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  • This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

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  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

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  • Allegations of corruption in the 2024 National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test-Undergraduate (NEET-UG) have been making headlines since May. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) took over the investigations into the alleged irregularities in June and has since made several arrests.

    In this context, Premium subscribed X (formerly Twitter) user and Right-wing troll Raushan Sinha (@MrSinha_) shared a tweet on June 29 that said: “In NEET UG paper leak case, arrests made by CBI so far :
    -Md Jamaluddin who was working for Prabhat Khabar
    -Dr Ehsanul Haq, Principal Oasis school
    -Imtiaz Alam, Vice Principal Oasis school

    A few more such arrests and see how the opposition stops talking about this issue….!!” (Archive)

    The user implied that since those arrested were from the Muslim community, the Opposition would no longer address the issue.

    Raushan Sinha peddles pro-BJP propaganda and misinformation, particularly targetting Muslims, regularly on social media.

    Several other users on X tweeted the same. Below are a few instances.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    Alt News reported on June 21 that the Bihar and Gujarat police had arrested several individuals in connection with paper leak cases in their respective states. The list of arrested persons at that point did not include anyone from the Muslim community.

    The first arrests by the CBI were made on June 27. Since then, the CBI has arrested more than 30 people, including several students and their family members. An Indian Express report dated July 1 listed the names of those who have been arrested so far. While the list includes the names mentioned by @MrSinha_, it also features at least 15 names accused who are non-Muslims, for example, Manish Prakash and Ashutosh Kumar from Patna, Purushottam Sharma and Tushar Bhatt from Godhra, Baldev Kumar from Bihar Sharif, Parshuram ROy from Vadodara and others. The report also highlights that an individual named Sanjeev Mukhiya is believed to be the mastermind behind the paper leak case in Bihar.

    Below are the non-Muslim names that the Indian Express report mentioned.

    Click to view slideshow.

    The Times Of India also published the list of arrested in the NEET fraud case. This included those who were arrested by the CBI.

    The individuals mentioned in the concerned tweets — Dr. Ehsanul Haq, Imtiaz Alam, and Md Jamaluddin — were arrested on June 28 and 29. By June 21, the Bihar police had already arrested 13 individuals, and the Gujarat police had arrested five in relation to paper leak cases in their respective states, all of whom were later transferred to CBI custody.

    To sum up, several social media users mentioned three Muslim names selectively in connection with the NEET arrests made by law enforcement agencies. More than 30 people have been arrested so far in the case. A majority of them are non-Muslims.

    The post Arrested persons in NEET scam all Muslims? No, the viral claims are misleading appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Oishani Bhattacharya.

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  • Seg2 chomsky 1

    The world-renowned linguist and dissident Noam Chomsky was discharged from a São Paulo hospital in Brazil last month as he continues to recover from a stroke last year that impacted his ability to speak. His wife, Valeria Wasserman Chomsky, told a Brazilian newspaper he still follows the news and raises his left arm in anger when he sees images of Israel’s war on Gaza. False reports that Chomsky had died went viral online in June. We speak with historian Vijay Prashad, who co-authored his latest book with Chomsky, The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power, and was able to visit him twice while in Brazil. He describes Chomsky as “a beloved friend, adviser, confidant, in some ways the one who helped explain what was happening in the world for decades.” When Prashad was with Chomsky, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva also stopped by.


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  • Seg1 trump 2

    In a historic decision, the United States Supreme Court ruled on Monday that presidents have broad immunity from prosecution. The 6-3 ruling by the court’s right-wing majority — including all three justices appointed by Trump — was issued on the final day of the Supreme Court’s term and just four months ahead of November’s presidential election. It will further delay Trump’s criminal trial for leading the January 6 insurrection. The ruling upends more than two centuries of legal precedent, for the first time shielding U.S. presidents from criminal accountability. “In one fell swoop, this court has essentially left the American people to the whims of the president of the United States — any president of the United States, but particularly Mr. Trump,” says Donald Sherman, executive director and chief counsel of Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, or CREW. We also speak with Lisa Graves, executive director of the watchdog group True North Research, who says the Supreme Court’s conservative wing has left the country “unmoored from the rule of law” by adopting such an expansive view of presidential power. “This decision is the most reckless and dangerous decision ever issued by the U.S. Supreme Court,” says Graves.


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  • BJP MPs, Union ministers, Right-wing influencers and BJP supporters are sharing a video of Rahul Gandhi in which the Congress chief says, “Those who call themselves Hindus, they engage in violence, hatred, and lies 24 hours a day.” It is being claimed that Rahul Gandhi, during a speech in the Parliament, called the entire Hindu community violent.

    Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman shared the video of Rahul Gandhi, stating that opposition leader Rahul Gandhi calling all Hindus violent reflected the Congress party’s hatred and contempt towards Hindus.

    BJP spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla shared the video claiming that Congress’s hatred for Hindus had crossed all limits. He wrote that Rahul Gandhi had said in Parliament that those who called themselves Hindus engaged in violence.

    BJP worker Smriti Irani commented, “Some people will never change. To them, I would say – being Hindu is not about position or prestige. We are Hindu by body, mind, thoughts, behaviour, and values.” (Archived link)

    BJP youth wing BJYM, BJP President Jagat Prakash Nadda, other BJP leaders/MPs, and right-wing influencers also shared Rahul Gandhi’s video making similar claims.

    Fact Check

    Alt News found a longer version of the viral video on Parliament TV. To understand the full context of Rahul Gandhi’s speech, we watched the footage in its entirety. At the 18:01 mark, he is heard saying, “Mr. Modi once said in his speech that India has never attacked anyone, and that is because this country is a country of non-violence, this country is not a country of fear. All of our great leaders talked about non-violence, about eliminating fear. They said, ‘don’t be afraid and don’t create fear among others’. Lord Shiv says ‘don’t be afraid and don’t create fear among others’, displays the Abhay Mudra, talks about non-violence, and buries his trident into the ground. While those who call themselves Hindus, they engage in violence, hatred, and lies 24 hours a day. You are not Hindus at all (pointing towards the ruling party MPs). Hinduism clearly states that one should stand with the truth, should not back down from the truth, and should not be afraid of the truth. Non-violence is what we stand for.

    At the 21:06 mark, Prime Minister Narendra Modi responds, remarking, “This is a very serious matter. Calling the entire Hindu community violent is a serious matter.”

    Immediately following this, at the 21:19 mark, Rahul Gandhi responds, “No, No, No, I’m saying this about the BJP, and about you. Modiji is not the entire Hindu community. The BJP is not the entire Hindu community. The RSS is not the entire Hindu community. The BJP does not have this monopoly. Everyone here is a Hindu.”

    This part was deliberately removed from the viral video to make it appear that the Congress leader was calling the entire Hindu community violent. It is important to note in the above video that when he says “those who call themselves Hindus, they engage in violence, hatred, and lies 24 hours a day. You are not Hindus at all”, he points towards the BJP MPs seated in the House.

    A video of this entire incident was shared on Rahul Gandhi’s Instagram handle as well.

     

    View this post on Instagram

     

    A post shared by Rahul Gandhi (@rahulgandhi)

    To sum it up, a clipped video of opposition leader Rahul Gandhi’s speech was shared out of context, claiming he had labelled the entire Hindu community as violent.

    The post Rahul Gandhi did not call the entire Hindu community violent; BJP leaders are sharing a clipped video appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Abhishek Kumar.

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  • A claim is viral across social media alleging that Anjali Birla, the daughter of Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla, has become an IAS officer without clearing the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) examination.

    A parody account of social media activist Dhruv Rathee recently claimed that Anjali Birla was a model by profession and by dint of her father’s powerful position, she cleared the UPSC examination without actually taking the test. The post has racked up a whopping 25 Lakh views and has been re-tweeted more than 10,000 times.

    The same user has shared several tweets with similar claims.

    Click to view slideshow.

    We found several other posts on X alleging that Anjali Birla had benefited from her father’s political position. Some claimed she had become an IAS officer through unfair means. (Links: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5)

    Click to view slideshow.

    The official Facebook account of the Manipur Congress Committee claimed that Om Birla’s “modeling daughter” had “suddenly appeared for the IAS exam” and became an IAS officer through unfair means.

    Om Birla’s modeling daughter ‘Anjali Birla’ suddenly appeared for the IAS exam and became an IAS officer in the first attempt.
    How did this happen?It is wonderful happening.
    NEED to check!!
    UPSC NOT NEET?

    Posted by Indian National Congress – Manipur on Friday 28 June 2024

    We also found media reports describing Anjlai Birla as an IAS officer. These include reports by Zee-owned news website india.com, India Today group’s News Tak and Dainik Jagran. The Jagran report headline said, “OM Birla की बेटी क्या अपनी मेहनत से बनी IAS? या Anjali को हुआ पिता के नाम का फायदा?” [Did Om Birla’s daughter become an IAS through her own hard work? Or did she benefit from her father’s identity?”

    Click to view slideshow.

    The claim is also viral on Facebook. A user named Sanjib Sardar wrote Anjali Birla “became an IAS officer in the first attempt without sitting for any examination.”

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    We ran a relevant keyword search, and it led us to an article by NDTV from January 2021, in which Anjali Birla, then 23, spoke to an NDTV anchor and refuted the allegations that she had cleared the exam through ‘backdoor channels.’ This shows that such allegations are not new.

    In the interview, Anjali Birla goes on to say that she studied for 8 to 12 hours to crack the UPSC exam in her first attempt. She also thanks her elder sister for guidance and motivation. Further, she exhorts social media users to not be so gullible as to believe everything on the internet, and mar someone’s reputation and hard work on the basis of unfounded claims.

    We found that Anjali Birla’s name showed up on the official reserved list of recommended candidates on the UPSC website from 2019. A screenshot of the same is attached below, attesting to the fact that her name did feature in the results for the Civil Services examination in 2019.

    According to UPSC rules, “along with this list of recommended candidates, the Commission … also maintain(s) a consolidated reserve list of candidates”. This is a list of “candidates from general and reserved categories ranking in order of merit below the last recommended candidate under each category. The reserve list so maintained … (is) treated as confidential till the process of recommendations(s) in terms of sub‐rule (5) is finally concluded by the Commission.”

    Anjali Birla’s roll number, which shows up as 0851876, was also found on the 2019 UPSC Preliminary Examination results as well as Mains results. See below:

    Alt News also found the service allocation list released by the UPSC in 2019, which showed that Anjali Birla had not been allocated the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) as claimed by many users and media outlets, but the Indian Railway Personnel Service (IRPS). Civil servants in this service are tasked with managing the human resources of the Indian Railways and welfare of railway employees and their families.

    We checked IRPS officers’ list on the website of Indian Railways Personnel Service. We found that Anjali Birla was posted as an assistant personnel officer for Northern Railways.

    Anjali Birla has also appeared in an interactive session with Vision IAS, a training institute for civil services examination. In this video, dating back to February 2021, she shared her experiences of preparing for the UPSC examination.

    To conclude, the allegations that Om Birla’s daughter Anjali Birla has become an IAS officer without sitting for the UPSC examination are false. Alt News found that she had cracked the civil services examination in 2019, and was allocated the Indian railway Personnel Service. She is not an IAS officer.

    Prantik Ali is an intern at Alt News.

    The post Claims that Anjali Birla became an IAS officer without taking the UPSC exam are false on several counts appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Prantik Ali.

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  • The Committee to Protect Journalists is responding to the needs of journalists in the United States as they face a range of challenges, from confrontations with law enforcement at demonstrations to raids on newspaper offices, and learn to navigate what has become an increasingly hostile environment for many in the media.

    The following advice and recommendations are intended to give the reader a high-level understanding of the rights of a journalist when confronted by law enforcement officers while covering a protest or other political event. Given that these incidents often quickly escalate and that some—both protestors and police—do not always conform to legal strictures, it is generally prudent to comply with an officer’s commands, even if they are not lawful, and to protect one’s safety.

    Quick Tips and Recommendations

    • Carry your press credentials at all times and ensure credentials are visible to law enforcement.
    • When covering demonstrations, protests, and campaign or political events, make sure you know in advance what restrictions are in place regarding the public’s right to access, and whether there are any curfew or other restrictions in place.
    • Do not trespass on private property to gather news; do not cross police lines at crime scenes; comply with location restrictions and barriers, absent exigent circumstances.
    • You may record video or audio of public events, including of law enforcement activities at such events, as long as you are not interfering with or obstructing law enforcement activity.
    • Maintain neutrality when covering events. For example, do not join crowd chants or wear clothing with slogans related to the events you are covering.
    • Comply with dispersal orders or other directives issued by law enforcement. If engaged in an encounter with law enforcement, explain that you are a journalist covering the event and show your credentials. You may continue to record interactions with law enforcement.
    • If law enforcement requests your audio or video recordings, camera, recording devices, equipment or notes, you may refuse and request that the official contact your media outlet or its lawyers.
    • During a stop-and-frisk or arrest make it clear to law enforcement that any equipment, memory cards, notebooks, etc. contain journalistic materials or notes.
    Police break up a pro-Palestinian encampment at DePaul University in Chicago. (Photo: Jim Vondruska / Reuters)

    First Amendment rights of journalists

    Right to gather news

    The First Amendment protects both the freedom of speech and the freedom of the press. Journalists have a right to access public places to gather and disseminate news. Public places include sidewalks and public parks, but not private property. In addition, for government owned property, even those that allow for limited access to the public, members of the public, protestors, and reporters may be barred if the location is not itself public (for instance, private areas of a courthouse or jail) and hours of access for journalists are generally limited to those when the general public is permitted access.

    Private property, such as convention centers or stadiums, may be used by public entities and public property may be used for private political party conventions. In either case, journalists may be provided access similar to the general public. For example, a judge ruled that a state Democratic organization holding a convention in the city’s civic center could not discriminate among journalists by admitting some and not others. The judge said that a private body leasing a government facility had the same constitutional obligations as the government. This will vary by jurisdiction. If you expect to be covering a convention or political party gathering, the journalist should attempt to get access/credentials in advance to allow for an opportunity for resolution of any disagreements in advance.

    Time, place, and manner restrictions on demonstrations

    The government is permitted to impose time, place and manner restrictions on speech as long as those requirements:

    • are content neutral (e.g., justified without reference to the content of the regulated speech);
    • are narrowly tailored to serve a significant governmental interest; and
    • leave open ample alternative channels for communication of the information.

    These restrictions could include noise restriction ordinances, as well as a zone system in anticipation of a demonstration, such as demonstration zones, no demonstration zones, journalist-only zones, and areas for pedestrian traffic. In addition, restrictions may prohibit protestors from bringing camping material or staying overnight in public spaces. Localities typically have rules requiring protestors to obtain a permit for a protest, or for specific kinds of protesting (for instance marching in the street or using a loudspeaker). As long as the standards for granting a permit and the scope of the permit satisfy the time, place and manner restrictions, such processes are constitutionally permitted. Where those permit-related restrictions are not followed by a member of the public or a journalist, public officials may lawfully deny access.

    Dispersal orders and curfews

    Even where protestors have a valid permit, or where no permit is required under local rules, police may order protestors and reporters to disperse from an area if the time, place and manner restrictions test is met. This may occur where protestors are on a sidewalk blocking access to a building, or on a street blocking traffic. Similarly, if a reporter is in an unsafe area, for instance, stopped on a highway to record an accident, or standing on a phone booth to record a protest, police could order the reporter to leave the highway or come down from the phone booth. Police are generally required to issue warnings ordering protestors and reporters to disperse before making arrests, and courts may consider whether protestors and reporters could in fact hear the warnings in determining whether the arrests were proper.

    In recent years, in response to various political protests, a number of municipalities issued curfew orders. Many of these curfew orders have exemptions for journalists, either explicitly or by permitting essential workers. Journalists should get as much information as possible about any applicable curfew order before reporting in an area, and should wear large, visible media credentials so that they are clearly identifiable as members of the press.

    Right to record

    Most courts have determined that the First Amendment protects the right to make video recordings of police officers when they are in public, although this right can be subject to the time, place and manner restrictions described above and recording or covering the demonstrations or law enforcement activity should be conducted in a manner that is not obstructing or threatening the safety of others or physically interfering with law enforcement. This right has been recognized by over half of the nation’s Courts of Appeals, including those in the First, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Seventh, Ninth, Tenth, and Eleventh Circuits. The Supreme Court and all other appellate courts have not affirmatively ruled for or against the right. Some states have recently passed legislation prohibiting recording or approaching within a short distance of a police officer regardless of whether such conduct actually interferes with the officer’s law enforcement activities. For example, Indiana passed a law in 2023 prohibiting individuals from approaching within 25 feet of an officer after being ordered not to approach. A journalist challenged the constitutionality of the law because of its potential to limit his right to record, but a federal district court held that the law is constitutional—as of spring 2024, the ruling is under appeal in the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals. In Arizona, a 2022 law prohibiting recording within 8 feet of a police officer was held to be unconstitutional. Journalists should be cognizant of local legislation that may impact the manner in which they may record the police.

    The right to record also exists at the U.S. border, and in 2020, the U.S. government entered into a binding settlement that prohibits customs and border patrol agents from infringing on the right to record law enforcement activity from publicly accessible outdoor areas as long as the recording does not interfere with the lawful law enforcement activity.

    Many states have eavesdropping or wiretapping statutes that prohibit recording private conversations without the consent of one or both parties to the conversation, and some states have statutes that also apply to public conversations. In certain circumstances, courts have held that the application of these statutes infringes on the recorder’s First Amendment rights. Nonetheless, reporters should review applicable law and guidance in the states in which they are working.

    Retaliation

    Government officials cannot retaliate against reporters for their reporting or selectively grant access, for example, by denying a press credential. Reporters who have been unfairly denied press credentials should review the applicable law in the jurisdiction to learn how to challenge or appeal the decision.

    Journalist privilege

    Most courts have recognized that journalists have a qualified privilege under the First Amendment against compelled disclosure of materials gathered in the course of their work. Journalists can be required to hand over their work materials, but only in limited circumstances – for instance, if the government demonstrates a compelling need and shows that the information is not obtainable from another source. Many states also have so-called “shield laws” which generally provide journalists with protection against disclosing their materials. These protections are not absolute: for example, in a 2020 case, a court upheld a subpoena requiring a number of news organizations to turn over unpublished photos and videos of a protest because “the photos and video were critical for an investigation into the alleged arson of [police] vehicles and theft of police guns.”

    More recently, police in Kansas executed a search warrant and raided the office of the newspaper, the Marion County Record and the personal home of its publisher. The warrant was subsequently found to be improper, but only after many records and devices were seized. If a journalist’s audio or video recordings or notes are requested by a government official, including a police officer, the journalist may refuse. But when confronted with a warrant for search and/or seizure, the journalist should ask to review the warrant and confirm it is signed by a judge and accurately identifies the address of the place to be searched, describes the items to be seized, and identifies the legal basis for the warrant. He or she should also seek legal counsel as soon as practicable.

    In 2021, the U.S. Justice Department updated internal policies to prohibit the seizure of reporters’ communications data for purposes of identifying confidential sources. However, this policy is not applicable to state and local law enforcement officers. In any event, such officers are bound by the Constitutional protections regarding seizure discussed below.

    Fourth Amendment protections of journalists

    Search

    The Fourth Amendment protects journalists from unreasonable search and seizure. As a general matter, this means that police cannot search one’s body or belongings without a warrant. But there are exceptions, including to prevent or avoid serious injury, to prevent the imminent destruction of evidence, and with the consent of the person to be searched.

    In addition, police may briefly detain and search a person—a “stop and frisk”—for investigative purposes based on a reasonable suspicion that an individual is armed or about to commit a crime. There must be at least some objective justification for a stop and frisk, but the officer need not even believe that it is more likely than not that a crime is or is about to be underway. Therefore, this type of stop is generally limited to a pat down, bag search, or vehicle search to search for weapons. Law enforcement officers generally are not permitted to search the digital contents of a journalist’s cell phone or camera based on reasonable suspicion alone.

    Seizure

    In addition to protection against an unreasonable search, the Fourth Amendment also protects against an unreasonable seizure. A seizure of property occurs when there is some meaningful interference with an individual’s possession of that property. A seizure can also be of a person, such as when an individual is stopped and then frisked (as discussed above).

    Prior to an arrest, and during a temporary seizure of a person (i.e., during a stop and frisk), police may also temporarily seize property, such as journalistic equipment. Therefore, it is particularly important for a journalist to prominently display press credentials and to identify himself or herself as press when confronted by police, to assuage any concerns police may have regarding suspected criminal activity. This will also be favorable in any subsequent analysis of whether reasonable suspicion existed at the time of the search/seizure.

    To preserve the added protections this law affords to such journalistic materials, a journalist—in addition to prominently displaying his or her press credentials—should let the officers know as soon as possible that certain materials that are or may be searched (whether notes, memory cards, etc.) are press materials related to media intended to be disseminated to the public. The Privacy Protection Act of 1980 (the PPA) provides for heightened standards to protect against unreasonable searches and seizures of certain materials reasonably believed to be related to media intended for dissemination to the public—including “work product materials” (e.g., notes or voice memos containing mental impressions, conclusions, opinions, etc. of the person who prepared such materials) and “documentary materials” (e.g., video tapes, audio tapes, photographs, and anything else physically documenting an event).

    These materials generally cannot be searched or seized unless they are reasonably believed to relate to a crime committed by the person possessing the materials. They may, however, be held for custodial storage incident to an arrest of the journalist possessing the materials, so long as the material is not searched and is returned to the arrestee intact.

    Arrest

    An arrest is essentially a seizure of the person and so also implicates the Fourth Amendment. An officer must have probable cause to make an arrest. Probable cause requires more than a mere suspicion but less than absolute certainty that a crime has been or is being committed. The standard is intended to be practical and nontechnical and as a result, is “a fluid concept—turning on the assessment of probabilities in particular factual contexts—not readily, or even usefully reduced to a neat set of legal rules.” It is well-established that mere proximity to criminal activity does not establish probable cause to arrest, so a law-abiding journalist should not be arrested for covering a protest or demonstration even if that demonstration becomes unruly or violent.

    When an officer makes a lawful arrest, the arrest impacts what qualifies as a reasonable search and seizure under the Fourth Amendment. It is considered reasonable for an officer to search an individual for weapons and evidence when making an arrest, even if the officer has no objective concern for safety or evidence preservation. This means that an officer with probable cause to arrest a journalist (for, e.g., disobeying a lawful order of dispersal, violating a curfew, trespassing, or participating in other unlawful conduct) may have legal justification to search through the belongings of the journalist. However, a search or seizure incident to arrest is limited to the area within the immediate control or vicinity of the arrestee—i.e., anything which would be easily reachable as a potential weapon (such as, arguably, a large piece of camera equipment) or easily destroyed evidence (such as camera film or memory cards). 

    Often during protests, officers choose to issue citations as opposed to making arrests. The law is unsettled as to whether officers may conduct searches incident to the issuance of these citations. Some courts, including the federal courts in New York, have held that a law enforcement officer need not intend to make an arrest to conduct a search incident to arrest, so long as the officer has probable cause to make an arrest and conducts the search prior to giving a citation. Federal courts in the western states, including California, Oregon, and Washington, have taken a different approach. There, search incident to arrest is only permissible when an arrest is actually made. Thus, if an officer seeks to conduct a search of a journalist, the journalist may want to ask whether they are being arrested, as this may affect what rights the journalist has to refuse the search. On the other hand, this may escalate the encounter and cause the officer to place the journalist under arrest when perhaps this was not the officer’s intention.

    Importantly, a search incident to arrest likely does not extend to a search of the contents of mobile phones or cameras. The Supreme Court has held that a search of digital data on a cell phone does not implicate the risk of harm to an officer or evidence preservation, and is therefore outside the scope of a lawful search incident to arrest. This holding would likely apply to digital cameras as well, as cameras contain data similar to that stored on cell phones. Seizure of these items likely is permissible, though.

    People protest the 2023 killing of Jordan Neely by a fellow subway passenger in New York City. (Photo: Eduardo Munoz / Reuters)

    Covering the 2024 National Political Conventions

    In 2024, The Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee will hold their conventions to nominate Presidential candidates in Chicago and Milwaukee, respectively. The protections above are based on the U.S. Constitution and so will apply. In addition, states and cities may have additional protections available, which are addressed below.

    Chicago, Illinois

    Section 4 of the Illinois Constitution provides that “all persons may speak, write, and publish freely.” And Illinois state and local law generally mirrors that of federal First Amendment jurisprudence when it comes to the right to gather news. Illinois law also mirrors federal law with respect to Fourth Amendment matters concerning search, seizure, and arrest. Below is a discussion of key aspects of Illinois law relevant to journalists covering demonstrations.

    Arrest

    Under the Fourth Amendment, police can only make arrests with probable cause. Two common justifications for arrests at protests in Illinois are (a) failing to comply with a dispersal order, and (b) disorderly conduct.

    Federal courts in Illinois have held that probable cause may exist for arrest when a dispersal order is given and not followed. However, if permission to march is revoked without notice, arrests for marching without permission are not justified. Importantly, the message of the protest cannot be a justification for a dispersal order and the police are expected to protect protestors, even if their message provokes a hostile response from others. Further, under Illinois law, individuals on foot in public cannot be arrested simply for refusing to identify themselves. However, providing false information to police can lead to arrest. Journalists should comply with dispersal orders.

    Illinois law prohibits disorderly conduct, which is defined as making an “unreasonable or offensive act, utterance, gesture or display which, under the circumstances, creates a clear and present danger of a breach of peace or imminent threat of violence.” Failing to obey law enforcement, and “using force or violence to disturb the public peace” are also considered disorderly conduct. Also, failure to disperse in the immediate vicinity of three or more people who are committing disorderly conduct is prohibited by this law.

    Journalists should keep this in mind when covering demonstrations, as police officers may use this law as justification for detaining demonstrators and anyone in their vicinity. Journalists should avoid participating in any activities that may cause or provoke a disturbance and clearly distinguish themselves from individuals who may be doing so by wearing conspicuous press credentials.

    Illinois Right to Record

    The state of Illinois requires all parties to a conversation to give consent before one can record “all or any part of any” private oral conversation. Chicago ordinance also prohibits video recording in “areas where a person should reasonably expect to have privacy.” The Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, which includes Illinois, has held that there is a First Amendment right to record government officials performing their duties in public, except when the journalist is the subject of the arrest. As a result, journalists may record police officers covering demonstrations or protests as they will be occurring in public spaces and where the officers are on duty but such journalists must accede to an order to stop recording if the officers seek to lawfully arrest the journalist.

    Illinois Shield Law

    Under Illinois law, journalists enjoy qualified privilege with regard to maintaining confidential sources and news gathering material. A party that wishes to remove the protection can force a journalist to comply with a subpoena for material by showing that the interest in obtaining the material outweighs the journalist’s interest in not revealing their sources. The journalist loses the privilege if the information sought is: (1) highly relevant and material, (2) necessary to the claim or defense, (3) not obtainable from a non-journalistic source, and (4) the party has exhausted all alternative sources. Further, a court will only grant such a subpoena if “(1) the information sought does not concern matters, or details in any proceeding, required to be kept secret under the laws of [Illinois] or of the Federal government; and (2) all other available sources of information have been exhausted, and disclosure of the information sought is essential to the protection of the public interest involved.” Whether or not alternative sources have been exhausted is a fact-sensitive inquiry; however, parties seeking to remove the privilege must show that obtaining the information from other sources would be more than inconvenient, and that further efforts to obtain the information would likely be unsuccessful.

    Milwaukee, Wisconsin

    Freedom of the press under Wisconsin state law mirrors federal law. The Wisconsin Constitution provides that “no laws shall be passed to restrain or abridge the liberty of speech or of the press.” And Wisconsin law likewise affords the protections of the First and Fourth Amendment concerning news gathering, search, seizure, and arrest in a manner that mirrors that of federal law.

    Arrest

    Police officers in Wisconsin may arrest individuals at protests or demonstrations for disorderly conduct, which under Wisconsin law is defined as “violent, abusive, indecent, profane, boisterous, unreasonably loud, or similarly disorderly conduct.” The Wisconsin Supreme Court reads this statute quite broadly such that any conduct that has the tendency to cause or provoke a disturbance is sufficient to give police officers probable cause to make an arrest, even if no actual disturbance is created. That said, federal courts in Wisconsin have held that an individual cannot be guilty of disorderly conduct simply by being in the vicinity of others being disorderly.

    Wisconsin law permits police officers to call for the dispersal of an unlawful assembly, including protests that unlawfully block public travel on the street or entrances to buildings. Failure to accede to a lawful dispersal order is grounds for arrest. Journalists should comply with dispersal orders and wear clear press credentials to separate themselves from any unlawful demonstrations.

    Wisconsin Right to Record

    Wisconsin is a “one-party consent” state, meaning that at least one person involved in a recorded communication must give consent to record a conversation by participants who exhibit a justifiable expectation that the communication is not subject to interception. Thus, consent is not required to record conversations in public where there is no reasonable expectation of privacy. Moreover, as discussed above, the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, which also includes Wisconsin, has held that there is a First Amendment right to record government officials performing their duties in public.  Federal courts in Wisconsin have held that a journalist has the right to record a police officer making an arrest, but not if they are themselves being arrested. As such, in the event a police officer seeks to lawfully arrest a member of the press who is recording, that officer may order the journalist to stop recording.

    Wisconsin Shield Law

    Wisconsin law provides qualified journalistic privilege with regard to maintaining confidential sources and news gathering material. A party that wishes to override the protection may obtain a subpoena through court order only if all of the following conditions are met: (1) the news, information, or identity of the source is highly relevant to a particular investigation, prosecution, action, or proceeding; (2) the news, information, or identity of the source is necessary to the maintenance of a party’s claim, defense, or to the proof of an issue material to the investigation, prosecution, action, or proceeding; (3) the news, information, or identity of the source is not obtainable from any alternative source for the investigation, prosecution, action, or proceeding; and (4) there is an overriding public interest in the disclosure of the news, information, or identity of the source.

    This guide was prepared for the Committee to Protect Journalists by TrustLaw, the Thomson Reuters Foundation’s global pro bono legal program.

    The Thomson Reuters Foundation is the corporate foundation of Thomson Reuters, the global news and
    information services company. The organization works to advance media freedom, raise awareness of
    human rights issues, and foster more inclusive economies. Through news, media development, free legal
    assistance, and convening initiatives, the Foundation combines its unique services to drive systemic change.

    TrustLaw, an initiative of the Thomson Reuters Foundation, is the world’s largest pro bono legal network. Working with leading law firms and corporate legal teams, we facilitate free legal support, ground-breaking legal research and resources for non-profits and social enterprises in over 190 countries. This includes practical and legal tools for journalists, media managers and newsrooms to strengthen responses to online and offline harassment and to protect free and independent media. If you are a non-profit or social
    enterprise in need of legal support, you can find out more about the service here and join TrustLaw for free.

    Acknowledgements & Disclaimer

    The Committee to Protect Journalists and the Thomson Reuters Foundation would like to acknowledge and extend their gratitude to the legal team at A&O Shearman, who contributed their time and expertise on a pro bono basis to make this guide possible.

    This report is offered for information purposes only. It is not legal advice. Readers are urged to seek advice from qualified legal counsel in relation to their specific circumstances. We intend the report’s contents to be correct and up to date at the time of publication, but we do not guarantee their accuracy or completeness, particularly as circumstances may change after publication. The Committee to Protect Journalists, A&O Shearman, and the Thomson Reuters Foundation, accept no liability or responsibility for actions taken or not taken or any losses arising from reliance on this report or any inaccuracies herein. Thomson Reuters Foundation is proud to support our TrustLaw member the Committee to Protect Journalists, with their work on this report, including with publication and the pro bono connection that made the legal research possible. However, in accordance with the Thomson Reuters Trust Principles of independence and freedom from bias, we do not take a position on the contents of, or views expressed in, this report.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Hd9 biden debate

    Chris Lehmann, D.C. bureau chief for The Nation, discusses the ongoing fallout from Thursday’s first presidential debate of 2024 and mounting pressure on President Biden to drop out of the race amid questions about his age and mental fitness. “It appears that Biden and his inner circle of advisers are doubling down,” says Lehmann. “They took this incredible risk to do this debate … and they’re now saying it’s a greater risk to change horses.”


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Seg1 lepen

    France’s far right has won the first round of voting in a snap election, followed closely by the left, as President Emmanuel Macron’s coalition is trounced. We go to Paris for an update as the far-right National Rally party of Marine Le Pen shocked the French establishment after winning the most votes in the first round of parliamentary elections on Sunday. A broad alliance of left-wing parties calling itself the New Popular Front came second, while President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist bloc fell to third place. Macron called the snap election after the National Rally won the most seats in last month’s vote for European Parliament, even though his own presidential term runs until 2027. A second round of voting on July 7 will decide the final makeup of the National Assembly, but if the National Rally wins outright, it will mark the first time the far right has governed in France since the Nazi occupation during World War II. “This decision was timed at a moment when the far right was at its strongest historical position in modern French political history, and they’ve capitalized on that,” says Harrison Stetler, an independent journalist and teacher based in Paris. He says that while the left has already committed to forming “a republican front against the far right,” Macron’s centrist forces have sent “mixed signals” on joining forces after a campaign in which they recklessly portrayed both the left and the right as equally dangerous to the country.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • China’s aircraft carrier the Shandong sailed near the main Philippine island of Luzon late last week in what one analyst said was a show of China’s resolve amid tensions with Manila in the South China Sea.

    Satellite images obtained by MizarVision, a technology firm based in Shanghai, and several open source analysts show that the Shandong was spotted in the waters about 200 nautical miles (370 km) from Luzon, which is the extent of the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone, since last Wednesday. 

    The carrier appeared to be nearest to the Philippine mainland on Friday before heading northwest. This would be the first time a Chinese aircraft carrier has come that close to Philippine shores.

    On Sunday it appeared to be back in the waters near Hainan, China, some 150 km (93 miles) southeast of Sanya.

    The South China Morning Post newspaper quoted Ni Lexiong, defense professor at Shanghai University of Political Science and Law, as saying that the carrier’s passage was intended to send a message of deterrence to Manila and Washington and underline “China’s determination to protect territorial sea sovereignty” amid tension over the Second Thomas Shoal.

    Last month saw escalating confrontations between the Chinese and Philippine coast guards near the shoal, where Manila maintains an outpost on an old warship. On June 17, Chinese coast guard personnel rammed and boarded a Philippine boat, severely injuring a Filipino sailor

    The Philippines has not confirmed the sighting of the Shandong.

    Named after the Chinese province of Shandong, it is China’s second aircraft carrier but its first that was domestically built.

    While sending a message of deterrence, China’s aircraft carrier fleet, though expanding, still lags far behind that of the U.S. in terms of technology and power projection.

    The Shandong was commissioned in 2019, seven years after the first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, joined the navy’s fleet. Both carriers use a ski jump-style launch system called STOBAR, considered much less advanced than U.S. carriers which use electromagnetic catapults.

    The Shandong cannot accommodate J-35s, China’s fifth-generation fighters, as they require catapults for take-off.


    RELATED STORIES

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    Show of force

    Ni, the Shanghai-based professor, was quoted in the Hong Kong newspaper as saying that the Chinese carrier’s deployment might also be a response to the U.S.-led Rim of the Pacific exercise, which started on Thursday.

    The exercise, widely known as RIMPAC, is held every two years and is in its 29th iteration this year.

    The U.S. and 28 partner countries have sent 40 surface ships, three submarines, 14 national land forces, more than 150 aircraft and 25,000 personnel to take part in the drills that are expected to last until Aug. 1 in and around Hawaii.

    Carl Vinson.jpg
    Sailors assigned to Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) form “Aloha” on the flight deck as the ship arrives at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam, Hawaii, for Exercise Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) Jun. 25, 2024. (U.S. Navy)

    U.S. Nimitz-class nuclear-powered supercarrier the Carl Vinson arrived in Pearl Harbor on June 25 to participate in RIMPAC 2024.

    The U.S, Navy said in a statement that the exercise this year would include “multi-domain warfare in a range of scenarios from anti-submarine warfare, multi-ship surface warfare, multinational amphibious landings, and multi-axis defense of the carrier strike group against live forces.”

    U.S. military newspaper Stars and Stripes reported that one of the drills will be the sinking of a decommissioned amphibious assault ship – the USS Tarawa – as a target.

    At 40,000 tons, the ship is roughly the same size as China’s new Type 075 amphibious assault ships that it is believed to have developed in case of conflict in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea.

    Military analyst Fu Qianshao told China’s Global Times newspaper that using an amphibious assault ship of similar size as a target could simulate an attack on a Chinese amphibious assault ship, as well as on an aircraft carrier.

    When asked about RIMPAC 2024, Chinese defense ministry spokesperson Wu Qian said, “The U.S. is trying to frighten the Chinese military through the so-called military exercise, which is a completely impossible task.”

    Edited by Mike Firn.




    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and was authored by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • For readers who are unfamiliar, do you mind giving a quick rundown of what you’re working on right now, and some highlights from the world of Cricket?

    I’m a filmmaker and a writer, and I’m a performer in what used to be in the world of comedy, but I feel like I’m recovering from that. I started out as a weirdo artist in Baltimore, Maryland, just bopping around that scene. I thought I wanted to be a musician. And then, I did a lot of theater, and then I fell in with a group called Wham City, which was a collective there that started making a lot of film work together. That’s how I got sucked into film. My early artistic endeavors were infomercials for Adult Swim: the best known one was probably this thing called Unedited Footage of a Bear, which was a big viral hit when it came out.

    Can you tell me more about what you carry with you from the creative community you were part of in Baltimore, now that you live in LA?

    I will be forever grateful that I spent 10 years of my life in Baltimore. It’s where I learned to be an artist. I never went to art school. It was just this community of people who were like, “What can we do together? What can we do for this place, and for each other?” Because it was so small, there were no boundaries between disciplines. That really helped me as an artist. If you needed to do something, you needed to find people to do it. You weren’t like, “Oh well, she’s not a musician, so she can’t sing in this.” It was like, “Oh, you used to be in a choir? Please come sing with me.”

    What’s some of your work that you’re really excited about right now?

    I’m really excited and proud of these two short films that I wrote and directed and acted in, that have been bopping around the festivals. One of them is called Someday All This Will Be Yours, and I filmed it in my childhood home with a very small crew. I just self-funded it. It’s a house tour [by] a haunted, pregnant woman who’s talking about the legacy of the things and emotions we offer as inheritances to our children. It’s a very weird, decrepit 1970s house. I wanted to document the home that I grew up in, [and thought] that no one would ever see it. It’s the most personal thing I’ve ever made.

    I like the idea of a house as a form of self portrait.

    Right? Memories are stored in the physical environment. In LA, where I didn’t grow up, all of the memories here are the most recent version of me. And then, I go home to my childhood home, and every single doorknob is just laden with who I used to be. It’s such a rich space to draw on. I think everybody’s childhood home is haunted, so it’s kind of about that.

    And then, I have another short film right now called Chomp, that is more explicitly horror, about a news intern who starts biting everyone and stealing their teeth. It’s about making violent decisions in order to get ahead, and the things that I’ve done that I’m not proud of, and also, the self-violence that you have to inflict in order to fit into a system. There’s lots of biting, so I’m proud of that, too.

    If you could haunt anything or anyone, what would you haunt? Are you haunted by anything?

    If I could haunt anything, I think I would haunt the Maine seacoast. It just sounds so romantic. That’s the physical environment in which I think the act of haunting would really fit.

    You just like it aesthetically.

    I like it aesthetically, and I think, as an actor, the production design really helps me get into a character, so I think I would haunt the Maine sea coast.

    Okay, for example, you said that all childhood homes are haunted, but does your childhood home haunt you?

    It did until I made this film, and now it doesn’t, because I think the film was a spell that I did on my relationship with it. I don’t think I’m a particularly haunted person. I’m haunted by things I said to people that came out the wrong way.

    I’m haunted by that, and I’m haunted by a sense of the present being in the middle position of such a long line of people in both directions.

    So you’re haunted by time?

    Yes. Oh my god, yeah. I’m haunted by time.

    How do you see where you’re at in your career, or creative identity, right now? What are some of the things you appreciate about this page in your story?

    I think for a long time, because I was really scared to be an artist, I really didn’t understand that I had an identity as an individual artist. I did a lot of collaborative work, and I love that model. I think in these last few years, it’s maybe the first time that I’ve allowed myself to understand that I can make work on my own. I am lucky in that I had this soft, lovely launching pad of understanding how to make work with other people and friends. Now, I can take those lessons and trust myself enough to make what I want to make, and not feel like I have to create somebody else’s idea, or that I have to run my ideas by someone else. There’s a little more trust in myself now.

    It’s funny, because I’m turning 40 this year, and I don’t know—I think this is true of a lot of artists who I talk to—I’m like, “Am I early career? Is this just beginning? Have I had a career? Have I arrived in any way?”

    It’s always interesting talking to people who have five or 10 year plans. I have never had a brain that could hold space for things like that.

    I’ve done the Artist’s Way, and it was very helpful to me, and that’s controversial. There’s a part in that where you have to write out five year goals, and I was like, “Whoa.” It never occurred to me that I could be that methodical. During the pandemic, I lost a lot of the traditional career opportunities that had been building up. I had a pilot that was canceled. Any sense that I had of a linear artistic career trajectory went away, and it felt really bad for a little bit. That’s when I started being like, “I want to make this film. I can just shoot, nobody can tell me yes or no.” Now, I follow instinct, and I’m not sure where it will lead me. Maybe in five years I’ll want another five-year plan, but right now, I don’t.

    What advice would you share with someone who wants to make a film but isn’t sure how to get started?

    I would say, first of all, that’s amazing, and you should do it. The only way to make a film is to make a film. There’s so much gatekeeping. It seems so complicated, and it seems so unattainable to a lot of people that I think people stop before they start. What I would say is, figure out the emotional and energetic resources and talents of the people around you that you can put into a project, and then make something that you can do with that.

    I don’t want to be too dismissive of the fact that it takes resources to make something that looks like a Hollywood film, but I think the best film work comes out of limitations. Start with “What resources do I have to make this thing?” And then, cater your idea towards that, so you can work from a place of abundance as opposed to, “Well, I can’t make Goodfellas, so I’m not going to make anything at all.”

    But then how do you also make yourself open to opportunities if you do want to expand what you have?

    That’s a question that I’ve asked myself when I was in a place of artistic loneliness. That feeling of, “I want to make this, but I have no idea how to start,” is a thing I think that all artists, and all people face. I only know what I’ve done, which is to find people who are making things that you admire and just asking them if you can help. Helping other people on their projects is the best way to learn how to make your own.

    I didn’t go to film school. I had never made [a film], and I produced Unedited Footage of a Bear, and I learned through doing it. And then I was like, “Okay. I’ll make fewer mistakes next time.” You’re also always going to learn more by finding your peers who are making things and reaching out to them. If you meet other working artists who are around your experience level, and help each other come up, those are things that are going to help you forever, and that’s going to be a better process emotionally.

    I’m curious for your thoughts on balancing relationships with friends who are also collaborators, especially when there’s money involved, or credit. What kind of pitfalls have you witnessed or experienced?

    No, nothing like that has ever happened to me. [laughs]

    That’s great. Good for you. [laughs]

    Credit is always going to be hard if the work is listed with authors, which the system really wants it to be, right? When you work on a film, there’s a list of positions, and you’re supposed to have all these delineated roles. You know how we think that we have discrete organs and muscles and stuff in our body, but actually, if you cut open a body, one thing oozes into another, and it’s all one thing? That’s what making a film is, I think that’s what collaboration is. It’s really tricky when someone’s like, “I’m the heart. I’m the brain,” and you’re like, “We all did this.”

    The only thing that I have learned is to be very, very clear upfront with people about what everyone’s expectations and goals are. I’ve worked on film projects where we had discussions about credits after the fact, and it feels bad. If you have somebody who you can talk about the squidgy parts of it with, that’s really huge. Direct communication ahead of time, and hopefully, working to build models that aren’t so delineated in terms of credit, that’s what I’d like to do.

    It is an organism, and film is so collaborative. You can make a beautiful film totally alone, but for the most part, they’re not being made alone. I hope to make work in a way that celebrates that, more than the individual credit.

    I love the body metaphor.

    When you look at a dissection, it’s like, “Yeah, we made this shit up.”

    I haven’t looked-

    But you could.

    But I could. Can you tell me a bit about how you navigate the work/life balance stuff?

    It’s hard. I think different models of grind, or different models of trying to get money out of creative pursuits work differently for different people. All I know is what works for me, which is trying to keep money separate from creativity. The most I’ve ever made from art in a year was $16,000, and that was the year I sold a TV pilot to a network, and [I was] like, “Whoa, amazing.” The creative skills that I have, I could use them maybe in the film industry, I could produce for money. But that is so draining to me.

    I’m also really lucky in that I have a part-time day job that supports me, that’s enough money to live on, and that’s not most people’s reality. It’s really easy to be like, “Oh, yeah, what you should do is go get a part-time job that gives you health insurance.” In America, that’s a unicorn. I used to grind more in terms of constantly thinking about what the next thing would be for my career, and now, I don’t do that anymore, and it’s going a lot better.

    Can you talk about the process of going from the nucleus of an idea to actually making it? What are the parts of the lifecycle that are most invigorating to you, and what are the parts that you hate the most?

    It’s such a yo-yo back and forth for me, of the joys and terrors of taking an idea from the initial inspiration into actually existing in the world. I always know when an idea has happened that I need to pay attention to. For Chomp, I remember lying in my bed five years ago, and I was like, “Somebody biting someone on the news,” and I just knew. I was like, “Okay, that has to be something.” I usually let it percolate for a little while, and then there’s a lot of really embarrassing stream of consciousness Google Docs that I would never let anyone see. I’m like, “Someone biting someone. Who’s the biter, and who’s the bitee?” That part feels really exciting to me because I have the certainty of knowing that an idea happened that I needed to pay attention to, but there’s no limitations yet, and I haven’t gotten to the next part, which is narrowing it down, feeling like it’s a terrible idea and I’m bad and I’ve never had a good idea, no one will ever understand me. That’s the part I don’t like.

    What’s your attitude towards self-judgment? How much do you reign in criticism of yourself versus pay attention to that voice?

    I have been working very hard to not pay attention to that voice, and the quieter that voice gets, I think the better that my work gets. Some people will come to yoga for flexibility because they’re so strong and they need to be flexible. Some people come and they’re so flexible and they need to get stronger. Maybe some people need to critique their own ideas more, and some people need to critique them less, I don’t know. Historically, I’m haunted by self-criticism, and I guess this is something that I took from the Artist’s Way, so forgive me.

    That’s okay.

    She talks about how the creator in us comes from a very tender and childlike place. Making something is play, and nobody likes to play when they’re being yelled at, and I do think that is true.

    Yeah. Well, you’re a human.

    Yes, so far. Until I’m a ghost on the Maine sea coast.

    Cricket Arrison Recommends:

    Looking up X-rays of what our skulls look like when we still have both sets of our teeth.

    The film She Is Conann by Bertrand Mandico.

    Jetz-Scrubz sponges – I swear to god they don’t ever get that weird sponge smell.

    The Wind River Mountain Range in Wyoming – no crowds and so beautiful.

    The Anatomy of a Story by John Truby – much better than Save the Cat and as I’ve learned even the strangest ideas can benefit from structure.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Rene Kladzyk.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Haiti is experiencing crisis and displacement, but the population welcomes international peacekeeping troops warily.


    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Jeff Abbott.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Playing For Change and was authored by Playing For Change.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.