Category: the


  • This content originally appeared on Laura Flanders & Friends and was authored by Laura Flanders & Friends.

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  • A speeding Porsche Taycan crashed into a motorcycle at Kalyani Nagar, Pune, in the wee hours of Sunday, May 19, killing two. The four-wheeler was allegedly driven by the minor son of a builder named Vishal Agrawal. The 17-year-old accused was initially released on bail by the Juvenile Justice Board, but his bail was later revoked and he was sent to a juvenile home.

    Against the backdrop of this, a video has surfaced on social media of a boy rapping and it is claimed that he is the minor accused in the Pune incident. Some users have also claimed that the lines he is singing are the ones he wrote since one of his bail conditions required him to write a 300-word essay.

    In the video, the man can be heard singing in Hindi: “I sat in my Porsche, intoxicated. A couple appeared in front of my car, and now they’re beneath it. It sounds like a cliché. I’m sorry I ran over you. At 17, with my father’s wealth, I got bail and will be back on the road soon.”

    Right Wing propaganda outlet The Jaipur Dialogues (@JaipurDialogues) shared the above-mentioned video on its X (formerly Twitter) handle on May 23 with the caption: “Judiciary asked #Vedantagarwal to write an essay after the Pune Porsche accident. This is the rap he wrote. Police is confirming whether it is his video. But the arrogance is just sick! Whoever made this.” (Archive)

    The tweet has received over 10 Lakh views and has been retweeted over 4,200 times.

    Marathi media outlets such as Maharashtra Times, ABP Majha and NDTV Marathi also published stories or ran programmes on their channels on the viral video.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Several other users also shared the same video claiming that it featured the builder’s son.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    On running a relevant keyword search, we came across a news report by the Free Press Journal where the title said, “‘Phir Se Dikhaounga Sadak Pe Khel..’: Alleged Rap Video Of Pune Porsche Crash Accused Goes Viral, Police Calls It Fake”. The report mentioned that the video was made by an Instagram user with the username @cringistaan2. In the report, we found a statement by ACP Sunil Tambe who confirmed that the claim with which the video was being shared was false.

    Further, we came across a video posted on Free Press Journal’s official X page which featured the accused minor’s mother. In the video, the woman says that the videos that were circulating did not feature her son and he was at a detention centre. She is heard telling the police Commissioner, “Please protect my son, please protect him.”

    We looked up the Instagram handle @cringistaan2, however, the viral video could not be found on the page. But we came across another video that has been posted as an Instagram story on the account wherein he could be heard saying in Hindi: “This is Vedant, I’m back with another rap”. He could then be heard rapping a few lines such as ‘my dad is a builder’, ‘don’t come near me, you’re all poor’.

    Below is a comparison of the frames of the viral video and the above-mentioned video. It is clear that both the videos feature the same person.

    The Instagram page was deleted at the time of this story being published.

    We also came across the above individual’s LinkedIn profile and his name is mentioned to be Aryan Dev (Cringistaan) Neekhra.

    Hence, from the above findings, it is clear that the person in the viral video is not the minor accused in the Porsche crash. It was made by a man called Aryan Dev Neekhra, a ‘content creator’.

    The post Pune crash: Rapper in viral video is not the minor accused appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Oishani Bhattacharya.

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  • This content originally appeared on Human Rights Watch and was authored by Human Rights Watch.

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  • Bogotá, May 21, 2024—Colombian authorities must thoroughly investigate the death threat received by journalist Edward Álvarez, ensure his safety, and bring those responsible to justice, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Tuesday.

    Álvarez, a reporter for the independent online news outlet La Chiva de Urabá in the northern city of Apartadó, received a death threat via WhatsApp on May 12, according to news reports and the journalist, who spoke to CPJ.

    The sender identified themselves as “Commander Lucas” of the powerful drug-trafficking group The Gaitanista Self Defense Forces of Colombia — called the Gulf Clan by Colombia’s government — and declared Álvarez a “military objective” for publishing a story about one of the group’s imprisoned members, according to CPJ’s review of the message. “Commander Lucas” warned that if Álvarez continued reporting, his family would also be at risk.

    On May 10,  La Chiva de Urabá published Álvarez’s video interview with an Apartadó woman in which she alleged that her jailed former partner was trying to extort her by spreading intimate photos of her on social media.

    “Colombian authorities must immediately investigate the death threat received by journalist Edward Álvarez and ensure he can return to Apartadó and continue his reporting safely,” said Cristina Zahar, CPJ’s Latin American program coordinator, in São Paulo. “True democracies must guarantee press freedom for all citizens.”

    Álvarez told CPJ that he reported the threat to the local police and the Attorney General’s office on May 13 and then fled Apartadó. “I am very scared,” he told CPJ, adding that he did not know when he would return .

    The Gaitanista Self Defense Forces of Colombia denied that any of its members threatened Álvarez in a May 12 statement, reviewed by CPJ, and said they were being impersonated, according to those news reports.

    The Bogotá-based Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP) documented four incidents of journalists who received threats from the drug-trafficking group.

    CPJ’s text messages to the press office of the Attorney General’s office in Bogotá did not receive an immediate reply. Major Miguel Gutierrez, chief of the investigative police in the Urabá region that includes Apartadó, told CPJ that his agents are investigating and do not yet know who threatened Álvarez.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

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  • China’s internet censors have deleted a video in which children at a private performing arts school in the southwestern province of Sichuan dance to British rock band Pink Floyd’s 1979 hit “Another Brick in the Wall, Part 2” which featured a choir of schoolchildren protesting overbearing authority and “thought control” in education.

    In the video posted by the Let’s Music arts school in Sichuan’s Leshan city, a line of children in matching black T-shirts march robotically in front of hundreds of spectators on a busy shopping street, singing “We don’t need no education. We don’t need no thought control,” before breaking into a tightly choreographed dance to the Pink Floyd track.

    “No dark sarcasm in the classroom — hey, teacher! Leave those kids alone,” the song goes. “All in all, you’re just another brick in the wall.”

    The clip, posted to X by current affairs tweeter Byron Wan on May 16, is still visible outside the Great Firewall of Chinese internet censorship, but was no longer available on the video-sharing platforms Douyin and Bilibili on Tuesday.

    The Douyin link to the clip returned the message “That video does not exist,” while the Let’s Music channel on Bilibili showed links to other songs performed in the same location, but not “Another Brick in the Wall.”

    Let’s Music said in a statement on May 7 that the performance was deliberately intended to be a comment on “the current situation,” without giving further details.

    Patriotic education

    The ruling Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping is currently stepping up its program of “patriotic education” in schools and universities across the country, in a move that many outside China have criticized as “brainwashing,” a term first used in English by U.S. journalist Edward Hunter in 1950 to describe how the Chinese government got people to support China’s efforts during the Korean War. 

    Last October, China passed the Patriotic Education Law with the aim of “enhancing identification with our great motherland, the Chinese nation, Chinese culture and the Communist Party,” amid an ongoing nationwide campaign under Xi to boost ruling party involvement in cultural output at every level, in a manner some have likened to Mao Zedong’s 1966-1976 Cultural Revolution.

    ENG_CHN_THOUGHT CONTROL_05212024.2.JPG
    A Young Pioneer salutes during the weekly flag-raising ceremony at the East Experimental School in Shanghai November 5, 2012. (Carlos Barria/Reuters)

    Pink Floyd’s original song sold more than four million copies worldwide and topped singles charts, making Rolling Stone magazine’s list of the 500 Greatest Songs of All Time. It was penned by Pink Floyd’s bass player Roger Waters as a protest over rigid and abusive schooling, particularly in British boarding schools.

    According to Wan, the video disappeared from Douyin and Bilibili more than a week after being posted there. 

    “Censors in China have been keeping an eye on X,” he commented after followers reported that the clip was no longer available.

    Artistic resistance

    France-based film director Hu Xueyang said he was happy to see some form of artistic resistance still alive in China.

    “When politics is uptight, then there’s a lot of political satire,” Hu said. “In dark times, all we have left is artistic ridicule and black humor.”

    “China’s younger generation is making its voice heard, and using various forms of resistance,” he said. 

    Paris-based artist Jiang Bu agreed, saying the song epitomized saying “no” to totalitarian control.

    “There was a kind of resistance or opposition to totalitarianism in a lot of the music from that time, including Pink Floyd’s stuff,” Jiang said. “It was about saying no.”

    “Let’s Music may not have intended direct resistance, but it still chose this song … that has resistance at its core, so there was a point to it.”

    ENG_CHN_THOUGHT CONTROL_05212024.4.jpg
    Students attend a flag raising ceremony during the morning assembly, ahead of National Security Education Day at a secondary school, in Hong Kong, China, April 12, 2021. (Tyrone Siu/Reuters)

    He said the removal of the track had attracted more views to the Let’s Music channel than it would normally have gotten, ironically alerting more people to the song’s meaning.

    He likened the backlash to the authorities pulling the plug on a live stream by beauty influencer Austin Li on the eve of the anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre because it showed an ice-cream cake in the shape of a tank.

    That piece of censorship had ensured that more people found out what happened on the night of June 4, 1989 — something that has been largely erased from the public record in China — than might otherwise have done, Jiang said.

    ENG_CHN_THOUGHT CONTROL_05212024.3.jpg
    Roger Waters, co-founder of the British rock band Pink Floyd performs during his The Wall Live show in Bucharest, Romania, Wednesday, Aug. 28, 2013, with graffiti reading “Fear builds walls”. (Vadim Ghirda/AP)

    When Pink Floyd went to record children from London’s Islington Green School singing the refrain of the song, they hid the lyrics from the headteacher for fear she would pull the plug on the project, according to the band’s Wikipedia page, citing media reports.

    Late British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was said to have “hated” the song, according to the school’s former director of music, while the Inner London Education Authority criticized it as “scandalous.” The song was banned by the South African government of the time.

    Translated by Luisetta Mudie. Edited by Eugene Whong.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Yitong Wu and Kit Sung for RFA Cantonese.

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  • The Rwanda deportation plan is designed to keep asylum seekers living in a state of fear – we must resist it


    This content originally appeared on openDemocracy RSS and was authored by Aso Mohammadi.

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  • Guestilan

    We speak with renowned Israeli historian Ilan Pappé about his recent trip to the United States, when he was interrogated for two hours by federal agents upon arrival at Detroit airport about his political views on Gaza, Hamas and Israel, as well as demanding to know whom he knew in U.S. Muslim, Arab and Palestinian communities. Pappé was only allowed to enter the country after agents copied the contents of his phone. “They refused to tell me why they stopped me,” he says. Pappé, author of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, also discusses the Nakba, growing support for Palestinian rights, and why he believes “the collapse of the Zionist project” is imminent.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • Two Andhra Pradesh exit poll graphics containing the logo of the media outlet, The News Minute, are doing rounds on social media. The graphics present exit poll figures by 7 organisations including India Today-Axis, CNN News18-IPSOS, Times Now VMR, Republic-Jan Ki Baat, Republic-CVoter, NewsX-NETA and Today’s Chanakya. In one graphic, all the surveys show the NDA leading by a huge margin against the Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) in Andhra Pradesh. In contrast, the other graphic shows the YSRCP leading by the same margins against the NDA.

    On May 13, Andhra Pradesh went for simultaneous elections for its 175-member assembly and 25 Lok Sabha seats. Led by CM Jagan Mohan Reddy, YSRCP (Yuvajana Shramika Rythu Congress Party) contested all the seats in both the polls. The TDP-BJP-JSP alliance is the major opposition force against the ruling party.

    An unverified X (formerly Twitter) account, @YSR175, tweeted the graphic with the caption, “Exit poll in AP.” This graphic depicts YSRCP leading by a large margin against the NDA. The tweet received over  457,600 views, 2,800 likes and 537 retweets.

    A verified user on X, Swathi Reddy (@Swathireddytdp) shared another graphic with a caption written in Telugu which translates to ”The mentioned institutes that conducted the exit poll servers are not random ones!!
    Even Times Now, which took 6 crores for the promotion of government schemes, is saying that Jagan’s time is over!! These survey organizations have given minimum 108 to maximum 158 seats to Telugu Desam alliance!! So, say it loudly #ByeByeJagan”

    In the tweet, Swati referred to a deal of Rs. 8.16 crore signed in 2020 by the YSRCP government with the Times Group to boost their government schemes and policies through the conglomerate’s media network. The graphic tweeted by Swati depicts NDA leading against the YSRCP. It received over 1.5 Lakh views.

    Other users have also shared the graphics on X.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    First of all, it is important to note that as per Election Commission (EC) rules, exit polls data can’t be conducted or published while elections are on. The relevant EC notification can be found here. This suggests that the viral graphics are possibly not genuine.

    A keyword search on X led us to a tweet by the editor-in-chief of The News Minute, Dhanya Rajendran. She clarified that the media outlet had not published any exit poll results and that she was not aware of the source of the viral graphic.

    The News Minute also posted a clarification on their official page on X, stating, ”This is to clarify that an old image from our story written in 2019 has been shared falsely claiming that we have made a prediction for the Andhra Pradesh Assembly election. It is to be noted that as per the Model Code of Conduct no agency/news organisation can share any figures/opinion polls/ exit polls until the conclusion of the elections, which is still underway in other parts of the country.”

    Taking a cue from this, we did a keyword search on Google, which led us to the 2019 exit poll report published by The News Minute, titled ‘Mixed predictions for TDP and YSRCP in Andhra for Lok Sabha: Exit polls’.

    The report features a graphic similar to the viral ones, where the names of the seven organisations are exactly in the same order and the number of seats allocated for ‘other parties’ remained 0-1 in all the graphics. However, we noticed that the graphic published in the report depicts exit polls for two major parties in Andhra Pradesh- TDP and YSRCP, while the viral images depict exit polls for the NDA and the YSCRP. The number of seats allocated is also different in the viral graphics and the original one. The text ‘TDP’ in the original graphic was edited and replaced with the text ‘NDA’ in the viral images. Besides, the respective seats depicted in the viral images have been also edited and added to the original graphic published by the media outlet.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Today’s Chanakya also posted on X saying that the fake exit poll numbers were being circulated under their name. The organisation has not yet released any such data.

    To sum up, social media users are circulating two graphics containing the logo of ‘The News Minute’, depicting false exit-poll numbers for the 2024 Andhra Pradesh assembly elections. Our fact check revealed that both the graphics are edited. Neither The News Minute nor the seven organisations listed in the graphic have released any such data.

    The post Andhra assembly elections: Edited version of 2019 ‘The News Minute’ exit poll graphics falsely viral appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Abira Das.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Your debut, The Freedom of Falling, forthcoming summer 2025, is a YA novel-in-verse. How did you land on that form?

    The Freedom of Falling was my thesis at Sarah Lawrence College for my MFA in fiction. It was not a novel-in-verse at that time. I graduated in 2019, but the summer before my final year, I was interning at Hachette Book Group and I was taking the Metro North into the city every day. I wasn’t the type of person who wrote poems on a laptop, so I would take my journal with me and I would write the novel in the journal, but it was in poem form, it was in verse. And then I would go home and change it to prose because I was like, well, I got to graduate, I have an MFA in fiction. I didn’t really feel like figuring out the logistics of doing that in verse because it wasn’t what I was getting my degree in.

    We don’t know enough about novels-in-verse yet. And so, I graduated and I went to Kimbilio Fiction Retreat. It’s a retreat for Black fiction writers, and I still brought it in prose. I took the feedback. The story was the same, but I noticed that when I was writing it in verse, there were descriptors or words that I was using that I wasn’t using when I converted it to prose. It just felt like every time I converted it to prose, I was losing something, whether that’s the rhythm or the brevity of it. [The story] surrounds a skating rink and there’s such music to that that I wanted to capture the music of a skating rink and the rhythm of a skating rink in verse in a way that I don’t think I was doing in prose.

    Do you think the story told you what form it needed?

    Yeah, it did. I mean, when you have, I can’t even remember how long the Metro North from Bronxville to Grand Central was, so let’s say 25, when you have 25 minutes, you have to write pretty quickly. During the semester, I was used to having a lot of time to write. I could hole up in my bedroom for hours and write a short story for workshop. But when you have 25 minutes before your internship starts, either you write or you don’t, but if you’re going to write, you have to write fast. I was writing as quickly as I could, but it always came out in verse. I still have that notebook somewhere.

    Is returning to an early draft a way of sticking to your original vision? Like you said, with so much input coming from different people, some of it enriching to the work, some maybe less so, I wonder if going back is a way of finding an equilibrium between listening to your voice and taking advice from people in the industry?

    It definitely is. Thankfully, my editors and my agent have a very firm grasp of what my vision is. But I think when I’m revising, sometimes I don’t have that grasp. Sometimes I do have to go back and ask, why did I set out to write this story? What was I saying back then? Am I still saying that now? How have I changed as I’ve written this novel? Because of that, how have I changed my protagonist, and are there things that were true to her then that aren’t true to her now or vice-versa? I find it really helpful because at the end of the day, this is a novel about gentrification, about first love, about female friendship, family dynamics. Anything that’s not taking me to those places needs to be removed.

    It’s easy to forget, when you’re trying to revise, what you set out to do. So I keep every draft, even if I think they suck. There are scenes that have survived every single draft, every single one, because I think they’re the pillar of what I’m trying to get at in the novel, which is community, what we have as community, no matter what gets destroyed, no matter who tells us we don’t deserve it. All we have are our loved ones and our community and the people around us to keep us lifted. I want to make sure that every scene is doing that.

    Following the announcement of your two-book deal with Penguin, you said: “I thought I was ready in 2021, I wasn’t. I thought I was ready in 2022, I wasn’t. And in 2023 I could feel it. I wrote it down as a 2023 goal and meant it.” What do you remember of those early years? Where you were at with the books in 2021 versus 2022 and 2023?**

    In 2021, I was a completely different person. I was back in my hometown. I had just gotten a divorce in 2019, and I was working at a different job. I can’t say that I was super grounded in 2021. I didn’t prioritize my writing in the same way. And that’s not to say I wasn’t working hard, but it is easier to put off when you have been through all of that. And in the midst of a pandemic, the last thing on my mind was to create. I knew in the back of my mind that I wanted a book deal. I’ve always wanted a book deal. I knew it from the moment I stepped foot on Sarah Lawrence’s campus, but I also knew that I wasn’t willing to work as hard for it in 2021 as I had seen others work.

    I’m super close to Leah Johnson, she’s a YA author. She also went to Sarah Lawrence and I watched her journey and I think watching her journey is what made me say, “Okay, girl, get serious.” Because her first book was such a success and she definitely gave me tough love like, “Hey, you need to write your book. You need to get the book deal.” But she also gave me the space to have my own writing journey and to realize for myself how important it was to write and how important it was to dedicate myself to my writing. Because you can say that you think it’s important to write all the time and you think it’s important to revise and to finish your novel. You can say those things all day long. You can talk about writing all day long, but if you’re not writing, you’re not writing.

    I wanted to convince myself that I was ready to query. I was ready to do this, I was ready to do that. But then when it came time to submit the novel to Reese’s Book Club LitUp Fellowship, I hesitated. I hesitated because I didn’t think the novel was ready. When it’s finally time to submit it somewhere, you’re like, “Oh, I actually haven’t been working as hard as maybe I’ve told myself that I’ve been working.” Being part of LitUp really made me say, “okay, when are we going to get to it?” Because even then we had a three-month mentorship. Leah was my mentor because she’s a Reese’s Book Club pick.

    We got the chance to talk to a literary agent, and I talked to my now agent. I beat myself up so much in 2022 after that fellowship because I’m like, “Girl, how did you do a mentorship and you’re still not ready to query?”

    You can’t rush. This is so cliché, but you can’t rush the process. You can work as hard as you want to work or say you’re working as hard as you want to work, but the book is ready when it’s ready and you’ll know when it’s ready, but you also have to be ready.

    I was really comfortable. I was at my at my mom’s. I didn’t pay rent, really. I didn’t have many bills to pay. Financially, I was comfortable. I think when I financially wasn’t comfortable, when I was in New York and I had three roommates and I was getting paid $35,000 a year, I worked a lot harder. I had to kind of shake myself out of that because at the end of the day, I don’t dream of working a corporate nine-to-five, I dream of writing books for a living.

    It’s nice to hear you talk about the shift in prioritizing your writing, thinking you are, and the ways we trick ourselves or the ways we beat ourselves up. And the importance of having a mentor or a friend, somebody who you can lean on and who can push you, too. What did prioritizing your writing look like?

    It meant not taking every social call. My social life is almost as important as my writing life. I go out, I go to brunch, I go to this event, I go to that event. I like to say that it enriches my writing and I think it does. But I had to learn that if you’re going to say yes to the writing, sometimes you have to say no to everything else.

    I had to remind myself that, yes, all these other people have free time to run around to go to brunch, to go to this event, to go to that event. But you don’t, not if you want a check. So that’s what it looked like. I also did the Tin House YA workshop. I think it was 2021, but it was virtual. I was in Indiana and I made a friend, Channler Twyman, and we’ve been friends ever since. He and I started getting on a video call every week and saying, “Let’s catch up real quick and then let’s write for 45 minutes, muted with the camera off.”

    That dedicated time with someone else every week really changed how I approached my writing because every week turned into a couple times a week and then a couple of times a week turned into most days of the week, and now Channler and I talk every day. He finished the first draft of his book and I finally got a book deal. Sometimes it takes stepping outside of yourself, finding community, finding someone where you are and finding someone you can trust to hold you accountable, finding someone who you can trust to talk about the writing with.

    What you said earlier was interesting to me: that you didn’t get all the way through to the end in prose. Did you begin again and go, “This is it, I’m going to do it in verse”, and then once you realized you wanted to do it in verse, did you just go right to the end before starting a second draft?

    I did scrap the prose version of the novel because I didn’t make it all the way to the end. I just knew it wasn’t flowing in the way I needed it to, and I kind of felt blocked in that form. Once I got to the novel-in-verse, it still had some of the same elements. I don’t know who said this, probably someone brilliant, but they were like, you don’t really need to look at your draft to write another draft, you know the story. I took that and ran with it. Maybe not my best idea, but it is what it is.

    It took a while, but I did go all the way through that draft. From there I was able to revise in a few different ways. I first tried printing out every single page. I paid to print out the entire manuscript so I could move poems around, edit them physically with a pen, because I find that I edit my poems a lot more vigorously on the page. After that, I just tried a few different things because I recognized that printing out or writing by hand takes forever if you’re going to put it back on a Word doc.

    Now since I’ve been editing with my editors, they’re of course on Microsoft Word. But I rewrote the first 80 or so pages in a journal. I think when I’m trying to get back to who I am as a poet, I have to touch the physical page.

    Was there anything that surprised you about the process of writing a novel-in-verse and finding a publisher for a novel-in-verse?

    What surprised me is the poet I am as Arriel Vinson who just writes poems as Arriel Vinson is not the poet that is the narrator of my novel-in-verse because I’m not a teen, my name is not Jaelyn, and I have to recalibrate and figure out how do I write poetry for teens that is still impactful and feels like a poem without talking over everybody’s head.

    I think poetry can easily become pretentious and that’s not what I want of my novel-in-verse. That challenge surprised me, figuring out how to get my point across, but how to still tell the story, how to still make it sound elegant, but how to also give the character a voice that is true to her. And honestly, it also surprised me that it takes just as long to write a novel-in-verse as it does a prose novel. This is ridiculous.

    YA novels-in-verse are a risk to a publisher because they’re not traditional. That might always be the case. I think the novels-in verse that I’ve read in the past five, six years have done really well. The Poet X by Elizabeth Acevedo, Every Body Looking by Candice Iloh, and that has to be proof of something. But as someone who used to work in publishing, publishing doesn’t take many risks. If we’re being honest, I am a Black woman writing for Black teens about racism, and then I sprinkled some love in there, and then it has the nerve to be in verse. That’s a risk. There were editors who didn’t see the vision, who were like, “Yeah, not my type of book.” I’m grateful for that because I believe the editors I have really do believe in it and think it’ll go far despite the form that it’s in, despite the themes that it covers.

    I was honestly more surprised that it got to auction. To see a YA novel-in-verse about a Black girl in Indianapolis go to auction, I couldn’t believe it. I had my friends in my house, my mom’s house. I went home to visit for Leah Johnson’s book tour opening and my mom’s 50th birthday. We had pizza, we were drinking Olipops, and watching the offers roll in and I’m reading them aloud and I’m adding them to a spreadsheet. It was really the most wonderful feeling in the world, but I was so shocked that it was even happening.

    Arriel Vinson recommends:

    Read as much or as more than you write

    Magnum ice cream bars with caramel filling

    Beyoncé’s Homecoming performance

    Find new places to talk a walk in your city

    Vision boards, not just for the New Year


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Jancie Creaney.

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  • Abuja, May 20, 2024—Nigerian authorities should swiftly and comprehensively investigate the detention of freelance journalist Jamil Mabai by religious police in northern Katsina State and hold them to account, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Monday. 

    Mabai, who was on assignment for the privately owned Trust TV, had been invited to the offices of the Hisbah, which enforces Islamic Sharia law, on May 14 to interview their spokesperson, Nafiu Muazu Akilu, following reports that a wedding guest was shot dead while Hisbah officials were enforcing a ban on DJs playing music, according to the journalist, who spoke with CPJ and posted on X, and media reports

    When Mabai arrived at the Hisbah offices in the state capital Katsina, officials briefly detained him in a cell, then took his mobile phone, and threatened to beat him, those sources said. 

    “Nigerian authorities must credibly investigate this harassment of journalist Jamil Mabai, hold those responsible to account, and ensure journalists can do their work without fear of detention,” said Angela Quintal, head of CPJ’s Africa program, from Maputo, Mozambique. “Jamil Mabai’s detention by religious police is part of a pattern of press freedom violations in Nigeria, where journalists are all too often arrested, harassed, and intimidated while trying to carry out their professional duties.” 

    Sharia was introduced alongside secular law in 12 Muslim-majority northern states in 1999. Hisbah groups combat what they regard as immoral behaviors, by destroying alcohol, removing beggars from the streets, and arresting Muslims eating during the Ramadan fasting period. Critics have accused the religious police of abusing human rights.

    In April, Katsina State’s Hisbah Commission issued a directive banning DJing

    Mabai told CPJ and posted on Facebook that the Hisbah’s Community Watch Corps tried to shut down a wedding with a DJ on May 10 and in the process, one guest, Gambo Ibrahim, also known as Gambo Mai Pachi, was shot dead. 

    Mabai told CPJ that when he and his cameraman arrived at the Hisbah office on May 14, Akilu told him by phone that other officials would direct the journalist to his office. 

    Instead, Mabai said, five officers led him to a cell and told him they had received “orders from above” to detain him, without further explanation, and did not listen to his explanation that he was a journalist who had been invited for an interview by Akilu.

    Mabai told CPJ that his cameraman was allowed to leave, but he was ordered not to phone anyone about his detention. 

    After a few minutes, Mabai said, the officers took him from the cell to a room where the Commander of the Hisbah Board, Aminu Usman Abu-Ammar, accused the journalist of trying to tarnish the Hisbah’s reputation, but no one could destroy their work. Mabia said one Hisbah official seized his phone while two others holding canes threatened to beat him.

    After about 90 minutes, Mabia said, his phone was returned and he was allowed to leave.

    Akilu told CPJ that he invited Mabai for an interview but was out when the journalist arrived. Akilu said that when he returned to the office, he found Mabai talking with Abu-Ammar, after which the journalist left. Akilu said he was “shocked” by reports that the journalist had been detained. 

    “I don’t think that story is true … if it is true I must know,” Akilu said by phone, adding he was certain that Mabai spent less than an hour at the Hisbah office and he had no information about allegations that Hisbah officials seized Mabai’s phone and threatened to hit him. 

    Akilu said that Mabai had spent months attacking Abu-Ammar’s personality and that “attacking someone’s personality is wrong, professionally.” 

    In recent years, numerous journalists have been arresteddetainedprosecutedharassedcharged, and physically assaulted across Nigeria. 

    CPJ called Abu-Ammar to request comment but the line was either busy or unanswered.


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  • Seg3 assange

    WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange on Monday won the right to appeal his extradition to the United States. Assange’s lawyers argued before the British High Court that the U.S. government provided “blatantly inadequate” assurances that Assange would have the same free speech protections as an American citizen if extradited from Britain. Assange has spent more than a decade facing the threat of extradition to the U.S., where he faces up to 175 years in prison for publishing classified documents exposing U.S. war crimes in Iraq and Afghanistan. “This is a victory for Julian Assange in that he lives on to fight another day, his case lives on to fight another day. But he’s not out of Belmarsh [Prison] yet, and he’s not in the clear yet,” says Chip Gibbons, policy director of Defending Rights & Dissent. “This could still end in him being sent to the U.S. And the person who can stop this is Joe Biden and Merrick Garland.”


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    Kris Hansen had worked as a chemist at the 3M Corporation for about a year when her boss, an affable senior scientist named Jim Johnson, gave her a strange assignment. 3M had invented Scotch Tape and Post-­it notes; it sold everything from sandpaper to kitchen sponges. But on this day, in 1997, Johnson wanted Hansen to test human blood for chemical contamination.

    Several of 3M’s most successful products contained man-made compounds called fluorochemicals. In a spray called Scotchgard, fluorochemicals protected leather and fabric from stains. In a coating known as Scotchban, they prevented food packaging from getting soggy. In a soapy foam used by firefighters, they helped extinguish jet-fuel fires. Johnson explained to Hansen that one of the company’s fluorochemicals, PFOS — short for perfluorooctanesulfonic acid — often found its way into the bodies of 3M factory workers. Although he said that they were unharmed, he had recently hired an outside lab to measure the levels in their blood. The lab had just reported something odd, however. For the sake of comparison, it had tested blood samples from the American Red Cross, which came from the general population and should have been free of fluorochemicals. Instead, it kept finding a contaminant in the blood.

    Johnson asked Hansen to figure out whether the lab had made a mistake. Detecting trace levels of chemicals was her specialty: She had recently written a doctoral dissertation about tiny particles in the atmosphere. Hansen’s team of lab technicians and junior scientists fetched a blood sample from a lab-­supply company and prepped it for analysis. Then Hansen switched on an oven-­size box known as a mass spectrometer, which weighs molecules so that scientists can identify them.

    As the lab equipment hummed around her, Hansen loaded a sample into the machine. A graph appeared on the mass spectrometer’s display; it suggested that there was a compound in the blood that could be PFOS. That’s weird, Hansen thought. Why would a chemical produced by 3M show up in people who had never worked for the company?

    Hansen didn’t want to share her results until she was certain that they were correct, so she and her team spent several weeks analyzing more blood, often in time-consuming overnight tests. All the samples appeared to be contaminated. When Hansen used a more precise method, liquid chromatography, the results left little doubt that the chemical in the Red Cross blood was PFOS.

    Hansen now felt obligated to update her boss. Johnson was a towering, bearded man, and she liked him: He seemed to trust her expertise, and he found something to laugh about in most conversations. But, when she shared her findings, his response was cryptic. “This changes everything,” he said. Before she could ask him what he meant, he went into his office and closed the door.

    This was not the first time that Hansen had found a chemical where it didn’t belong. A wiry woman who grew up skiing competitively, Hansen had always liked to spend time outdoors; for her chemistry thesis at Williams College, she had kayaked around the former site of an electric company on the Hoosic River, collecting crayfish and testing them for industrial pollutants called polychlorinated biphenyls, or PCBs. Her research, which showed that a drainage ditch at the site was leaking the chemicals, prompted a news story and contributed to a cleanup effort overseen by the Massachusetts Department of Environmental Protection. At 3M, Hansen assumed that her bosses would respond to her findings with the same kind of diligence and care.

    Hansen stayed near Johnson’s office for the rest of the day, anxiously waiting for him to react to her research. He never did. In the days that followed, Hansen sensed that Johnson had notified some of his superiors. She remembers his boss, Dale Bacon, a paunchy fellow with gray hair, stopping by her desk and suggesting that she had made a mistake. “I don’t think so,” she told him. In subsequent weeks, Hansen and her team ordered fresh blood samples from every supplier that 3M worked with. Each of the samples tested positive for PFOS.

    3M Global Headquarters in Maplewood, Minnesota

    In the middle of this testing, Johnson suddenly announced that he would be taking early retirement. After he packed up his office and left, Hansen felt adrift. She was so new to corporate life that her office clothes — pleated pants and dress shirts — still felt like a costume. Johnson had always guided her research, and he hadn’t told Hansen what she should do next. She reminded herself of what he had said — that the chemical wasn’t harmful in factory workers. But she couldn’t be sure that it was harmless. She knew that PCBs, for example, were mass-produced for years before studies showed that they accumulate in the food chain and cause a range of health issues, including damage to the brain. The most reliable way to gauge the safety of chemicals is to study them over time, in animals and, if possible, in humans.

    What Hansen didn’t know was that 3M had already conducted animal studies — two decades earlier. They had shown PFOS to be toxic, yet the results remained secret, even to many at the company. In one early experiment, conducted in the late ’70s, a group of 3M scientists fed PFOS to rats on a daily basis. Starting at the second-lowest dose that the scientists tested, about 10 milligrams for every kilogram of body weight, the rats showed signs of possible harm to their livers, and half of them died. At higher doses, every rat died. Soon afterward, 3M scientists found that a relatively low daily dose, 4.5 milligrams for every kilogram of body weight, could kill a monkey within weeks. (Based on this result, the chemical would currently fall into the highest of five toxicity levels recognized by the United Nations.) This daily dose of PFOS was orders of magnitude greater than the amount that the average person would ingest, but it was still relatively low — roughly comparable to the dose of aspirin in a standard tablet.

    In 1979, an internal company report deemed PFOS “certainly more toxic than anticipated” and recommended longer-term studies. That year, 3M executives flew to San Francisco to consult Harold Hodge, a respected toxicologist. They told Hodge only part of what they knew: that PFOS had sickened and even killed laboratory animals and had caused liver abnormalities in factory workers. According to a 3M document that was marked “CONFIDENTIAL,” Hodge urged the executives to study whether the company’s fluorochemicals caused reproductive issues or cancer. After reviewing more data, he told one of them to find out whether the chemicals were present “in man,” and he added, “If the levels are high and widespread and the half-life is long, we could have a serious problem.” Yet Hodge’s warning was omitted from official meeting notes, and the company’s fluorochemical production increased over time.

    Hansen’s bosses never told her that PFOS was toxic. In the weeks after Johnson left 3M, however, she felt that she was under a new level of scrutiny. One of her superiors suggested that her equipment might be contaminated, so she cleaned the mass spectrometer and then the entire lab. Her results didn’t change. Another encouraged her to repeatedly analyze her syringes, bags and test tubes, in case they had tainted the blood. (They had not.) Her managers were less concerned about PFOS, it seemed to Hansen, than about the chance that she was wrong.

    Sometimes Hansen doubted herself. She was 28 and had only recently earned her Ph.D. But she continued her experiments, if only to respond to the questions of her managers. 3M bought three additional mass spectrometers, which each cost more than a car, and Hansen used them to test more blood samples. In late 1997, her new boss, Bacon, even had her fly out to the company that manufactured the machines, so that she could repeat her tests there. She studied the blood of hundreds of people from more than a dozen blood banks in various states. Each sample contained PFOS. The chemical seemed to be everywhere.

    When 3M was founded, in 1902, it was known as the Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing Company. After its mining operations flopped, the company pivoted to sandpaper and then to a series of clever inventions aimed at improving everyday life. An early employee noticed that autoworkers were struggling to paint two-tone cars, which were popular at the time; he eventually invented masking tape, using crêpe paper and cabinetmaker’s glue. Another 3M employee created Post-it notes to help him bookmark passages in his church hymnal. An official history of 3M, published for the company’s 100th anniversary, celebrated its “tolerance for tinkerers.”

    Fluorochemicals had their origins in the American effort to build the atomic bomb. During the Second World War, scientists for the Manhattan Project developed one of the first safe processes for bonding carbon to fluorine, a dangerously reactive element that experts had nicknamed “the wildest hellcat” of chemistry. After the war, 3M hired some Manhattan Project chemists and began mass-producing chains of carbon atoms bonded to fluorine atoms. The resulting chemicals proved to be astonishingly versatile, in part because they resist oil, water and heat. They are also incredibly long-lasting, earning them the moniker “forever chemicals.”

    In the early ’50s, 3M began selling one of its fluorochemicals, PFOA, to the chemical company DuPont for use in Teflon. Then, a couple of years later, a dollop of fluorochemical goo landed on a 3M employee’s tennis shoe, where it proved impervious to stains and impossible to wipe off. 3M now had the idea for Scotchgard and Scotchban. By the time Hansen was in elementary school, in the ’70s, both products were ubiquitous. Restaurants served French fries in Scotchban-treated packaging. Hansen’s mother sprayed Scotchgard on the living-­room couch.

    Hansen grew up in Lake Elmo, Minnesota, not far from 3M’s headquarters. Her father was one of the company’s star engineers and was even inducted into its hall of fame in 1979; he had helped to create Scotch-Brite scouring pads and Coban wrap, a soft alternative to sticky bandages. Once, he molded some fibers into cups, thinking that they might make a good bra. They turned out to be miserably uncomfortable, so he and his colleagues placed them over their mouths, giving the company the inspiration for its signature N95 mask.

    First image: Lake Elmo, Minnesota, the town not far from 3M headquarters where Kris Hansen grew up. Second image: Family photos of Paul Hansen, Kris’ father, at 3M functions over the years.

    Hansen never intended to follow her father to the company. She spent her childhood summers catching turtles and leopard frogs at the lake and hoped to have a career in environmental conservation. Her first job after earning her chemistry Ph.D. was on a boat, which took her to remote parts of the Pacific Ocean. But the voyage left her so seasick that she lost 20 pounds, and she soon retreated to Minnesota. In 1996, at her father’s suggestion, Hansen applied for a position in 3M’s environmental lab.

    After Hansen started her PFOS research, her relationships with some colleagues seemed to deteriorate. One afternoon in 1998, a trim 3M epidemiologist named Geary Olsen arrived with several vials of blood and asked her to test them. The next morning, she read the results to him and several colleagues — positive for PFOS. As Hansen remembers it, Olsen looked triumphant. “Those samples came from my horse,” he said — and his horse certainly wasn’t eating at McDonald’s or trotting on Scotchgarded carpets. Hansen felt that he was trying to humiliate her. (Olsen did not respond to requests for comment.) What Hansen wanted to know was how PFOS was making its way into animals.

    She found an answer in data from lab rats, which also appeared to have fluorochemicals in their blood. Rats that had more fish meal in their diets, she discovered, tended to have higher levels of PFOS, suggesting that the chemical had spread through the food chain and perhaps through water. In male lab rats, PFOS levels rose with age, indicating that the chemical accumulated in the body. But, curiously, in female rats the levels sometimes fell. Hansen was unsettled when toxicology reports indicated why: Mother rats seemed to be offloading the chemical to their pups. Exposure to PFOS could begin before birth.

    Another study confirmed that Scotchban and Scotchgard were sources of the chemical. PFOS wasn’t an official ingredient in either product, but both ­contained other fluorochemicals that, the study showed, broke down into PFOS in the bodies of lab rats. Hansen and her team ultimately found PFOS in eagles, chickens, rabbits, cows, pigs and other animals. They also found 14 ­additional fluorochemicals in human blood, including several produced by 3M. Some were present in wastewater from a 3M factory.

    At one point, Hansen told her father, Paul, that she was frustrated by the way senior colleagues kept questioning her work. Paul had recently retired, but he had confidence in 3M’s top executives, and he suggested that she take her findings directly to them. But as a relatively new employee — and one of the few women scientists at a company of about 75,000 people — Hansen found the idea preposterous. When Paul offered to talk to some of 3M’s executives himself, she was mortified at the idea of her father interceding.

    Hansen knew that if she could find a blood sample that didn’t contain PFOS then she might be able to convince her colleagues that the other samples did. She and her team began to study historical blood from the early decades of PFOS production. They soon found the chemical in blood from a 1969-71 Michigan breast cancer study. Then they ran an overnight test on blood that had been collected in rural China during the ’80s and ’90s. If any place were PFOS-free, she figured, it would be somewhere remote, where 3M products weren’t in widespread use.

    The next morning, anxious to see the results, Hansen arrived at the lab before anyone else. For the first time since she had begun testing blood, some of the samples showed no trace of PFOS. She was so struck that she called her husband. There was nothing wrong with her equipment or methodology; PFOS, a man-made chemical produced by her employer, really was in human blood, practically everywhere. Hansen’s team found it in Swedish blood samples from 1957 and 1971. After that, her lab analyzed blood that had been collected before 3M created PFOS. It tested negative. Apparently, fluorochemicals had entered human blood after the company started selling products that contained them. They had leached out of 3M’s sprays, coatings and factories — and into all of us.

    That summer, an in-house librarian at 3M delivered a surprising article to Hansen’s office mailbox. It had been written in 1981 by 3M scientists, and it described a method for measuring fluorine in blood, indicating that even back then the company was testing for fluorochemicals. One scientist mentioned in the article, Richard Newmark, still worked for 3M, in a low-lying structure nicknamed the “nerdy building.” Hansen arranged to meet with him there.

    Newmark, a collegial man with a compact build, told Hansen that, more than 20 years before, two academic scientists, Donald Taves and Warren Guy, had discovered a fluorochemical in human blood. They had wondered whether Scotchgard might be its source, so they approached 3M. Newmark told her that his subsequent experiments had confirmed their suspicions — the chemical was PFOS — but 3M lawyers had urged his lab not to admit it.

    As Hansen wrote all this down in a notebook, she felt anger rising inside her. Why had so many colleagues doubted the soundness of her results if earlier 3M experiments had already proved the same thing? After the meeting, she hurried back to the lab to find Bacon. “He knew!” she told him.

    Bacon’s face remained expressionless. He told Hansen to type up her notes for him. She remembers him telling her not to email them. (In response to questions about Hansen’s account, Bacon said that he didn’t remember specifics. When I called Newmark, he told me that he could not remember her or anything about PFOS. “It’s been a very long time, and I’m in my mid-80s, and just do not remember stuff that well,” he said.)

    A few months later, in early 1999, Bacon invited Hansen to an extraordinary meeting: She would have the chance to present her findings to 3M’s CEO, Livio D. DeSimone. Hansen spent several days rehearsing while driving and making dinner. On the day of the meeting, she took an elevator up to the executive suite; her stomach turned as a secretary pointed her to a conference room. Men in suits sat around a long table. Her boss, Bacon, was there. DeSimone, a portly man with white hair, sat at the head of the table.

    A photo that Kris Hansen saved shows her father, Paul, with 3M CEO Livio D. DeSimone.

    Almost as soon as Hansen placed her first transparency on the projector, the attendees began interrogating her: Why did she do this research? Who directed her to do it? Whom did she inform of the results? The executives seemed to view her diligence as a betrayal: Her data could be damaging to the company. She remembers defending herself, mentioning Newmark’s similar work in the ’70s and trying, unsuccessfully, to direct the conversation back to her research. While the executives talked over her, Hansen noticed that DeSimone’s eyes had closed and that his chin was resting on his dress shirt. The CEO appeared to have fallen asleep. (DeSimone died in 2017. A company spokesperson did not answer my questions about the meeting.)

    After that meeting, Hansen remembers learning from Bacon that her job would be changing. She would only be allowed to do experiments that a supervisor had specifically requested, and she was to share her data with only that person. She would spend most of her time analyzing samples for studies that other employees were conducting, and she should not ask questions about what the results meant. Several members of her team were also being reassigned. Bacon explained that a different scientist at 3M would lead research into PFOS going forward. Hansen felt that she was being punished and struggled not to cry.

    Even as Hansen was being sidelined, the results of her research were quietly making their way into the files of the Environmental Protection Agency. Since the ’70s, federal law has required that companies tell the EPA about any evidence indicating that a company’s products present “a substantial risk of injury to health or the environment.” In May 1998, 3M officials notified the agency, without informing Hansen, that the company had measured PFOS in blood samples from around the U.S. — a clear reference to Hansen’s work. It did not mention its animal research from the ’70s, and it said that the chemical caused “no adverse effects” at the levels the company had measured in its workers. A year later, 3M sent the EPA another letter, again without telling Hansen. This time, it informed the agency about the 14 other fluorochemicals, several of them made by 3M, that Hansen’s team had detected in human blood. The company reiterated that it did not believe that its products presented a substantial risk to human health.

    Hansen recalls that in the summer of 1999, at an annual picnic that her parents hosted for 3M scientists, she was grilling corn when one of the creators of Scotchgard, a gray-haired man in glasses, confronted her. He accused her of trying to tear down the work of her colleagues. Did it make her feel powerful ruining other people’s careers? he asked. Hansen didn’t know how to respond, and he walked away.

    Several of Hansen’s superiors had stopped greeting her in the hallways. When she presented a poster of her research at a 3M event, nobody asked her about it. She lost her appetite, and her pleated pants grew baggy. She started to worry that an angry co-worker might confront or even harm her in the company’s dark parking lot. She got into the habit of calling her husband before walking to her car.

    A year after Hansen’s meeting with the CEO, 3M, under pressure from the EPA, made a very costly decision: It was going to discontinue its entire portfolio of PFOS-­related chemicals. In May 2000, for the first time, 3M officials revealed to the press that it had detected the chemical in blood banks. One executive claimed that the discovery was a “complete surprise.” The company’s medical director told The New York Times, “This isn’t a health issue now, and it won’t be a health issue.” But the newspaper also quoted a professor of toxicology. “The real issue is this stuff accumulates,” the professor said. “No chemical is totally innocuous, and it seems inconceivable that anything that accumulates would not eventually become toxic.”

    Hansen was now pregnant with twins. Although she was heartened by 3M’s announcement — she saw it as evidence that her work had forced the company to act — she was also ready to leave the environmental lab, where she felt marginalized. After giving birth, she joined 3M’s medical devices team. But first, she decided to have one last blood sample tested for PFOS: her own. The results showed one of the lowest readings she’d seen in human blood. Immediately, she thought of the rats that had passed the chemical on to their pups.

    Hansen told me that, for the next 19 years, she avoided the subject of fluorochemicals with the same intensity with which she had once pursued it. She focused on raising her kids and coaching a cross-country ski team; she worked a variety of jobs at 3M, none related to fluorochemicals. In 2002, when 3M announced that it would be replacing PFOS with another fluorochemical, PFBS, Hansen knew that it, too, would remain in the environment indefinitely. Still, she decided not to involve herself. She skipped over articles about the chemicals in scientific journals and newspapers, where they were starting to be linked to possible developmental, immune system and liver problems. (In 2006, after the EPA accused 3M of violating the Toxic Substances Control Act, in part by repeatedly ­failing to disclose the harms of fluorochemicals promptly, the company agreed to pay a small penalty of $1.5 million, without admitting wrongdoing.)

    During that time, forever chemicals gained a new scientific name — per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, or PFAS, an acronym that is vexingly similar to the specific fluorochemical PFOS. A swath of 150 square miles around 3M’s headquarters was found to be polluted with PFAS; scientists discovered PFOS and PFBS in local fish and various fluorochemicals in water that roughly 125,000 Minnesotans drank. Hansen’s husband, Peter, told me that, when friends asked Hansen about PFAS, she would change the subject. Still, she repeatedly told him — and herself — that the chemicals were safe.

    First image: Hansen. Second image: A sign warns against consuming fish from Eagle Point Lake in Lake Elmo Park Reserve because of PFAS contamination.

    In the 2016 book “Secrecy at Work,” two management theorists, Jana Costas and Christopher Grey, argue that there is nothing inherently wrong or harmful about keeping secrets. Trade secrets, for example, are protected by federal and state law on the grounds that they promote innovation and contribute to the economy. The authors draw on a large body of sociological research to illustrate the many ways that information can be concealed. An organization can compartmentalize a secret by slicing it into smaller components, preventing any one person from piecing together the whole. Managers who don’t want to disclose sensitive information may employ “stone-faced silence.” Secret-keepers can form a kind of tribe, dependent on one another’s continued discretion; in this way, even the existence of a secret can be kept secret. Such techniques become pernicious, Costas and Grey write, when a company keeps a dark secret, a secret about wrongdoing.

    Certain unpredictable events — a leak, a lawsuit, a news story — can start to unspool a secret. In the case of forever chemicals, the unspooling began on a cattle farm. In 1998, a West Virginia farmer told a lawyer, Robert Bilott, that wastewater from a DuPont site seemed to be poisoning his cows: They had started to foam at the mouth, their teeth grew black and more than a hundred eventually fell over and died. Bilott sued and obtained tens of thousands of internal documents, which helped push forever chemicals into the public consciousness. The documents revealed that the farm’s water contained PFOA, the fluorochemical that DuPont had bought from 3M, and that both companies had long understood it to be toxic. (The lawsuit, which ended in a settlement, was dramatized in the film “Dark Waters,” starring Mark Ruffalo as Bilott.) Bilott later sued 3M over contamination in Minnesota, but the judge prohibited discussion of health repercussions; a jury ultimately decided in 3M’s favor. Finally, in 2010, the Minnesota attorney general’s office filed its own suit, alleging that 3M had harmed the environment and polluted drinking water. The company paid $850 million in a settlement, without an admission of fault or liability. The AG also released thousands more internal 3M records to the public.

    The AG’s records helped me report a series of stories for The Intercept about forever chemicals. Much of my reporting, which started in 2015, focused on what 3M and DuPont knew, even as they continued to produce PFAS. But, as I reported on the cover-up, I wondered what it meant for a sprawling multinational company to know that its products were dangerous. Who knew? How much, exactly, did they know? And how had the company kept its secret? For many years, no one inside 3M would agree to speak with me.

    Then, in 2021, John Oliver did a segment on his comedy news show, “Last Week Tonight,” about forever chemicals. The segment, which mentioned my reporting, said that they could cause cancer, immune-system issues and other problems. “The world is basically soaked in the Devil’s piss right now,” Oliver said. “And not in a remotely hot way.” One of Hansen’s former professors sent her the segment, and Hansen watched it at her kitchen table — a moment that would eventually lead her to me.

    “This actually made me sad as there are so many inaccuracies,” Hansen wrote to her professor in response. But, when the professor asked her what was incorrect, Hansen didn’t know what to say. For the first time, she Googled the health effects of PFOS.

    Hansen was deeply troubled by what she read. One paper, published in 2012 in the Journal of the American Medical Association, found that, in children, as PFOS levels rose so did the chance that vaccines were ineffective. Children with high levels of PFOS and other fluorochemicals were more likely to experience fevers, according to a 2016 study. Other research linked the chemicals to increased rates of infectious diseases, food allergies and asthma in children. Dozens of scientific papers had found that, in adults, even very low levels of PFOS could interfere with hormones, fertility, liver and thyroid function, cholesterol levels and fetal development. Even PFBS, the chemical that 3M chose as a replacement for PFOS, caused developmental and reproductive irregularities in animals, according to the Minnesota Department of Health.

    Reading these studies, Hansen felt a paradoxical kind of relief: As bad as PFOS seemed to be, at least independent scientists were studying it. But she also felt enraged at the company and at herself. For years, she had repeated the company’s claim that PFOS was not harmful. “I’m not proud of that,” she told me. She felt “dirty” for ever collecting a 3M paycheck. When she read the documents released by the Minnesota AG, she was horrified by how much the company had known and how little it had told her. She found records of studies that she had conducted, as well as the typed notes from her meeting with Newmark.

    In October 2022, after Hansen had been at 3M for 26 years, her job was eliminated, and she chose not to apply for a new one. Three months later, she wrote me an email, offering to speak about what she had witnessed inside the company. “If you’d be interested in talking further, please let me know,” she wrote. The next day, we had the first of dozens of conversations.

    When Hansen first told me about her experiences, I felt conflicted. Her work seemed to have helped force 3M to stop making a number of toxic chemicals, but I kept thinking about the 20 years in which she had kept quiet. During my first visit to Hansen’s home, in February 2023, we sat in her kitchen, eating bread that her husband had just baked. She showed me pictures of her father and shared a color-coded timeline of 3M’s history with forever chemicals. On a bitterly cold walk in a local park, we tried to figure out if any of her colleagues, besides Newmark, had known that PFOS was in everyone’s blood. She often sprinkled her stories with such Midwesternisms as “holy ­buckets!”

    Hansen at her home in Minnesota

    During my second trip, this past August, I asked her why, as a scientist who was trained to ask questions, she hadn’t been more skeptical of claims that PFOS was harmless. In the awkward silence that followed, I looked out the window at some hummingbirds.

    Hansen’s superiors had given her the same explanation that they gave journalists, she finally said — that factory workers were fine, so people with lower levels would be, too. Her specialty was the detection of chemicals, not their harms. “You’ve got literally the medical director of 3M saying, ‘We studied this, there are no effects,’” she told me. “I wasn’t about to challenge that.” Her income had helped to support a family of five. Perhaps, I wondered aloud, she hadn’t really wanted to know whether her company was poisoning the public.

    To my surprise, Hansen readily agreed. “It almost would have been too much to bear at the time,” she told me. 3M had successfully compartmentalized its secret; Hansen had only seen one slice. (When I sent the company detailed questions about Hansen’s account, a spokesperson responded without answering most of them or mentioning Hansen by name.)

    Recently, I thought back on Taves and Guy, the academic scientists who, in the ’70s, came so close to proving that 3M’s chemicals were accumulating in humans. Taves is 97, but when I called him he told me that he still remembers clearly when company representatives visited his lab at the University of Rochester. “They wanted to know everything about what we were doing,” he told me. But the exchange was not reciprocal. “I soon found out that they weren’t going to tell me anything.” 3M never confirmed to Taves or Guy, who was a postdoctoral student at the time, that its fluorochemicals were in human blood. “I’m sort of kicking myself for not having followed up on this more, but I didn’t have any research money,” Guy told me. He eventually became a dentist to support his wife and family. (He died this year at 81.) Taves, too, left the field, to become a psychiatrist, and the trail ended there.

    Last year, while reading about the thousands of PFAS-related lawsuits that 3M was facing, I was intrigued to learn that one of them, filed by cities and towns with polluted water, had produced a new set of internal 3M documents. When I requested several from the plaintiff’s legal team, I saw two names that I recognized. In a document from 1991, a 3M scientist talked about using a mass spectrometer — the same tool that Hansen would use years later — to devise a technique for measuring PFOS in biological fluid. The author was Jim Johnson — and he had sent the report to his boss, Dale Bacon.

    This revelation made me gasp. Johnson had been Hansen’s first boss and had instigated her research into PFOS. Bacon had questioned her findings and ultimately told her to stop her work. (In a sworn deposition, Bacon said that by the ’80s he had heard, during a water-cooler chat with a colleague, that Taves and Guy had found PFOS in human blood.) What I couldn’t understand was why Johnson would ask Hansen to investigate something that he had already studied himself — and then act surprised by the results.

    Jim Johnson, who is now an 81-year-old widower, lives with several dogs in a pale-yellow house in North Dakota. When I first called him, he said that he had begun researching PFOS in the ’70s. “I did a lot of the very original work on it,” he told me. He said that when he saw the chemical’s structure he understood “within 20 minutes” that it would not break down in nature. Shortly thereafter, one of his experiments revealed that PFOS was binding to proteins in the body, causing the chemical to accumulate over time. He told me that he also looked for PFOS in an informal test of blood from the general population, around the late ’70s, and was not surprised when he found it there.

    Johnson initially cited “480 pounds of dog” as a reason that I shouldn’t visit him, but he later relented. When I arrived, on a chilly day in November, we spent a few minutes standing outside his house, watching Snozzle, Sadie and Junkyard press their slobbery snouts against his living ­room window. Then we decamped to the nearest IHOP. Johnson, who was dressed in jeans and a flannel shirt, was so tall that he couldn’t comfortably fit into a booth. We sat at a table and ordered two bottomless coffees.

    In an experiment in the early ’80s, Johnson fed a component of Scotchban to rats and found that PFOS accumulated in their livers, a result that suggested how the chemical would behave in humans. When I asked why that mattered to the company, he took a sip of coffee and said, “It meant they were screwed.”

    At the time, Johnson said, he didn’t think PFOS caused significant health problems. Still, he told me, “it was obviously bad,” because man-made compounds from household products didn’t belong in the human body. He said that he argued against using fluorochemicals in toothpaste and diapers. Contrac­tors working for 3M had shaved rabbits, he said, and smeared them with the company’s fluorochemicals to see if PFOS showed up in their bodies. “They’d send me the livers and, yup, there it was,” he told me. “I killed a lot of rabbits.” But he considered his efforts largely futile. “These idiots were already putting it in food packaging,” he said.

    Johnson told me, with seeming pride, that one reason he didn’t do more was that he was a “loyal soldier,” committed to protecting 3M from liability. Some of his assignments had come directly from company lawyers, he added, and he couldn’t discuss them with me. “I didn’t even report it to my boss, or anybody,” he said. “There are some things you take to your grave.” At one point, he also told me that, if he were asked to testify in a PFOS-related lawsuit, he would probably be of little help. “I’m an old man, and so I think they would find that I got extremely forgetful all of a sudden,” he said, and chuckled.

    Out the windows of IHOP, I watched a light dusting of snow fall on the parking lot. In Johnson’s telling, a tacit rule prevailed at 3M: Not all questions needed to be asked, or answered. His realization that PFOS was in the general public’s blood “wasn’t something anyone cared to hear,” he said. He wasn’t, for instance, putting his research on posters and expecting a warm reception. Over the years, he tried to convince several executives to stop making PFOS altogether, he told me, but they had good reason not to. “These people were selling fluorochemicals,” he said. He retired as the second-highest-­ranked scientist in his division, but he claimed that important business decisions were out of his control. “It wasn’t for me to jump up and start saying, ‘This is bullshit!’” he said, and he was “not really too interested in getting my butt fired.” And so his portion of 3M’s secret stayed in a compartment, both known and not known.

    3M is among the largest employers in Minnesota.

    Johnson said that he eventually tired of arguing with the few colleagues with whom he could speak openly about PFOS. “It was time,” he said. So he hired an outside lab to look for the chemical in the blood of 3M workers, knowing that it would also test blood bank samples for comparison — the first domino in a chain that would ultimately take the compound off the market. Oddly, he compared the head of the lab to a vending machine. “He gave me what I paid for,” Johnson said. “I knew what would happen.” Then Johnson tasked Hansen with something that he had long avoided: going beyond his initial experiments and meticulously documenting the chemical’s ubiquity. While Hansen took the heat, he took early retirement.

    Johnson described Hansen as though she were a vending machine, too. “She did what she was supposed to do with the tools I left her,” he said.

    I pointed out that Hansen had suffered professionally and personally, and that she now feels those experiences tainted her career. “I didn’t say I was a nice guy,” Johnson replied, and laughed. After four hours, we were nearing the bottom of our bottomless coffees.

    Johnson has strayed from evidence-­based science in recent years. He now believes, for instance, that the theory of evolution is wrong, and that COVID-19 vaccines cause “turbo-cancers.” But his account of what happened at 3M closely matched Hansen’s, and when I asked him about meetings and experiments described in court documents he remembered them clearly.

    When I called Hansen about my conversation with Johnson, she grew angrier than I’d ever heard her. “He knew the whole time!” she said. Then she had to get off the phone for an appointment. “So glad I’m going to see my therapist,” she added, and hung up.

    I once thought of secrets as discrete, explosive truths that a heroic person could suddenly reveal. In the 1983 film “Silkwood,” which is based on real events, Karen Silkwood, a worker at a plutonium plant, assembles a thick folder documenting her employer’s shoddy safety practices; while driving to share them with a reporter, she dies in a mysterious one-car crash. In another adaptation of a true story, the 2015 film “Spotlight,” a source delivers a box of critical documents to The Boston Globe, helping the paper to publish an investigation into child sexual abuse within the Catholic Church. Talking to Hansen and Johnson, though, I saw that the truth can come out piecemeal over many years, and that the same people who keep secrets can help divulge them. Some slices of 3M’s secret are only now coming to light, and others may never come out.

    Between 1951 and 2000, 3M produced at least 100 million pounds of PFOS and chemicals that degrade into PFOS. This is roughly the weight of the Titanic. After the late ’70s, when 3M scientists established that the chemical was toxic in animals and was accumulating in humans, it produced millions of pounds per year. Scientists are still struggling to grasp all the biological consequences. They have learned, just as Johnson did decades ago, that proteins in the body bind to PFOS. It enters our cells and organs, where even tiny amounts can cause stress and interfere with basic biological functions. It contributes to diseases that take many years to develop; at the time of a diagnosis, one’s PFOS level may have fallen, making it difficult to establish causation with any certainty.

    The other day, I called Brad Creacey, who became an Air Force firefighter in the ’70s at the age of 18. He told me that several times a year, for practice, he and his comrades put on rubber boots and heavy silver uniforms that looked like spacesuits. Then a “torch man,” holding a stick tipped with a burning rag, ignited jet fuel that had been poured into an open-air pit. To extinguish the 100-foot-tall flames, Creacey and his colleagues sprayed them with aqueous film-forming foam, or AFFF. 3M manufactured it from several forever chemicals, including PFOS.

    Creacey remembers that AFFF felt slick and sudsy, almost like soap, and dried out the skin on his hands until it cracked. To celebrate his last day on a military base in Germany, his friends dumped a ceremonial bucket on him. Only later, after working with firefighting foam at an airport in Monterey, California, did he start to wonder if a string of ailments — cysts on his liver, a nodule near his thyroid — were connected to the foam. He had high cholesterol, which diet and exercise were unable to change. Then he was diagnosed with thyroid cancer. “It makes me feel like I was a lab rat, like we were all disposable,” Creacey told me. “I’ve lost faith in human beings.”

    To celebrate Air Force firefighter Brad Creacey’s last day on a military base in Germany, his friends doused him with a bucket of the same aqueous film-forming foam they used to extinguish fires. Later, Creacey wondered if a string of ailments was connected to his many years of contact with the foam. (Courtesy of Brad Creacey)

    It may be tempting to think of Creacey and his peers as unwitting research subjects; indeed, recent studies show that PFOS is associated with an increased risk of thyroid cancer and, in Air Force servicemen, an elevated risk of testicular cancer. But it is probably more accurate to say that we are all part of the experiment. Average levels of PFOS are falling, but nearly all people have at least one forever chemical in their blood, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “When you have a contaminated site, you can clean it up,” Elsie Sunderland, an environmental chemist at Harvard University, told me. “When you ubiquitously introduce a toxicant at a global scale, so that it’s detectable in everyone … we’re reducing public health on an incredibly large scale.” Once everyone’s blood is contaminated, there is no control group with which to compare, making it difficult to establish responsibility.

    New health effects continue to be discovered. Researchers have found that exposure to PFAS during pregnancy can lead to developmental delays in children. Numerous recent studies have linked the chemicals to diabetes and obesity. This year, a study discovered 13 forever chemicals, including PFOS, in weeks-old fetuses from terminated pregnancies and linked the chemicals to biomarkers associated with liver problems. A team of New York University researchers estimated in 2018 that the costs of just two forever chemicals, PFOA and PFOS — in terms of disease burden, disability and health-care expenses — amounted to as much as $62 billion in a single year. This exceeds the current market value of 3M.

    Philippe Grandjean, a physician who helped discover that PFAS harm the immune system, believes that anyone exposed to these chemicals — essentially everyone — may have an elevated risk of cancer. Our immune systems often find and kill abnormal cells before they turn into tumors. “PFAS interfere with the immune system, and likely also this critical function,” he told me. Grandjean, who served as an expert witness in the Minnesota AG’s case, has studied many environmental contaminants, including mercury. The impact of PFAS was so much more extreme, he said, that one of his colleagues initially thought it was the result of nuclear radiation.

    In April, the EPA took two historic steps to reduce exposure to PFAS. It said that PFOS and PFOA are “likely to cause cancer” and that no level of either chemical is considered safe; it deemed them hazardous substances under the Superfund law, increasing the government’s power to force polluters to clean them up. The agency also set limits for six PFAS in drinking water. In a few years, when the EPA begins enforcing the new regulations, local utilities will be required to test their water and remove any amount of PFOS or PFOA which exceeds four parts per trillion — the equivalent of one drop dissolved in several Olympic swimming pools. 3M has produced enough PFOS and chemicals that degrade into PFOS to exceed this level in all of the freshwater on earth. Meanwhile, many other PFAS continue to be used, and companies are still developing new ones. Thousands of the compounds have been produced; the Department of Defense still depends on many for use in explosives, semiconductors, cleaning fluids and batteries. PFAS can be found in nonstick cookware, guitar strings, dental floss, makeup, hand sanitizer, brake fluid, ski wax, fishing lines and countless other products.

    In a statement, a 3M spokesperson told me that the company “is proactively managing PFAS,” and that 3M’s approach to the chemicals has evolved along with “the science and technology of PFAS, societal and regulatory expectations, and our expectations of ourselves.” He directed me to a fact sheet about their continued importance in society. “These substances are critical to multiple industries — including the cars we drive, planes we fly, computers and smart phones we use to stay connected, and more,” the fact sheet read.

    Recently, 3M settled the lawsuit filed by cities and towns with polluted water. It will pay up to $12.5 billion to cover the costs of filtering out PFAS, depending on how many water systems need the chemicals removed. The settlement, however, doesn’t approach the scale of the problem. At least 45% of U.S. tap water is estimated to contain one or more forever chemicals, and one drinking water expert told me that the cost of removing them all would likely reach $100 billion.

    In 2022, 3M said that it would stop making PFAS and would “work to discontinue the use of PFAS across its product portfolio,” by the end of 2025 — a pledge that it called “another example of how we are positioning 3M for continued sustainable growth.” But it acknowledged that more than 16,000 of its products still contained PFAS. Direct sales of the chemicals were generating $1.3 billion annually. 3M’s regulatory filings also allow for the possibility that a full phaseout won’t happen — for example, if 3M fails to find substitutes. “We are continuing to make progress on our announcement to exit PFAS manufacturing,” 3M’s spokesperson told me. The company and its scientists have not admitted wrong­doing or faced criminal liability for producing forever chemicals or for concealing their harms.

    A photo of the Hansens: Paul, Kris and her mother, Nancy

    Hansen often wonders what her father would say about 3M if he were still alive. A few years ago, he began to show signs of dementia, which worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic. Every time Hansen explained to him that a novel coronavirus was sickening people around the world, he asked how he might contribute — forgetting that the N95 mask he helped to create was already protecting millions of people from infection. When he died, in January 2021, Hansen noticed some Coban wrap on his arm. It was shielding his delicate skin from tears, just as he had designed it to. “He invented that,” Hansen told the hospice nurse, who smiled politely.

    After she left 3M, Hansen began volunteering at a local nature preserve, where she works to clear paths and protect native plants. Last August, she took me there, and we walked to a creek where she often spends time. The water is home to three species of trout, she told me. It is also polluted by forever chemicals that 3M once dumped upstream.

    For most of our hike, a thick wall of flowers — purple joe-pye weed and goldenrod — made it impossible to see the creek bank. Then we came to a wooden bench. I climbed on top of it and looked down on the creek. As I listened to the gurgling of water and the buzzing of insects, I thought I understood why Hansen liked to come here. It was too late to save the creek from pollution; 3M’s chemicals could be there for thousands of years to come. Hansen just wanted to appreciate what was left and to leave the place a little better than she’d found it.

    The conservancy where Kris Hansen began volunteering after leaving 3M. The creek is polluted with forever chemicals that 3M once dumped upstream.

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    Kirsten Berg contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Sharon Lerner, photography by Haruka Sakaguchi, special to ProPublica.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Prime Minister Narendra Modi on May 17 addressed a public meeting at Barabanki, Uttar Pradesh, ahead of the Lok Sabha constituency going to the polls in the fifth phase on May 20. In the speech, Prime Minister Modi presented a consolidated version of several of the controversial claims he had made in his earlier campaign speeches.

    In the Barabanki speech, the Prime Minister, in violation of the Model Code of Conduct, openly talked about the Ayodhya Ram Temple and portrayed the Opposition parties (Samajwadi Party and Congress) as anti-Hindu. This has been a recurrent motif in campaign speeches by the Prime Minister and other BJP leaders. PM Modi also claimed that if elected to power, Congress would overturn the Supreme Court verdict on Ram Mandir. This is a claim he had earlier made in Dhar, Madhya Pradesh. Further, the PM repeated the claim that reservations of the SC/ST/OBCs would all be given to the Muslim community and so would be the wealth of the non-Muslims. Alt News has previously fact-checked these misleading and false claims made by the PM and BJP leaders. He also used the phrase ‘vote jihad’ and possibly for the first time in his recent election speeches, praised UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath’s administering of bulldozer justice.

    Excerpts from Modi’s speech at Barabanki

    23:23: “The ones who are voting for the first time, the youth, they might not even know… After a wait of 500 years, this is a huge event in history, that generations after generations our ancestors kept struggling and sacrificing… After 500 years… Remember the days when people would see our Ram Lalla in the tent, their tears wouldn’t stop and citizens would abuse the government in the worst possible way. But now, the wait of 500 years is over or not? (crowd shouts yes), Ram Lalla was enshrined in the grand temple or not? (crowd shouts yes), Who made this happen? (crowd shouts ‘you’ referring to PM Modi). Stop saying Modi Modi, it happened because of your one vote. This is the strength of your one vote which has established a strong government and ended your 500-year long wait. Your vote can end a 500-year-long wait. This is why in the future as well, you need to press the ‘Lotus’ button and form a strong government”.

    26:08: “On the other hand, these Congress people, the SP people, what are they saying? First, they kept Ram Lalla in the tent, then to make their ‘vote bank’ happy they said that instead of the temple they would build some Dharamshala, school or hospital and now that the temple has been built… they have so much poison in their stomach, don’t know what enmity they have with Ram, they declined the invitation to Ram Lalla’s consecration ceremony.”

    27:14: “Here, SP leaders say that the Ram Temple is useless, they say this even on the occasion of Ram Navami. They make offensive comments. And Congress is preparing to overturn the Supreme Court verdict on Ram Temple. A Congress leader himself has said that they want to overturn the court’s decision. Some might question ‘How can this happen?’. Don’t be mistaken, when the country was going through its freedom struggle and the country’s partition was being suggested, every citizen disagreed with it but it did happen, didn’t it? They made it happen. They can go to any extent, they don’t care about the country. They only care about family and powerThis is their strategy.”

    28:44: “If SP or Congress come to power, they will send Ram Lalla back to the tent and will run a bulldozer on the temple. Is this what you want to learn from Yogi ji? Take tuitions from Yogi ji where to use the bulldozer and where not to. I am not saying these things for electoral gains, I am worried because this is their track record. This is their conspiracy. Can you vote for someone like that? Not only should you not vote for them, they should be punished so severely that they don’t receive bail.”

    30:11: “For SP and Congress, nothing is bigger than their ‘vote bank’, and when I expose them they abuse me. Baba Saheb Ambedkar vehemently opposed reservations based on religion. The committee which formed the Constitution decided that there would be no reservation based on religion after careful consideration. Even their great-grandfather (referring to former PM Jawaharlal Nehru) opposed reservations based on religion. But, ten years ago, here in UP they tried to provide reservations based on religion and in Karnataka, they already did it. They have turned Karnataka into their laboratory. In Karnataka, they declared all Muslims as OBC. They have robbed a huge percentage of the reservations which were originally for the OBC. Would you agree with someone taking away your reservations? Would you let them rob your reservations? Would you let them take away the rights of the OBC, SC, ST? (crowds shouts no). What Baba Saheb Ambedkar has given, no one can dare to touch it.”

    32:47: (Referring to former Bihar CM Lalu Prasad Yadav) PM Modi said, “The champion of fodder scam from Bihar, who is currently out of jail on the pretext of ill health, has said that the entire reservation should be given to the Muslims. Hence, Dalits, tribals, and OBCs will be left with nothing. I ask you for ‘400 paar’ (more than 400 seats) to protect you and your rights.”

    33:41: “Congress prince (referring to Rahul Gandhi) says that they will do an x-ray of your earnings. This means that they will check what is in your locker, how much land, jewellery, gold, silver you own, where your mangalsutra is, they want to run a ‘loot’! They are saying that they away will take what you have and give it to those who don’t have it. It will be given away to those who will do ‘vote jihad’ (alluding to the controversial remarks by Samajwadi Party leader Maria Alam Khan). This is their track record. SP and Congress have surrendered to appeasement. And when Modi exposes their truth to the country, if you expose their dishonesty, communal nature, their ‘vote bank’ politics and their regular Hindu-Muslim rhetorics then they will say that Modi is always engaging in Hindu-Muslim comments. Modi has to say it to expose the history of your sins to the country.”

    35:31″: “They are (referring to Opposition) against the Constitution. They are against the Dalits and backward classes. Modi abrogated Article 370 from Jammu and Kashmir which brought it under the Constitution of India. The Dalit community there received their rights. Just a few days ago, people started getting their citizenship certificates due to the CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act). They’re happily taking pictures with the certificates. Such poor people were overlooked in the country, the ones who are gaining from this (CAA) majority of them are my Dalit and backward class brothers and sisters. The SP and Congress oppose this as well. The injustice that the SP has subjected upon the Dalit community in UP is hidden from no one.”

    38:07: “Do you remember what used to happen during the Samajwadi Party’s regime? Back then, even electricity was reserved for those who would practice ‘vote jihad’ and was not given to others. Today, I want to say one more thing, the ‘vote bank’ that they (The Opposition) are after, their ‘vote bank’ has also started to realise their (The Opposition’s) reality. Women are happy about the Triple Talaq law and are gracing the BJP with their blessings. Now, after Ram kaaj (serving Lord Ram) it is time for Rashtra kaaj (serving the nation).”

    The readers should note that the false claim that the erstwhile Samajwadi Party government in Uttar Pradesh had given preference to the Muslim community in the supply of electricity has been doing the rounds for several years. Alt News had fact-checked the claim made by Prime Minister Modi in 2017.

    40:10: “Since 2014 I have been involved in ‘Swachhata Abhiyan’, I have been involved in making the country clean. The country should be clean or not? (crowd shouts yes). And our Yogi ji is also cleaning, that cleaning should also happen, right? Can you sleep when it stinks of bad smell? So, you have to remove the bad smell and Yogi ji has been doing that job very well. And because of this cleaning, investment opportunities have increased in Uttar Pradesh. People are ready to trust and invest in businesses here. Wherever there is any sign of Ram, those areas will be made ‘Viksit’ (advanced) under the Ramayana-circuit.”

    The post ‘Ram Lalla’, ‘Mangalsutra’, ‘bulldozer’: In Barabanki speech, Modi takes communal rhetoric to the next level appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Oishani Bhattacharya.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Human Rights Watch and was authored by Human Rights Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The first sign of trouble bubbled up from gopher holes a stone’s throw from Stan Ledgerwood’s front door. The salt water left an oily sheen on the soil and a swath of dead grass in the yard.

    It was June 2017, and Ledgerwood and his wife, Tina, had recently built a home on the family farm, 230 acres of green amidst the rolling hills and long horizons of south-central Oklahoma. There they planned to spend their retirement, close to Stan’s parents on land that has been in the family since 1920.

    The view from the porch took in Stan’s parents’ house, two rows of pecan trees his great-grandfather had planted in the 1930s, and the forest shielding the Washita River, a muddy brown ribbon flowing along the southern edge of the farm. The nearest town, Maysville, has a population of 1,087.

    “The only people who come down our road are either lost or the mailman,” said Stan, a husky man with a biting sense of humor.

    Also visible from the porch was metal piping in a red-gated enclosure: an aging oil well.

    Like many property owners in this rural farming community, the Ledgerwoods own their land but only a meager percentage of the oil beneath it. Pump jacks nod up and down in nearby fields of soybeans and alfalfa.

    A woman in a black tee shirt and jeans stands next to a man in a gray tee shirt and black jeans next to a row of trees.
    Stan and Tina Ledgerwood in the family’s pecan grove. Mark Olalde/ProPublica

    Stan’s 84-year-old parents, Don and Shirley Ledgerwood, have watched oil companies drill multiple wells on their farm, where the family had grown crops and run cattle. The family received small royalty payments from the oil production. And decades later, they had to allow a wastewater pipe to cross the farm when another company, Southcreek Petroleum Co. LLC, redrilled the well behind the red gate. The well, which plunged about 9,000 feet into the earth, was repurposed to inject salt water into the geologic formation and push any remaining oil up to other wells.

    A new production boom never materialized for Southcreek in this slice of Garvin County, and the family didn’t hear much from the oil company.

    “When they were through here,” Don said, “we thought we were finished with the oil business.”

    But then a corroded valve malfunctioned underground, injecting brine into the soil, according to a report by a Southcreek contractor.

    After salt water leaked from an oil well on the Ledgerwoods’ farm, fouling part of their land and their drinking water, the family struggled for years to hold oil companies accountable. Jason Crow/InvestigateTV+

    A few days after the release was discovered in June 2017, Stan met with Southcreek and the Oklahoma Corporation Commission, the state’s oil and gas regulatory agency. At the meeting, the company characterized the incident as a “small spill,” the Ledgerwoods later alleged in court. It was unclear how long the leak lasted, but the saltwater plume had already saturated the soil and killed 2 acres of vegetation by the time it broke the surface, according to state oil regulators.

    Samples analyzed a month later by Oklahoma State University found that the soil’s concentration of chloride, which occurs in the type of salt water injected into the well, had risen to more than 12 times the state’s acceptable level and was “sufficiently high to reduce yield of even salt tolerant crops.”

    Other tests showed that chloride levels in the family’s water well had spiked to more than five times what the Environmental Protection Agency deems safe. The tests didn’t look for other contaminants like heavy metals that are often left behind by the oil production process.

    The Ledgerwoods entered a grim limbo, wondering what toxins might be in the cloudy water coming from their faucets and waiting for someone to address the problem.

    They experienced firsthand the policy failures that have allowed the oil and gas industry to reap profits without ensuring there will be money to clean up drill sites when the wells run dry and the drillers flee. A recent ProPublica and Capital and Main investigation found a shortfall of about $150 billion between funds set aside to plug wells in major oil-producing states and the true cost of doing so. When the Ledgerwoods later sought to hold the drillers accountable, the family learned how easily oil companies can use bankruptcy to leave their mess to landowners.

    Don began traveling 30 miles round-trip to Walmart to buy bottled water. Stan and Tina’s steel pots rusted after being washed, and their 2-year-old great-niece’s skin became irritated and inflamed after repeatedly washing her hands while they potty-trained her. In a text message, the girl’s mother described her hands as looking like they had “a burn.”

    Southcreek did not respond to ProPublica and Capital & Main’s requests for comment. In court, the company denied calling the release “small” and argued that the groundwater contamination was contained to the two impacted acres the state identified.

    The Ledgerwoods watched in horror as the farm that represented their past and their hope for the future languished. Somehow it had to be fixed, they believed. The rest of the family had also considered retiring to the farm, said Steve Ledgerwood, Stan’s brother and a lawyer in nearby Norman, but that plan was going up in smoke.

    “We’ve gone out and made our living and done what we were supposed to do, and we wanted to have a relaxed, peaceful life,” Steve said. “And it has been anything but that.”

    “Our only source of fresh water”

    The Ledgerwoods and other farmers in Garvin and McClain counties started worrying the moment the oil industry returned in 2012.

    Southcreek and other oil companies wanted to resume extraction from the oil field underlying Maysville. But the reservoir was old, so they proposed flooding it with water to force the oil to the surface. Don Ledgerwood and other local farmers signed a petition beseeching the Corporation Commission to reject the companies’ plans.

    A woman in a black tee shirt with her hair tied back wears red kitchen gloves and stands with her hands in the kitchen sink.
    After an oil well leaked salt water just outside her front door, Tina Ledgerwood wondered what else was in the water flowing from her taps. Mark Olalde/ProPublica

    “This aquifer is our only source of fresh water for our homes, families and livestock,” the farmers wrote. “We fear that any error in development and production could lead to devastating contamination to this critical freshwater supply.”

    As is common in American oil fields, property rights in this part of Oklahoma often create split estates, where one person owns the land while another owns the underlying minerals, such as oil and gas. The owner of the minerals has a right to drill, even if the landowner would prefer they didn’t.

    The farmers didn’t sway the Corporation Commission, and in 2014, Southcreek redrilled the well on the Ledgerwoods’ land. The company was small but produced about $4 million worth of oil and gas from the area, adjusted for inflation, according to an analysis of Oklahoma Tax Commission data.

    State regulators are supposed to minimize the risks that accompany oil and gas production, including by mandating that drillers plug old wells to prevent them from leaking greenhouse gases into the atmosphere or leaching toxic chemicals into the land and water.

    Cows graze in a pasture in Garvin County, Oklahoma, where farmers tried and failed to block renewed activity from oil companies over fears of water pollution. Jason Crow/InvestigateTV+

    In theory, cleanup is guaranteed by financial instruments called bonds that companies fund and that regulators can put toward the cost of retiring wells if drillers go bankrupt or walk away. Sufficient bonding creates an incentive for companies to plug their own wells: Once the work is completed, the company gets its bond back. But when bonding requirements are lax, there’s little to deter drillers from forfeiting their bonds and leaving their wells as “orphans.”

    Oklahoma allows companies to cover an unlimited number of wells with a single $25,000 bond. Alternatively, companies can satisfy bonding requirements by proving they are worth at least $50,000, in which case they often do not have to set aside any real money in bonds. Corporation Commission spokesperson Matt Skinner said the agency was unable to find a single case where the state recouped enough money to plug a well from companies that relied solely on the latter option.

    To cover all of its roughly 30 wells, Southcreek held a $25,000 bond and filed paperwork to show it was worth at least $50,000. (Different agencies disagree on how many wells Southcreek operated.)

    The well that spoiled the Ledgerwoods’ drinking water is one of the 18,500 that the Corporation Commission classifies as orphaned. “We would not be surprised to see that number go higher,” Skinner said. State taxpayers will ultimately be on the hook to plug many of them, or the state can leave the wells unplugged, but many will continue leaking.

    Some orphan well cleanup in Oklahoma is funded by a voluntary 0.1 percent fee paid by industry on the sale of oil and natural gas. The Oklahoma Energy Resources Board spent $156 million of the funds collected from this fee over the past three decades. The state has an additional orphan well fund with several million dollars in it.

    But Oklahoma has more than 260,000 unplugged wells — behind only Texas — according to data from energy industry software firm Enverus. To plug and clean up the state’s wells could cost approximately $7.3 billion, according to an analysis of state records. Oklahoma has just $45 million in bonds.

    A rusting piece of equipment sits in the gras with a large truck in the background.
    A state contractor plugs an orphan Southcreek Petroleum Co. LLC oil well on a farm across the road from the Ledgerwoods’ property. Mark Olalde/ProPublica

    The oil industry’s bonds are “shockingly inadequate,” said Peter Morgan, a Sierra Club senior attorney. “It’s clear that abandoning wells and leaving communities and taxpayers to foot the bill to clean them up is baked into the oil and gas industry business model.”

    At the Capitol in Oklahoma City, which features repurposed oil derricks outside its main entrance, Republican state Rep. Brad Boles has tried for several years to address the shortfall. This year, he introduced a bill to create a tiered bonding system based on the number of wells a company operates, increasing the highest required bond to $150,000.

    “We have a huge liability in our state that we’re trying to get better control of,” he said, acknowledging that his bill would only be a partial solution. “It’s a lot better than it was, but it’s nowhere near where we need to be.”

    The Oklahoma House of Representatives and a Senate committee both passed it unanimously, but the bill didn’t receive a vote on the Senate floor. Boles pledged to run a similar bill next session.

    “They’re doing you a favor if they clean up”

    Shortly after the 2017 brine release, Southcreek began cleaning up with funds from an insurance policy. Fox Hollow Consultants Inc., an environmental consulting firm working with Southcreek, warned in a report that “the remediation of ground water impacted by saltwater is at best a difficult undertaking, costly, and often not effective.”

    A stately building with an oil rig next to it.
    A monument to oil stands outside the Oklahoma Capitol. Mark Olalde/ProPublica

    A stream of trucks rumbled down the Ledgerwoods’ once-quiet gravel road as workers removed enough dirt to fill 750 dump trucks and pumped more than 71,000 gallons from the Ledgerwoods’ water well.

    But the dangerous concentrations of chloride didn’t change, according to Fox Hollow’s report.

    A family who leased the Ledgerwoods’ farmland decided not to plant a crop and removed their cattle.

    Nearly two years after the spill was discovered, the company drilled new water wells next to each house, but questions about the safety of drinking the water persisted. Southcreek eventually halted its cleanup, and the Corporation Commission deemed the incident resolved.

    “It’s your own property, but you’re made to feel like they’re doing you a favor if they clean up their pollution,” Stan Ledgerwood said.

    The Ledgerwoods considered moving. A nearby farm was for sale. Although it was half the acreage with only one house, the water was clean and they could distance themselves from the debacle on their farm. So they held an auction for their farm in June 2019.

    Workers remove contaminated soil from the Ledgerwoods’ farm after the 2017 saltwater release. Courtesy of Stan Ledgerwood

    Their property had been appraised to be worth around $1 million before the spill. They feared bids would be low — they had disclosed the water issues to potential buyers — yet the offers from the auction were shocking, with bids for the whole farm coming in at $450,000.

    Potential buyers’ “first question was about the water, and I couldn’t say it was safe,” Stan said.

    Still, the Ledgerwoods needed to pay their attorneys, so they sold nearly all the land, about 200 acres, including the fields that earned them income. The family kept the two houses, with the injection well sitting in the field between them.

    The same week as the auction, the Ledgerwoods sued Southcreek. The family’s lawsuit also named as defendants Wise Oil & Gas No. 10 Ltd. and Newkumet Exploration Inc. — which each owned an interest in the oil Southcreek was pumping — as well as the companies that manufactured and sold the well’s corroded valve. The family sought reimbursement for expenses related to the spill, monetary damages and an order that the oil companies finish removing the contaminated soil and water.

    In court, Newkumet denied responsibility because it did not operate the well, while the other companies argued that the failed valve was not defective.

    On a recent, unseasonably warm winter day, with a mackerel sky hanging over the property, Stan and Tina Ledgerwood talked about what brought them back to the farm. Stan had worked for three decades at the Oklahoma Electric Cooperative, a nonprofit utility, while Tina held an administrative role at the University of Oklahoma, and they looked forward to a peaceful retirement.

    “There’s a draw to the beauty here,” Tina said.

    There were also family memories stretching back a century. Tina recalled taking her niece to camp along the Washita, where sandbars interrupt the river’s meandering flow and willows grow on the red dirt banks.

    Her niece still talked about eating the best hamburger of her life on one of those excursions, Tina said with a laugh. “It’s frustrating,” she added, her tone shifting, “because you look out there and it’s not yours anymore.”

    An escape hatch

    Progress in the lawsuit was short-lived. In November 2019, shortly after the Ledgerwoods’ attorney sent discovery requests to Wise Oil & Gas, the company filed in a Texas court for voluntary Chapter 7 bankruptcy — a full liquidation of its assets.

    A man and a woman stand on a gravel road next to a red fence with a house in the background as the light fades from the sky.
    Stan and Tina Ledgerwood at the failed injection well. Mark Olalde/ProPublica

    Company executives acknowledged they declared bankruptcy to avoid legal fees associated with the Ledgerwoods’ suit, according to court records.

    Bankruptcy court has become an easy escape hatch for the industry to shed its costly obligations. More than 250 oil and gas companies in the U.S. filed for bankruptcy protection between 2015 and 2021, bringing about $175 billion in debt with them, according to research from law firm Haynes and Boone. (Haynes and Boone is representing ProPublica in several Texas lawsuits.)

    Sen. Jeff Merkley, an Oregon Democrat, said it is “outrageous” that oil executives can pay themselves handsomely before offloading liabilities via bankruptcy. He is preparing a Senate bill to amend the Bankruptcy Code to address this pattern in the oil industry.

    “They privatize the profits, and then they dump the costs on the taxpayer, which is an outrageous arrangement that needs to end,” Merkley said, adding that “this is not just one company in one place. This is a practice that has been exquisitely developed by the industry.”

    Josh Macey, a University of Chicago law professor who studies bankruptcy, said that “one of the most significant benefits you get when you file for bankruptcy protection is the automatic stay,” which puts other cases on hold while the bankruptcy is ongoing.

    The Wise Oil & Gas bankruptcy halted the Ledgerwoods’ suit.

    So the Ledgerwoods ventured into labyrinthian bankruptcy court proceedings as creditors. But the bankruptcy filings for Wise Oil & Gas — which owned a 20 percent stake in the oil underlying the Ledgerwood farm — listed between $1 million and $10 million in liabilities against less than $33,000 in assets.

    While Wise Oil & Gas appeared to be underwater, financial and legal documents showed that the company was one node in a sprawling business empire run by the wealthy Cocanougher family of North Texas.

    Alongside their extended family, brothers Daniel and Robert Cocanougher own the web of businesses that included real estate holdings, golf courses, trash services, charitable organizations and more. A company representative estimated in court that the family controlled more than 100 companies. The entire operation was managed by Cocanougher Asset Management #1 LLC out of an office in North Richland Hills, Texas, near Fort Worth.

    Wise Oil & Gas was kept afloat by more than 30 loans from other Cocanougher companies, chiefly Wise Resources Ltd., which shared an office with the oil company, according to records filed in court. The loans ensured the oil company had enough cash to operate, but it otherwise hovered around insolvency. Wise Oil & Gas periodically held less than $0 in its account, internal records revealed in court show.

    The Ledgerwoods would never see any money from the Cocanoughers’ businesses.

    “A pretty ordinary situation”

    In bankruptcy, secured creditors, whose debt is backed by collateral, are first in line to claim proceeds from the liquidating company’s assets. Unsecured creditors — such as the Ledgerwoods — are paid if there are funds left over. Even further back in line are environmental claims, such as money to plug wells.

    One secured claim stood out: $1.9 million for Wise Resources. According to legal filings, a few months before declaring bankruptcy, Wise Oil & Gas had consolidated its “outstanding obligations” and transferred them to Wise Resources, although the deal was backdated to the previous year.

    Southcreek tanks that formerly collected contaminated liquid near the Ledgerwoods’ farm are now leaking. Jason Crow/InvestigateTV+

    During one deposition, Jamie Downing, a lawyer for the Cocanoughers, went back and forth with Steve Ledgerwood, who occasionally represented his family, over whether Robert Cocanougher was “two different people” when he signed documents for Wise Oil & Gas and for Wise Resources.

    “Robert Cocanougher is signing documents in his capacity as general partner of one entity or the manager of another entity,” Downing said. “They would not be the same person.”

    Even though the Cocanoughers were wealthy, the layers of corporate entities between the family and the oil limited their liability for the saltwater spill. It is difficult to “pierce the corporate veil” and tie a company’s actions to individuals, so executives finding protection in bankruptcy is “a pretty ordinary situation,” Macey explained. “We’ve gone too far in shielding investors from the cost of corporate misconduct.”

    Daniel and Robert Cocanougher and company attorneys did not respond to requests for comment. In court filings, the family and its companies argued that they were not responsible for the brine release and were within their rights to file for bankruptcy protection.

    The Ledgerwoods soon realized the bankruptcy case would lead to neither the cleanup of their farm nor Wise Oil & Gas paying for the damage, so they filed a motion to dismiss it, sanction the Cocanoughers and force the company back into their Oklahoma lawsuit.

    The judge overseeing the case was Mark X. Mullin, a former corporate bankruptcy attorney himself. At first, he acknowledged the Ledgerwoods’ plight. “To be clear, the court has a lot of empathy for what happened to the Ledgerwoods,” he said during an August 2021 hearing.

    But two months later, Mullin ruled against the Ledgerwoods. He disagreed that Wise Oil & Gas had entered bankruptcy to shed bad investments and dodge cleanup obligations. He blasted the Ledgerwoods for requesting sanctions against the Cocanoughers.

    “Merely because the Ledgerwood Creditors have been damaged by the saltwater contamination, this does not provide them with an unfettered right to retaliate or lash out against unrelated and far-removed targets, such as the Cocanougher Sanction Targets,” Mullin wrote.

    If the Ledgerwoods wanted to continue seeking damages against the Cocanoughers and their businesses, they would have to pay the oil company’s attorneys’ fees, about $107,000, Mullin ruled.

    Mullin declined to comment.

    In September 2022, the trustee overseeing Wise’s liquidation reported that, after paying administrative fees, the company had no money for creditors. The Ledgerwoods withdrew their claim.

    “I can’t afford to come in and clean it up”

    The Ledgerwoods weren’t the only ones taking a financial hit. Southcreek, the well’s operator, also entered bankruptcy protection and began offloading its wells. Cleaning them all up could cost taxpayers nearly $1 million, based on the Corporation Commission’s average cost to plug a well.

    A man in a plaid long-sleeved shirt, a red vest, and a blue cap moves equipment from a golf cart.
    Don Ledgerwood hauls clean water from a well at his son and daughter-in-law’s home. Mark Olalde/ProPublica

    Even before the company liquidated, Southcreek executive Gus Lovelace admitted to the state that the company had stopped maintaining its wells, according to Corporation Commission records.

    The company left some wells to the state as orphans, including the injection well that fouled the Ledgerwoods’ land. Some ended up in the hands of other oil companies, although those, too, appear to be on the verge of becoming wards of the state.

    Michael Brooks, a neighbor of the Ledgerwoods, lives on a farm that his father-in-law worked before him — they’ve put in more than 50 years between the two generations. On a recent winter morning, Brooks showed ProPublica and Capital & Main a 3-acre drill site that scars his land and provides him no royalties.

    The plot would be Bermuda grass pasture for cattle, but the paddock instead hosts two inactive oil wells and huge tanks that the Ledgerwoods believe held the salt water that fouled their land. Brooks has to retrieve cows that slip through the barbed wire fence around the site and chew the wells’ rusting metal and drink wastewater.

    “I’m at a complete loss,” he said from beneath the brim of a hat embroidered with the logo of an oil and gas pipeline company. “I can’t afford to come in and clean it up. I wouldn’t even know where to start.”

    Brooks has for years tried to reach the companies that own the wells, calling phone numbers on the signs posted around them. No one ever answered or called back, he said.

    ProPublica and Capital & Main’s attempts to contact the owners were also fruitless. Court records indicate several of the Southcreek wells on Brooks’ farm and other nearby properties were sold out of bankruptcy. But the first company that purchased them is not a registered oil operator in Oklahoma, and the Corporation Commission has no record of the business taking them over.

    The idle wells were then transferred to another oil company, but, when asked about that transfer, Corporation Commission staff said they had made a mistake in approving it and would try to revoke it. The best Brooks can now hope for is the state declaring that the wells are orphaned and plugging them.

    “It’s just so frustrating because it’s just here. We look at it every day outside our windows,” Brooks said, adding, “It’s been nothing but a pain.”

    “We’ll never have back what we had”

    Nearly seven years after brine first poured from gopher holes on the Ledgerwood farm, most of the land has been sold. But the well is still there, rusting behind a curtain of dry weeds.

    “We don’t get these years back,” Stan Ledgerwood said. “There’s no way to pay for that. We’ll never have back what we had.”

    Stan and Tina drink from their new water well. But Don and Shirley Ledgerwood, Stan’s parents, don’t trust the water that flows from their faucets, as their house sits at a lower elevation than the injection well and water tests have shown occasional increases in the salt concentration.

    Don’s back is slightly hunched, but his sprightliness belies his 84 years. He still cuts the expanse of grass surrounding his old brick house, and Stan long ago gave up asking to do it for him. “He doesn’t do it right,” Don said, as he filled 5-gallon blue plastic jugs with water from Stan’s well. In one form or another, Don has been hauling water for six years.

    As he hoisted the jugs into his off-road vehicle, Don lamented that landowners have to allow oil companies to drill on their property, only to see those operators avoid the costly cleanup.

    “That’s not right,” he said.

    The sun was rising higher, and Don had more chores to do. So he finished loading the water jugs and whisked them down the gravel road, kicking up dust that hung in the air alongside his parting words.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Oil companies contaminated a family farm. The courts and regulators let the drillers walk away. on May 19, 2024.


    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Mark Olalde, ProPublica.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • We explore how young people have made meaningful careers and lasting change working in the public interest with Sam Simon, editor of “Choosing the Public Interest: Essays From the First Public Interest Research Group” and Lisa Frank, Vice President and D.C. Director at The Public Interest Network and also Executive Director in the Washington Legislative Office at Environment America. Plus, the indomitable Chris Hedges stops by to report on his interviews with college students protesting the genocide in Gaza, which he chronicled in a Substack piece titled “The Nation’s Conscience.”

    Sam Simon is an author, playwright, and attorney who co-founded the Public Interest Research Group with Ralph and the other Nader’s Raiders in 1970. He compiled and edited the new book Choosing the Public Interest: Essays From the First Public Interest Research Group.

    This is something that every one of these themes have and that this movement has had—that the consumer, the user, the student, the pensioner have equal voice in our systems to help create the systems that are intended to benefit them, and not leave that power in the hands of corporate entities and profit-making enterprises. And that idea needs to continue to exist. And I’m glad that the Public Interest Network and PIRGS still thrive on many campuses.

    Sam Simon

    What I want to come out of this book is that average kids from average backgrounds ended up doing amazing things with their entire lives, because of the opportunity and the vision that they could do that.

    Sam Simon

    Lisa Frank is Vice President and D.C. Director at The Public Interest Network. She is also Executive Director in the Washington Legislative Office at Environment America, where she directs strategy and staff for federal campaigns. Ms. Frank has won millions of dollars in investments in walking, biking and transit, and has helped develop strategic campaigns to protect America’s oceans, forests and public lands from drilling, logging and road-building.

    The particular types of problems we’re focused on at [PIRG] are ones that really have been created in a sense by our success as a country in growing. We’re the wealthiest country the world has ever seen. We figured out how to grow more than enough food than we can eat, we produce more than enough clothing than we can wear, certainly more than enough plastic…And all of this abundance is leading to new types of problems…The problems that have either come about because of the progress we’ve made as a society and now we’ve got the ability to tackle them, or problems where—clean energy is an example—where there are problems that we newly have the ability to solve.

    Lisa Frank

    You have Congress that passed these five laws that are being violated, with the result of huge death and destruction overseas— and not just in Gaza, but places like Iraq and Libya in the past. And they’re talking about students trespassing at their own university, and nonviolent protests? The problem starts in Congress. They’re the funders, the enablers, the surrenderers of their constitutional rights of oversight and war-making powers.

    Ralph Nader

    Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, who spent nearly two decades as a foreign correspondent in Central America, the Middle East, Africa and the Balkans. He is the host of The Chris Hedges Report, and he is a prolific author— his latest book is The Greatest Evil Is War.

    [Students] understand the nature of settler colonial regimes. The expansion or inclusion of students from wider backgrounds than were traditionally there at places like Princeton…has really added a depth and expanded the understanding within the university. So they see what’s happening in Gaza, and they draw—rightly— connections to what we did to Native Americans, what the British did in India, what the British did in Kenya, what the French did in Algeria, and of course, they are correct.

    Chris Hedges

    [Students] have defied, quite courageously, the administrations of their universities, who are—kind of like the political class—bought and paid for by the Israel lobby, and in particular wealthy donors and the Democratic Party. And that is why these universities have responded to these nonviolent protests the way they have, with such overwhelming and draconian use of force.

    Chris Hedges

    In Case You Haven’t Heard with Francesco DeSantis

    News 5/15/24

    1. The New Republic reports the Federal Trade Commission has filed suit against Scott Sheffield, former CEO of oil and gas giant Pioneer Resources alleging that “voluminous evidence” suggests Sheffield “collaborated with fellow U.S. producers and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries in order to keep crude oil prices ‘artificially’ high.” As Matt Stoller explains in his newsletter, “after a bitter price war from 2014-2016, [American oil producers] got tired of competing on price with…the OPEC oil cartel, and at some point from 2017-2021, decided to join the cartel and cut supply to the market. This action had the [e]ffect of raising oil prices, costing oil consumers something on the order of $200 billion a year.” Stoller claims that this price-fixing scheme between the OPEC cartel and the American oil oligopoly caused 27% of all inflation-related price increases in 2021. Progressive lawmakers such as Senator Bernie Sanders who tried to raise the alarm about what he dubbed “greedflation” were dismissed at the time, but like so many times before, have been vindicated by the simple fact that American corporate greed always exceeds expectations.

    2. Tal Mitnick and Sofia Orr, the two Israeli teenagers conscientiously objecting to being drafted into Israel’s campaign of terror in Gaza, have sent a letter to President Biden excoriating him for his unconditional support of the Netanyahu regime, per the Intercept. The two heroic peaceniks write “Your unconditional support for [Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu’s policy of destruction, since the war began, has brought our society to the normalization of carnage and to the trivialization of human lives…It is American diplomatic and material support that prolonged this war for so long. You are responsible for this, alongside our leaders. But while they’re interested in prolonging the war for political reasons, you have the power to make it stop.” These kids wrote this letter before reporting for their latest round of prison sentences, which have reached unprecedented lengths. As the article notes, “The refuseniks are not alone in their opposition, nor in the treatment they face. Throughout the war, Israelis have taken to the streets of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem to protest the war and Netanyahu’s government. This past week, Israeli police arrested and beat protesters and hostage family members calling for an end to the war, just the latest example of Israelis being punished for voicing dissent or sympathy with the people of Gaza.”

    3. Al Jazeera reports yet another Biden Administration official has made public his resignation over the genocide in Gaza. Army Major Harrison Mann, who resigned in November, posted a letter Monday wherein he expressed “incredible shame and guilt” over the United States’ “unqualified support” for Israel’s war. Explaining why he waited so long to come forward with the reasoning behind his resignation, Mann wrote “I was afraid. Afraid of violating our professional norms. Afraid of disappointing officers I respect. Afraid you would feel betrayed. I’m sure some of you will feel that way reading this,” yet he noted “At some point – whatever the justification – you’re either advancing a policy that enables the mass starvation of children, or you’re not.”

    4. At long last, Egypt has announced its intention to join South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, Al Arabiya reports. In a statement, the Egyptian foreign ministry said this decision comes on the heels of the “worsening severity and scope of Israeli attacks against Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip,” likely referring to the terror bombing campaign in Rafah, which the United States had previously identified as a “Red Line” in terms of material support. Egypt has faced international embarrassment over its soft line towards its militaristic neighbor and alleged mistreatment of Palestinian refugees trying to flee into Egypt. The country has also “called on the UN Security Council and countries of influence to take actions to reach a ceasefire in Gaza and halt military operations in Rafah, according to the statement.”

    5. On Wednesday, May 8th, the State Department report on whether Israel has violated U.S. international law was due to Congress. Instead, it was delayed. As POLITICO reported “The State Department has been working for months on the report, which will issue a determination on whether Israel has violated international humanitarian law since the war in Gaza began. If so, the U.S. would be expected to stop sending Israel military assistance.” When the report was finally released, it stated “it is ‘reasonable to assess’ that US weapons have been used by Israeli forces in Gaza in ways that are ‘inconsistent’ with international humanitarian law,” but the report stopped short of officially saying Israel violated the law, per CNN. The report goes on to say that investigations into potential violations are ongoing but the US “‘does not have complete information to verify’ whether the US weapons ‘were specifically used’ in alleged violations of international humanitarian law.” This equivocation in the face of genocide – using American weapons — will leave an ineradicable black mark on the already spotty human rights record of the U.S. State Department.

    6. Students for Justice in Palestine at Columbia University reports “Columbia…is under federal investigation for anti-Palestinian discrimination and harassment.” According to the group, Palestine Legal is representing four Palestinian students and the group itself. Senior attorney for Palestine Legal Radikah Sainath said in a statement “The law is clear— if universities do not cease their racist crackdowns against Palestinians and their supporters, they will risk losing federal funding.”

    7. On May 8th, the D.C. Metro Police Department cleared the protest encampment at the George Washington University, using pepper spray and brute force. According to the Associated Press, the police arrested 33 protesters. The AP quoted Moataz Salim, a Palestinian student at GW with family in Gaza, who said the authorities merely “destroyed a beautiful community space that was all about love.” He went on to say “Less than 10 hours ago, I was pepper sprayed and assaulted by police…And why? Because we decided to pitch some tents, hold community activities and learn from each other. We built something incredible. We built something game-changing.” The police broke up the encampment in the wee hours of the morning, just before D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser was slated to appear before hostile Republican lawmakers in Congress, leading many to believe she acted when and how she did out of sheer cowardice and political expediency. After the encampment was cleared, the hearing was canceled. Undeterred, these courageous students have continued to protest their institution’s support of Israel’s criminal war and per the American University Eagle, have now set up a second encampment. We urge Mayor Bowser not to bow to pressure from bloodthirsty Congressional Republicans a second time.

    8. The Seattle Times reports “The FAA has opened an investigation into Boeing’s 787 Dreamliner after the company disclosed that employees in South Carolina falsified inspection records.” As the paper notes, “This is the latest in a long litany of lapses at Boeing that have come to light under the intense scrutiny of the company’s quality oversight since a passenger cabin panel blew out on an Alaska Airlines flight in January.” That is to say nothing of the safety lapses leading to the Lion Air and Ethiopia Airlines crashes in 2019, that resulted in the deaths of all aboard both flights. Incredibly, “This new 787 quality concern is unrelated to the 787 fuselage gaps described as unsafe in an April congressional hearing by Boeing whistleblower Sam Salehpour.” As these critical safety failures and lies continue to come to light, the only question remaining is when is enough enough?

    9. Bloomberg labor reporter Josh Eidelson reports “The US government [has] raised concerns with Germany about alleged union-busting in Alabama by Mercedes, an unusual move that escalates scrutiny on its handling of the high-stakes union vote.” Mercedes is facing a momentous union election at its Alabama plant, led by the United Autoworkers, fresh off of unionizing the first ever foreign-owned auto plant in the country. Eidelson goes on to say that members of the European Commission have raised the matter with Mercedes as well, raising the heat on the company as the election kicks off. Among other union busting tactics, Labor Notes reports Mercedes has tried enlisting a pastor to tell workers via text “Here in Alabama, community is important, and family is everything. We believe it’s important to keep work separate. But there’s no denying, a union would have an impact beyond the walls of our plant.”

    10. Finally, the Chicago Sun-Times is out with a story on the success of Illinois’ experiment with ending cash bail for pre-trial detention. As the article puts it, “Despite all the anguish over the Pretrial Fairness Act, [Cook County Judge Charles] Beach says he has been struck by how proceedings have significantly changed for the better in his courtroom. ‘I think we’ve come a very long way in the right direction…Things are working well.’” This piece describes how “Under the old system of cash bail, Beach — a supervising judge in the pretrial division — was often tasked with setting a dollar figure a person would have to post before being released, a decision that could force a family to skip the rent to post a bond. It was a process that could seem arbitrary, depending on the judge, the time of day and where in the state the hearing was held.” Beach himself goes on to say “There’s a sense in the courtroom that taking money out of the equation has leveled the playing field.” The success of this reform should be taken very seriously by other states, particularly New York where Democrats have sought to roll back the state’s attempts at ending cash bail following pressure from conservatives. Turns out, it works.

    This has been Francesco DeSantis.



    Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe


    This content originally appeared on Ralph Nader Radio Hour and was authored by Ralph Nader.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma tweeted on May 17 an image of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi holding a book with a red cover and mentioned in the caption: “The original copy of the Constitution of India has a blue cover. The original Chinese constitution has a red cover. Does Rahul carry a Chinese Constitution? We will need to verify.” The Assam CM suggested that Gandhi was holding the Chinese Constitution in a rally.

    His tweet has received over 10 lakh views and has been retweeted over 7,100 times.

    Several other users including Harsh Chaturvedi BJP (मोदी का परिवार) (@harshcha) who is the BJP Uttar Pradesh’s social media co-convener, further shared the same set of images with the Assam CM’s claim.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    We ran a reverse image search on the picture of Rahul Gandhi that was shared by the Assam CM. This led us to a news report by The Morung Express who had also carried the same image. As per the report, the image is from a public meeting held in Nagarkurnool, Telangana, where Rahul Gandhi addressed a prepoll rally. Presenting a copy of the Indian Constitution at the rally, Gandhi claimed that the INDIA bloc was determined to protect the Constitution.

    We found the entire 50-minute-long recording of the public meeting on the Indian Express’ YouTube channel, the meeting was held on May 5. In this video, we can find a front angle of the moment at which Rahul Gandhi held up the Constitution to the crowd. At the 29:22 mark of the video, Gandhi can be seen holding up the Constitution. On the cover, one can see “The Constitution of India” clearly written.

    In the screengrab below, one can clearly see what is written on the cover of the book that Rahul Gandhi is holding.

    Further, we ran a relevant keyword search and found that the Constitution that Gandhi was holding is the Coat Pocket Edition published by Eastern Book Company (@ebcindia). Images of this edition of the Indian Constitution can be found on EBC’s official X page and on its website.

    As a matter of fact, several BJP leaders have been seen with the coat pocket edition of the Indian Constitution. We also found photos of former President of India Ram Nath Kovind holding the edition.

    Click to view slideshow.

    While the cover of the original copy of the Constitution of India was blue, several editions of the Constitution have since been published with various cover designs.

    Hence, the suggestion by Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma that Congress leader Rahul Gandhi might be holding the Chinese Constitution is false. Gandhi was holding the Coat Pocket Edition of the Indian Constitution published by Eastern Book Company.

    The post Fact check: Rahul Gandhi is holding the Indian Constitution in image shared by Himanta Biswa Sarma appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Oishani Bhattacharya.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: Islands Business in Suva

    Today is the 24th anniversary of renegade and failed businessman George Speight’s coup in 2000 Fiji. The elected coalition government headed by Mahendra Chaudhry, the first and only Indo-Fijian prime minister of Fiji, was held hostage at gunpoint for 56 days in the country’s new Parliament by Speight’s rebel gunmen in a putsch that shook the Pacific and the world.

    Emerging recently from almost 24 years in prison, former investigative journalist and publisher Josefa Nata — Speight’s “media minder” — is now convinced that the takeover of Fiji’s Parliament on 19 May 2000 was not justified.

    He believes that all it did was let the “genie of racism” out of the bottle.

    He spoke to Islands Business Fiji correspondent, Joe Yaya on his journey back from the dark.

    The Fiji government kept you in jail for 24 years [for your media role in the coup]. That’s a very long time. Are you bitter?

    I heard someone saying in Parliament that “life is life”, but they have been releasing other lifers. Ten years was conventionally considered the term of a life sentence. That was the State’s position in our sentencing. The military government extended it to 12 years. I believe it was out of malice, spitefulness and cruelty — no other reason. But to dwell in the past is counterproductive.

    If there’s anyone who should be bitter, it should be me. I was released [from prison] in 2013 but was taken back in after two months, ostensibly to normalise my release papers. That government did not release me. I stayed in prison for another 10 years.

    To be bitter is to allow those who hurt you to live rent free in your mind. They have moved on, probably still rejoicing in that we have suffered that long. I have forgiven them, so move on I must.

    Time is not on my side. I have set myself a timeline and a to-do list for the next five years.

    Jo Nata's journey from the dark
    Jo Nata’s journey from the dark, Islands Business, April 2024. Image: IB/Joe Yaya/USP Journalism

    What are some of those things?

    Since I came out, I have been busy laying the groundwork for a community rehabilitation project for ex-offenders, released prisoners, street kids and at-risk people in the law-and-order space. We are in the process of securing a piece of land, around 40 ha to set up a rehabilitation farm. A half-way house of a sort.

    You can’t have it in the city. It would be like having the cat to watch over the fish. There is too much temptation. These are vulnerable people who will just relapse. They’re put in an environment where they are shielded from the lures of the world and be guided to be productive and contributing members of society.

    It will be for a period of up to six months; in exceptional cases, 12 months where they will learn living off the land. With largely little education, the best opportunity for these people, and only real hope, is in the land.

    Most of these at-risk people are [indigenous] Fijians. Although all native land are held by the mataqali, each family has a patch which is the “kanakana”. We will equip them and settle them in their villages. We will liaise with the family and the village.

    Apart from farming, these young men and women will be taught basic life skills, social skills, savings, budgeting. When we settle them in the villages and communities, we will also use the opportunity to create the awareness that crime does not pay, that there is a better life than crime and prison, and that prison is a waste of a potentially productive life.

    Are you comfortable with talking about how exactly you got involved with Speight?

    The bulk of it will come out in the book that I’m working on, but it was not planned. It was something that happened on the day.

    You said that when they saw you, they roped you in?

    Yes. But there were communications with me the night prior. I basically said, “piss off”.

    So then, what made you go to Parliament eventually? Curiosity?

    No. I got a call from Parliament. You see, we were part of the government coalition at that time. We were part of the Fijian Association Party (led by the late Adi Kuini Speed). The Fiji Labour Party was our main coalition partner, and then there was the Christian Alliance. And you may recall or maybe not, there was a split in the Fijian Association [Party] and there were two factions. I was in the faction that thought that we should not go into coalition.

    There was an ideological reason for the split [because the party had campaigned on behalf of iTaukei voters] but then again, there were some members who came with us only because they were not given seats in Cabinet.

    Because your voters had given you a certain mandate?

    A masked gunman waves to journalists to duck during crossfire
    A masked gunman waves to journalists to duck during crossfire. Image: IPI Global Journalist/Joe Yaya/USP Journalism

    Well, we were campaigning on the [indigenous] Fijian manifesto and to go into the [coalition] complicated things. Mine was more a principled position because we were a [indigenous] Fijian party and all those people went in on [indigenous] Fijian votes. And then, here we are, going into [a coalition with the Fiji Labour Party] and people probably
    accused us of being opportunists.

    But the Christian Alliance was a coalition partner with Labour before they went into the election in the same way that the People’s Alliance and National Federation Party were coalition partners before they got into [government], whereas with us, it was more like SODELPA (Social Democratic Liberal Party).

    So, did you feel that the rights of indigenous Fijians were under threat from the Coalition government of then Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry?

    Perhaps if Chaudhry was allowed to carry on, it could have been good for [indigenous] Fijians. I remember the late President and Tui Nayau [Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara] . . .  in a few conversations I had with him, he said it [Labour Party] should be allowed to . . . [carry on].

    Did you think at that time that the news media gave Chaudhry enough space for him to address the fears of the iTaukei people about what he was trying to do, especially for example, through the Land Use Commission?

    I think the Fijians saw what he was doing and that probably exacerbated or heightened the concerns of [indigenous] Fijians and if you remember, he gave Indian cane farmers certain financial privileges.

    The F$10,000 grants to move from Labasa, when the ALTA (Agricultural Landlord and Tenants Act) leases expired. Are you talking about that?

    I can’t remember the exact details of the financial assistance but when they [Labour Party] were questioned, they said, “No, there were some Fijian farmers too”. There were also iTaukei farmers but if you read in between the lines, there were like 50 Indian farmers and one Fijian farmer.

    Was there enough media coverage for the rural population to understand that it was not a one-sided ethnic policy?

    Because there were also iTaukei farmers involved. Yes, and I think when you try and pull the wool over other people, that’s when they feel that they have been hoodwinked. But going back to your question of whether Chaudhry was given fair media coverage, I was no longer in the mainstream media at that time. I had moved on.

    But the politicians have their views and they’ll feel that they have been done badly by the media. But that’s democracy. That’s the way things worked out.

    "The Press and the Putsch"
    “The Press and the Putsch”, Asia Pacific Media Educator, No 10, January 2021. Image: APME/Joe Yaya/USP Journalism

    Pacific journalism educator, David Robie, in a paper in 2001, made some observations about the way the local media reported the Speight takeover. He said, “In the early weeks of the insurrection, the media enjoyed an unusually close relationship with Speight and the hostage takers.”

    He went on to say that at times, there was “strong sympathy among some journalists for the cause, even among senior editorial executives”.

    David Robie is an incisive and perceptive old-school journalist who has a proper understanding of issues and I do not take issue with his opinion. And I think there is some validity. But you see, I was on the other [Speight’s] side. And it was part of my job at that time to swing that perception from the media.

    Did you identify with “the cause” and did you think it was legitimate?

    Let me tell you in hindsight, that the coup was not justified
    and that is after a lot of reflection. It was not justified and
    could never be justified.

    When did you come to that conclusion?

    It was after the period in Parliament and after things were resolved and then Parliament was vacated, I took a drive around town and I saw the devastation in Suva. This was a couple of months later. I didn’t realise the extent of the damage and I remember telling myself, “Oh my god, what have we done? What have we done?”

    And I realised that we probably have let the genie out of the bottle and it scared me [that] it only takes a small thing like this to unleash this pentup emotion that is in the people. Of course, a lot of looting was [by] opportunists because at that time, the people who
    were supporting the cause were all in Parliament. They had all marched to Parliament.

    So, who did the looting in town? I’m not excusing that. I’m just trying to put some perspective. And of course, we saw pictures, which was really, very sad . . .  of mothers, women, carrying trolleys [of loot] up the hill, past the [Colonial War Memorial] hospital.

    So, what was Speight’s primary motivation?

    Well, George will, I’m sure, have the opportunity at some point to tell the world what his position was. But he was never the main player. He was ditched with the baby on his laps.

    So, there were people So, there were people behind him. He was the man of the moment. He was the one facing the cameras.

    Given your education, training, experience in journalism, what kind of lens were you viewing this whole thing from?

    Well, let’s put it this way. I got a call from Parliament. I said, “No, I’m not coming down.” And then they called again.

    Basically, they did not know where they were going. I think what was supposed to have happened didn’t happen. So, I got another call, I got about three or four calls, maybe five. And then eventually, after two o’clock I went down to Parliament, because the person who called was a friend of mine and somebody who had shared our fortunes and misfortunes.

    So, did you get swept away? What was going on inside your head?

    George Speight's forces hold Fiji government members hostage
    George Speight’s forces hold Fiji government members hostage at the parliamentary complex in Suva. Image: IPI Global Journalist/Brian Cassey/Associated Press

    I joined because at that point, I realised that these people needed help. I was not so much as for the cause, although there was this thing about what Chaudhry was doing. I also took that into account. But primarily because the call came [and] so I went.

    And when I was finally called into the meeting, I walked in and I saw faces that I’d never seen before. And I started asking the questions, “Have you done this? Have you done that?”

    And as I asked the questions, I was also suggesting solutions and then I just got dragged into it. The more I asked questions, the more I found out how much things were in disarray.

    I just thought I’d do my bit [because] they were people who had taken over Parliament and they did not know where to go from there.

    But you were driven by some nationalistic sentiments?

    I am a [indigenous] Fijian. And everything that goes with that. I’m not infallible. But then again, I do not want to blow that trumpet.

    Did the group see themselves as freedom fighters of some sort when you went into prison?

    I’m not a freedom fighter. If they want to be called freedom fighters, that’s for them and I think some of them even portrayed themselves [that way]. But not me. I’m just an idiot who got sidetracked.

    This personal journey that you’ve embarked on, what brought that about?

    When I was in prison, I thought about this a lot. Because for me to come out of the bad place I was in — not physically, that I was in prison, but where my mind was — was to first accept the situation I was in and take responsibility. That’s when the healing started to take place.

    And then I thought that I should write to people that I’ve hurt. I wrote about 200 letters from prison to anybody I thought I had hurt or harmed or betrayed. Groups, individuals, institutions, and families. I was surprised at the magnanimity of the people who received my letters.

    I do not know where they all are now. I just sent it out. I was touched by a lot of the responses and I got a letter from the late [historian] Dr Brij Lal. l was so encouraged and I was so emotional when I read the letter. [It was] a very short letter and the kindness in the man to say that, “We will continue to talk when you come out of prison.”

    There were also the mockers, the detractors, certain persons who said unkind things that, you know, “He’s been in prison and all of a sudden, he’s . . . “. That’s fine, I accepted all that as part of the package. You take the bad with the good.

    I wrote to Mr Chaudhry and I had the opportunity to apologise to him personally when he came to visit in prison. And I want to continue this dialogue with Mr Chaudhry if he would like to.

    Because if anything, I am among the reasons Fiji is in this current state of distrust and toxic political environment. If I can assist in bringing the nation together, it would be part of my atonement for my errors. For I have been an unprofitable, misguided individual who would like to do what I believe is my duty to put things right.

    And I would work with anyone in the political spectrum, the communal leaders, the vanua and the faith organisations to bring that about.

    I also did my traditional apology to my chiefly household of Vatuwaqa and the people of the vanua of Lau. I had invited the Lau Provincial Council to have its meeting at the Corrections Academy in Naboro. By that time, the arrangements had been confirmed for the Police Academy.

    But the Roko gave us the farewell church service. I got my dear late sister, Pijila to organise the family. I presented the matanigasau to the then-Council Chairman, Ratu Tevita Uluilakeba (Roko Ului). It was a special moment, in front of all the delegates to the council meeting, the chiefly clan of the Vuanirewa, and Lauans who filled the two buses and
    countless vehicles that made it to Naboro.

    Our matanivanua (herald) was to make the tabua presentation. But I took it off him because I wanted Roko Ului and the people of Lau to hear my remorse from my mouth. It was very, very emotional. Very liberating. Cathartic.

    Late last year, the Coalition government passed a motion in Parliament for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Do you support that?

    Oh yes, I think everything I’ve been saying so far points that way.

    The USP Journalism 2000 award-winning coup coverage archive
    The USP Journalism 2000 award-winning coup coverage archive. Graphic: Café Pacific

    Do you think it’ll help those that are still incarcerated to come out and speak about what happened in 2000?

    Well, not only that but the important thing is [addressing] the general [racial] divide. If that’s where we should start, then we should start there. That’s how I’m looking at it — the bigger picture.

    It’s not trying to manage the problems or issues of the last 24 years. People are still hurting from [the coups of] 1987. And what happened in 2006 — nothing has divided this country so much. Anybody who’s thought about this would want this to go beyond just solving the problem of 2000, excusing, and accusing and after that, there’s forgiveness and pardon.

    That’s a small part. That too if it needs to happen. But after all that, I don’t want anybody to go to prison because of their participation or involvement in anything from 1987 to 2000. If they cooked the books later, while they were in government, then that’s a different
    matter.

    But I saw on TV, the weeping and the very public expression of pain of [the late, former Prime Minister, Laisenia] Qarase’s grandchildren when he was convicted and taken away [to prison]. It brought tears to my eyes. There is always a lump in my throat at the memory of my Heilala’s (elder of two daughters) last visit to [me in] Nukulau.

    Hardly a word was spoken as we held each other, sobbing uncontrollably the whole time, except to say that Tiara (his sister) was not allowed by the officers at the naval base to come to say her goodbye.

    That was very painful. I remember thinking that people can be cruel, especially when the girls explained that it was to be their last visit. Then the picture in my mind of Heilala sitting alone under the turret of the navy ship as she tried not to look back. I had asked her not to look back.

    I deserved what I got. But not them. I would not wish the same things I went through on anyone else, not even those who were malicious towards me.

    It is the family that suffers. The family are always the silent victims. It is the family that stands by you. They may not agree with what you did. Perhaps it is among the great gifts of God, that children forgive parents and love them still despite the betrayal, abandonment, and pain.

    For I betrayed the two women I love most in the world. I betrayed ‘Ulukalala [son] who was born the same year I went to prison. I betrayed and brought shame to my family and my village of Waciwaci. I betrayed friends of all ethnicities and those who helped me in my chosen profession and later, in business.

    I betrayed the people of Fiji. That betrayal was officially confirmed when the court judgment called me a traitor. I accepted that portrayal and have to live with it. The judges — at least one of them — even opined that I masterminded the whole thing. I have to decline that dubious honour. That belongs elsewhere.

    This article by Joe Yaya is republished from last month’s Islands Business magazine cover story with the permission of editor Richard Naidu and Yaya. The photographs are from a 2000 edition of the Commonwealth Press Union’s Global Journalist magazine dedicated to the reporting of The University of the South Pacific’s student journalists. Joe Yaya was a member of the USP team at the time. The archive of the award-winning USP student coverage of the coup is here.   


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Mark your calendar! We’re having a live taping of Gaslit Nation on June 25 (Orwell’s birthday!) at 12pm ET for subscribers at the Truth-teller level or higher on Patreon.com/Gaslit! 

    ***

    Are you tired of the nonstop coverage of the Trump trials? The mainstream media is setting Americans up for disappointment again, like they did with the nonstop “justice porn” coverage of the Mueller investigation. The only thing that will stop Trump in November is us. (It should not be that way, but it is). Progress in America has always come from the grassroots, and as MAGA’s Russian-backed coup against our democracy continues, grassroots power is the most reliable power we have left. To join the movement to strengthen American democracy from the ground up, be sure to check out the Gaslit Nation 2024 Survival Guide on the homepage of GaslitNationPod.com. As for the trial, Gaslit Nation predicts a hung jury: you just need one juror, likely a man, who wants to make a name for himself and cash-in with rewards from the Trump machine. What are your predictions of what will come from the Trump trial? Let us know in an email to GaslitNation@gmail.com and we may read your comment on the show! 

    In this week’s bonus show, Andrea answers questions from our subscribers at the Democracy Defender level ($10/month) and higher! The discussion includes the hypocrisy of Congress’s TikTok ban, the importance of stating one’s values and goals in the fight for our democracy, how the Israel-Palestine War impacts Ukraine coverage and why that matters, the boring ratings grab of nonstop Trump trial coverage, and more! Terrell Starr of the essential Black Diplomats Podcast and Substack joins the show to explain why the average American voter should care about the growing protests in Georgia against Russian-state capture. Is it a preview of the U.S. should Trump win?

    Ready to see the President of the United States share the same stage as an unpunished coup-plotter and serial rapist who idolizes Hitler and Putin? To our Patreon community at the Truth-teller level and higher, we’re having a debate watch party on June 27th in our Victory Chat, to help us get through the media’s normalization of Trump and fact check the gaslighting. Hold on tight!

    Subscribe to Gaslit Nation on Patreon at the Truth-teller level or higher, and for $5/month, get all shows ad-free, bonus shows, invites to exclusive events, join a like-minded community of listeners, and more! This excerpt is from this week’s bonus show. To hear the full discussion, make sure to subscribe at the Truth-teller level or higher at Patreon.com/Gaslit. Discounts are available when you sign up for an annual subscription! 

    Thank you to everyone who supports the show – we could not make Gaslit Nation without you! 

    Show Notes:

    Pre-Order Andrea’s Graphic Novel: In the Shadow of Stalin: The Story of Mr. Jones https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/In-the-Shadow-of-Stalin-The-Story-of-Mr-Jones/Andrea-Chalupa/9781637152775

     

    Putin’s brutal war on Ukraine vanishes from news coverage amid raging conflict in Gaza

    https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/17/media/gaza-ukraine-war-news-coverage/index.html

     

    Polling data expert Tom Bonier https://twitter.com/tbonier

     

    Shaun Walker of The Guardian on Russia’s Stalinist prisons https://twitter.com/shaunwalker7/status/1789751355252396394

     


    This content originally appeared on Gaslit Nation and was authored by Andrea Chalupa.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.