Category: UVF

  • As The Canary reported, loyalist terrorist organisations have withdrawn their support for the Belfast peace agreement. This withdrawal was to protest the EU and UK Brexit protocol which started on 1 January 2021.

    However, despite this threat to peace from British loyalists, it’s Irish republican communities who are predominantly under the police radar. And republican activists also allege MI5 involvement targeting ordinary family homes.

    A double standard?

    On 2 February, there was an Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) “show of strength” in east Belfast. A group of masked people assembled. One media report said the gathering is “linked to internal tensions over drugs”.

    Gatherings of more than six people aren’t allowed in the north under coronavirus (Covid-19) lockdown regulations. But despite the size of this gathering, police didn’t appear to intervene. In fact, Sinn Féin’s Gerry Kelly said the police “made minimal efforts to intervene”. Kelly added:

    the PSNI [police] merely shepherded the gang out of the area.

    Just three days later, a group met to commemorate the 1992 loyalist killing of five people in the Irish republican community. On this occasion, police arrested Mark Sykes after attempting to break up the gathering. Sykes was one of the survivors of the 1992 attack.

    Monitoring republicans

    On 22 February, the “Revolutionary Republican Party” Saoradh, claimed it found “a high tech and advanced military grade listening device” in a working class housing estate in Derry. Saoradh believes this device:

    was deliberately constructed and planted by British Military Intelligence with the sole purpose of eavesdropping and recording potentially months of audio/sound. They then collect the device to charge and extract the collated data and return it to a spot of their choice.

    Then on 8 March, Saoradh claimed it came across:

    armed members of the British Crown Forces who were protecting MI5 agents in civilian clothing, who themselves were installing a new camera onto the mast.

    Arrest of republicans

    Writing in junge Welt on 20 March, Dieter Reinisch said the PSNI and secret service have intensified their activities against Irish republicans. Reinisch notes there’s been a continuous stream of arrests and house searches in early March.

    In fact, on 4 March, the PSNI arrested a 35-year-old woman as part of Operation Arbacia. This operation is part of the PSNI’s investigation into the activities of the New IRA.

    Then, on 18 March, the PSNI raided a family home in a working class republican estate in Derry city’s Creggan area. Saoradh said:

    members of the British Crown Forces were on the streets of Creggan yesterday [18 March], where they invaded a family home, assaulted the occupants, stole property, terrorised children, damaged the house and ransacked it from top to bottom.

    They assaulted children and caused public disorder for almost 12 hours in a heavily built up area, disrupting the lives of residents including the elderly, putting them at risk of injury or worse.

    PSNI response

    Chief superintendent Darrin Jones of the PSNI claims:

    The vast majority of the public welcome the action we are taking against those who are causing serious harm to the community.

    The PSNI told The Canary:

    The operation was led by detectives from the Police Service of Northern Ireland Terrorism Investigation Unit (TIU) with assistance from District Policing colleagues and Operational Support Department.

    The operation, called Ledging, is a discrete, stand-alone strand of Operation Arbacia, looking specifically at the New IRA’s bomb making activities as well as the group’s storage of explosive devices and equipment.

    Threat to peace?

    The Canary recently reported on British loyalists “blood-soaked” contribution to the 30-year conflict in Ireland. Loyalists called a ceasefire at the end of that conflict, but The Canary article also highlighted how loyalists breached their ceasefire since they signed the peace agreement.

    Now that they’ve officially withdrawn from the agreement, it’s telling that the PSNI is failing to hold loyalists to account. It’s preoccupied with targeting republicans instead.

    Featured image via YouTube – lockdown maddnessCommons Media – This Particular Greg

    By Peadar O'Cearnaigh

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • On 8 March in the Irish News, Connla Young revealed the “blood-soaked journey of R18837”. This was the serial number of a VZ58 assault rifle that British loyalists smuggled into the north of Ireland. The Irish News alleges British intelligence knew of its import.

    The article claims the rifle could be responsible for “the murders of up to 12 people” between 1988 and 1994. This information comes to light just five days after a collective calling itself the Loyalist Communities Council (LCC) said it was withdrawing from the Good Friday Agreement (GFA). LCC said it’s doing so in opposition to the Northern Ireland Protocol (NIP).

    When another Irish News reporter claimed the LCC statement “may well be seen as a negotiating tactic”, it underlined mainstream media’s sickening double standard. Because when loyalists colluded with British forces during the conflict in Ireland, they didn’t negotiate. They took lives. Many of whom were innocent civilians.

    Who are these loyalists?

    Throughout the 1968-1998 conflict in Ireland, loyalist terror gangs used different cover names. And in its 3 March letter to Boris Johnson and political leaders in Ireland, the LCC claimed to be:

    representative of the main Loyalist Groups that supported the 1998 Belfast agreement [the GFA]

    These “Loyalist Groups” are the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), and Red Hand Commando. All of them committed terrorist atrocities during the 30-year conflict in Ireland.

    So now they’re business people?

    Among the many points raised in their letter, they say they’re:

    concerned about the disruption to trade and commerce [emphasis added] between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom

    And towards the end, the letter says Loyalist groupings are withdrawing support for the GFA:

    until our rights under the Agreement are restored and the Protocol is amended to ensure unfettered access for goods, services [emphasis added], and citizens throughout the United Kingdom.

    But as a political peace agreement, the GFA has nothing specifically to do with trade, goods, or services.

    Their demands

    The letter makes a claim on behalf of the entire population of the north when it says:

    There has been no consent sought for the Protocol from the Northern Ireland population

    But there is in fact support for the NIP among Irish republicans. The letter also claims that the NIP ‘breaches the objectives of the GFA’. And that the border down the Irish Sea created by the NIP:

    undermines the basis on which the Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) agreed their 1994 ceasefires and subsequent support for the Belfast Agreement.

    This letter goes on to attack the EU’s chief negotiator for not meeting them. It also attacks Irish foreign minister Simon Coveney, who did meet with them, for choosing “to ignore us”. LCC claims Coveney’s:

    actions and remarks served to heighten tensions in Northern Ireland throughout the negotiations and he is responsible for destroying the with the Irish government built up over the past twenty years.

    But LCC is ignoring the fact that it got a meeting with a democratically elected politician. It says it “is determined that unionist opposition to the protocol should be peaceful and democratic”. But it also warns not to:

    under-estimate the strength of feeling on this issue right across the unionist family. The only time I can remember such unanimity of opposition was following the imposition of the Anglo-Irish agreement in 1985.

    Let’s not forget that loyalist terrorists have broken their ceasefire on numerous occasions since the signing of the 1998 agreement. So they’ve already breached the GFA.

    Mainstream reporting

    Mainstream media didn’t hold back when former newspaper editor Roy Greenslade announced that he supported the use of physical force by Irish republicans. Yet it’s taking a softer approach towards British loyalists. The mainstream reports on the LCC as if it’s a mere lobby group. One that’s upset by the “trade and commerce” implications of the NIP.

    Because on 15 February, the Belfast Telegraph described the LCC as “an umbrella organisation representing loyalist groups”. That article said these loyalists have “written to two MPs and 10 MLAs warning that ‘no form of Irish Sea border will ever be tolerated’”.

    When the BBC reported on LCC meeting with the Brexiteer party DUP, it referred to the LCC as “the organisation which represents loyalist paramilitary groups”. ITV also called it an “umbrella group” while the Guardian called them “loyalist groups”. While interviewees did mention the word ‘terrorist’, these publications didn’t lead with that word.

    And on 4 March, when the Irish News claimed the LCC letter to Johnson could be a “negotiating tactic”, it merely said it was “a very concerning and potentially destabilising development”. Hardly a single use of the word ‘terrorist’ by the publications themselves, which we’ve grown accustomed to when reporting on Irish republicans.

    An obvious double standard

    These unelected loyalists complain the Irish foreign minister ignored them. But the Irish minister at least met with them, as did the DUP. Contrast that with Johnson’s refusal to meet Sinn Féin (SF) – and SF is a democratically elected part of government in the north. It’s also the largest opposition party in the southern parliament.

    It wouldn’t take much to imagine the public outrage if SF or Irish government ministers were to meet with the IRA. Nor to imagine the reaction if the IRA were to write to Johnson. But it raises little to no condemnation when loyalists do so. At best it’s a double standard. At worst, it legitimises the activities of such ‘groups’.

    Featured image via Wikimedia – Hrd10

    By Peadar O'Cearnaigh

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Evidence has emerged that suggests the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), one of the three loyalist paramilitary organisations that have withdrawn from the Good Friday Agreement (GFA), colluded with the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) and MI5 in killings.

    “Professionally carried out”

    The evidence relates to the murder of three IRA volunteers as well as a civilian. The IRA volunteers were John Quinn, Malcolm Nugent and Dwayne O’Donnell, and the civilian was Thomas Armstrong. UVF reportedly took responsibility for the killings, which took place at Boyle’s Bar in Cappagh in March 1991.

    In December of that year, three part-time members of the UDR were arrested on suspicion of involvement in the murders. Another man who was related to one of the UDR men was detained too, but no charges were made.

    Now, a British army document has come to light. It not only provides information on how the UVF attack was executed but also the weapons used. The document further states that the murders were “professionally carried out”. In particular:

    From investigation of the scene it was found that the groupings of the bursts of fire were quiet [sic] exceptional for a PPM [Protestant paramilitaries] shoot and the targets had been well acquired.

    This new evidence was first revealed by the Irish News:

    Collusion

    The Belfast Telegraph states that a report has been handed to the victims’ relatives. The report, drafted by the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) on those killed at Boyle’s Bar, says that:

    in the months after the killings three serving UDR members were named in intelligence reports as being responsible [for the killings].

    It further states that a “possible MI5 link involvement was also raised”.

    Phoenix Law lawyer Gavin Booth represents the families. He commented that this disclosure is “the first time a state report confirms collusion” in the Boyle’s Bar murders.

    More collusion

    It’s worth highlighting that there are many other instances of collusion or interaction between the UVF, and other loyalist paramilitaries, and British intelligence and armed forces.

    According to a lengthy exposé in Village, these include:

    • MI5 infiltration of Ulster Resistance (UR). Also, that “information was leaked from RUC [Royal Ulster Constabulary] and the UDR which provided [UR] with details of ‘suspected republicans’”.
    
    
    • Collusion between the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). It’s also reported that RUC intelligence was “used to target suspected republicans, including Loughlin Maginn, shot in Rathfriland in August 1989. His death, following that of solicitor Pat Finucane in February 1989, sparked the decades-long investigations by Sir John Stevens into collusion by the Security forces”.
    
    
    • Claims that “MI5-controlled provocateur” Robert Nairac “obtained equipment and weapons for, co-ordinated and executed the [Miami Showband] massacre which was perpetrated by the UVF led by their commander Robin Jackson. … Two serving UDR officers, and one ex-UDR officer served life sentences for the murders”.
    
    
    • Collusion between UDA agent Brian Nelson (found guilty of solicitor Pat Finucane’s murder) and the Force Research Unit (FRU).
    Other revelations

    In a July 2016 article, The Canary revealed a restricted document that provided evidence of the UK government’s collusion with paramilitary organisations in the north of Ireland. The document consisted of testimony by Ian Hurst, an FRU agent, who also went by the name Martin Ingram.

    Then in November 2018, The Canary reported on another example of collusion involving the Glenanne gang, which:

    was made up of members of the RUC, a former police force in Northern Ireland; the UDR, a British Army regiment; and the UVF, a loyalist paramilitary group. It was centrally involved in the murder of over 120 innocent civilians between July 1972 and the end of 1978. The group also took its murderous campaign south of the border.

    And in December 2020, The Canary reported on the 1971 McGurk’s bar massacre, when 15 people were killed and more than 16 were injured. The article reported that author and activist Ciarán MacAirt revealed files showing:

    the name of the UVF’s original target that evening and showed there was a nearby British army presence that evening also. Moreover, MacAirt claims his revelations connect General Frank Kitson [British general who authored ‘Low Intensity Operations’] to the atrocity.

    It’s claimed that a staggeringly high number of Loyalist paramilitary members were British intelligence assets.

    Meanwhile, the UVF, UDA, and Red Hand Commando – all proscribed terrorist organisations – are continuing to pressure the UK and EU on matters related to Brexit. And going by the UK government’s track record for duplicity, it’s doubtful whether it can be trusted to be on the right side of history here.

    Featured image via YouTube

    By Tom Coburg

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Loyalist paramilitaries have withdrawn support for the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) as long as UK and EU stick with an unamended Irish Protocol. But behind this move lies, possibly, an even greater threat to peace on the island of Ireland and potentially beyond.

    Good Friday Agreement under threat

    In an earlier article in The Canary by Joe Glenton, it’s reported that a letter to Johnson by the Loyalist Communities Council (LCC) states that the Loyalist Groupings are:

    herewith withdrawing support for the Belfast [Good Friday] Agreement and its institutions until our rights under the Agreement are restored.

    The LCC represents the Red Hand Commando (RHC) the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). The paramilitary groups represented by LCC are proscribed terrorist organisations.

    The full text of the letter is included in this tweet from journalist Allison Morris:

    The letter adds that the withdrawal from the GFA will stand until the “Protocol is amended to ensure unfettered access for goods, services, and citizens throughout the United Kingdom”. Moreover, the letter states that “the triggers detailed in Article 16 of the Protocol… must be acted up without further delay”.

    The north of Ireland’s deputy first minister Michelle O’Neill has also made it clear that the current debacle over customs arrangements between the north of Ireland and Britain is entirely down to the British government. And she has accused the British government of acting in “bad faith”.

    Threats by unionist gangs against politicians

    According to the Irish News, it’s understood that the LCC wrote the letter to Johnson:

    as part of attempts to appease hardline factions of loyalism who wanted to escalate opposition to the protocol into direct action against politicians and political offices [emphasis added].

    If loyalist gangs decide to escalate to “direct action against politicians and their offices”, what form could that take? Indeed, earlier in February LCC chair David Campbell ominously stated:

    If it comes to the bit where we have to fight physically to maintain our freedoms within the UK, so be it.

    PSNI Chief Constable Simon Byrne commented that he considered the remarks as “inflammatory”. Though Campbell claimed the quote had been taken out of context.

    Moreover, graffiti giving UK cabinet minister Michael Gove’s address and saying “We do not forget. We do not forgive” has been daubed in the Sandy Row area of Belfast.

    DUP also has blood on its hands

    Nor should it be forgotten that the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) has a long history of association with paramilitaries.

    For example, DUP founder Ian Paisley set up the unionist militia Third Force. Former DUP leader and co-founder Peter Robinson “was an active member of Ulster Resistance”, the activities of which included smuggling “arms to the UK, including RPG rocket launchers”. In 1986, Robinson led hundreds of members of the Third Force in an “invasion” of the small village of Clontibret in County Monaghan, across the border. In that same year, Paisley and Robinson addressed a rally for Ulster Resistance in Ulster Hall.

    Then in 1987, Ulster Resistance combined with the UVF and the UDA in a weapons smuggling operation that included 200 assault rifles and ammunition. The rifles were used in:

    the murder or attempted murder of about 70 people in Northern Ireland. In the early 90s, they were used in three massacres: gunmen stood at the doors of a bookmaker’s shop and two bars, and simply sprayed the room. Nineteen people died and 27 were wounded.

    In 2009, DUP MP Willie McCrea was challenged about his links to the UVF leader Billy Wright in 1991 and 1992. This was at the height of a sectarian murder campaign in Mid-Ulster.

    As for the LCC, it issued a statement shortly before the 2017 general election urging voters to back DUP and Ulster Unionist candidates in four battleground constituencies.

    On 25 February, a week before LCC’s letter to Johnson, north of Ireland first minister Arlene Foster met with the paramilitary ‘umbrella’ body to discuss the Irish Protocol.

    Johnson’s Brexit mess

    It’s essential that not only the border between north and south Ireland remains as invisible as possible, but that the government finds a workable solution to the flawed Irish Protocol. Otherwise the deal with the European Union will flounder, and the UK-US trade deal could be in jeopardy too.

    This is a mess of Johnson’s own making. He now needs to ensure the GFA is restored without delay – but not by appeasing loyalist paramilitaries.

    Featured image via Flickr/KeBorja García de Sola Fernández

    By Tom Coburg

    This post was originally published on The Canary.