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Category: UDA

  • Britain’s dirty war in the north of Ireland went far beyond ‘collusive behaviours’

    On 8 February 2022, the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, Marie Anderson, released yet another report into collusion between British loyalist terror groups and the British police (RUC – Royal Ulster Constabulary) in Ireland. This time it covered the period from 1990 until 1998, the final eight years of the 30-year conflict.

    The report identified:

    significant investigative and intelligence failures and ‘collusive behaviours’ by the RUC in relation to a series of murders and attempted murders by the UDA/UFF [loyalist terror gangs] in south Belfast.

    The families of the victims of collusion feel vindicated as the Ombudsman upheld “their multiple complaints of collusion in each and every case”. This is the second Ombudsman’s report in 2022 to find “collusive behaviours” between British police and loyalist terror gangs. A legal team representing most of the families is calling for a public inquiry into the activities of Special Branch – one where retired officers will be forced to “account for their actions”. Moreover, that legal team is clear that the Ombudsman’s language means:

    Collusive behaviour is collusion, there is no distinction between the two

    This report is far from a one off

    Over the course of conflict investigations, such findings aren’t rare. Because as The Canary has extensively reported, collusion between British forces and loyalist terror gangs was widespread. So this report goes way beyond “uncomfortable reading” for the British police. Its findings, in addition to all the other revelations and allegations of collusion, dispel any myth that the British state was conducting anything other than war in Ireland for those 30 years. And it was a dirty war.

    This and other reports also show, according to justice campaigner Ciarán MacAirt, that:

    collusion was systemic across each police division and the outworking of a deliberate policy to help Loyalists murder and maim citizens, the vast majority of whom were unarmed Irish Catholic civilians.

    Regardless of the findings, and almost a quarter of a century later, the British state is still trying to bury the truth and avoid prosecutions. But justice campaigners aren’t likely to allow that to happen.

    Ombudsman findings

    Anderson’s report examined police actions related to eight loyalist attacks where 11 people were murdered. This included the five people who were murdered at the Sean Graham bookmakers on 5 February 1992.

    All these years later, this report does bring some good news for the families. It’s important they, and others still fighting for justice, are foremost in our minds. Their concerns are, in the words of the Ombudsman, “legitimate and justified”.

    Anderson, said she was “deeply concerned” by:

    the scale and scope of failings identified during ‘a protracted, complex and sensitive investigation’.

    Even though she didn’t find evidence that the RUC received information that would have allowed them to stop the eight attacks, this actually concerned her. Because given “Special Branch had a network of informants within the UDA/UFF” it should have got that information. She also found:

    instances of weapons connected to murder enquiries being disposed of in inappropriate ways, as well as evidence of records being routinely destroyed by the police.

    In a TV interview she added:

    it was police’s job to make sure that when they engage with informants that they probed, assessed, and questioned what they were doing. And the continued use of informants whom police were aware, or ought to have been aware, were involved in serious criminality and murder is in my view unforgivable…

    This was so much worse than “bad policing”

    Welcome as the specific findings are, it’s important to look at a wider picture. Solicitor for several victims’ families Niall Murphy, warned against looking at this report “in a vacuum”. Instead, Murphy said we need to:

    consider the series of reports that have been published which demonstrate and prove as a matter of fact that collusion was a state policy…

    And while the report only goes as far as saying there were “collusive behaviours” by the RUC, it’s still damning. There’s evidence that police destroyed records and murder-related weapons were disposed of. In one instance, a Browning pistol which loyalists originally stole from a British army regiment (UDR) and used in the Sean Graham bookmakers attack, was given to an informant and then later returned to the UDR. There was also the bizarre instance of another loyalist murder-related weapon being donated to the Imperial War Museum.

    So the attempts by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) (the new name for the RUC) to dismiss the Ombudsman’s findings as “bad policing” or “deficiencies and failings” are truly pathetic. Especially given the magnitude of the hard evidence and allegations about collusion between British forces and loyalist terror gangs in this conflict since at least the early 1970s.

    The nature of collusion

    Andrée Murphy from human rights NGO Relatives for Justice spoke to The Canary. She said many people feel this report is:

    the strongest report by the police ombudsman to date on the nature of collusion. And it really adds to the cumulative number of reports now that are in the public domain which confirm that collusion was not just something that happened in some incidences with some police officers with some people. This was something that was completely systemic and widespread.

    The families now expect these loyalist “mass murderers to be arrested and prosecuted”. But, according to Murphy, it’s most important those murderers don’t:

    take the place of or hide the handlers and the police officers that were involved in systemic wrong doing. We have no idea if those RUC officers were pensioned off under Patten [Chris Patten’s report that looked at police reform in the North] if they might still be in the PSNI, if they might have been brought back into the PSNI…as civilian workers.

    Murphy also believes that, based on previous reports, collusion involved the RUC Special Branch, the British army’s Force Research Unit (FRU), and security services, there now needs to be:

    a full inquiry into what happened with the three arms of the collusion stool.

    Moreover, these latest revelations of collusion appear to be a continuation of brigadier Frank Kitson’s counterinsurgency approach of the early 1970s. He believed in targeting the community around the IRA to persuade them to reject it. Using this metaphor he said:

    If a fish has got to be destroyed it can be attacked directly by rod or net . . . But if rod and net cannot succeed by themselves it may be necessary to do something to the water…

    According to Kitson, and continuing his metaphor, this could mean “polluting the water”. Kitson further asserted that:

    The law should be used as just another weapon in the government’s arsenal, in which case it becomes little more than a propaganda cover for the disposal of unwanted members of the public.

    Has anything changed?

    Temporary PSNI assistant chief constable Jonathan Roberts said the report showed examples of “deficiencies and failings” and “bad policing”. However, Roberts distanced present day policing from the report saying the “deficiencies and failings” related to “the handling and dissemination of intelligence by the RUC”. But the RUC was not disbanded with an entirely new police force set up in its place. It simply “became” the PSNI.

    Roberts added:

    These have been addressed by the restructuring of our intelligence systems and processes through the formation of Crime Department.

    And that:

    Policing has developed enormously over the past thirty years and the Police Service of Northern Ireland now have greatly improved policies and procedures which guide our response to potential threats and how we approach criminal investigations.

    So he’s effectively saying it’s all in the past and things are much better these days. Well, that certainly wouldn’t be the opinion of MacAirt. In the wake of the Ombudsman’s report, MacAirt, founder of legacy archive Paper Trail, tweeted:

    Andrée Murphy branded the Roberts’s comments “an utter disgrace”. She added they’re (the PSNI) “covering up for the crimes of the RUC”. Furthermore, she said the PSNI:

    actively block families from getting access to these reports, getting access to the intelligence that forms the basis of these reports, they are absolutely part of the collusion picture right now.

    Furthermore if policing really has changed why are some Irish republican communities still under the police microscope? Why are secret services still being used to target them?

    MacAirt made it clear how people in his community feel about the PSNI on legacy issues:

    Few in my community have any trust in PSNI as far as legacy investigations are concerned, as we believe that it still has many of these killers – and recent killers – on its books. The PSNI has done little over its lifespan other than prove that it is more interested in protecting the reputation of a sectarian police force in the past, than helping our families’ campaigns for truth and justice.

    In fact, the PSNI’s failure to provide information and fair, Article 2-compliant investigations as it battles our families in court, means that many of our families believe that PSNI is practically independent enough. The British courts agree in cases too.

    And as solicitor Niall Murphy said:

    rather than reflect on how brilliant they are today, why don’t they go out and arrest people?

    We won’t let the British shut this down

    MacAirt concluded:

    We want the British government to end its threat to legislate its pernicious Legacy Bill. It continues to traumatize victims and survivors because it wants to bury its war crimes, protect its killers, and deny us equal access to due process of the law.

    In a fair and just society, the killers and the dirty cops who armed and managed them would also be held accountable as we fear that where there is no accountability, it will happen again. PSNI has failed to prove that it is in any substantive way different from the RUC.

    The British establishment wants to shut reports like these down. They want the world to forget about its “dirty war” in Ireland. But campaigners aren’t going to allow that to happen. These justice campaigns will continue to pressurise British governments until they finally come clean.

    Featured image via AP Archive – YouTube Screengrab & AP Archive – YouTube Screengrab

    By Peadar O'Cearnaigh

  • Noah Donohoe’s campaign team calls for chief constable to resign

    Content warning: This article mentions details of Noah Donohoe’s case that some readers may find distressing.

    As reported by The Canary, 14-year-old Noah Donohoe disappeared on 21 June 2020. His body was found in a storm drain six days later. A post-mortem examination found he died as a result of drowning. More than one year on, the Coroner’s Office has found no evidence that anybody was involved in his death.

    The circumstances around Noah’s death remain unclear as the investigation continues. Meanwhile, his mother Fiona Donohoe suspects foul play. So both Fiona and a campaign team are fighting to ensure Noah gets justice. Moreover, they’re calling on the chief constable Simon Byrne to resign.

    Simon Byrne must “step down”

    Earlier this month, Fiona started a petition calling on the Police Service of Northern Ireland’s (PSNI) chief constable to resign. The petition states:

    I call for Simon Bryne to step down from his position as Chief Constable of PSNI. …

    I along with all those who have signed this petition do not have any faith in his capabilities to oversee the investigation into my son, Noah Donohoe’s death. …

    On countless occasions throughout this investigation myself, my family and everyone of those who have signed this petition have been let down by the PSNI’s handling of it.

    We want our children to feel safe on their streets and because of the little effort that has been attempted in investigating my son Noah’s death. We fear for our children’s safety.

    At the time of publication, the petition had over 8,500 signatures. And supporters got right behind it, promising to lend even more support:

    Simon Byrne controversies

    Simon Byrne was previously chief constable of Cheshire police from 2014 until 2017. He was suspended in 2017 but then cleared of gross misconduct. And his time in the north of Ireland hasn’t been without controversy either. In 2019, he had to clarify and withdraw comments threatening to take the children of paramilitaries involved in shootings. Byrne said:

    You carry on doing this and we will have your house, if you keep going we will have your car, we will have your kids, we will have your benefits and we will put you in jail.

    Byrne clarified saying he would withdraw “the interpretation that children are pawns, if that’s what’s been heard”. He said that wasn’t his intention.

    Then, in December 2020, Byrne had to apologise following the police ombudsman’s investigation into fines handed out under coronavirus (Covid-19) restrictions at Black Lives Matter protests. The protests had taken place in Belfast and Derry in June that year. The ombudsman found justification in the claims that these protests were handled in an unfair and discriminatory manner.

    An admission of guilt in Noah’s killing?

    On 8 July, the Sunday World reported that a prisoner had apparently admitted to killing Noah Donohoe to his cellmate. But when the newspaper put it to the prisoner who had apparently admitted to murder, he denied it. He said his former cellmate was “delusional”.

    Fiona met with police to discuss this alleged admission. She says the person who made that statement said the “UDA were called to dispose of” Noah’s body:

    Taking it to the streets

    In order to push this campaign forward, Fiona is organising a #FeetOnTheStreetAgain campaign:

    She also shared this video of Noah, demonstrating his love of cooking:

    And she had a special message of thanks for all those who have supported this campaign:

    The Canary contacted the PSNI and the Coroner’s Office for comment. A PSNI spokesperson said:

    The disappearance and death of Noah Donohoe is subject to an ongoing Coronial investigation. The Police Service of Northern Ireland continue to investigate under their Police (NI) Act 2000 duty, but also provide assistance to the Coroner, so it would be inappropriate to comment further at this time.

    Featured image via Channel 4 News

    By Peadar O'Cearnaigh

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • A ‘blood-soaked journey’ that reminds us what British loyalists contributed to peace in Ireland

    On 8 March in the Irish News, Connla Young revealed the “blood-soaked journey of R18837”. This was the serial number of a VZ58 assault rifle that British loyalists smuggled into the north of Ireland. The Irish News alleges British intelligence knew of its import.

    The article claims the rifle could be responsible for “the murders of up to 12 people” between 1988 and 1994. This information comes to light just five days after a collective calling itself the Loyalist Communities Council (LCC) said it was withdrawing from the Good Friday Agreement (GFA). LCC said it’s doing so in opposition to the Northern Ireland Protocol (NIP).

    When another Irish News reporter claimed the LCC statement “may well be seen as a negotiating tactic”, it underlined mainstream media’s sickening double standard. Because when loyalists colluded with British forces during the conflict in Ireland, they didn’t negotiate. They took lives. Many of whom were innocent civilians.

    Who are these loyalists?

    Throughout the 1968-1998 conflict in Ireland, loyalist terror gangs used different cover names. And in its 3 March letter to Boris Johnson and political leaders in Ireland, the LCC claimed to be:

    representative of the main Loyalist Groups that supported the 1998 Belfast agreement [the GFA]

    These “Loyalist Groups” are the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), and Red Hand Commando. All of them committed terrorist atrocities during the 30-year conflict in Ireland.

    So now they’re business people?

    Among the many points raised in their letter, they say they’re:

    concerned about the disruption to trade and commerce [emphasis added] between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom

    And towards the end, the letter says Loyalist groupings are withdrawing support for the GFA:

    until our rights under the Agreement are restored and the Protocol is amended to ensure unfettered access for goods, services [emphasis added], and citizens throughout the United Kingdom.

    But as a political peace agreement, the GFA has nothing specifically to do with trade, goods, or services.

    Their demands

    The letter makes a claim on behalf of the entire population of the north when it says:

    There has been no consent sought for the Protocol from the Northern Ireland population

    But there is in fact support for the NIP among Irish republicans. The letter also claims that the NIP ‘breaches the objectives of the GFA’. And that the border down the Irish Sea created by the NIP:

    undermines the basis on which the Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) agreed their 1994 ceasefires and subsequent support for the Belfast Agreement.

    This letter goes on to attack the EU’s chief negotiator for not meeting them. It also attacks Irish foreign minister Simon Coveney, who did meet with them, for choosing “to ignore us”. LCC claims Coveney’s:

    actions and remarks served to heighten tensions in Northern Ireland throughout the negotiations and he is responsible for destroying the with the Irish government built up over the past twenty years.

    But LCC is ignoring the fact that it got a meeting with a democratically elected politician. It says it “is determined that unionist opposition to the protocol should be peaceful and democratic”. But it also warns not to:

    under-estimate the strength of feeling on this issue right across the unionist family. The only time I can remember such unanimity of opposition was following the imposition of the Anglo-Irish agreement in 1985.

    Let’s not forget that loyalist terrorists have broken their ceasefire on numerous occasions since the signing of the 1998 agreement. So they’ve already breached the GFA.

    Mainstream reporting

    Mainstream media didn’t hold back when former newspaper editor Roy Greenslade announced that he supported the use of physical force by Irish republicans. Yet it’s taking a softer approach towards British loyalists. The mainstream reports on the LCC as if it’s a mere lobby group. One that’s upset by the “trade and commerce” implications of the NIP.

    Because on 15 February, the Belfast Telegraph described the LCC as “an umbrella organisation representing loyalist groups”. That article said these loyalists have “written to two MPs and 10 MLAs warning that ‘no form of Irish Sea border will ever be tolerated’”.

    When the BBC reported on LCC meeting with the Brexiteer party DUP, it referred to the LCC as “the organisation which represents loyalist paramilitary groups”. ITV also called it an “umbrella group” while the Guardian called them “loyalist groups”. While interviewees did mention the word ‘terrorist’, these publications didn’t lead with that word.

    And on 4 March, when the Irish News claimed the LCC letter to Johnson could be a “negotiating tactic”, it merely said it was “a very concerning and potentially destabilising development”. Hardly a single use of the word ‘terrorist’ by the publications themselves, which we’ve grown accustomed to when reporting on Irish republicans.

    An obvious double standard

    These unelected loyalists complain the Irish foreign minister ignored them. But the Irish minister at least met with them, as did the DUP. Contrast that with Johnson’s refusal to meet Sinn Féin (SF) – and SF is a democratically elected part of government in the north. It’s also the largest opposition party in the southern parliament.

    It wouldn’t take much to imagine the public outrage if SF or Irish government ministers were to meet with the IRA. Nor to imagine the reaction if the IRA were to write to Johnson. But it raises little to no condemnation when loyalists do so. At best it’s a double standard. At worst, it legitimises the activities of such ‘groups’.

    Featured image via Wikimedia – Hrd10

    By Peadar O'Cearnaigh

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Report shows army and MI5 colluded with loyalist terror gang in killings

    Evidence has emerged that suggests the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), one of the three loyalist paramilitary organisations that have withdrawn from the Good Friday Agreement (GFA), colluded with the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) and MI5 in killings.

    “Professionally carried out”

    The evidence relates to the murder of three IRA volunteers as well as a civilian. The IRA volunteers were John Quinn, Malcolm Nugent and Dwayne O’Donnell, and the civilian was Thomas Armstrong. UVF reportedly took responsibility for the killings, which took place at Boyle’s Bar in Cappagh in March 1991.

    In December of that year, three part-time members of the UDR were arrested on suspicion of involvement in the murders. Another man who was related to one of the UDR men was detained too, but no charges were made.

    Now, a British army document has come to light. It not only provides information on how the UVF attack was executed but also the weapons used. The document further states that the murders were “professionally carried out”. In particular:

    From investigation of the scene it was found that the groupings of the bursts of fire were quiet [sic] exceptional for a PPM [Protestant paramilitaries] shoot and the targets had been well acquired.

    This new evidence was first revealed by the Irish News:

    Collusion

    The Belfast Telegraph states that a report has been handed to the victims’ relatives. The report, drafted by the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) on those killed at Boyle’s Bar, says that:

    in the months after the killings three serving UDR members were named in intelligence reports as being responsible [for the killings].

    It further states that a “possible MI5 link involvement was also raised”.

    Phoenix Law lawyer Gavin Booth represents the families. He commented that this disclosure is “the first time a state report confirms collusion” in the Boyle’s Bar murders.

    More collusion

    It’s worth highlighting that there are many other instances of collusion or interaction between the UVF, and other loyalist paramilitaries, and British intelligence and armed forces.

    According to a lengthy exposé in Village, these include:

    • MI5 infiltration of Ulster Resistance (UR). Also, that “information was leaked from RUC [Royal Ulster Constabulary] and the UDR which provided [UR] with details of ‘suspected republicans’”.
    

      

    • Collusion between the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). It’s also reported that RUC intelligence was “used to target suspected republicans, including Loughlin Maginn, shot in Rathfriland in August 1989. His death, following that of solicitor Pat Finucane in February 1989, sparked the decades-long investigations by Sir John Stevens into collusion by the Security forces”.
      • 

    

    

      

    • Claims that “MI5-controlled provocateur” Robert Nairac “obtained equipment and weapons for, co-ordinated and executed the [Miami Showband] massacre which was perpetrated by the UVF led by their commander Robin Jackson. … Two serving UDR officers, and one ex-UDR officer served life sentences for the murders”.
      • 

    

    

      

    • Collusion between UDA agent Brian Nelson (found guilty of solicitor Pat Finucane’s murder) and the Force Research Unit (FRU).
      • 

    

    Other revelations
    

    In a July 2016 article, The Canary revealed a restricted document that provided evidence of the UK government’s collusion with paramilitary organisations in the north of Ireland. The document consisted of testimony by Ian Hurst, an FRU agent, who also went by the name Martin Ingram.
    

    Then in November 2018, The Canary reported on another example of collusion involving the Glenanne gang, which:
    

    was made up of members of the RUC, a former police force in Northern Ireland; the UDR, a British Army regiment; and the UVF, a loyalist paramilitary group. It was centrally involved in the murder of over 120 innocent civilians between July 1972 and the end of 1978. The group also took its murderous campaign south of the border.
    

    And in December 2020, The Canary reported on the 1971 McGurk’s bar massacre, when 15 people were killed and more than 16 were injured. The article reported that author and activist Ciarán MacAirt revealed files showing:
    

    the name of the UVF’s original target that evening and showed there was a nearby British army presence that evening also. Moreover, MacAirt claims his revelations connect General Frank Kitson [British general who authored ‘Low Intensity Operations’] to the atrocity.
    

    It’s claimed that a staggeringly high number of Loyalist paramilitary members were British intelligence assets.
    

    Meanwhile, the UVF, UDA, and Red Hand Commando – all proscribed terrorist organisations – are continuing to pressure the UK and EU on matters related to Brexit. And going by the UK government’s track record for duplicity, it’s doubtful whether it can be trusted to be on the right side of history here.
    

    Featured image via YouTube
    

    By Tom Coburg
    


    This post was originally published on The Canary. 
    
	
    
	
	
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    Loyalist terrorists are considering ‘direct action’ against politicians if Brexit demands aren’t met
    
			
    
			

			
		
    
		

		
    Loyalist paramilitaries have withdrawn support for the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) as long as UK and EU stick with an unamended Irish Protocol. But behind this move lies, possibly, an even greater threat to peace on the island of Ireland and potentially beyond.
    

    Good Friday Agreement under threat
    

    In an earlier article in The Canary by Joe Glenton, it’s reported that a letter to Johnson by the Loyalist Communities Council (LCC) states that the Loyalist Groupings are:
    

    herewith withdrawing support for the Belfast [Good Friday] Agreement and its institutions until our rights under the Agreement are restored.
    

    The LCC represents the Red Hand Commando (RHC) the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). The paramilitary groups represented by LCC are proscribed terrorist organisations.
    

    The full text of the letter is included in this tweet from journalist Allison Morris:
    

    


    

    The letter adds that the withdrawal from the GFA will stand until the “Protocol is amended to ensure unfettered access for goods, services, and citizens throughout the United Kingdom”. Moreover, the letter states that “the triggers detailed in Article 16 of the Protocol… must be acted up without further delay”. 
    

    The north of Ireland’s deputy first minister Michelle O’Neill has also made it clear that the current debacle over customs arrangements between the north of Ireland and Britain is entirely down to the British government. And she has accused the British government of acting in “bad faith”.
    

    Threats by unionist gangs against politicians
    

    According to the Irish News, it’s understood that the LCC wrote the letter to Johnson:
    

    as part of attempts to appease hardline factions of loyalism who wanted to escalate opposition to the protocol into direct action against politicians and political offices [emphasis added].
    

    If loyalist gangs decide to escalate to “direct action against politicians and their offices”, what form could that take? Indeed, earlier in February LCC chair David Campbell ominously stated:
    

    If it comes to the bit where we have to fight physically to maintain our freedoms within the UK, so be it.
    

    PSNI Chief Constable Simon Byrne commented that he considered the remarks as “inflammatory”. Though Campbell claimed the quote had been taken out of context.
    

    Moreover, graffiti giving UK cabinet minister Michael Gove’s address and saying “We do not forget. We do not forgive” has been daubed in the Sandy Row area of Belfast.
    

    DUP also has blood on its hands
    

    Nor should it be forgotten that the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) has a long history of association with paramilitaries.
    

    For example, DUP founder Ian Paisley set up the unionist militia Third Force. Former DUP leader and co-founder Peter Robinson “was an active member of Ulster Resistance”, the activities of which included smuggling “arms to the UK, including RPG rocket launchers”. In 1986, Robinson led hundreds of members of the Third Force in an “invasion” of the small village of Clontibret in County Monaghan, across the border. In that same year, Paisley and Robinson addressed a rally for Ulster Resistance in Ulster Hall.
    

    Then in 1987, Ulster Resistance combined with the UVF and the UDA in a weapons smuggling operation that included 200 assault rifles and ammunition. The rifles were used in:
    

    the murder or attempted murder of about 70 people in Northern Ireland. In the early 90s, they were used in three massacres: gunmen stood at the doors of a bookmaker’s shop and two bars, and simply sprayed the room. Nineteen people died and 27 were wounded.
    

    In 2009, DUP MP Willie McCrea was challenged about his links to the UVF leader Billy Wright in 1991 and 1992. This was at the height of a sectarian murder campaign in Mid-Ulster.
    

    As for the LCC, it issued a statement shortly before the 2017 general election urging voters to back DUP and Ulster Unionist candidates in four battleground constituencies.
    

    On 25 February, a week before LCC’s letter to Johnson, north of Ireland first minister Arlene Foster met with the paramilitary ‘umbrella’ body to discuss the Irish Protocol.
    

    Johnson’s Brexit mess
    

    It’s essential that not only the border between north and south Ireland remains as invisible as possible, but that the government finds a workable solution to the flawed Irish Protocol. Otherwise the deal with the European Union will flounder, and the UK-US trade deal could be in jeopardy too.
    

    This is a mess of Johnson’s own making. He now needs to ensure the GFA is restored without delay – but not by appeasing loyalist paramilitaries.
    

    Featured image via Flickr/KeBorja García de Sola Fernández
    

    By Tom Coburg
    


    This post was originally published on The Canary.