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  • In a time of polarized politics, independent community media plays an increasingly important role. Big media are owned and controlled by large corporations. Their salient interest? To make as much profit as possible for their shareholders. That is its political economy. Given that acute limitation, it makes it difficult for most people to get information that challenges mainstream perspectives. By featuring diverse voices and views that are largely excluded, community-based media provide an alternative to corporate McNews.


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  • Comprehensive coverage of the day’s news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice.

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  • Lusaka, August 14, 2025—When a South African solar panel company last month dropped its legal battle over a gag order preventing journalist Bongani Hans from reporting on allegations of misleading clients, Hans told the Committee to Protect Journalists that he saw it as “a victory for media and press freedom.”


    But for Hans and others in the country’s journalism community, the win was bittersweet.

    South African press freedom advocates had hoped the ARTSolar case would enable the court to provide clear directives on what many see as a disturbing trend: attempts to use gag orders against journalists and activists as a form of pre-publication censorship in a country typically seen as a regional beacon of press freedom.

    CPJ has spoken to journalists in at least six other recent cases where officials and private citizens have turned to South Africa’s courts seeking prior restraint of reporting – sometimes by using protection orders originally intended to help victims of domestic violence.

    The South African cases come against a backdrop of growing global concern over vexatious lawsuits known as Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation, increasingly used to intimidate or silence journalists and activists around the world.

    South African cases investigated by CPJ include the following:

    Gagged for four years

    Freelance reporter Thomo Nkgadima is barred by a court order from “insulting” or tarnishing a local government official in “any form of media in any manner” until November 2027. The order, reviewed by CPJ, was issued in 2023 after Mampuruburu Machubeng, a volunteer at Limpopo province’s Tubatse municipality, accused the journalist of harassment.

    Nkgadima told CPJ the complaint came after he contacted Machubeng for comment while reporting on stalled hospital construction. Machubeng told CPJ by phone that he obtained the court order to protect himself because Ngkadima “wanted to tarnish my name in his reports.”

    Police detained Nkgadima in February 2025 on suspicion of breaching the protection order after he contacted Machubeng for comment about fresh investigations into the hospital project, according to the journalist and police documents. Nkgadima said that although he was released after a day and prosecutors declined to press charges, he considered the arrest “a vexatious attack to intimidate and silence” him. “I will not stop,” he told CPJ. “I love journalism and I will continue to do what I love.”

    While none of the other cases have resulted in such lengthy gag orders, other journalists interviewed by CPJ spent weeks or months in uncomfortable limbo before courts dismissed the cases, typically either for lack of evidence or on constitutionally protected free speech grounds. 

    Press freedom advocates warn that even temporary gag orders could “erode press freedom,” causing a “chilling effect that might make the journalist or their editor think twice about the costs and risks” of their reporting and creating a “template for suppressing the media” in a country where the judiciary has frequently demonstrated its willingness to push back on attacks against the media.  

    “[T]oday’s minor infringements of press freedom may become much worse in the future if they are not stamped out now,” nonprofit news outlet GroundUp warned in an editorial.

    In the cases reviewed by CPJ, applicants sought to gag the press either through interdicts on publication pursuant to defamation suits, or through protection orders originally intended to shield victims of domestic violence by prohibiting potentially harmful behavior or contact.

    South Africa’s 2011 Protection from Harassment Act extended the scope of the protection orders to shield anyone who fears harassment. Interim orders can be granted in ex parte hearings without the presence of the alleged aggressor. Anton Harber, a veteran journalist and activist, told CPJ that the ease of this process is abused in suits to silence the press.  

    Bids to silence alleged medical malpractice

    Carte Blanche anchor Lourensa Eckard.
    Carte Blanche anchor Lourensa Eckard was sued for harassment for approaching a surgeon to request comment on malpractice allegations. (Screenshot: DStv/YouTube)

    In two separate cases in the last 12 months, two doctors went to court to try to hamper investigations by the Carte Blanche TV magazine program into alleged medical malpractices.

    In November 2024, surgeon Soraya Patel filed a harassment suit against Carte Blanche journalist Lourensa Eckard after program crew approached the doctor for comment at a Gauteng Province hospital in connection with their investigations into malpractice allegations. Court documents show Carte Blanche, which airs on the direct broadcast service DStv, sought an interview multiple times before approaching Patel at the hospital to follow up on previously aired episodes of their investigation, which had included Patel’s written responses to earlier questions.  

    The court issued a notice for the journalist to appear in court and nearly eight months later, on July 9, dismissed the case, affirming that Eckard had acted in the public interest.

    In another case, Carte Blanche producer Mart-Marie Faure contacted cardiologist Ntando Peaceman Duze in May for an interview over alleged medical malpractice. On June 6, Duze obtained an interim interdict from a Kwazulu-Natal provincial court to halt the airing of the program. 

    “It’s sad that the courts are being used to stop us from airing stories that are in the public interest,” Faure told CPJ, adding that this was deterring journalists from reporting on sensitive issues.

    That interim interdict was lifted on July 21, when the court ruled that Carte Blanche’s public interest journalism warranted “stronger constitutional protections” than Duze’s claims of reputational harm and warned that unjustified prior restraint of the media “would undermine the essential role of the media in a democratic society.”

    Reached by phone, Duze declined to comment. Patel did not respond to CPJ’s emailed queries.

    Magistrate seeks orders against journalists

    Journalist Karyn Maughan discusses her 2024 book, 'I Will Not Be Silenced,' about how journalists are targeted and bullied by people who want them gone from public life.
    Journalist Karyn Maughan discusses her 2024 book, ‘I Will Not Be Silenced,’ about how journalists are targeted and bullied by people who want them gone from public life. Maughan faced a harassment suit in connection to her reporting. (Screenshot: eNCA/YouTube)

    On September 30, 2024, Mossel Bay magistrate Ezra Morrison obtained an interim protection order against News24’s journalist Karyn Maughan and then editor Kelly Anderson, over a report on Morrison’s handling of a teenage rape case, according to news reports and court documents reviewed by CPJ. 

    Morrison claimed the reporting harmed her emotionally and psychologically and threatened her safety, the documents said. The order barred both journalists from “contacting the magistrate” or “publishing untrue and inaccurate statements, photos,” or her “details.” 

    Morrison later filed a complaint of crimen injuria, the criminal offense of “impairing the dignity or privacy of another person,” over the same reporting. Both cases were later withdrawn, Maughan’s lawyer Charl du Plessis said. 

    Morrison did not reply to CPJ’s emailed queries.

    ‘The Running Mann’

    Stuart Mann, a runner who covers long-distance races on his The Running Mann website, was sued for defamation in April by the nonprofit organizers of the Two Oceans Marathon and its board chair, Antoinette Cavanagh, following a series of reports alleging mismanagement of the annual race. The suit sought a retraction, apology, and a court order barring Mann from publishing or sharing similar allegations in the future. 

    The Gauteng High Court dismissed the case on June 16, saying that the court papers were “chaotic and vague” and that Cavanagh and the organization had failed to demonstrate defamation. Mann told CPJ that the process was emotionally draining and that he stopped writing about Two Oceans during the case.

    In a July 17 email, the Two Oceans Marathon told CPJ, “We reserve our rights to pursue the matter further.” Cavanagh has since stepped down and Mann has been appointed as an interim board member.

    The former chaplain and his wife 

    In December 2024, Vukile Mehana, a former chaplain with the ruling African National Congress party, and his wife, Naledi Mbude-Mehana, an Education Department deputy director general , opened a case of harassment and defamation against Sunday Times investigative reporter Thanduxolo Jika. Jika had reported that the couple was under investigation by the Hawks, a police unit that investigates corruption, for alleged irregularities in a government contract. 

    On June 4, Jika filed a complaint against the investigating officer for “recklessly” opening a defamation case – South Africa decriminalized defamation in 2024 – and suggesting that this officer was “serving the interests of Dr Mbude-Mehana rather than upholding the law.” 

    “There’s a rise in serious abuse of power by politically connected individuals who are opening senseless criminal cases against journalists to harass and intimidate them,” Jika told CPJ.  Sunday Times editor Makhudu Sefara described the case as “a despicable attempt to muzzle our freedom to report news without intimidation.”

    The Hawks’ spokesperson Nomthandazo Mbambo told CPJ that the couple remained under investigation. Mehana did not respond to CPJ’s phone calls or a query sent via messaging app. Midrand Police Station Commander Brigadier Molefi David Tsotso did not respond to CPJ’s calls or texts.

    On August 12, Jika told CPJ the prosecutors had dropped the case against him.


    Editor’s note: CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal is a board member of the nonprofit news outlet GroundUp.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Joan Chirwa.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Lusaka, August 14, 2025—When a South African solar panel company last month dropped its legal battle over a gag order preventing journalist Bongani Hans from reporting on allegations of misleading clients, Hans told the Committee to Protect Journalists that he saw it as “a victory for media and press freedom.”


    But for Hans and others in the country’s journalism community, the win was bittersweet.

    South African press freedom advocates had hoped the ARTSolar case would enable the court to provide clear directives on what many see as a disturbing trend: attempts to use gag orders against journalists and activists as a form of pre-publication censorship in a country typically seen as a regional beacon of press freedom.

    CPJ has spoken to journalists in at least six other recent cases where officials and private citizens have turned to South Africa’s courts seeking prior restraint of reporting – sometimes by using protection orders originally intended to help victims of domestic violence.

    The South African cases come against a backdrop of growing global concern over vexatious lawsuits known as Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation, increasingly used to intimidate or silence journalists and activists around the world.

    South African cases investigated by CPJ include the following:

    Gagged for four years

    Freelance reporter Thomo Nkgadima is barred by a court order from “insulting” or tarnishing a local government official in “any form of media in any manner” until November 2027. The order, reviewed by CPJ, was issued in 2023 after Mampuruburu Machubeng, a volunteer at Limpopo province’s Tubatse municipality, accused the journalist of harassment.

    Nkgadima told CPJ the complaint came after he contacted Machubeng for comment while reporting on stalled hospital construction. Machubeng told CPJ by phone that he obtained the court order to protect himself because Ngkadima “wanted to tarnish my name in his reports.”

    Police detained Nkgadima in February 2025 on suspicion of breaching the protection order after he contacted Machubeng for comment about fresh investigations into the hospital project, according to the journalist and police documents. Nkgadima said that although he was released after a day and prosecutors declined to press charges, he considered the arrest “a vexatious attack to intimidate and silence” him. “I will not stop,” he told CPJ. “I love journalism and I will continue to do what I love.”

    While none of the other cases have resulted in such lengthy gag orders, other journalists interviewed by CPJ spent weeks or months in uncomfortable limbo before courts dismissed the cases, typically either for lack of evidence or on constitutionally protected free speech grounds. 

    Press freedom advocates warn that even temporary gag orders could “erode press freedom,” causing a “chilling effect that might make the journalist or their editor think twice about the costs and risks” of their reporting and creating a “template for suppressing the media” in a country where the judiciary has frequently demonstrated its willingness to push back on attacks against the media.  

    “[T]oday’s minor infringements of press freedom may become much worse in the future if they are not stamped out now,” nonprofit news outlet GroundUp warned in an editorial.

    In the cases reviewed by CPJ, applicants sought to gag the press either through interdicts on publication pursuant to defamation suits, or through protection orders originally intended to shield victims of domestic violence by prohibiting potentially harmful behavior or contact.

    South Africa’s 2011 Protection from Harassment Act extended the scope of the protection orders to shield anyone who fears harassment. Interim orders can be granted in ex parte hearings without the presence of the alleged aggressor. Anton Harber, a veteran journalist and activist, told CPJ that the ease of this process is abused in suits to silence the press.  

    Bids to silence alleged medical malpractice

    Carte Blanche anchor Lourensa Eckard.
    Carte Blanche anchor Lourensa Eckard was sued for harassment for approaching a surgeon to request comment on malpractice allegations. (Screenshot: DStv/YouTube)

    In two separate cases in the last 12 months, two doctors went to court to try to hamper investigations by the Carte Blanche TV magazine program into alleged medical malpractices.

    In November 2024, surgeon Soraya Patel filed a harassment suit against Carte Blanche journalist Lourensa Eckard after program crew approached the doctor for comment at a Gauteng Province hospital in connection with their investigations into malpractice allegations. Court documents show Carte Blanche, which airs on the direct broadcast service DStv, sought an interview multiple times before approaching Patel at the hospital to follow up on previously aired episodes of their investigation, which had included Patel’s written responses to earlier questions.  

    The court issued a notice for the journalist to appear in court and nearly eight months later, on July 9, dismissed the case, affirming that Eckard had acted in the public interest.

    In another case, Carte Blanche producer Mart-Marie Faure contacted cardiologist Ntando Peaceman Duze in May for an interview over alleged medical malpractice. On June 6, Duze obtained an interim interdict from a Kwazulu-Natal provincial court to halt the airing of the program. 

    “It’s sad that the courts are being used to stop us from airing stories that are in the public interest,” Faure told CPJ, adding that this was deterring journalists from reporting on sensitive issues.

    That interim interdict was lifted on July 21, when the court ruled that Carte Blanche’s public interest journalism warranted “stronger constitutional protections” than Duze’s claims of reputational harm and warned that unjustified prior restraint of the media “would undermine the essential role of the media in a democratic society.”

    Reached by phone, Duze declined to comment. Patel did not respond to CPJ’s emailed queries.

    Magistrate seeks orders against journalists

    Journalist Karyn Maughan discusses her 2024 book, 'I Will Not Be Silenced,' about how journalists are targeted and bullied by people who want them gone from public life.
    Journalist Karyn Maughan discusses her 2024 book, ‘I Will Not Be Silenced,’ about how journalists are targeted and bullied by people who want them gone from public life. Maughan faced a harassment suit in connection to her reporting. (Screenshot: eNCA/YouTube)

    On September 30, 2024, Mossel Bay magistrate Ezra Morrison obtained an interim protection order against News24’s journalist Karyn Maughan and then editor Kelly Anderson, over a report on Morrison’s handling of a teenage rape case, according to news reports and court documents reviewed by CPJ. 

    Morrison claimed the reporting harmed her emotionally and psychologically and threatened her safety, the documents said. The order barred both journalists from “contacting the magistrate” or “publishing untrue and inaccurate statements, photos,” or her “details.” 

    Morrison later filed a complaint of crimen injuria, the criminal offense of “impairing the dignity or privacy of another person,” over the same reporting. Both cases were later withdrawn, Maughan’s lawyer Charl du Plessis said. 

    Morrison did not reply to CPJ’s emailed queries.

    ‘The Running Mann’

    Stuart Mann, a runner who covers long-distance races on his The Running Mann website, was sued for defamation in April by the nonprofit organizers of the Two Oceans Marathon and its board chair, Antoinette Cavanagh, following a series of reports alleging mismanagement of the annual race. The suit sought a retraction, apology, and a court order barring Mann from publishing or sharing similar allegations in the future. 

    The Gauteng High Court dismissed the case on June 16, saying that the court papers were “chaotic and vague” and that Cavanagh and the organization had failed to demonstrate defamation. Mann told CPJ that the process was emotionally draining and that he stopped writing about Two Oceans during the case.

    In a July 17 email, the Two Oceans Marathon told CPJ, “We reserve our rights to pursue the matter further.” Cavanagh has since stepped down and Mann has been appointed as an interim board member.

    The former chaplain and his wife 

    In December 2024, Vukile Mehana, a former chaplain with the ruling African National Congress party, and his wife, Naledi Mbude-Mehana, an Education Department deputy director general , opened a case of harassment and defamation against Sunday Times investigative reporter Thanduxolo Jika. Jika had reported that the couple was under investigation by the Hawks, a police unit that investigates corruption, for alleged irregularities in a government contract. 

    On June 4, Jika filed a complaint against the investigating officer for “recklessly” opening a defamation case – South Africa decriminalized defamation in 2024 – and suggesting that this officer was “serving the interests of Dr Mbude-Mehana rather than upholding the law.” 

    “There’s a rise in serious abuse of power by politically connected individuals who are opening senseless criminal cases against journalists to harass and intimidate them,” Jika told CPJ.  Sunday Times editor Makhudu Sefara described the case as “a despicable attempt to muzzle our freedom to report news without intimidation.”

    The Hawks’ spokesperson Nomthandazo Mbambo told CPJ that the couple remained under investigation. Mehana did not respond to CPJ’s phone calls or a query sent via messaging app. Midrand Police Station Commander Brigadier Molefi David Tsotso did not respond to CPJ’s calls or texts.

    On August 12, Jika told CPJ the prosecutors had dropped the case against him.


    Editor’s note: CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal is a board member of the nonprofit news outlet GroundUp.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Joan Chirwa.

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  • Seg seth book

    As President Trump threatens to use U.S. special forces against drug cartels abroad, a new book, The Fort Bragg Cartel: Drug Trafficking and Murder in the Special Forces, reveals some of the most secretive and elite special forces in the Army are heavily involved in narcotrafficking themselves. “There’s at least 14 cases that I’m tracking of Fort Bragg-trained soldiers who have been either arrested, apprehended or killed in the course of trafficking drugs in the last five years or so,” says author Seth Harp. The book also looks at “how U.S. military intervention often stimulates drug production,” including in Afghanistan, which he says became the biggest narco-state in the world during the 20-year U.S. occupation. “Most of the drug trafficking and drug production was being carried out and done by warlords, police chiefs, militia commanders, who were on the U.S. payroll in a corrupt structure,” says Harp.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • Some of the littlest organisms in the ocean wield incredible influence, both on their ecosystems and on the planet. Like plants do on land, phytoplankton absorb sunlight and carbon dioxide and expel oxygen. They process so much of those two gases, in fact, that they’re responsible for half of the carbon sequestered by photosynthesis worldwide and half of the oxygen in the atmosphere. Phytoplankton also sit at the base of the food web as essential cuisine for their animal counterparts, the zooplankton, which in turn feed many other creatures, from fishes to crustaceans.

    As humanity lags far behind where it should be in reducing its greenhouse gas emissions, researchers are turning to phytoplankton for help. They’re exploring how to fertilize the oceans like farmers fertilize crops, helping more of these microscopic organisms grow and eventually sink into the depths, taking carbon with them. But scientists are still exploring the many unknowns swirling around this sort of ocean fertilization, like where best to apply nutrients and in what forms, amounts, and proportions. And then they have to consider what unintended side effects might ripple through ecosystems.

    “You can generate a lot of biomass with relatively small amounts of micronutrient introductions, predominantly iron, and therefore the cost effectiveness is potentially pretty promising as well,” said Eric Schwaab, senior fellow at Ocean Visions, which is exploring research directions for phytoplankton fertilization. “But obviously the big ‘but’ is the huge questions.”

    To answer such questions, last month scientists published a study in the journal One Earth, in which they modeled the interaction between phytoplankton and nutrients in the Southern Ocean, which encircles Antarctica. Researchers have long known that adding iron to the sea leads to blooms of phytoplankton (back in the 1980s, one scientist declared: “Give me a half tanker of iron, and I will give you an ice age”), and they’ve done so on a small scale. But this modeling included other elements the organisms crave, like cobalt, zinc, and silicon. 

    That’s a critical consideration, the researchers say, because different species of phytoplankton use nutrients in different proportions. While all species need iron, a group known as diatoms rapidly consume zinc and silicon, the latter of which they use to build shells. But another group, the flagellates, more rapidly consume cobalt. 

    So if researchers want to experiment with fertilizing the Southern Ocean, they might use this modeling to target diatoms, because they’re bigger than flagellates and can store more carbon. They also sink faster, due to their shells. “You can guide the development of one of the species more than the other by selecting the elements that they need, so that they will preferentially proliferate compared to the other ones,” said Willy Baeyens, an environmental scientist at the Free University of Brussels and lead author of the paper.

    This is where the ecological considerations come in, as ecologists will have to study the implications of tinkering with nature. “Could we stimulate the wrong kinds of diatoms, like toxic Pseudo-nitzschia, that then produce a lot of domoic acid, and that’s damaging to the ecosystem?” asked Katherine Barbeau, an ocean biogeochemist at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, who studies the interaction of metals and plankton but wasn’t involved in the research. (Domoic acid is a potent neurotoxin that sickens marine mammals like sea lions, and can reach humans through tainted seafood.) “Certainly, people have raised these types of concerns.”

    And because these organisms are food for zooplankton, researchers must ensure a change in the population of a certain phytoplankton doesn’t cause further problems up the food web. Indeed, these zooplankton are essential for storing CO2: They gobble up the phytoplankton and excrete the carbon as fecal pellets, which sink to the seafloor. 

    Phytoplankton fertilization could also change ocean chemistry. When the tiny organisms die, bacteria feast on them and soak up oxygen from the water. When phytoplankton blooms get especially big they create “dead zones,” where fishes and other organisms perish en masse. “Of course, you would have to fertilize on a really large scale to cause those kinds of perturbations,” Barbeau said. “But I guess if you’re trying to also fertilize on a scale large enough to make a dent in atmospheric CO2, that’s what you’re aiming to do.”

    Exactly how much carbon dioxide the technique can capture remains an open question. Scientists need to confirm, for instance, the amount of carbon that ends up in diatoms and gets packaged in zooplankton fecal pellets, how much of that sinks, and how long it stays on the seafloor. Models can predict these things, but researchers must do longer-term experiments in the ocean to confirm. “We believe in the potential of this as a technology to help stabilize the climate, but are very interested in addressing concerns about if it works, how it works, and what kinds of consequences there might be,” said Sarah Smith, an oceanographer and assistant professor at Moss Landing Marine Laboratories, who’s on the steering committee for the research group Exploring Ocean Iron Solutions. “We’re really interested in ensuring that the cure isn’t worse than the disease.”

    Scientists have been able to observe what happens when the planet itself fertilizes the oceans. In 2019 and 2020, wildfires in Australia spewed iron-rich smoke that fell onto the Southern Ocean, creating massive phytoplankton blooms. And in 2019, Hawaiʻi’s Kīlauea released a five-mile-high plume of ash that created perhaps the largest bloom recorded in the North Pacific Ocean.

    Humans, too, have been unknowingly running a vast phytoplankton-fertilizing experiment. When industries in East Asia smelt metals or burn coal, they release iron in air pollution, which rains down into the North Pacific Ocean: A recent study found that 39 percent of iron in seawater sampled there came from human activity, supercharging phytoplankton growth.

    These natural and accidental experiments, though, were free. The Southern Ocean is far from just about everything, and deploying phytoplankton-fertilizing ships will come at a cost. Yet this body of water is an enticing target exactly because of its isolation: In other oceans bordered by plenty of land, like the Atlantic, rivers and winds gather metals from the landscape and dump them into the sea, providing nutrients for phytoplankton. With so little land around the Southern Ocean — Antarctica is locked in ice — there’s more potential to supplement the nutrients and encourage more growth. “You cannot go with a small rowing boat in the middle of the Southern Ocean,” Baeyens said. “That’s now the very big challenge, where to find sponsors that are interested in doing some pilot experiments.”

    The experts exploring all of this are quick to note that humans can’t fertilize their way out of the climate crisis. Yes, the U.N.’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has said that countries will have to deploy these sorts of negative-emissions techniques, but they must first and foremost stop burning fossil fuels. “None of these things are useful at all if we don’t first get control over our climate pollution,” Schwaab said. “Never would any responsible person see this as a substitute for decarbonizing our economy to appropriate levels.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The tiny ocean organisms that could help the climate in a big way on Aug 14, 2025.


    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Matt Simon.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and was authored by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

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  • New York, 13 August 13, 2025—In four years, the Taliban have annihilated Afghanistan’s independent media sector and supplanted it with their own propaganda empire and sophisticated digital bots that flood social media with pro-Taliban content.

    CPJ interviewed 10 Afghan journalists, inside and outside the country, who said that  independent media, which used to reach millions of people, have largely been banned, suspended, or shuttered while key outlets have been taken over by the Taliban. None would publish their names, citing fear of reprisals.

    The Taliban now run about 15 major television and radio stations, newspapers, and digital platforms, including on YouTube, X, and Telegram — tightly aligned with their radical Islamist ideology.

    “The ruling authority enforces a monolithic media policy, rejecting any news, narrative, or voice that deviates from what they deem the truth. Even personal opinions expressed on platforms like Facebook are treated as propaganda and punished accordingly,” Ahmad Quraishi, director of the exiled Afghanistan Journalists Center, told CPJ.

    Exiled journalists offer one of the last remaining sources of independent information broadcast into Afghanistan. But even they face safety concerns and hardships, as well as job losses and potential forced return due to the U.S. funding cuts to the Congress-funded Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) outlets.

    Turning fearful journalists into spies

    In September 2020, a year before the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, a radio presenter reads the news during a broadcast at the Merman radio station in Kandahar.
    In September 2020, a year before the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, a radio presenter reads the news during a broadcast at the Merman radio station in Kandahar. Women journalists have been largely sidelined by the Taliban. (Photo: AFP/ Wakil Kohsar)

    As Afghanistan marks the fourth anniversary of the Taliban’s August 15, 2021, takeover, most journalists who spoke with CPJ said they were fearful, and either jobless or heavily censored. Several described the relentless surveillance, control, and intimidation as living under a “media police state.”

    “Taliban intelligence agents have launched a policing system where every journalist is expected to spy on others,” a media executive who led a TV station in eastern Afghanistan told CPJ.

    “They demand complete personal information on all staff: names, fathers’ names, addresses, phone numbers, emails, WhatsApp numbers … We must report everything.”

    Intelligence agents monitor and detain reporters over their social media content, while the morality police arrest those who violate their stringent interpretation of Sharia law, which includes a ban on music, soap operas, and programs co-hosted by male and female presenters.

    Two media owners from northern and eastern Afghanistan told CPJ that they had been subjected to invasive revenue audits and administrative delays because they were perceived as insufficiently compliant.

    “Taliban agents reach out to journalists privately, pressuring them to spy on their colleagues or push specific narratives,” one of the owners said. “If someone refuses, they call the media manager and demand the journalist be fired. We comply, or we face licensing issues from the Ministry of Information and Culture or financial penalties from the Ministry of Finance.”

    In May, a spokesperson for the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice said it had held over 1,000 meetings with the media over the last year to “coordinate in promoting Islamic Sharia values” — a term understood locally to mean morality police enforcement meetings.

    Two female journalists from western Afghanistan said they were each summoned over 10 times in the past two years.

     “Once they interrogated me for three hours in the office of the Directorate of Virtue and Vice, asking why I worked instead of staying home,” one woman told CPJ, referring to the ministry’s provincial office.

    “They said that if I were found working with exiled media, it would be wajib al-qatl [permissible to kill me]. One official said, ‘We forgive you this time, you thank God for this. But under Sharia, we could bring any calamity upon you.’ Another time, they said they could detain me for a week just to extract a confession, and no one would even know.”

    Inside the Taliban’s media empire

    The Taliban flag flutters over a provincial branch building of National Radio Television of Takhar (RTA) in Taloqan, in northeastern Takhar province in 2024. (Photo: AFP)

    Three active, independent Kabul-based journalists explained the Taliban’s new media landscape to CPJ:

    With over 500 staff nationwide and a budget of about 600 million Afghanis (US$8.8 million), RTA reports often promote Taliban achievements, such as supporting refugees and diplomacy.

    • Bakhtar News Agency, founded in 1939, employs around 60 staff in Kabul and four reporters in each of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces. Run by the information ministry, it is the Taliban’s official news source and publishes in eight languages, including Mandarin and Turkish.
    • The information ministry also runs several daily newspapers, including Dari-language Anis, Pashto-language Hewad, and English-language The Kabul Times in print and online. These newspapers were founded several decades ago.

    The three journalists said security agencies operate three radio stations:

    Reporting focuses on regional rivalries and Taliban military successes, particularly against the Afghan-based Islamic State-Khorasan, which continues to kill civilians and Taliban leaders.

    Hurriyat Radio was launched in 2022 by the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) — the Taliban’s notorious intelligence agency behind a series of media crackdowns — and is managed by the agency’s directorate of media and publications.

    • Radio Omid, started in 2023 by the defense ministry, employs 45 staff in Kabul and provincial reporters, and reports on the ministry’s achievements. The radio station is managed by the office of spokesperson of the defense ministry.
    • Radio Police, relaunched in 2021 by the interior ministry, broadcasts news about police activities across key provinces like Kabul and southern Kandahar.

    The Taliban has four news sites, at least three of which are run by the intelligence agency:

    It is funded and operated by the GDI’s directorate of media and publications and its senior managers are linked to the interior minister Sirajuddin Haqqani.

    • YouTube-based Maihan discredits the Taliban’s opponents, with 12 staff, led by Jawad Sargar, former deputy director of the GDI’s directorate of media and publication.

    When contacted via messaging app, Sargar asked CPJ to stop contacting him, adding, “These matters are not related to you.”

    • The multi-lingual Alemarah news site, active before 2021, is the Taliban’s official outlet, run by Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid.

    Disinformation campaign

    Intelligence officials have four offices from which they direct disinformation campaigns. Dozens of creators are paid 6,000 to 10,000 Afghanis (US$88 to 146) a month to run fake social media accounts that troll critics, smear activists, and simulate grassroots support, two Afghan journalists told CPJ.

    The project is led by senior GDI figures like deputy director of media and publication, Jabir Nomani, former GDI spokespeople Jawad Amin and Sargar – who runs Maihan – and Kabul-based political analyst Fazlur Rahman Orya, the journalists said.

    Orya, who is also director of the Sahar Discourse Center, which advises the Taliban on policy, denied that he was involved in disinformation, telling CPJ via messaging app, “You make a big mistake about me.”

    Nomani did not respond to CPJ’s requests for comment via messaging app.

    Qais Alamdar, exiled founder of the open source investigative platform IntelFocus, has documented the activities of these bots, which often post near-identical tweets within minutes of each other to bolster the government’s legitimacy or prevent internet users finding other news, such as an attack on the Taliban.

    “Only someone with consistent access to electricity, internet, and time could maintain that kind of operation in Afghanistan,” he told CPJ.

    Traffic accidents are only news allowed

    A destroyed bus is lifted after it plunged off a road north of Kabul in 2010.
    A destroyed bus is lifted after it plunged off a road north of Kabul in 2010. (Photo: Reuters/stringer)

    As a result of these repressive measures, many media outlets have shut down or have been banned entirely.

    In the northeastern Panjshir Valley, once the heart of resistance to the Taliban, no media outlets remain active, Ahmad Hanayesh, who used to own two radio stations in the province, told CPJ from exile.

    Four journalists from Herat, Nangarhar, Faryab, and Bamiyan told CPJ that aside from education and health stories, the only serious news they were permitted to cover was traffic accidents. Even crime reporting was banned.

    GDI’s media and publications director Khalil Hamraz and Taliban spokesperson Mujahid did not respond to CPJ’s requests for comment via messaging app.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Waliullah Rahmani.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Laura Flanders & Friends and was authored by Laura Flanders & Friends.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on VICE News and was authored by VICE News.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and was authored by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Wikipedia.

    Zohran Mamdani’s remarkable campaign for New York mayor has left the Democratic party deeply divided. Moderates and conservatives like James Carville and Chris Cuomo – brother of Mamdani’s reading rival, former governor Andrew Cuomo – have all but denounced the 33-year old stature senator as a far-left lunatic that will doom the party’s chances of rebounding from their crushing defeat by Donald Trump last November.

    Moderates are well aware that Mamdani is popular, especially with young voters, but they fear his likely victory will stoke the political ambitions of other democratic socialists in jurisdictions where the electorate tilts more conservative. Sure he might eke out a win in Deep Blue New York City – in fact, polls show him leading all other candidates – but at what cost to Democrat chances in Red-friendly districts in Ohio or North Carolina, they argue. This kind of fear-mongering is built on a series of myths about how the electorate in New York – and indeed, elsewhere –is likely to view candidates like Mamdani. What are these myths?

    Most of the electorate will reject a self-proclaimed “democratic socialist”

    Nonsense. Avowed socialist Bernie Sanders polled extremely well against Donald Trump in 2016, besting him by 10 points (compared to just 5 points for Hillary Clinton). In fact, polls conducted as far back as 2015 – on the eve of Barack Obama’s departure from office – showed that young voters were becoming quite attracted to the idea of socialism, which they tended to associate with social democratic policies pursued in Scandinavia – unlike older voters, who still thought of socialism in terms of the Soviet Union, China and communism. The polarization was sharp at the extremes of age, but not in the middle. In fact, a near majority of voters in the broad 18-49 year old demographic – about 49% – had a generally positive view of “socialism,” according to polling conducted that year by YouGov.

    And that was a full ten years ago, before COVID and the massive economic disarray and job losses of 2020 began taking their toll. Consider the very latest polls from May 2025, including a new You Gov/Cato Institute poll. More than 6 in 10 young voters (62%) now say they embrace “socialism” – a record high – and as older voters have watched their Social Security and Medicare benefits come under attack – their antipathy toward socialism – has also declined. Overall, some 43% of all voters have a favorable view of socialism, up from just 25% back in 2015. This is not polling from New York or California – but from all US voters, including the hard-hit American heartland and the Republican-controlled South.

    Mamdani is an Anti-Semite who will turn off Jewish voters.

    Mamdani’s opponents are clearly counting on the candidate’s steadfast criticism of Israel and his passionate support for the victims of the genocide in Gaza to drive away Jewish voters. But it’s simply not happening. While the New York city area is home to 1.3 million Jews – second only to Tel Aviv, Israel – many share Mamdani’s concern about Israel policies and the Trump administration’s support for them. The latest poll sponsored by Zenith Research and Public Progress Solutions shows Mamdani leading with 43% of New York’s Jewish voters, followed by 26% for Cuomo and just 15% for Eric Adams. Mamdani’s Jewish support jumps to 67% among Jewish voters in the 18-49 year old age bracket, where support for the Palestinian cause is overwhelming.

    Why are younger Jews so supportive? Research conducted by Samuel J. Abrams at the conservative American Enterprise Institute among Jewish college students gives the answer. “My recent research on Jewish college students reveals that many progressive Jewish students are reinterpreting what it means to be Jewish; traditional practices, historical beliefs, and faith-based ideas and traditions are being hollowed out for a more general, humanistic world view. For young, progressive Jews, their identity is now defined less by faith and traditional Jewish practices or solidarity with the state of Israel, but more by universalist ethics, justice, and opposition to oppression—wherever it occurs.”

    Abrams is no Mamdani supporter, but he’s warning conservatives that they are failing to comprehend a profound shift in the Jewish electorate. “I find Mamdani’s ideas to be un-American and he has regularly peddled anti-Semitic views making him unfit to be the mayor of New York,” Abrams insists. “Regardless of my views, however, I cannot write off the sentiments and the supporters he is representing.” This is refreshing realism from a conservative opponent that could bode well for Mamdani as he seeks to govern and appease his Jewish supporters and critics alike.

    Mamdani won’t attract African-American voters, who are critical to prevailing in national and local elections.

    Cuomo did win a majority of the African-American vote during the primary – the one minority group that swung sharply his way. Cuomo won more than half of the votes in majority-Black precincts, while Mamdani received about 34 percent. In those areas with more than 70 percent Black residents, Cuomo did even better, in fact. Black voters constitute about a quarter of all New York City voters, according to a June 2025 New York Times survey. Winning a sizable share of the Black vote can make a big difference, and with more candidates in the general election race, Mamdani may have some work to do.

    But the Black vote in New York, like elsewhere, is no monolith. Here again, age is likely to be a big factor. According to one primary exit poll, about 70% of Black voters under 50 voted for Mamdani citywide. Another poll places young Black support for Mamdani lower – but still above 50%. Young Black voters do not simply fall in line with the traditional Black political leadership, which is closely aligned with the Democratic party establishment. Black voters also include US-born children of Black immigrants from other parts of the world – the Caribbean and Africa – who are politically independent and looking for change. Some young Black voters are tilting toward Trump and the GOP further dividing the vote among the top candidates.

    If Mamdani can continue to increase young Black voter turnout, he may not need the older ones. And his surge of support among other minority constituencies – including middle-class Asian Americans as well as Hispanics – could well prove more decisive at the ballot box.

    Mamdani is soft on crime and illegal immigration and hostile to law enforcement

    Critics also believe that Mamdani’s past support for “defunding the police” in the wake of highly-publicized police brutality incidents like the George Floyd killing in 2020 could cost him politically. But will it, in fact? Mayor Adams and Republican Curtis Sliwa – both big boosters of law enforcement – are hoping to stigmatize Mamdani as a “cop-hater” who will make it harder to keep the city streets safe from dangerous criminals, including some illegal immigrants. Adams and Sliwa do enjoy much stronger support from the city’s public safety establishment – the NYPD and NYFD – but the allegiance of New York’s nearly 50,000 uniformed police officers and firefighters and their families is still up for grabs.

    General voters, meanwhile, appear to bear no grudge toward Mamdani for whatever past statements he might have made about law enforcement. In fact, crime does not appear to be a top issue in New York City. A recent poll by Emerson College asked voters to rank their top concerns. Housing affordability, Mamdani’s core issue, ranked first, followed by the economy, including jobs, inflation and taxes. Crime? It ranked a distant third.

    Violent crime in NYC has gone down substantially in recent years, something Mayor Adams can take credit for, but which, paradoxically, also serves to take the issue off the table, benefitting Mamdani. At the same time, new revelations of high-level corruption within the NYPD in which Adams is now implicated, have tarnished the overall reputation of law enforcement, further reducing whatever advantage the mayor might try to claim on this issue.

    As for immigration, it’s proven to be a potent issue in New York State, favoring the GOP, just as it does nationwide, but not in New York City, which is filled with immigrants from 150 different countries. A whopping 38% of all New Yorkers are foreign-born – about 3 million residents overall – and there is still broad support among residents for New York’s status as a “sanctuary city.” While there’s also growing support for enhanced immigration enforcement, especially in conservative boroughs like Staten Island, the fact that Trump’s ICE has moved so aggressively to deport immigrants, including those with legal status, jeopardizing basic civil rights, has produced enough of a political backlash to insulate Mamdani from any criticism for publicly criticizing ICE and defending lax enforcement.

    It’s also critical to note that thanks to a proposed 2021 law, which now faces a legal challenge, even non-citizen immigrants – about 1.2 million total – are eligible to vote in New York city elections. The outcome of this court case could be another factor favoring Mandani in November. The very fact that such a law is under consideration is a clear indication of how supportive New Yorkers overall remain of the city’s burgeoning immigrant population.

    Conclusion

    Mamdani has an extraordinary opportunity to capture the Mayor’s office in November. Much of what critics are saying would seem to limit his political appeal with “mainstream” city voters, but the results of the primary election – general election polling ever since – strongly suggest otherwise. Mamdani enjoys several major advantages.

    His two leading opponents are both heavily tarnished by scandal, reducing whatever advantage they might otherwise enjoy as tried-and-true leaders with demonstrated track records. Mamdani is a fresh face and a political neophyte – but that’s not hurting him, it’s helping, especially with so many voters of the same generation or younger that increasingly dominate the electorate. New Yorkers want change, and Mamdani is the candidate of change. This is a “change” election.

    Mamdani is focusing his campaign on the kitchen table issue that matters most to New Yorkers – affordability. That includes the affordability of housing and food, the items vital to basic survival. His declared solutions – a rent “freeze” and the establishment of government-run grocery stores – are easy to attack but they demonstrate that he is willing to take forceful action to limit the damage caused by an unbridled free market. Will he be forced to compromise if he wins? Undoubtedly, but these issues play extremely well with voters during a campaign, especially when his opponents have offered no policies of their own to address the same concerns.

    Mamdani’s command of social media tactics, including the use of short videos in multiple languages geared to distinct ethnic Asian and Muslim communities has provided an outreach and messaging advantage unmatched by Cuomo or Adams. GOP candidate Curtis Sliwa has recently marveled at Mamdani’s communications skills, noting that only an all-out grassroots effort by his rivals is likely to blunt his march toward victory. Sliwa, as the long-time head of the Guardian Angels, an informal police auxiliary force, enjoys street “cred” with some New Yorkers of various ethnicities, but, at 71, is probably too “old school” to compete with Mamdani in the absence of a more well-organized and better funded campaign apparatus.

    It’s also worth noting that New York’s powerful economic and political elites are not unified in their opposition to Mamdani. Mamdani, rather brilliantly, has reached out proactively to business groups to hear and respond to their concerns, if only to deflect their ability to coalesce against him. Several major corporate leaders – like Jewish leaders – have spoken out publicly against Mamdani but they are keenly aware that their chances of defeating him are declining rapidly. Early efforts to coalesce a major fundraising effort to back Cuomo or Adams have already foundered, in part because neither man is willing to bow out in favor of the other. Sliwa has name recognition but no elective experience, and is unlikely to emerge as a dark horse alternative.

    The upshot? Far from threatening Democrats’ political chances in the future, Mamdani’s campaign should be viewed as a powerful catalyst for debate over how the party can adapt itself to local opportunities and get back in the game against Trump and the GOP. There are some unique elements to the New York race that offer unusually favorable terrain for a rogue democratic socialist – who literally emerged out of nowhere – to capture the political leadership of the world’s financial capital. It’s a diehard blue city in a decidedly Blue state; the established Democratic leadership is heavily tarnished; and young voters and politically aware immigrants have emerged as a cutting-edge demographic and electoral force. But some of these same elements are present in other jurisdictions, and Mamdani’s campaign success is pregnant with lessons for Democrats elsewhere. Above all, by focusing on bread-and-butter affordability issues – and downplaying if not ignoring culture war issues – both of which proved to be the Achilles Heel of the Biden/Harris campaign, Mamdani has demonstrated that Democrats can tap into deep discontent with the status quo and with the policies of both major parties. Technically a Democrat, Mamdani is downplaying his own party affiliation and presenting himself as a vibrant force for change who can meet voters where they are, and who can listen without lecturing.

    Make no mistake, a Mamdani victory in November is no slam dunk. There are some troubling warning signs in recent polling that suggest that Mamdani is nowhere near capturing 50% of the NYC electorate. If he expects to prevail, in the face of a massive billionaire-funded propaganda offensive after Labor Day, he has his work cut out for him. And even if he does win, that will just be the beginning. Mamdani will need to avoid the crippling governing mistakes that other recent grassroots change candidates – like Brandon Johnson in Chicago – have committed once they assumed office. The goodwill and wait-and-see attitude that greets such candidates at the outset can quickly dissipate as the high expectations from supporters and opponents alike clash with the need for coalition building with diverse city stakeholders. Mamdani, post-victory, will need to “step up” to the next level and be willing to disappoint as well as inspire. His unusual willingness to listen and learn could prove to be his greatest leadership asset. It could demonstrate that progressives at the local level can actually do the hard work of governing where stodgy and corrupt establishment figures, for all their vaunted experience, have failed.

    The post Debunking the Myths About Mamdani’s Candidacy appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Stewart Lawrence.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


































































  • Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

    The phrase “Rule of Law” (ROL) is frequently referenced in the major media but seldom defined.  Google calls it “a principle under which all persons, institutions and entities are accountable to laws that are: [P]publicly promulgated, [E]equally enforced [and] [I]independently adjudicated.” To me, the rule of law means the legal protection of democratic institutions and individual human rights. It puts legal guardrails on abuses of power against institutions and individuals.

    Globally, the ROL is represented by the United Nations, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the International Criminal Court (ICC), the World Trade Organization (WTO) and by the Second and Fourth Hague Conventions of 1899, the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907 and the Genocide Convention of 1948.

    Domestically, we rely on the U.S. Constitution and Supreme Court interpretations to express the Rule of Law. Enforcement relies on adherence to law by individuals and institutions that hold power and by the acceptance by ordinary citizens. In the present environment, the major ROL breaches have occurred in the mass deportations of immigrants, in the punishment of free speech, and in the breakdown of congressionally created government bodies.

    Not surprisingly, such gaps in legal norms have facilitated dark money, flawed elections, kidnappings, the deportation of immigrants without due process, and open corruption.

    Internationally,  the demise of legal rules is most evident in the Israel/Gaza conflict. Up to now, there has been only limited legal accountability for the war crimes of Hamas in its brutal October 7, 2023 attacks on Israeli civilians and for Israel’s continuing genocidal retribution (a 22-month campaign that has taken more than 60,000 lives (mostly women and children). The failure of the ICJ to issue a final determination of “genocide,” the pledge of some members of the ICC not to enforce arrest warrants against top Israeli officials, and U.S. complicity by providing lethal arms and  diplomatic cover to Israel reflect a blanket repudiation of the international legal order that the U.S. helped establish in the last century.

    The IDF’s current campaign is causing mass starvation, beginning with the most vulnerable (infants, young children and the elderly). According to a July 29 article in The Guardian, “More people in Gaza died of starvation in just over 11 days than in the previous 21 months of conflict.” Once famine takes hold it leads to mass starvation, unless adequate food and water become available.

    Moreover, Israel’s war crimes under the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 as amended and the Genocide Convention of 1948 have included the targeted killings of medical personnel and journalists, and the devastation of hospitals, universities, mosques, and churches.

    Domestically, the rule of law has collapsed on several fronts.  In some recent court cases (such as executive branch refusal to obey a court order to abort the deportation of immigrants to San Salvator’s torture prison), the White House has ignored federal court decisions.  Such actions amount to an attack on the fundamental democratic principle of checks and balances. It has also led to the emergence of an  all-powerful presidency.

    The ongoing punishments of pro-Palestinian protesters are blatant attacks on the free speech protection of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The kidnappings and detentions of foreign-born university students and faculty who protest the Gaza genocide make a mockery of free speech and due process protections.

    Efforts by the Texas legislature to redistribute voting districts (with an avowed aim of capturing five new Republican seats) are normalizing illegal gerrymandering prior to the upcoming mid-term elections. As such reordering threatens to disenfranchise large numbers of people of color, they erode public confidence in the electoral process.

    Disregard of court judgments, thuggish kidnappings by masked ICE agents, military deployments to quell peaceful civilian protests, and the widespread absence of due process in deportation cases are the most egregious examples of an overall disregard of legal limits by the executive branch.

    The march to authoritarianism is unconstrained by legal norms. The president’s almost daily tweets and executive orders have become the phony equivalent of “law.” They lack constitutional foundation and often change direction according to executive whim. Legal breaches are increasingly ignored.

    So, what is the societal impact of the ROL’s demise?   Most significantly, inequality: powerful people lord over the weak, the wealthy crush the poor and middle class with inflation, and the president repeatedly asserts the assumed superiority of white males. No wonder that our immigrant neighbors are in terror of ICE, that the LGBT community fears discrimination and that the rest of the country quakes over what may be coming next.

    We need to restore the Rule of Law.

    The post Requiem for the Rule of Law appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by L. Michael Hager.

  • If you’re still waiting for someone to save democracy, Mona Eltahawy has news for you: you are the one you’ve been waiting for.

    A fearless Egyptian-American journalist and author of The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls and her latest book Bloody Hell!: Adventures in Menopause From Around the World, Eltahawy is no stranger to authoritarianism. While covering Arab Spring protests in Cairo, she was seized by Egyptian security forces and sexually assaulted and beaten, her arm and hand broken. Now, she warns, America is slipping toward the same strongman rule in Egypt. And too many are sleepwalking through it.

    Eltahawy’s prescription is feminism that terrifies, carried out by both women and men. Because anyone can be a feminist. This is feminism as revolution. As she puts it, “There is no revolution without rage, and there is no revolution without risk.”

    Her work urges women to embrace power, ambition, anger, and militant self-defense, not to provoke, but to defend. And for their allies to support them. Learn to protect yourself. Teach your daughters common-sense self-defense and how to take up space.

    Her hope is that more of us, especially white women in the U.S., will stop cosplaying resistance and start embodying it. “The Handmaid’s Tale is not a documentary,” she says. “Get out of the TV and into the streets.”

    EVENTS AT GASLIT NATION:

    • August 25 4pm ET – Join the Gaslit Nation Book Club for a powerful discussion on The Lives of Others and I’m Still Here, two films that explore how art and love endure and resist in the face of dictatorship.

    • Minnesota Signal group for Gaslit Nation listeners in the state to find each other, available on Patreon. 

    • Vermont Signal group for Gaslit Nation listeners in the state to find each other, available on Patreon. 

    • Arizona-based listeners launched a Signal group for others in the state to connect, available on Patreon. 

    • Indiana-based listeners launched a Signal group for others in the state to join, available on Patreon. 

    • Florida-based listeners are going strong meeting in person. Be sure to join their Signal group, available on Patreon. 

    • Have you taken Gaslit Nation’s HyperNormalization Survey Yet?

    • Gaslit Nation Salons take place Mondays 4pm ET over Zoom and the first ~40 minutes are recorded and shared on Patreon.com/Gaslit for our community

    Show Notes:

     Journalist On Being Sexual ‘Prey’ In Egypt https://www.npr.org/2011/11/29/142895349/journalist-on-being-sexual-prey-in-egypt

     

    Want to enjoy Gaslit Nation ad-free? Join our community of listeners for bonus shows, exclusive Q&A sessions, our group chat, invites to live events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Sign up at Patreon.com/Gaslit!


    This content originally appeared on Gaslit Nation and was authored by Andrea Chalupa.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.