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    Vice President Kamala Harris made history Thursday as the first Black woman and the first person of South Asian descent in the United States to be nominated to lead a major party’s presidential ticket. We speak with historian Barbara Ransby about two Black women pioneers who helped pave the way for her historic nomination: former Congressmember Shirley Chisholm, the first Black woman elected to Congress who sought the Democratic Party’s presidential nomination in 1972, and civil rights activist Fannie Lou Hamer, who led the fight to desegregate the party’s Southern delegation at the 1964 Democratic National Convention.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • Seg ruwa romman

    Vice President Kamala Harris accepted the Democratic nomination Thursday after a four-day convention in Chicago where her campaign refused to allow a Palestinian American to take the stage to address Israel’s war on Gaza. We hear Georgia state Representative Ruwa Romman, who was among the list of speakers offered by the Uncommitted National Movement that the Harris campaign rejected, reading the speech she would have given on the convention floor had the DNC and the Harris campaign allowed her onstage.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

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    Vice President Kamala Harris formally accepted the Democratic presidential nomination Thursday night at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, making history as the first Black woman and first person of South Asian descent to be nominated for president by a major party. Her ascent to the top of the Democratic Party comes just over a month after President Biden dropped out of the race. We play excerpts from her speech and speak with historian Barbara Ransby, who says that while the nomination “breaks a barrier,” it’s important to note the “contradictions,” as well. ​​”Yes, it breaks barriers. Yes, it is a historic moment in a certain sense. But we have to also talk about the gravity of this moment and the politics that Kamala Harris brings with her,” says Ransby, who criticizes Harris for her pro-Israel policy and for refusing to let Palestinian Americans address the convention. “I was glad to hear her mention the suffering of the Palestinian people, but, of course, it didn’t ring true. It rang a little bit hollow, because the Biden administration could stop much of that suffering by not sending 2,000-pound bombs and $3 billion a year to the Israeli government.”


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • This content originally appeared on Human Rights Watch and was authored by Human Rights Watch.

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  • UNRWA school in Gaza being used as a shelter by Palestinian refuges, bombed by Israelis. Photo: UNRWA.

    State Terrorism in the Age of Killing Zones

    What sets Israel’s war on Gaza apart is not only its violent military operations, marked by the indiscriminate killing of women and children, but also its relentless assault on dissent, criticism, and even the mildest opposition to its internationally condemned human rights violations and war crimes. Israel’s ongoing and brutal military campaign, coupled with its “policies of extreme inhumanity against the Palestinian people,” is inextricably linked to a state-sanctioned effort to legitimize and normalize its actions in Gaza.[1] This includes waging an ideological war of censorship and defamation against any challenge—no matter its source—to what Kenneth Roth, co-founder of Human Rights Watch, condemns as “Israel’s system of apartheid,” [2]  and what Aryeh Neier, Holocaust survivor and co-founder of Human Rights Watch, describes as “genocide against Palestinians in Gaza.” [3]

    The full scope of Israel’s assault on Gaza is revealed through its relentless military actions, characterized by indiscriminate violence against women, children, the elderly, and non-combatants. According to the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, the scale of destruction imposed on Gaza is not only devastating but ethically unimaginable. Since the start of the war, and as of the end of November 2023, Israel has reportedly dropped over 25,000 tons of explosives on the Gaza Strip, a force equivalent to two nuclear bombs. This means that the destructive power of the explosives dropped on Gaza in just over two months exceed that of the bomb dropped on Hiroshima.[4] According to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the use of such highly destructive bombs in residential areas constitutes a war crime.

    The consequences of these bombings were tragically displayed on August 10, 2024, when Israel bombed the Tab’een School in Gaza, a distressingly common occurrence. The school had provided shelter to nearly 2,500 people fleeing demolished areas, many of whom were children. The Israeli bombs targeted a prayer hall at dawn, where hundreds were praying. According to an investigation by Euro-Med Monitor, “over 100 Palestinians were killed, including several [entire] families.” The bombs’ immense destructive power reduced victims’ bodies to shredded and burned remains, leaving numerous others with severe injuries.[5] CNN reported that Fares Afana, director of Ambulance and Emergency Services in northern Gaza, stated that all those targeted “were civilians—unarmed children, the elderly, men, and women.”[6] Euro-Med Monitor found no evidence that the school “was being used for military objectives.”[7] Despite the documented evidence of Israel’s ongoing killings, abductions, forced starvation, and torture of Palestinians, including children,[8] Netanyahu and his cabinet members have astonishingly claimed that Israel has “the most moral army in the world.”[9]

    Israel has killed over 40,000 Palestinians. Save the Children reports that “more than 15,000 children are estimated to have been killed by Israel’s relentless assault on the strip [while estimating]that up to 21,000 are missing.”[10]  The overall number of deaths may be vastly understated. Rasha Khatib, Martin McKee, and Salim Yusuf, three health officials, stated in The Lancet, a prestigious peer-reviewed British medical journal,  that as a result of deaths caused by indirect rather than direct violence it is likely that the actual number of deaths is closer to 186,000.[11] Andre Damon writing on the World Socialist Web Site observes that Israel is waging a war of extermination against the Palestinian people and its aim is to not only “…massacre tens of thousands but also to destroy all aspects of civilization in Gaza, contributing to the deaths of tens of thousands through malnutrition, communicable diseases and lack of healthcare.”[12]  The egregious horror of this violence is underscored by its engagement in acts of profound brutality, including the bombing of schools, the torture of prisoners,[13] the use of starvation as a weapon, and the targeting of hospitals and a large part of Gaza’s health facilities, among other barbarous policies.

    Such acts have been condemned as genocide by legal groups like the Center for Constitutional Rights, over 50 governments including South Africa, and various United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations.[14]Additionally, the International Criminal Court (ICC) is considering a request by the court’s prosecutor, Karim Khan, to issue arrest warrants against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for committing “war crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.”[15] Khan has also requested similar arrest warrants for certain Hamas leaders.

    As Jewish scholar Judith Butler points out, Israel’s far-right leaders have been both public and unapologetic about their eliminationist plans following the Hamas attack on October 7th. Their goal has been to systematically undermine “the livelihood, the health, the well-being, and the capacity [of the Palestinians] to persist” amidst Israel’s vengeful and disproportionate military assault. [16] After the surprise Hamas terrorist attack, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant called for a complete siege of Gaza, declaring, “There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed. We are fighting human animals, and we act accordingly.” [17] Some Israeli ministers have called for the dropping of an atomic bomb on Gaza.[18]

    In a statement that defies moral and legal boundaries, Israel’s finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, claimed that “no one in the world will allow us to starve 2 million people, even though it might be justified and moral in order to free the hostages.”[19] Smotrich’s remark not only trivializes the suffering of millions but also overlooks a critical fact: the deliberate starvation of civilians is unequivocally a war crime. This is the language of fascist politicians who speak with the weight of corpses in their mouths and blood on their hands. Such dehumanizing rhetoric doesn’t merely target Hamas fighters; it extends to the entire population of Gaza, effectively labeling all Palestinians as terrorists and less than human. By dehumanizing an entire group, this rhetoric facilitates and legitimizes Israel’s oppression of all Palestinians, justifying the denial of basic human needs and the commission of war crimes.

    The ultimate aim of Israel’s war in Gaza appears to be the eradication of any possibility of a Palestinian state and the eventual expulsion of Palestinians from their land. This is evident in the “complete siege” taking place in  Gaza, and Netanyahu’s explicit opposition to the future existence of a Palestinian state. Given Israel’s current assault on Gaza, which has nearly obliterated the daily survival prospects of its inhabitants, this aim becomes clearer.  Sharon Zhang underscores this point by noting that Netanyahu has explicitly stated his intent “to quash any hope of the existence of a Palestinian state in its entirety.” [20] She writes:

    “Advocates for Palestinian rights have said that this has been Israeli officials’ plan all along, as Israeli forces slaughter Palestinians en masse in Gaza while working to erase evidence that Palestinians ever existed in the region. However, this is one of the clearest statements yet from Netanyahu himself amid the current siege, suggesting his confidence that he will be able to carry it through with help from allies like the U.S.[21]

    In a number of articles, Kenneth Roth has written eloquently about Israel’s violations of international law.[22] He argues that none of Hamas’s actions, however horrific, justify Israel’s violation of the laws of war. He states that “that the Israeli government has repeatedly violated international humanitarian law in ways that amount to war crimes.” He points to Israel’s attack on civilian structures including schools, museums, and libraries. He cites Haaretz’s claim that “Israel has created ‘kill zones’ where soldiers shoot anyone who enters, armed or not.” He points to Israel’s destruction of hospitals, its torture of detained Palestinians and how some detainees “have died in military custody [while others] have reportedly needed to have their limbs amputated due to injuries sustained from prolonged handcuffing. He argues that the Israeli government has “imposed enormous obstacles to the delivery of aid, particularly food—a policy that amounts to using starvation as a weapon of war.”[23] What Roth makes clear and what many Western nations have ignored is that Israel is a rogue state guilty  of horrendous war crimes and has repeatedly violated international law.

    War crimes do more than destroy bodies; they erode morality, memories, and the deeply rooted habits of public consciousness. The brutality of Israel’s military actions in Gaza is painfully evident in the images of children’s bodies, torn apart amidst bombed mosques, hospitals, and schools. These atrocities are often justified by a discourse of dehumanization and self-defense—a state-sanctioned narrative as morally appalling as the suffering it enables, particularly among the most vulnerable. What is frequently overlooked, especially by mainstream media, is that Israel’s war on Gaza is not just a physical assault but an attack on history, memory, and cultural institutions. This erasure is a calculated effort to obscure its war crimes, brutal violence, and history of settler colonialism, all cloaked “under the security of the blanket of historical amnesia.”[24]

    Scholasticide as a Structural and  Ideological War

    Genocide manifests itself  not only in the creation of “kill zones,” where soldiers indiscriminately shoot Palestinians and in the use of lethal force against non-military targets such as hospitals and schools but also in the systematic destruction of Gaza’s entire intellectual, cultural, and civic infrastructure.[25] This calculated erosion seeks to eliminate the very fabric of Gaza’s society, extending beyond physical violence to the obliteration of its historical and cultural identity.[26]

    The ongoing and increasingly meticulous documentation of Israel’s war crimes not only exposes the horrific realities on the ground but also sheds light on the broader implications of these violations. The unfolding crisis extends beyond the immediate brutality and physical destruction in Gaza, revealing a deeper, insidious form of violence that transcends the battlefield. This violence is rooted in an ideological agenda that legitimizes such barbarism while systematically attacking any form of  education and criticism that seeks to expose it. This assault manifests as both a soft and hard war on education, history, critical inquiry, and any viable movement of dissent. Karma Nabulsi of the University of Oxford called this “war on education” a form of scholasticide and argued that it would affect generations of Palestinian children.[27] At the heart of this war on dissent and education are repeated attempts by Israel’s right-wing government to dismiss all critiques of Israel’s war on Gaza as a form of antisemitism. For example, when the war on Gaza is occasionally contextualized and historicized in reports, the Israeli government and its defenders swiftly weaponize the charge of antisemitism against critics, especially Palestinians, but also Jews. Historian Ilan Pappe highlights how this accusation is wielded by Israel’s far-right government to silence not only critics of the war but any narrative that exposes its five-decade-long campaign by “occupational forces to inflict persistent collective punishment on the Palestinians… exposing them to constant harassment by Israeli settlers and security forces and imprisoning hundreds of thousands of them.”[28]

    The expansive, indiscriminate, and staggering violence unleashed on Gaza by Israel demands not only a new vocabulary but also a deeper understanding of the politics of education and the education of politics. It also requires a redefined comprehension of what constitutes a war crime, coupled with a mass international movement resisting the far-right Israeli government’s deliberate and brutal attacks on the Palestinian people and their quest for freedom and sovereignty. Additionally, it is crucial to recognize that this violence in its multiple forms, includes a  less visible form of violence that is often overlooked. This form of violence, frequently obscured by the genocidal slaughter and annihilation unfolding in Gaza, is the violence of organized forgetting—the systematic erasure of dangerous memories, histories, and collective remembrance.

    This is the violence of “scholasticide.” This type of violence seeks to erase the Nakba from history, to destroy institutions that preserve the memory of the forced removal of 700,000 Palestinians from their land, and to enforce historical amnesia as a means of preventing future generations from learning about Palestinian resistance against colonial violence, dispossession, and erasure that has persisted for decades. Isabella Hammad, British-Palestinian author, rightly expresses outrage on how the pedagogical incubators of soft scholasticide work to condemn Palestinian protesters and cover up crimes of genocide. She is worth quoting at length:

    “Israel’s war in Gaza targets not only memory, knowledge, and critical inquiry but also extends to the destruction of educational institutions where history exposes past crimes and the movements for liberation and resistance. This is a war waged not just against bodies but also against history itself—against memories, legacies of cruelty, schools, museums, and any space where a people’s history and collective identity are preserved and transmitted to present and future generations. This assault on historical consciousness, remembrance, critical ideas, and the enduring history of settler colonialism represents a form of ideological violence that strategically underpins the tangible, bloody war that destroys Palestinian lives and the institutions safeguarding vital memories. In this context, the concept of “scholasticide” emerges, signifying the deliberate destruction of educational spaces that pass on essential knowledge, memories, and values, becoming a central element in Israel’s broader war against the Palestinian people.[29]

    As a form of historical, political and social amnesia, scholasticide works through what Rob Nixon calls “slow violence” — a gradual, incremental, and often less visible form of harm. In this context, scholasticide manifests through verbal contortions marked by diversions, lies, fear, threats, and intimidation. Language, images, and sensationalized tsunamis of hate across various media outlets and platforms are used to distract people from the crimes taking place in Gaza. As a result, scholasticide works to normalize the bloody war on Gaza and suppress free speech. However, it is crucial to recognize that scholasticide also takes on a more brutal and immediate expression in what I call the “savage structural violence of scholasticide.” This form of scholasticide targets the destruction of schools, universities, and museums while systematically repressing dissenting scholars, students, and others. It involves real weapons of mass destruction, attacking not just bodies and minds but also the institutions that sustain intellectual life.

    In what follows, I will analyze the brutal structural violence of scholasticide taking place in Gaza, where educational institutions are systematically targeted and destroyed. I will then examine the ideological violence of scholasticide, characterized by the suppression of free speech and academic freedom, increasingly enforced through state mechanisms of surveillance, job losses, and other punitive measures, including detention. These two forms of scholasticide are not isolated; they reinforce each other, serving a larger project of imposing a repressive state in Israel. This analysis will also reveal how these practices signal a broader, insidious trend in the West, where censorship, repression, and various forms of pedagogical terrorism are aggressively deployed to suppress dissent and critical thought, leading to a brutal global trajectory of intellectual and academic oppression. These two forms of scholasticide—ideological and structural—are deeply interconnected. The ideological assault on free speech and academic freedom lays the groundwork for the physical destruction of institutions essential to critical education as a practice of freedom and liberation. In this way, the ideological forces of scholasticide act as a precursor and precondition for the eventual annihilation of the very foundations of emancipatory education.

    Scholasticide in Gaza

    Israel’s brutal war in Gaza not only targets bodies but also attacks the preservation of history, knowledge, and critical thought. By destroying educational institutions, it aims to erase narratives of past crimes and Palestinian movements for liberation. This is a war against history itself—against memories, legacies of resistance, and the institutions that safeguard a people’s collective identity for future generations. The repression of historical consciousness and the history of settler colonialism is a form of ideological violence that fuels the ongoing conflict devastating Palestinian lives and erasing vital memories. This deliberate destruction of educational institutions, spaces, and history, known as “scholasticide,” is central to Israel’s broader war against the Palestinian people. Chandni Desai, writing in The Guardian, describes scholasticide as an act of ethical savagery and pedagogical repression, noting: “It obliterates the means by which a group—in this instance, Palestinians—can sustain and transmit their culture, knowledge, history, memory, identity, and values across time and space. It is a key feature of genocide.” [30]

    The structural violence of scholasticide in Gaza since the horrific October 7th Hamas attack is undeniable and practically unthinkable. The world has witnessed Israel’s deliberate targeting of schools, universities, and other cultural sites in Gaza. As Sharon Zhang notes, “It is a war crime to target civilian infrastructure in war, but Israel has a long history of flagrantly violating international law with impunity — including targeting educational institutions that preserve Palestinian history, identity, and culture.”[31] According to the UN, 90 percent of Gaza’s schools have been destroyed, and all 12 universities have been bombed, damaged, or reduced to rubble. Chandni Desai reports that “approximately 90,000 Palestinian university students have had their studies suspended; many will be driven to forced displacement through genocide, as Gaza has become uninhabitable.”[32]  It gets worse. UN officials and the Palestinian ministry of education report that Israeli military operations have killed at least 5,479 students, 261 teachers, and 95 university professors in Gaza, including deans, university presidents, award-winning physicists, poets, artists, and prominent activists. [33]

    Schools in Gaza faced significant challenges even before the war, including overcrowding, double shifts, a shortage of buildings, and restricted access to construction materials and school supplies. As Stephen McCloskey highlights, “in June 2022, Save the Children reported that 80 percent of children in Gaza were ‘in a perpetual state of fear, worry, sadness, and grief.”[34] The war has only exacerbated these issues, leaving Gaza’s youth to grapple with repeated traumas, mental health crises, and the constant threat of death or injury. These hardships are compounded by extreme poverty, continuous violence, forced displacement, and inadequate health care.

    Moreover, the brutal realities extend beyond the battlefield. It is well-documented that many children held without charge in Israeli detention centers have been subjected to physical, sexual, and mental abuse. Save the Children has collected testimonies from children that reveal increasing levels of violence, particularly since October, when stricter rules were implemented that block visits from parents or lawyers. Some children have reported broken bones and beatings, highlighting the severe abuse occurring in these detention centers.”[35] Amid such a dire humanitarian crisis, Palestinian children and their parents are left with an agonizing choice: “between dying of exposure, disease, bombs, starvation, infectious disease, or leaving.” [36] This grim reality underscores that the destruction of Gaza’s education system is part of a broader campaign by Israel to render the region unlivable.

     Israel’s war on education and culture extends further, targeting the very fabric of Gaza’s identity. The bombing and destruction of numerous libraries, archives, publishing houses, cultural centers, activity halls, museums, bookstores, cemeteries, monuments, and archival materials illustrate a systematic effort to erase Palestinian heritage. [37] Various news outlets and social media have provided stories and images confirming that Israeli soldiers are not only destroying but also stealing archeological artifacts. In one particularly egregious instance reported on social media, stolen artifacts from the Gaza Strip were openly displayed in a small showcase in the Israeli parliament, known as the Knesset. [38]

    Israel’s policy of scholasticide, aimed at destroying Palestinian education, especially its less violent methods, are not limited to Gaza. They also extend to students, faculty, and other critics of the war within Israel.  Israeli scholar, Professor Maya Wind, argues that Israel’s universities have become centers of military research, propaganda, and repression.[39] For instance, she notes . that “academic disciplines, degree programs, campus infrastructure, and research laboratories   service Israeli occupation and apartheid.”  She is worth quoting at length:

    “Hebrew University, among others, are training intelligence soldiers to create target banks in Gaza. They are producing knowledge for the state… which is state propaganda, or legal scholarship to help thwart attempts to hold Israel accountable for its war crimes, such as the case brought to the ICJ by South Africa. And they are, in fact, actually granting university course credit to reserve soldiers returning from Gaza to their classrooms. So, Israeli universities are deeply complicit in this genocide.[40]

    Writing  in The New York Review of Books In addition, Neve Gordon and Penny Green reported that Shalhoub-Kevorkian, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, who is the Lawrence D. Biele Chair in Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem was arrested for signing a petition titled “Childhood Researchers and Students Calling for Immediate Ceasefire in Gaza.”[41] She was one of many Palestinian educators intimidated by the far-right Netanyahu government for criticizing the war.[42] The reach of Israeli state censorship and punishment also includes Jewish faculty members such as the renowned Professor Peled-Elhanan subjected to a disciplinary hearing because she sent messages on a staff WhatsApp that was deemed supportive of Hamas.

    Gordon and Green also noted that  “in the three weeks following Hamas’s attack, well over a hundred Palestinian students in Israel, nearly 80 percent of them women, faced disciplinary actions for private social media posts that supported the end of the siege on Gaza… expressed empathy with Palestinians in the Strip, or simply included memes about suffering Palestinian children.”[43] Attempts by the Israeli state to destroy education in Palestine is part of a broader project to destroy any vestige of a liberation movement in Palestine. Wind notes this is obvious not only in terms of the repression of Palestinian critics in Gaza and Israel, but also in the West Bank, including West Jerusalem. She states that Palestinian universities are routinely raided  by the IDF. She adds:

    “Student activists and organizers in over 411 Palestinian student groups and associations that have been declared unlawful by the Israeli state are routinely abducted from their campus, from their homes in the middle of the night. They are subjected to torture. They are held in administrative detention without charge or trial for months. And so, what we’re really seeing is a systemic attack of the Israeli military and the Israeli military government on Palestinian higher education, and particularly on Palestinian campuses as sites of organizing for Palestinian liberation.[44]

    Conclusion 

    What stands out regarding Israel’s policy of scholasticide is not only the visceral killing, suffering, and terror inflicted upon the Palestinian people in Gaza but also the calculated effort to obliterate institutions that preserve Palestinian history, educate current and future generations, and forge links between the past and a future of freedom and justice. This is not just an assault on memory; it is an attack on the very essence of education as a liberating force—indispensable for a society where informed judgment, civic courage, and critical agency are essential to upholding the ideals of freedom and justice through mass resistance.

    It is crucial for critical educators and anti-war activists to acknowledge that this war on education in Gaza parallels the ongoing assault on higher education in the United States and other authoritarian regimes, revealing a disturbing global alignment in the attack on intellectual freedom and historical truth. The strategy of scholasticide is both a violent structural project and a calculated ideological and pedagogical effort to silence dissent within and outside of higher education, particularly dissent that holds Israel’s genocidal war and its apparatuses of ideological indoctrination and repression accountable. The horrors unfolding in Gaza represent the extreme endpoint of a broader, insidious campaign aimed at crushing dissent across universities in the United States, Europe, and beyond, including nations like Hungary. In the U.S., schools and cultural institutions may not be bombed, but they are systematically defunded and turned into fortresses of academic repression. Books are banned, student protesters face police brutality, faculty are purged, and history is whitewashed. Meanwhile, billionaire elites and administrative enforcers ruthlessly work to “engineer the intellectual, social, and financial impoverishment of the educational sector,” silencing anyone who dares to challenge their pursuit of national and ideological conformity.[45]

    Scholasticide is a modern form of McCarthyism that intensifies from silencing opposition to the outright destruction of academic and cultural institutions that enable both individual and collective resistance. It begins by targeting informed judgment, historical memory, and dissent, and then escalates to obliterating civic infrastructures like schools and museums. In its wake, it leaves a trail of bloodshed, broken limbs, wounded women and children, and a chilling legacy of violence, mass deaths, and ethical emptiness. Scholasticide is the canary in the coal mine, signaling an imminent and grave threat to academic freedom, free speech, critical education, and democracy itself.

    Notes.

    [1] Gerald Sussman, “The US-Israeli Regime of Despair,” Counter Punch (July 21, 2024). Online: https://www.counterpunch.org/2024/07/21/the-us-israeli-regime-of-despair/

    [2] Kenneth Roth, “Crimes of War in Gaza” The New York Review of Books [July 18, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/07/18/crimes-of-war-in-gaza-kenneth-roth/

    [3] Aryeh Neier, “Is Israel Committing Genocide?” The New York Review of Books[June 6, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/06/06/is-israel-committing-genocide-aryeh-neier/

    [4] HuMedia, “Israel hits Gaza Strip with the equivalent of two nuclear bombs,” Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor (November 2, 2023). Online: https://euromedmonitor.org/en/article/5908/Israel-hits-Gaza-Strip-with-the-equivalent-of-two-nuclear-bombs#:~:text=Geneva%20%2D%20Israel%20has%20dropped%20more,a%20press%20release%20issued%20today

    [5] Editorial, “Initial Euro-Med Monitor investigation finds no evidence of military presence at site of Tab’een School massacre in Gaza,” Countercurrents.org (August 24, 2024). Online: https://countercurrents.org/2024/08/initial-euro-med-monitor-investigation-finds-no-evidence-of-military-presence-at-site-of-tabeen-school-massacre-in-gaza/

    [6] Irene Nasser, Abeer Salman, Ibrahim Dahman, Mohammed Tawfeeq, Lex Harvey and Allegra Goodwin, “Israeli strike on mosque and school in Gaza kills scores, sparking international outrage,” CNN World (August 11, 2024).  Online: https://www.cnn.com/2024/08/10/middleeast/israeli-school-strike-gaza-intl-hnk/index.html

    [7] HuMedia, “Initial Euro-Med Monitor investigation finds no evidence of military presence at site of Tab’een School massacre in Gaza,” Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor (August 11, 2024). Online: https://euromedmonitor.org/en/article/6432/Initial-Euro-Med-Monitor-investigation-finds-no-evidence-of-military-presence-at-site-of-Tab%E2%80%99een-School-massacre-in-Gaza

    [8] Miranda Cleland, “Why Israel can torture detained Palestinian children with impunity,” Middle East Eye (December 1, 2023). Online: https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/israel-palestine-war-torture-detained-palestinian-children-impunity

    [9] Greg Shupak, “Israel may have the least ‘moral army’ in the world: The rate of civilian death during Israel’s assault on Gaza has few precedents this century,” Canadian Dimension (February 17, 2024). Online: https://canadiandimension.com/articles/view/israel-may-have-the-least-moral-army-in-the-world

    [10] Arwa Mahdawi, “Nearly 21,000 children are missing in Gaza. And there’s no end to this nightmare” The Guardian [June 27, 2024]. Online: https://www.theguardian.com/global/commentisfree/article/2024/jun/27/gaza-missing-children

    [11] Rasha Khatib, Martin McKee, Salim Yusuf, “Counting the dead in Gaza: difficult but essential” The Lancet [July 5, 2024]. Online: https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(24)01169-3/fulltext

    [12] Andre Damon, “Lancet warns Gaza death toll could be over 186,000,” World Socialist Web Site (July 7, 2024). Online: https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/07/08/xgqe-j08.html

    [13] Press Release, “UN report: Palestinian detainees held arbitrarily and secretly, subjected to torture and mistreatment,” United Nations Human Rights (July 31, 2024). Online: https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/07/un-report-palestinian-detainees-held-arbitrarily-and-secretly-subjected

    [14] Gerald Imray, “Genocide case against Israel: Where does the rest of the world stand on the momentous allegations?,” Associated Press (January 14, 2024). Online: https://apnews.com/article/genocide-israel-palestinians-gaza-court-fbd7fe4af10b542a1a4e2c7563029bfb;

    [15] Mike Corder, “International Criminal Court judges mulling arrest warrants consider legal arguments on jurisdiction,” Associated Press(August 9, 2024). Online: https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-icc-court-warrants-jurisdiction-12df89805cf654df030a56264ad38bb8#:~:text=THE%20HAGUE%2C%20Netherlands%20(AP),attacks%20by%20Hamas%20in%20Israel.

    [16] Amy Goodman, “Palestinian Lives Matter Too: Jewish Scholar Judith Butler Condemns Israel’s “Genocide” in Gaza.”  Democracy Now[October 26, 2023]. Online: https://www.democracynow.org/2023/10/26/judith_butler_ceasefire_gaza_israel

    [17] Sanjana Karanth, “Israeli Defense Minister Announces Siege On Gaza To Fight ‘Human Animals’,” The Huff Post (October 9, 2023). Online: https://www.huffpost.com/entry/israel-defense-minister-human-animals-gaza-palestine_n_6524220ae4b09f4b8d412e0a

    [18] Patrick Kingsley, “Top U.N. Court Decision Adds to Israel’s Growing Isolation”  New York Times [May 24, 2024]. Online: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/24/world/middleeast/icj-israel-rafah-isolation.html

    [19] Guardian Staff and Agencies, “Israel minister condemned for saying starvation of millions in Gaza might be ‘justified and moral’,” The Guardian (August 8, 2024). Online: https://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/aug/08/israel-finance-minister-bezalel-smotrich-gaza-starve-2m-people-comments

    [20] Sharon Zhang, “Netanyahu Says Israel’s Goal Is to Wipe Out All Possibility of Palestinian State,” Truthout (January 18, 2024). Online: https://truthout.org/articles/netanyahu-says-israels-goal-is-to-wipe-out-all-possibility-of-palestinian-state/#:~:text=War%20%26%20Peace-,Netanyahu%20Says%20Israel’s%20Goal%20Is%20to%20Wipe%20Out%20All%20Possibility,amid%20Israel’s%20genocide%20in%20Gaza.&text=Honest%2C%20paywall%2Dfree%20news%20is,a%20donation%20of%20any%20size.

    [21] Ibid.

    [22] Kenneth Roth, “Crimes of War in Gaza” The New York Review of Books [July 18, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/07/18/crimes-of-war-in-gaza-kenneth-roth/; See also, an interview with Roth in Carolyn Neugarten, “The Right Fight” The New York Review [July 27, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/07/27/the-right-fight-kenneth-roth/

    [23] All of the quotes in this paragraph are from  Kenneth Roth, “Crimes of War in Gaza” The New York Review of Books [July 18, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/07/18/crimes-of-war-in-gaza-kenneth-roth/

    [24] Donalyn White, Anthony Ballas, “Settler Colonialism and the Engineering of Historical Amnesia” Counter Punch [July 11, 2024]. Online: https://www.counterpunch.org/2024/07/11/settler-colonialism-and-the-engineering-of-historical-amnesia/

    [25] See, Kenneth Roth, “Crimes of War in Gaza” The New York Review of Books [July 18, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/07/18/crimes-of-war-in-gaza-kenneth-roth/. A brilliant, critical, and encompassing analysis of Israel’s war crimes can be found in Jeffrey St. Clair’s Gaza Dairy Archives published in CounterPunch.

    [26] Gaza Academics and Administrators, “Open letter by Gaza academics and university administrators to the world.” Al Jazeera [May 29, 2024]. Online: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/5/29/open-letter-by-gaza-academics-and-university-administrators-to-the-world

    [27] Faisal Bhabha, Heidi Matthews, Stephen Rosenbaum, “OPEN LETTER FROM NORTH AMERICAN ACADEMICS CONDEMNING SCHOLASTICIDE IN GAZA” Google Docs [April 2024]. Online: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSc7_K7qybzbeiBAg7sYTxbp1VOyYBrYPaxRf8jvHuBa0kQHlg/viewform?pli=1

    [28] Ilan Pappe, “Why Israel wants to erase context and history in the war on Gaza.” Al Jazeera [November 5, 2023]. Online: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/11/5/why-israel-wants-to-erase-context-and-history-in-the-war-on-gaza

    [29] Isabella Hammad, “Acts of Language” The New York Review of Books [June 13, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/06/13/acts-of-language-isabella-hammad/

    [30] Chandni Desai, “Israel has destroyed or damaged 80% of schools in Gaza. This is scholasticide” The Guardian [June 8, 2024]. Online: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/article/2024/jun/08/israel-destroying-schools-scholasticide

    [31] Sharon Zhang, “Israel Bombs Girls’ School in Gaza, Killing 30 and Wounding Over 100,” Truthout (July 29, 2024). Online: https://truthout.org/articles/israel-bombs-girls-school-in-gaza-killing-30-and-wounding-over-100/

    [32] Ibid. Chandni Desai.

    [33] Chris Hedges, “Israel destroyed my university. Where is the outrage?” The Real News [February 9, 2024]. Online: https://therealnews.com/israel-destroyed-my-university-where-is-the-outrage

    [34] Stephen McCloskey, “Israel’s War on Education in Gaza” Z Network [January 8, 2024]. Online: https://znetwork.org/znetarticle/israels-war-on-education-in-gaza/

    [35] News Release, “Palestinian children in Israeli military detention report increasingly violent conditions,” Save the Children (February 29, 2024). Online: https://www.savethechildren.net/news/palestinian-children-israeli-military-detention-report-increasingly-violent-conditions

    [36] Chris Hedges, “Israel destroyed my university. Where is the outrage?” The Real News [February 9, 2024]. Online: https://therealnews.com/israel-destroyed-my-university-where-is-the-outrage

    [37]  Ibid. Chandni Desai.

    [38] Palestine Chronicle Staff, “Israeli Forces Display Stolen Gaza Artifacts in Knesset,” The Palestine Chronicle (August 14, 2024). Online: https://www.palestinechronicle.com/israeli-forces-display-stolen-gaza-artifacts-in-knesset-reports/

    [39] Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel: How Israeli Universities Deny Palestinian Freedom (New York: Verso, 2024).

    [40] Amy Goodman, “”Towers of Ivory and Steel”: Jewish Scholar Says Israeli Universities Deny Palestinian Freedom” Democracy Now[March 15, 2024]. Online: https://www.democracynow.org/2024/3/15/maya_wind_towers_of_ivory_and

    [41] Neve Gordon and Penny Green, “Israel’s Universities: The Crackdown” The New York Review of Books [June 5, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/06/05/israel-universities-the-crackdown/

    [42] Ibid. Maya Wind.

    [43] Ibid. Neve Gordon and Penny Green.

    [44] Amy Goodman, “Maya Wind: Destruction of Gaza’s Universities Part of Broader Israeli Project to Destroy Palestinian Liberation” Part 2. Democracy Now [March 15, 2024]. Online: https://www.democracynow.org/2024/3/15/maya_wind_part_2

    [45] Ruth Ben-Ghiat, “How Authoritarians Target Universities,” Lucid  (July 11, 2023). Online: https://lucid.substack.com/p/from-fascism-to-hungary-and-the-us

    The post Scholasticide: Erasing Memory, Silencing Dissent, and Waging War on Education from Gaza to the West appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


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  • Lao and Chinese security forces detained 771 people in the Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone during a joint operation conducted ahead of a deadline for illegal call centers in the notorious zone to close.

    Authorities in northern Laos have notified call centers in the Chinese-run special economic zone, or SEZ,  that they have until Sunday to shut down their operations.

    Scamming operations run by Chinese nationals who try to trick people into fake investments are rife in the zone. Many of the workers are mistreated and prevented from leaving the premises.

    The Golden Triangle SEZ along the Mekong River in Bokeo province in northern Laos has been a gambling and tourism hub catering to Chinese visitors, as well as a haven for online fraud, human trafficking, prostitution and illegal drug activities.

    ENG_LAO_GOLDEN TRIANGLE SCAMMERS_08212024_003.jpg
    The Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone Command dismantles a gang of telecommunication fraudsters in a video posted to their Facebook page in Bokeo Province, Laos, Aug. 20, 2024. (Mass Media of Public Security via Facebook)

    The Lao government’s closure order came after an Aug. 9 meeting between the Bokeo provincial governor, high-ranking officials from the Lao Ministry of Public Security, and Zhao Wei, the chairman of the Golden Triangle SEZ.

    The joint raids with Chinese authorities began on Aug. 12, according to the Lao Ministry of Public Security website.

    Among the 771 people detained were 275 Laotians, 231 Burmese and 108 Chinese, the ministry said. Other nationalities included people from the Philippines, India, Indonesia, Ethiopia and Vietnam.

    “Most of them are just workers who were hired to work at the centers,” a ministry official told Radio Free Asia. “It’s a form of human trafficking because they were lured to come to the SEZ to work at stores or restaurants, but later they were forced to work as scammers.”

    Computers and cellphones

    A Bokeo provincial official, who like other sources in this report requested anonymity for security reasons, said many of the Chinese citizens who were arrested were in leadership roles at the call centers. 

    “We handed over all the Chinese to Chinese authorities at the border gate in Luang Namtha province several days ago,” she said. “Other foreigners, such as Indians and Filipinos, are waiting for their respective embassies to pick them up.”

    Most of the arrested Lao nationals were booked, reeducated and handed over to family members, she said.

    Authorities have also seized more than 2,000 pieces of electronic equipment, including 709 computers and 1,896 mobile phones, according to the ministry.

    “All Chinese people and equipment seized from the raid have been sent back to China to comply with the agreement between the Lao Ministry of Public Security and the Chinese counterparts,” a Luang Namtha province official told RFA.


    RELATED STORIES

    Laos orders Golden Triangle scammers out of zone by end of month

    280 Chinese arrested in Laos for alleged online scamming

    Laos repatriates 268 Chinese suspected of scamming


    In the first half of 2024, as many as 400 call centers were operating in the Golden Triangle SEZ. The centers mostly targeted Chinese, which eventually prompted authorities in China to team up with their counterparts in Laos.

    The owner of a Vientiane employment agency that hires workers for Chinese companies in the SEZ said they have paused recruitment activities and are waiting to see what happens after Sunday’s deadline.

    “If the police stop raiding the places, we’ll be back in business,” he said.

    Translated by Max Avary. Edited by Matt Reed.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Lao.

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  • “He hit me with a gun butt,” Premium Times newspaper reporter Yakubu Mohammed told the Committee to Protect Journalists, recalling how he was struck by a police officer while reporting on cost-of-living protests in Nigeria’s capital of Abuja on August 1. Two other officers beat him, seized his phone, and threw him in a police van despite his wearing a ”Press” vest and showing them his press identification card.

    Reporter Yakubu Mohammed of Premium Times shows a head wound which he said was caused by police officers who hit him with gun butts and batons in the Nigerian capital Abuja on August 1.
    Yakubu Mohammed shows a head wound which he said was caused by police officers who hit him with gun butts and batons. (Photo: Courtesy of Yakubu Mohammed)

    Mohammed is one of at least 56 journalists who were assaulted or harassed by security forces or unidentified citizens while covering the #EndBadGovernance demonstrations in Nigeria, one of several countries across sub-Saharan Africa that have experienced anti-government protests in recent months.  

    In Kenya, at least a dozen journalists have been targeted by security personnel during weeks of youth-led protests since June, with at least one reporter shot with rubber bullets and several others hit with teargas canisters. Meanwhile, Ugandan police and soldiers used force to quash similar demonstrations over corruption and high living costs, while a Ghanaian court banned planned protests.

    Globally, attacks on the press often spike during moments of political tension. In Senegal, at least 25 journalists were attacked, detained, or tear gassed while reporting on February’s protests over delayed elections. Last year, CPJ found that more than 40 Nigerian journalists were detained, attacked, or harassed while reporting on presidential and state elections. In 2020, at least a dozen journalists were attacked during the #EndSARS campaign to abolish Nigeria’s brutal Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) police unit.

    CPJ’s documentation of the incidents below, based on interviews with those affected, local media reports, and verified videos and photos, are emblematic of the dangers faced by reporters in many African countries during protests – and the failure of authorities to prioritize journalists’ safety and ending impunity for crimes against journalists.

    All but one of the journalists – a reporter for government-owned Radio Nigeria – worked for privately owned media outlets.

    July 31

    News Central TV journalists were stopped and questioned by police officers while live reporting.
    News Central TV journalists were stopped and questioned by police officers while live reporting. (Screenshot: News Central TV/YouTube)
    • In western Lagos State, police officers harassed Bernard Akede, a reporter with News Central TV, and his colleagues, digital reporter Eric Thomas and camera operators Karina Adobaba-Harry and Samuel Chukwu, forcing them to pause reporting on the planned protests at the Lekki toll gate.

    August 1

    • In Abuja, police officers arrested Jide Oyekunle, a photojournalist with the Daily Independent newspaper, and Kayode Jaiyeola, a photojournalist with Punch newspaper, as they covered protests.
    • In northern Borno State, at least 10 armed police officers forcefully entered the office of the regional broadcaster Radio Ndarason Internationale (RNI) and detained nine members of staff for five hours. Those held said that police accused them of publishing “fake news” in the arrest documentation and RNI’s project director David Smith told CPJ that the raid was in response to the outlet’s reporting via WhatsApp on the protests.

    The detained staff were: head of office Lami Manjimwa Zakka; editor-in-chief Mamman Mahmood; producer Ummi Fatima Baba Kyari; reporters Hadiza Dawud, Zainab Alhaji Ali, and Amina Falmata Mohammed; head of programs Bunu Tijjani; deputy head of programs Ali Musa; and information and communications technology head Abubakar Gajibo.

    • In Abuja, police officers threw tear gas canisters at Mary Adeboye, a camera operator with News Central TV; Samuel Akpan, a senior reporter with TheCable news site; and Adefemola Akintade, a reporter with the Peoples Gazette news site. The canisters struck Adeboye and Akpan’s legs, causing swelling.
    • In northern Kano city, unidentified attackers wielding machetes and sticks smashed the windows of a Channels Television-branded bus carrying 11 journalists and a car carrying two journalists.
    The windows of a Channels Television bus were smashed by unidentified assailants as it was transporting 11 journalists to cover protests in the city of Kano on August 1.
    The windows of a Channels Television bus were smashed by unidentified assailants as it was transporting 11 journalists to cover protests in the Nigerian city of Kano on August 1. (Photo: Ibrahim Ayyuba Isah)

    The journalists were: reporters Ibrahim Ayyuba Isah of TVC News broadcaster, whose hand was cut by glass; Ayo Adenaiye of Arise News broadcaster, whose laptop was damaged; Murtala Adewale of The Guardian newspaper, Bashir Bello of Vanguard newspaper, Abdulmumin Murtala of Leadership newspaper, Sadiq Iliyasu Dambatta of Channels Television, and Caleb Jacob and Victor Christopher of Cool FM, Wazobia FM, and Arewa Radio broadcasters; camera operators John Umar of Channels Television, Ibrahim Babarami of Arise News, Iliyasu Yusuf of AIT broadcaster, Usman Adam of TVC News; and multimedia journalist Salim Umar Ibrahim of Daily Trust newspaper.

    • In southern Delta State, at least 10 unidentified assailants opposed to the protest attacked four journalists: reporters Monday Osayande of The Guardian newspaper, Matthew Ochei of Punch newspaper, Lucy Ezeliora of The Pointer newspaper, and investigative journalist Prince Amour Udemude, whose phone was snatched. Osayande told CPJ by phone that they did not make a formal complaint to police about the attack because several police officers saw it happen, but added that the state commissioner for information, Efeanyi Micheal Osuoza, had promised to investigate. Osuoza told CPJ by phone that he was investigating the matter and would ensure the replacement of Udemude’s phone.
    Police oversee protesters in Lagos on August 2, 2024
    Police oversee protesters in Lagos on August 2, 2024. (Photo: AP/Sunday Alamba)

    August 3

    • In Abuja’s national stadium, masked security forces fired bullets and tear gas in the direction of 18 journalists covering the protests, several of whom were wearing “Press” vests.

    The journalists were: Premium Times reporters Abdulkareem Mojeed, Emmanuel Agbo, Abdulqudus Ogundapo, and Popoola Ademola; TheCable videographer Mbasirike Joshua and reporters Dyepkazah Shibayan, Bolanle Olabimtan, and Claire Mom; AIT reporter Oscar Ihimhekpen and camera operators Femi Kuku and Olugbenga Ogunlade; News Central TV camera operator Eno-Obong Koffi and reporter Emmanuel Bagudu; the nonprofit International Centre for Investigative Reporting’s video journalist Johnson Fatumbi and reporters Mustapha Usman and Nurudeen Akewushola; and Peoples Gazette reporters Akintade and Ebube Ibeh.

    Kuku dislocated his leg and Ademola cut his knees and broke his phone while fleeing.

    • In Abuja’s Wuse neighborhood, unidentified men robbed Victorson Agbenson, political editor of the government-owned Radio Nigeria broadcaster, and his driver Chris Ikwu at knifepoint as they covered a protest.

    August 6

    • In Lagos State, unidentified armed men hit four journalists from News Central TV and their vehicle with sticks. The journalists were News Central TV’s Akede, camera operator Adobaba-Harry, reporter Consin-Mosheshe Ogheneruru, and camera operator Albert David.

    Abuja police spokesperson Josephine Adeh told CPJ by phone on August 16 that police did not carry out any attacks on the media and asked for evidence of such attacks before ending the call. She also accused CPJ of harassing her.

    Police spokespersons Bright Edafe of Delta State and Haruna Abdullahi of Kano State told CPJ that their officers had not received any complaints about attacks on the press.

    Lagos State police spokesperson Benjamin Hundeyin referred CPJ to the state’s police Complaint Response Unit, where the person who answered CPJ’s initial phone call declined to identify themselves and said they had no information about attacks on journalists. CPJ’s subsequent calls and messages went unanswered.

    CPJ’s repeated calls and messages to Borno State Commissioner for Information Usman Tar requesting comment were unanswered.

    See also: CPJ’s guidance for journalists covering protests  


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Evelyn Okakwu.

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  • Illustration of ear tuning into sound coming from earth

    The vision

    “I foresee a movement with a wide stance, a strong connection to ancestral wisdom, a fortified sense of self that inspires all who see and touch and join it. We spend our time transforming ourselves and our relationships to earth and each other. We show the way with our bodies and behavior, rather than shaming anyone for where they are. There is love at the center.”

    — Adrienne Maree Brown in Loving Corrections

    The spotlight

    “We need each other.”

    Those words begin a new book by activist and scholar Adrienne Maree Brown (often styled adrienne maree brown): Loving Corrections.

    It’s a scientific fact that humans rely on one another; even the most introverted among us require social connection, collaboration, and community to thrive. Yet we’re living through what even the surgeon general has deemed an “epidemic of loneliness and isolation,” and our country seems to grow more divided by the day — politically, culturally, even by gender.

    Loving Corrections is written as a practical guide to begin to remedy some of those divisions, to reinject empathy into our interactions, and to offer an alternative to the harms of cancel culture. “Even among those of us who long for justice and liberation, I noticed an emerging trend within our movements that looked and felt like policing each other, disposing of each other, and destroying each other,” Brown writes in the introduction.

    Brown (who uses both she and they pronouns) is an author, activist, and scholar, and a leading voice on the politics of activism and collective liberation, with a particular emphasis on climate and environmental justice. She has written and edited a number of books that explore themes of self-care, self-help, and best practices in movements for change — including the 2017 book Emergent Strategy, considered by many to be a movement classic.

    Loving Corrections is the latest in that series. The book draws on Brown’s extensive experience as a facilitator; in that role, they said, they learned how to hold a space in which people could slow down, connect as human beings, and really hear one another through sometimes difficult conversations. They thought they might be able to do the same thing as a writer. (Brown also served as a judge for Grist’s Imagine 2200 climate fiction contest in 2021, and wrote for Grist nearly two decades ago about issues of exclusion in environmentalism — a space certainly guilty of the kind of policing Brown describes in the intro to her book.)

    “I think of the work I do as growing a garden of healing ideas in public,” Brown told me. “I’m constantly trying to hone ideas that I think will be helpful to the collective, to the species, to how we relate to the Earth, how we relate to each other — and Loving Corrections emerged because I kept getting questions from people that were like, ‘OK, but how do we actually do this? How do we hold on to each other while we relinquish these systems of oppression in which we’ve been socialized, in which we’re caught up?”

    The book offers some specific advice, and even an example of Brown in conversation with her two sisters, showing how they’ve instituted regular check-ins with each other as a way of easing familial friction.

    But it’s also about more than our relationships with fellow humans. The Earth can deliver loving corrections, Brown writes, and also requires an attentive relationship. That can happen on an individual level, with the land and ecosystems around us — but for some of the systemic changes that humanity needs to make in order to heal our broken systems of extraction, pollution, and destruction, we first need to imagine better systems in their place, Brown said. That, too, can be a form of loving correction.

    “We live in a world that was imagined by people who didn’t actually care about keeping our connection to the Earth intact and who didn’t really care about us being in my relationship with each other,” she said. “It matters hugely that we articulate to each other what we dream, what the world could be like — and that we don’t settle.”

    Here’s a short excerpt from Brown’s book, exploring ways of thinking about our relationship to the Earth, how to listen, and how to care for this blue dot we call home. (This essay originally appeared in “Murmurations,” a column Brown started for YES! Magazine, focusing on themes of accountability.)

    — Claire Elise Thompson

    -----

    Excerpted chapter: “Accountable to Earth,” from the book Loving Corrections by Adrienne Maree Brown

    I love sitting with mothers in moments of relaxation. I was recently on vacation with some of my goddess crew, one of whom is a new mom. Her baby was sleeping in the next room, and after a bit of time and talk, we heard the sound of his voice, carried in stereo through the door and the little monitor that let us see and hear him.

    To be honest, anytime he wasn’t with us, we were watching the little monitor, watching him sleep, dream, move around, self-soothe. My friend sat up, alert, and held up a hand to remind herself (and us) to give him a minute to see if he needed her or was just cycling up to the surface of wakefulness before diving into the next dream. He dove, and we went back to what we were doing. An hour later, he cried out again, louder, demanding, fully awake. She moved quickly to hold him, knowing his needs with the incredible grace of a good parent.

    Later, I thought I heard him again, but he was awake, and it was an owl hooting deep in the Blue Ridge Mountains, the pitch of the hoot moving up, up, up the scale, and into the moonlight. Another time, it was a cat nearby, mewling for attention. I was reading a book about a talking cat, and for a moment, fiction and fantasy merged as I felt certain I knew what the cat meant: Now, now, now! The baby, the owl, the cat — they all sounded the same to me, each crying out for attention, for care, in a language that translates across species.

    This pattern of screaming prayer returns me to a familiar question: How do we hear beyond the human cry for help?

    The Earth seems to be crying. I hear the concurrent calls of one-third of Pakistan underwater in massive floods; Jackson, Mississippi, without water for drinking or toilet flushing for the foreseeable future; Puerto Rico’s power grid flooded out by Hurricane Fiona. And that suffering barely scratches the surface. There are fires that never rest into ash, there is water that doesn’t recede, waves where we need ice, islands whose highest point is now below water, heat waves that send elders into grocery store aisles while chefs cook steak on the hoods of cars. On the recent anniversary of Hurricane Katrina, I noticed how normalized these disasters have become; how comfortable we are becoming with mass displacement and death.

    What would it look like to answer the demanding cries of Earth, to be accountable to the needs of the planet? Given that these questions are likely already familiar to the readers of this publication, perhaps we need to ask something different: Can those of us willing to be accountable do enough to counter the choices of those bent on destruction? How?

    Over this past year, I have been experimenting with a climate ban on unnecessary travel. I don’t fly for work or speeches. If I am in transit, it is for love only: going to family, blood or chosen; going to home; going to health. If it’s within reach and my body is up for it, I drive my electric vehicle to get there.

    I’ve mostly been able to hold this practice, and it has felt like a choice that helps ease my impact on the Earth, while also easing the impact that travel and being away from the sanctuary of home has on my body. I am feeling myself more every day as an earthling, understanding how what is good for my body is good for the Earth, and vice versa.

    Another practice I’m interested in is folding the Earth into every other thing I do, every decision I make. When I consider any concern I have for people, place, animal, culture, danger, I root myself back to the relationship to our Earth and the changes currently unfolding for her. What would the Earth have me do, have us do?

    These questions bring me to this brief but powerful wisdom from Margaret Killjoy: “You can’t write fiction on a dead planet.” I think the same is true for everything, far beyond fiction. If the planet effectively dies for us, if it becomes uninhabitable for humans, nothing else we are doing here matters. So many of us have cried this out, in so many ways, for so long — I know I am adding my voice to an ancient wailing, for attention. For care.

    If every issue was seen through an Earth-related lens, what might we learn? We wouldn’t put down our myriad priorities, but maybe we would reframe and redistribute our time to more accurately account for the care of our only home, currently crumbling and buckling, infested, and burning and flooding in every room. Our home, too, is wailing.

    But imagine for a moment that everyone was tapped into this pattern of accountability to the planet, of anchoring our actions in consideration of their impact on the Earth. Imagine a common reality of collectively prioritizing our most universal gift: life on Earth. Imagine, for instance, a movement-wide, Earth-forward ban on work travel, and a shared commitment to turn our global attention to the wisdom and need of the Earth beneath our feet and over our heads, flowing all around us.

    Imagine what we could do together if our movements were focused on sustainability or, even better, sustenance — that which sustains us, that which answers the cry for care. What if movement’s job was to hone the parental instinct of our species? I am not suggesting here that the Earth needs us to parent it in terms of a power dynamic, but rather that there is something communal and universal in the need and offer for care among the species that share this planet. There is a rhythm to care that flows in every direction. Rather than centering a human purpose of domination and forcing the Earth to serve us, imagine if we centered in a human purpose of care, among and beyond our species.

    -----

    More exposure

    A parting shot

    Enjoy this scenic photo of a sunset in the Blue Ridge Mountains — the site of the retreat that Brown describes in her essay, and, coincidentally, where I’m from! There’s nothing more soothing to me than the sight of these old, tree-covered mountains, especially in the fall.

    A golden sunset peaks over the horizon of tree-covered mountains

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How ‘loving corrections’ could transform our relationships with one another — and the Earth on Aug 21, 2024.


    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Claire Elise Thompson.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Several social media users have shared the ‘news’ that a girl named Ankita Bauri, a student of Burdwan University in West Bengal, was raped and murdered while she was on her way back home from a protest on the intervening night of August 14 and 15 against the rape and murder of a doctor at Kolkata’s R G Kar Medical College and Hospital.

    X user (@ridhima_z) made the same claim in a tweet on August 16 and also wrote that the face of the victim was smashed with a stone to make her unrecognizable. (Archive)

    Another user, Ayan (@syedayan24), highlighted how unfortunate it was that the alleged victim, Ankita Bauri, had to lose her life while returning home after demanding justice for the brutal rape and murder in Kolkata. (Archive

    Several other users on X also shared the viral claim.

    Click to view slideshow.

    The claim was also viral on Facebook.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    We ran a relevant keyword search and found an article in The Statesman which reported the murder of a 25-year-old tribal woman named Priyanka Hansda, a postgraduate student of Philosophy in Burdwan University, in the Nandur village in Burdwan. The report states that she was found with her throat slit in a farmland, around 50 metres away from her house, on the intervening night of August 14 and 15.

    The article also states that it was initially suspected that the woman had been raped and murdered, when the news broke out initially on the morning of Independence Day. The Statesman report, however, quotes the SP of East Burdwan, Amandeep Singh, as clarifying that no evidence of sexual assault was found in the autopsy.

    We found another report by The Telegraph, which states that “East Burdwan police held a news conference on Friday to clarify that the 22-year-old tribal woman, whose body was found on Thursday with her throat slit, had not been raped.”

    However, we were unable to find any reports on a student named Ankita Bauri being raped and murdered.

    Besides, the official X handle of Purba Bardhaman (East Burdwan) Police responded to the viral claim, calling it a ‘rumour.’ They clarified that no such incident of a girl named Ankita Bauri being raped and murdered had happened in Burdwan, and warned social media users against spreading rumours.

    We also found a post on the East Burdwan District Police’s official Facebook profile, which sheds light on the rumours surrounding the alleged rape and murder of Ankita Bauri. The post, which is in the Bengali, says, “Some people are spreading rumours that a girl named Ankita Bauri has been raped and murdered on 14th August when she was returning home after taking part in a march connected with RG Kar incident. The fact is that no such incident of rape and murder of girl named Ankita Bauri has happened in Burdwan. Strong action is being taken against people for spreading such rumours. Purba Burdwan police is committed to the safety and security of women.”

    কিছু অসাধু ব্যক্তি সামাজিক মাধ্যমে গুজব ছড়াচ্ছে যে অঙ্কিতা বাউরি নামে একটি মেয়ে 14ই আগস্ট যখন আরজি কর ঘটনার সাথে…

    Posted by Purba Bardhaman District Police on Friday 16 August 2024

    To sum up, the viral social media claim alleging that Ankita Bauri, a student returning from a site of protest on the night of August 15, was brutally raped and murdered, is fabricated. The body of a tribal girl named Priyanka Hansda was found in a farmland in Nandur, Burdwan, on the morning of August 15. Police confirmed she had not been raped. However, no incident involving a victim named Ankita Bauri has come to the fore, cops have confirmed.

    Prantik Ali is an intern at Alt News.

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  • Seg4 goodwin repro freedom

    Democrats have centered reproductive rights throughout the week at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, with speakers discussing their abortions, how new restrictions have put women’s lives at risk and why bodily autonomy is nonnegotiable. Vice President Kamala Harris has promised to restore reproductive rights after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022. Law professor Michele Goodwin describes the fight for reproductive rights as “a tipping point for our democracy” and says Republicans cannot simply walk away from their record on the issue.


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    U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaks to media at the David Kempinski Hotel in Tel Aviv, Israel, Monday, Aug. 19, 2024. (Kevin Mohatt/Pool Photo via AP)

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