring payday lenders to determine whether borrowers had the ability to repay.

    Another tribal lending operation in California continued for about a decade before being shut down by the FTC in May 2020 for deceptive practices. By then it had issued 285,700 consumer loans, totaling nearly $60 million. With fees and interest, borrowers had repaid a whopping $175 million. By the time the FTC acted, most of the profits had been spent or transferred overseas by nontribal business partners. The government ultimately returned less than $1 million to borrowers.

    Regulation never ramped up again under President Joe Biden. In part that’s because the CFPB was hamstrung by an unfavorable appellate court ruling in a case brought by the payday lending industry that challenged the agency’s constitutionality. In May, the U.S. Supreme Court handed CFPB a major victory, upholding its funding mechanism and, therefore, its existence.

    Empowered once again, the CFPB vowed to pursue predatory lenders and restart a dozen or so cases that stalled during the court fight. No tribal lender, however, appeared on that list. The CFPB, via a spokesperson, declined to comment for this story.

    Defeated But Defiant

    Matt Martorello, the Texas man who in 2012 feared the U.S. government stomping out tribal lending, ended up in court, but not because of any federal action.

    A Virginia law firm, Kelly Guzzo PLC, filed a class-action lawsuit on behalf of borrowers in 2017 against Martorello and council members of Michigan’s Lac Vieux Desert Band of Lake Superior Chippewa Indians. Also named in the suit was Big Picture Loans LLC, which is owned by the tribe. The suit challenged the legality of the loans, given Virginia’s longstanding policies capping interest rates, and was followed by additional civil suits across the country.

    Big Picture Loans settled in 2020 for $8.7 million in restitution for customers and $100 million in debt relief. Martorello, however, refused to give in.

    His company, Eventide Credit Acquisitions LLC, unsuccessfully sued Big Picture Loans and its parent company to prevent it from settling. “It was a massive waste of everyone’s time and money,” the tribe told ProPublica in an email.

    The tribe said it has no current relationship with Martorello following the 2016 purchase of a Martorello company that had been servicing its loans.

    A judge ruled against Martorello in 2023 and ordered him to pay tens of millions to Virginia borrowers. That same judge also found that Martorello had been the “de facto head” of the tribe’s lending business, a finding he has vigorously disputed.

    Earlier this year, Martorello agreed to a $65 million settlement with borrowers across the nation. But he later filed for bankruptcy and couldn’t raise enough money to fund the settlement by an agreed-upon deadline, voiding the deal. His legal battle challenging the 2023 judgment now will continue in a federal appeals court.

    Eventide, the company he founded, also has filed for bankruptcy.

    As part of that case, it has argued that if online tribal lending was not appropriate and violated state lending laws, then “Congress, the CFPB, and other federal agencies would have shut it down a long time ago.”

    To do the best, most comprehensive reporting on this opaque industry, we want to hear from more of the people who know it best. Do you work for a tribal lending operation, either on a reservation or for an outside business partner? Do you belong to a tribe that participates in this lending or one that has rejected the industry? Are you a regulator or lawyer dealing with these issues? Have you borrowed from a tribal lender? All perspectives matter to us. Please get in touch with Megan O’Matz at megan.omatz@propublica.org or 954-873-7576, or Joel Jacobs at joel.jacobs@propublica.org or 917-512-0297. Visit propublica.org/tips for information on secure communication channels.

    Mariam Elba contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Joel Jacobs and Megan O’Matz.

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  • Survivors of the Bosnian Genocide 30 years ago told Radio Free Asia that they see parallels between their suffering and the experiences of Uyghurs in China’s far-western Xinjiang region.

    At that that time, the international community failed to stop the mass killings and other crimes against Bosnian Muslims. The 1992-95 Bosnian War left 100,000 dead, including the slaughter of 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys in Srebrenica.

    Bosnians don’t want to see that happen again, and yet they see it unfolding in various locations around the world.

    “We have been shouting for many years that ethnic genocide should never happen again, but we are witnessing it every day,” said Almasa Salihovic, 36, who at age 8 fled with her family from advancing Serb forces and lost a brother in Srebrenica.

    Almasa Salihovic, spokesperson for the Potocari-Srebrenica Memorial Center, visits the Srebrenica genocide memorial cemetery in the village of Potocari near the Eastern Bosnian town of Srebrenica, May 23, 2024.
    Almasa Salihovic, spokesperson for the Potocari-Srebrenica Memorial Center, visits the Srebrenica genocide memorial cemetery in the village of Potocari near the Eastern Bosnian town of Srebrenica, May 23, 2024.
    (Elvis Barukcic/AFP)

    “We see that it is happening to Middle Eastern people, and it happened to African peoples,” said Salihovic, a spokesperson for the Potocari-Srebrenica Memorial Center, referring to the Palestinians and killings in Darfur, Sudan and Rwanda. “There was no concrete action to stop this.”

    Salihovic said she was perplexed as why the international community has not yet taken concrete actions against China for what the U.S. government and more than 10 parliaments in Western countries have declared a genocide and crimes against humanity.

    “The international community has failed so far to stop this type of crime,” she said.

    Azim Halic, director of the Museum of Crimes Against Humanity and Genocide in Sarajevo, Bosnia’s capital, empathizes with the Uyghurs. Anytime political and human rights are taken away from people, it’s a crime, she said

    “That is what happened here and is happening all around the world right now and to the Uyghurs as well,” she told Radio Free Asia.

    Ethnic cleansing

    Many Bosnians are still haunted by memories of the genocide.

    In 1992, the Bosnian Serb Army set out to “ethnically cleanse” Bosnian territory by systematically removing all Muslims, and mostly Catholic Bosnian Croats in an effort to incorporate the area into a greater Serbia.

    Over the next few years, Bosnian Serb forces, with the backing of the Serb-dominated Yugoslav army, perpetrated crimes against Bosnian Muslims, called Bosniaks, and Croatian civilians, resulting in the deaths of some 100,000 people, some 80% of them Bosniak.

    Salihovic said she and her family sought refuge in a former battery factory in Srebrenica, a designated security zone controlled by Dutch soldiers under the command of the U.N. peacekeeping forces.

    RELATED STORIES

    EU lawmakers find ‘serious risk of genocide’ in China’s repression of Uyghurs

    French Parliament calls Uyghur persecution a genocide

    Belgium, Czech Republic legislatures pass Uyghur genocide declarations

    UK Parliament unanimously designates abuses in Xinjiang as genocide in historic vote

    US declares China’s policies toward Uyghurs amount to ‘genocide’ and ‘crimes against humanity’

    But the Dutch soldiers failed to protect the Muslims, and Bosnian Serb forces separated her brother, Abdulla Salihovic, from the rest of the family and killed him, she said.

    All told, nearly 8,400 Muslim men and boys were killed in Srebrenica, the single largest massacre in Europe since World War II.

    ‘Happening around the world’

    Many Bosnians are aware of the plight of the Uyghurs in China, who have been subjected to mass detentions, torture, forced labor and the destruction of property, including religious structures, though they are more familiar with the oppression of Palestinians.

    Refugees from the overrun UN safe-haven enclave of Srebrenica gather outside the UN base at Tuzla airport in Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 14, 1995.
    Refugees from the overrun UN safe-haven enclave of Srebrenica gather outside the UN base at Tuzla airport in Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 14, 1995.
    (Darko Bandic/AP)

    “We know that Uyghur Muslims, because of religion and everything else, are being forced to perform labor, basically tortured,” said restaurant owner Abdu Porcovic, 39, who also survived Bosnia’s genocide.

    “All their freedoms are being reduced,” he added.

    Muhtar Abdurrahman, a Uyghur scholar whom RFA interviewed in Sarajevo during an October meeting of the World Uyghur Congress, called on the Chinese government to stop its persecution of the mostly Muslim Uyghurs.

    “They should remember how the perpetrator of the Bosnian genocide, Slobodan Milosevic, was brought before an international criminal court and faced justice,” he said.

    Milosevic, president of Serbia between 1989–1997 and president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1997 until his overthrow in 2000, was tried on charges of committing war crimes at an international criminal tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, in the early 2000s. He died before the case concluded.

    ‘Fascist government’

    Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, who led the Bosnian Serb Army and was known as the “butcher of Bosnia,” were also tried and convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity.

    Gloved hands hold human skull during exhumation from mass-grave site near Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia, Sept. 18, 2009.
    Gloved hands hold human skull during exhumation from mass-grave site near Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia, Sept. 18, 2009.
    (AP)

    Their fate suggests that those responsible for modern-day genocides also will see their day in court, Abdurrahman said.

    “We firmly believe that [Chinese President] Xi Jinping and his henchmen and his fascist government one day will face justice here in the International Criminal Court one day,” he said.

    The Bosnia War ended with the signing of the Dayton Accords in December 1995, a peace agreement that divided Bosnia and Herzegovina into two autonomous states — the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina dominated by Bosniaks and Croats, and the Bosnian Serb Republic dominated by Bosnian Serbs.

    Despite the immense hardships facing Uyghurs, Abdurrahman is hopeful that the situation in Xinjiang will follow a similar trajectory.

    “We are convinced that this genocide will eventually play a role in the birth of an independent Uyghur nation,” he said.

    Translated by RFA Uyghur Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Mamatjan Juma for RFA Uyghur.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Survivors of the Bosnian Genocide 30 years ago told Radio Free Asia that they see parallels between their suffering and the experiences of Uyghurs in China’s far-western Xinjiang region.

    At that that time, the international community failed to stop the mass killings and other crimes against Bosnian Muslims. The 1992-95 Bosnian War left 100,000 dead, including the slaughter of 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys in Srebrenica.

    Bosnians don’t want to see that happen again, and yet they see it unfolding in various locations around the world.

    “We have been shouting for many years that ethnic genocide should never happen again, but we are witnessing it every day,” said Almasa Salihovic, 36, who at age 8 fled with her family from advancing Serb forces and lost a brother in Srebrenica.

    Almasa Salihovic, spokesperson for the Potocari-Srebrenica Memorial Center, visits the Srebrenica genocide memorial cemetery in the village of Potocari near the Eastern Bosnian town of Srebrenica, May 23, 2024.
    Almasa Salihovic, spokesperson for the Potocari-Srebrenica Memorial Center, visits the Srebrenica genocide memorial cemetery in the village of Potocari near the Eastern Bosnian town of Srebrenica, May 23, 2024.
    (Elvis Barukcic/AFP)

    “We see that it is happening to Middle Eastern people, and it happened to African peoples,” said Salihovic, a spokesperson for the Potocari-Srebrenica Memorial Center, referring to the Palestinians and killings in Darfur, Sudan and Rwanda. “There was no concrete action to stop this.”

    Salihovic said she was perplexed as why the international community has not yet taken concrete actions against China for what the U.S. government and more than 10 parliaments in Western countries have declared a genocide and crimes against humanity.

    “The international community has failed so far to stop this type of crime,” she said.

    Azim Halic, director of the Museum of Crimes Against Humanity and Genocide in Sarajevo, Bosnia’s capital, empathizes with the Uyghurs. Anytime political and human rights are taken away from people, it’s a crime, she said

    “That is what happened here and is happening all around the world right now and to the Uyghurs as well,” she told Radio Free Asia.

    Ethnic cleansing

    Many Bosnians are still haunted by memories of the genocide.

    In 1992, the Bosnian Serb Army set out to “ethnically cleanse” Bosnian territory by systematically removing all Muslims, and mostly Catholic Bosnian Croats in an effort to incorporate the area into a greater Serbia.

    Over the next few years, Bosnian Serb forces, with the backing of the Serb-dominated Yugoslav army, perpetrated crimes against Bosnian Muslims, called Bosniaks, and Croatian civilians, resulting in the deaths of some 100,000 people, some 80% of them Bosniak.

    Salihovic said she and her family sought refuge in a former battery factory in Srebrenica, a designated security zone controlled by Dutch soldiers under the command of the U.N. peacekeeping forces.

    RELATED STORIES

    EU lawmakers find ‘serious risk of genocide’ in China’s repression of Uyghurs

    French Parliament calls Uyghur persecution a genocide

    Belgium, Czech Republic legislatures pass Uyghur genocide declarations

    UK Parliament unanimously designates abuses in Xinjiang as genocide in historic vote

    US declares China’s policies toward Uyghurs amount to ‘genocide’ and ‘crimes against humanity’

    But the Dutch soldiers failed to protect the Muslims, and Bosnian Serb forces separated her brother, Abdulla Salihovic, from the rest of the family and killed him, she said.

    All told, nearly 8,400 Muslim men and boys were killed in Srebrenica, the single largest massacre in Europe since World War II.

    ‘Happening around the world’

    Many Bosnians are aware of the plight of the Uyghurs in China, who have been subjected to mass detentions, torture, forced labor and the destruction of property, including religious structures, though they are more familiar with the oppression of Palestinians.

    Refugees from the overrun UN safe-haven enclave of Srebrenica gather outside the UN base at Tuzla airport in Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 14, 1995.
    Refugees from the overrun UN safe-haven enclave of Srebrenica gather outside the UN base at Tuzla airport in Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 14, 1995.
    (Darko Bandic/AP)

    “We know that Uyghur Muslims, because of religion and everything else, are being forced to perform labor, basically tortured,” said restaurant owner Abdu Porcovic, 39, who also survived Bosnia’s genocide.

    “All their freedoms are being reduced,” he added.

    Muhtar Abdurrahman, a Uyghur scholar whom RFA interviewed in Sarajevo during an October meeting of the World Uyghur Congress, called on the Chinese government to stop its persecution of the mostly Muslim Uyghurs.

    “They should remember how the perpetrator of the Bosnian genocide, Slobodan Milosevic, was brought before an international criminal court and faced justice,” he said.

    Milosevic, president of Serbia between 1989–1997 and president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1997 until his overthrow in 2000, was tried on charges of committing war crimes at an international criminal tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, in the early 2000s. He died before the case concluded.

    ‘Fascist government’

    Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, who led the Bosnian Serb Army and was known as the “butcher of Bosnia,” were also tried and convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity.

    Gloved hands hold human skull during exhumation from mass-grave site near Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia, Sept. 18, 2009.
    Gloved hands hold human skull during exhumation from mass-grave site near Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia, Sept. 18, 2009.
    (AP)

    Their fate suggests that those responsible for modern-day genocides also will see their day in court, Abdurrahman said.

    “We firmly believe that [Chinese President] Xi Jinping and his henchmen and his fascist government one day will face justice here in the International Criminal Court one day,” he said.

    The Bosnia War ended with the signing of the Dayton Accords in December 1995, a peace agreement that divided Bosnia and Herzegovina into two autonomous states — the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina dominated by Bosniaks and Croats, and the Bosnian Serb Republic dominated by Bosnian Serbs.

    Despite the immense hardships facing Uyghurs, Abdurrahman is hopeful that the situation in Xinjiang will follow a similar trajectory.

    “We are convinced that this genocide will eventually play a role in the birth of an independent Uyghur nation,” he said.

    Translated by RFA Uyghur Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Mamatjan Juma for RFA Uyghur.

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  • Comprehensive coverage of the day’s news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice.

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  • It was barely a choice. In 1855, a time when the ink of border lines on United States maps had scarcely dried, Yakama Chief Kamiakin was told to sign over the land of 14 tribal nations and bands in the Pacific Northwest — or face the prospect of walking “knee deep” in the blood of his people.

    Legend has it that, when he put pen to paper, he was so furious he bit through his lip.

    By signing, he ceded over 10 million acres across what is now known as Washington state. In return, the Yakama Nation was allowed to live on a reservation one-tenth the size of their ancestral lands, about 100 miles southeast of Seattle.

    But the story doesn’t end there. The treaty map was lost for close to 75 years, misfiled by a federal clerk who put it under “M” for Montana.

    With no visual record to contradict them, federal agents extracted even more Yakama land for the nascent state, drawing new boundaries on new maps. One removed an additional 140,000 acres from the reservation, another about half a million, and still other versions exist.

    By the time the original map was discovered in the 1930s, it was too late. Settlers had already made claims well within reservation boundaries, carving the consequences of this mistake into the contours of the land. Non-Native landowners remain to this day.

    The Yakama want that land back. Most tribal members know the story of Kamiakin and his bloodied lip when he signed the treaty. Ask Phil Rigdon, a Yakama citizen and nationally recognized forester. As the superintendent of the Yakama Nation Department of Natural Resources, he deals with a medley of issues, but his most important work is getting the reservation land back. After working on this for nearly 20 years, he knows that it takes time and an entire community to make the progress they want.

    “It’s a family thing for us, as we do this business,” he said.

    a mountain landscape under blue sky
    Pahto, also known as Mount Adams, looms over the western edge of the Yakama reservation. In 1972, President Richard Nixon signed an executive order acknowledging that the mountain had been mistakenly excluded from the reservation.
    Maria Parazo Rose / Grist

    Pushed up against the eastern slopes of the Cascade Range mountains, the Yakama reservation is over a million acres — but not all of it belongs to the tribe. The primary non-tribal landowner on Yakama Nation is the state of Washington, which owns close to 92,000 surface and subsurface acres of state trust land within the reservation’s boundaries, in addition to other types of land holdings. 

    As part of the Enabling Act of 1889, the federal government gifted tracts of land to states when they graduated from territories to join the Union. These parcels, known as state trust lands, are considered resources in perpetuity: States can sell or lease these lands to make money from grazing, timber, and other activities. The profit is then used to fund a state’s institutions: universities, jails, hospitals, and, especially, public schools. 

    These lands can be a meaningful revenue source. A Grist investigation from earlier this year found that state trust lands across the Western U.S. that send money to land-grant universities paid out about $6.6 billion dollars from 2018 to 2022.

    Washington’s state trust lands, including those on the Yakama reservation, are managed by its Department of Natural Resources, or DNR. The state is eager to return the lands back to the tribe; it recognizes that a return would both complete the Yakamas’ ownership of the reservation and support the region’s environmental health. However, the state’s efforts are dictated by legal policies and priorities that ensure the land is exchanged only on the condition that Washington is compensated for the lands’ value, even though it was wrongfully taken.  

    Grist has reported on over 2 million acres of state trust lands that exist within the borders of 79 reservations across the Western U.S. Our investigation has shown that extractive industries, like mining, logging, and oil and gas drilling, operate on that land that generates billions of dollars for state entities. But the Yakama Nation’s history with state lands is singular in its legal morass. 

    When the treaty map was “misfiled,” two main areas on the reservation were repeatedly depicted as non-tribal land on incorrect replacement maps. One is along the northern border of the reservation, known as Tract C. The other is Tract D, in the reservation’s southwestern corner. 

    Today, nearly 71,500 acres of surface and subsurface state trust lands on Tract D, and 19,700 acres on Tract C, send revenue to Washington’s institutions, mostly benefitting public K-12 schools. The map the Washington DNR uses to reference the Yakama reservation still marks Tract C as a “disputed area.”

    What happened to Tract D?

    Scroll to continue

    Parker Ziegler and Clayton Aldern / Grist

    The boundary errors have been acknowledged by authorities ranging from Harold Ickes, the Secretary of the Interior during the Franklin Roosevelt administration in the 1930s, to former President Richard Nixon in the 1970s.

    But none of these acknowledgments were legally binding, said attorney Joe Sexton of Galanda Broadman law firm, based in Washington. That is, until the 2021 9th U.S. Circuit Court case of the ​​Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation v. Klickitat County, for which Sexton and Galanda Broadman, along with attorneys for the tribe led by Ethan Jones, argued the Yakamas’ case. 

    It started with a jurisdictional dispute over a criminal prosecution: In 2017, Klickitat County arrested a minor and enrolled tribal member for a crime in Tract D. The county claimed that the tribe had no jurisdiction over Tract D, since it wasn’t reservation land; the tribe declared the opposite. The Yakama Nation sued Klickitat County for stepping outside its jurisdiction; the county argued that Tract D was not included when the reservation was created. Sexton’s job was to prove that it was.  

    “If they had lost this, they would’ve really been brokenhearted about the fact that future Yakamas would not be able to consider this part of their reservation,” Sexton said. 

    With Sexton’s argument about interpreting and honoring treaty language, the Yakama Nation ultimately won the case, confirming that Tract D was and had always been a part of the reservation, within the original boundaries. This was further validated when, the following year, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the county’s appeal against Yakama Nation. The case also set a meaningful precedent for how the Tract C boundary, which has had no such adjudication, might be approached in court, Sexton said. 

    While the court’s decision was monumental, it did nothing to address the continued existence of state trust lands on the reservation.

    Under the U.S. Constitution, federal treaties with tribal nations, as with other sovereign entities, are considered the supreme law of the land. Washington also has its own state Supreme Court decision, which expressly holds that tribal treaties are binding law. The Treaty with the Yakama of 1855 precedes the federal 1889 Enabling Act that distributed state trust lands, so it should have precedence. In other words, because the treaty was signed first, the subsequent expansion of state trust lands on Yakama land, due to incorrect maps, shouldn’t have happened. 

    “The Treaty of 1855 trumps it,” Sexton said. “There’s no question about that.”

    But because of how Western property law works, the state has legitimate legal claim to those lands. 

    It goes back to how the U.S. perceived its right over the land upon which it was building itself: Empowered by the Doctrine of Discovery, a Catholic decree authorizing colonial powers to claim land, the government decided that all of the land and everything on or under it was federal property until it was turned into a state, or national park, or reservation. Whoever had the property deed, which was initially held and then granted by the federal government, was in charge. And deeds are the key to ownership, Sexton said, seen to be almost as powerful as treaties, even though they’re not listed in the Constitution. 

    So despite the fact that the U.S. gave away Yakama land to which it no longer had any right, because it fell within the bounds of the reservation, the federal government’s distribution of trust lands to Washington state is still recognized as a legal transaction. 

    Washington has the ability to decide how these trust lands are handled. But because so much time has passed since the state’s inception in 1889, generations of settlement and ownership have been established in the area, and state beneficiaries have come to count on trust lands as a revenue source — which means it is unlikely that Washington would return the trust lands on the reservation to the tribe without some form of compensation. 

    “State officials, they’ll claim that the law ties their hands. But I don’t know that it does,” Sexton said. “And if it does, they’re certainly not working to change the law in any actual way.”

    A landscape aerial of a tree-lined valley
    Klickitat Meadow, like many of the forest meadows on Tract C of the reservation, is where the headwaters of the Klickitat River begin. Many Yakama tribal members come to this closed part of the reservation to hunt and gather food, and learn about the land.
    Maria Parazo Rose / Grist

    The October sun shone through fall-colored leaves above the truck Phil Rigdon drove into the forests of Tract D. Along a rolling ridgeline, he pointed out groves of pine stands. 

    “We call this area Cedar Valley, even though there’s no cedars here,” Rigdon said, gesturing out the window. “It was the homesteaders that called it Cedar Valley. And so I don’t know why it stuck.”

    Rigdon stepped into the superintendent role for Yakama Nation’s Department of Natural Resources in 2005, coming with a bachelor’s degree in forest management from the University of Washington and a master’s degree from the Yale School of the Environment. He steers land management across the entire reservation. But before that, Rigdon was a forester. In these backroads, he recognized copses of trees he once knew as saplings he planted decades ago, now stretching 40 feet tall. 

    “You never think you grow up, but holy shit,” he said. “Now you’re like the big trees, you’re the old growth.” 

    Driving through Tract D, there was a clear contrast between different parcels of the forest. Some were densely packed or dotted with stumps — those owned and managed by the state or private interests. The forest on tribal land, meanwhile, was thinned out, full of mature trees with thick trunks. Branches stretched into air. Thinning out trees has many purposes: It decreases the material that feeds wildfires, it enables a more complex plant system, and it slows the spread of insects and disease. It creates a healthier forest. 

    Both the state and private industry harvest timber more aggressively than the tribe, though Rigdon acknowledged that the state manages forest much better than private industry, which does more clear-cutting. After all, the state DNR must manage state trust lands so that schools and other institutions receive revenue years into the future. 

    This isn’t to say the tribe doesn’t log. They cannot tax people, as a tribe, so they harvest enough to help fund their government institutions, which partly depend on timber as a revenue stream. But the Yakamas’ approach is to view land as a continuum, to be managed for the very long run. They pay attention to the overall environment, making decisions based on what allows the entire ecosystem to work as it should. Their harvesting practices double as a way of maintaining forest health — the priority over revenue generation. 

    “What we leave on the ground actually is usually more valuable than what we take,” Rigdon said. 

    The tribe values land for more than its potential economic worth: There is kinship, memory, medicine.

    Like when Joe Blodgett, a tribal member and Rigdon’s cousin, described the Klickitat Meadow, he didn’t bring up the golden grass or jagged peaks on the horizon. He talked about weekends fishing with his dad. Klickitat Meadow is in the Tract C part of the reservation, checkerboarded with state trust lands and tucked up in the mountains behind roads that require four-wheel drive. This area, and others like it, is where Blodgett and other members of Yakama Nation learned to gather food and about their connection to the land. 

    “It gets back to the importance of what our resources are offering us,” Blodgett said. “They’re making a sacrifice, they’re making that offering. And we’ve got to appreciate that.”

    Blodgett manages the Yakima Klickitat Fisheries Project, a tribal initiative that works on restoring sustainable and harvestable fish populations. His work involves overseeing environmental restoration projects, like in the Klickitat Meadow, which has been far too dry. A warmer climate played a part in this, but the full reason is more nuanced. A history of state-sanctioned sheep grazing permitted on adjacent state trust lands led to grazing on the meadow that never should have happened. Large herds, which wouldn’t normally be in the area, compacted the dirt so much that water can no longer percolate into the ground to feed the streams and rivers that start in mountain meadows like this. 

    Actions that damage the environment in seemingly small ways add up, Blodgett said. Scale matters. But by the same token, small environmental mitigation practices also add up to meaningful improvements. In a meadow stream nearby, for example, the tribe has built human approximations of beaver dams that slow the water and help it absorb into the ground. Solutions like these are called “low tech,” but the simplistic name belies their necessity for other projects to succeed.  

    For example, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers is ready to move forward with the removal of the Bateman Island Causeway, an unauthorized, artificial land bridge in the Columbia River that connects Bateman Island to the shore. Tribes have long advocated for its removal, given its disturbance to the surrounding ecosystem. Removing it will restore fish populations off the reservation, but Blodgett said the situation won’t get better without cold water coming down from the mountain streams on the reservation. That’s where the low-tech fixes come in.  

    “They’re equally important,” Blodgett said of the low-tech fixes and bigger infrastructure projects. “You’re going to see the biggest bang out there when you pull that causeway out. But if [fish] don’t have these types of systems to go back to, you’re just going to continue to spin your wheels.”

    Climate change adds pressure to the Yakamas’ environmental restoration efforts. Because the effects of a rapidly changing environment are becoming more prevalent, Blodgett and other Yakama experts know that they have to take faster, bigger action to stay ahead of and be resilient to even harsher future conditions. It will require landscape-scale restoration projects, more sustainable management of forests, and smarter water- and land-use practices — big projects for which the Yakama Nation would need cohesive control over its reservation, without pockets of state or private ownership. 


    The Yakama Nation has a plan for land reclamation. The tribe began buying land back from companies and private landowners in the mid-1990s, returning close to 40,000 acres. One of the bigger single acquisitions was a deal with a private landowner to buy back roughly 7,500 acres in Tract C for about $5 million. But the remaining 19,700 surface and subsurface acres of state trust land in Tract C have proved to be elusive; the tribe has been negotiating to reacquire those lands for over 20 years. 

    The complications come from the Enabling Act rules that govern Washington state’s financial responsibility to its beneficiaries: The state cannot lose money from state trust lands. In practice, were the state to return trust lands to Yakama Nation, it would need to be paid however much that land is worth, or receive land that is the equivalent value of what they exchange. Without that compensation, public schools and other institutions will feel the financial pinch. 

    Between 2021 and 2023, the state trust lands within Yakama reservation generated $573,219.85 — which is .16 percent of all the revenue that state trust lands across Washington state produced in that same time period.

    Washington does have one avenue for transferring state trust lands from the DNR to other entities, as long as those lands are deemed financially “unproductive.” The Trust Land Transfer program’s benefit is that the state legislature funds land exchanges, instead of an entity, like a tribe, buying it back. But you have to have a legislature willing to do that. It’s a unique program, one that the DNR says they operate in the spirit of collaboration with the tribes. 

    The state trust lands on Tract C are eligible for this program and are on the final list of this year’s proposed transfers, with “minimal long-term revenue potential.” The state DNR has requested $15 million from the state legislature to return roughly 9,900 surface acres to the tribe. Per state policy, the state would retain the rights to any subsurface materials under these lands, even if the surface rights go to the tribe. The DNR would use the payment money to purchase new lands in place of the transferred trust lands, to continue supporting beneficiaries.

    Comparatively, Tract D, which courts confirmed is a part of the Yakama reservation, is still productively generating revenue and not eligible for the Trust Land Transfer program. The legislature could theoretically fund a direct transfer to compensate the DNR and its beneficiaries for the Tract D state trust lands, but that would be a hefty price tag. So, instead, the state has brought in the federal government to facilitate an exchange, given that it has more resources and holds so much land in the area. The DNR has identified federal lands off reservation that they want and now it’s a matter of negotiation, said Commissioner of Public Lands Hilary Franz. 

    “The reason this situation exists is because the federal government created a situation of injustice to the tribes. To right the situation doesn’t mean you create a wrong,” Franz said, explaining that giving those trust lands away without an exchange would unfairly take revenue away from schools and other beneficiaries. “It means, federal government, you made the wrong allocation of lands to the state for trust lands, when it should have gone to the tribe. Now, correct that … and you make the tribes whole and you make our schools whole.”

    Franz said that if the legislature doesn’t approve funding for the Tract C Trust Land Transfer — though she is confident they will — the DNR would likely approach it in the same way as Tract D, negotiating with the federal government for a direct transfer. Otherwise, the alternative would be the arduous process of amending the state constitution and federal Enabling Act. But, Franz said, that’s too hard. 
    Hard, but not impossible. Section 11 of the 1889 Enabling Act, dealing with lands granted to support schools, has been amended eight times, most recently in 1970. Washington’s state constitution has been amended 109 times, one of the most recent in 2016 for a redistricting issue.


    The state legislature will decide whether or not to fund the Tract C trust land transfer in the spring of 2025. But no matter how the issue of trust lands is resolved between the Yakama Nation and Washington state, it sets a meaningful example for tribes on the 78 other reservations where trust lands exist.

    One cool morning last October, about 170 years after the Yakama treaty signing, a crowd of about 90 people gathered in a dusty clearing next to the Klickitat River on the southwest corner of the Yakama reservation, in Tract D. Cupped by pine-covered hillsides, they were there to commemorate the groundbreaking of long-awaited upgrades to the Klickitat Hatchery.

    A group of people in construction vests digging
    On October 11, 2024, the Yakama Nation hosted a groundbreaking ceremony for updates to the Klickitat Hatchery. Seen here are Yakama staff, joined by Tribal Chairman Gerald Lewis (far left) and Tribal Councilman Jeremy Takala (far right). Maria Parazo Rose / Grist

    It had been run by the state until 2006, when it was turned over to the tribe; tribal members have managed it back to health, holding things together with duct tape and determination. Over the low rumbling of river water, representatives from the county, state, federal, and tribal governments praised the collaborative effort that had gone into restoring the hatchery.

    The tribe was also celebrating the forthcoming return of the land the hatchery is located on. On December 13, Washington state transferred the title to the 167 acres and all the hatchery facilities from the state Department of Fish and Wildlife, or DFW, to the Yakama Nation.

    Bill Sharp, coordinator for Yakama Nation Fisheries’ projects, has worked on environmental restoration projects for 35 years. He’s white, a non-tribal member. To him, navigating the title transfer with the DFW has been faster and easier than land transfers with the state DNR. The presence of state trust lands on the reservation, he said, is an insult to injury.

    “Can you just clean the slate, say, ‘Our bad, here it is, all back’? That’s how it should go,” Sharp said, about the state trust land return efforts. “But the way things were funded, and the easements and restrictions that white people put on top of that — those things just really get in the way of doing what’s right.”

    What is the right way to settle an injustice? Who is justice for? Rigdon, Blodgett, and other Yakama experts working on this issue know that land return is a long game, even on their own reservation. They’re in it for the very long haul, which means that each new challenge is just another day — and that every win, like with the hatchery, is cause for celebration. 

    “I’ve always had the opinion that you can never lose if you never stop trying,” said Sharp. “So as long as the Yakama are here, and they live and breathe, they’re going to keep fighting to protect the resources that sustain their lives. And we all benefit from that, everyone, whether you’re a tribal member or not.”

    At the end of the ceremony, the faint smell of a warm, fresh salmon meal slipped into the air, prepared by Yakama staff for the festivities. After the closing speeches, the crowd moved like a wave, chattering about this and that while they waited in a winding line. A row of tables held trays of salad, salmon, bread, and grapes. Folks from state and federal organizations sat with their tribal counterparts, full plates in hand. The Klickitat County commissioner was there, her presence marking a fresh page in the tribal-county relationship. 

    Kids squirmed in plastic chairs before bolting across the grass to play between bites. The salmon was simple and smoky, well-salted. People ate what they wanted and took what they needed. Some came up for second helpings. Anyone could walk away with a heavy box of leftovers for a later meal. For a moment, at least, there was no competing for resources or space. There was enough to share.

    This story was produced with support from Renaissance Journalism’s 2024-2025 LaunchPad Fellowship for NextGen Journalists, and the Nova Institute for Health 2024 Media Fellowship.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A filing error put more than 90,000 acres of Yakama Nation land in the hands of Washington state on Dec 20, 2024.


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