Category: Watchdog

  • MOSCOW — Milana Magomedova is a 22-year-old woman who, until recently, lived with her parents and younger brother and sister in the Siberian oil city of Tyumen.

    Since December, Magomedova has been trying to escape her parents, natives of the North Caucasus region of Daghestan who ran their family life according to a strict interpretation of their region’s traditional Islamic values.

    Magomedova was not allowed to have a job or to leave the house without permission. Her parents were avidly attempting to arrange a marriage for her. Last year, she decided to leave the dental institute where her parents had sent her to study, she told RFE/RL. She knew there would be a scandal when she got home, and she was right. Her father struck her, she recalled, and threatened to send her back to his native village in Daghestan to live with relatives, who, he assured her, would see to it that she got no education at all.

    “I just wanted to get a job as a cashier or something, but they wouldn’t let me,” she said. “Because of the whole situation, I had no friends except for one girlfriend. Who would want to be friends with someone who can’t leave the house? I started to understand that there was no point in sitting there any longer. I had to run away.”

    The Russian authorities have long turned a blind eye to the human rights issues presented by many of the customs of the North Caucasus.

    Ramzan Kadyrov, the strongman leader of Chechnya, adjacent to Daghestan, has been frequently accused by domestic and international rights groups of overseeing massive human rights abuses including abductions, torture, extrajudicial killings, the persecution of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people, and political and personal assassinations. Kadyrov himself routinely berates and humiliates critics in the media, compelling them from fear to apologize.

    ‘Tip Of The Iceberg’

    According to a 2018 report by the Dutch NGO Stichting Justice Initiative, there were at least 33 cases of so-called honor killings in the Russian North Caucasus between 2008 and 2017. Of the 39 victims, 36 were female.

    “Most of the victims were daughters, sisters, wives, cousins or stepdaughters of their killers,” the report said. Only 14 of the incidents led to criminal prosecutions, producing 13 convictions and prison sentences ranging between six and 15 years.


    “But this is just the tip of the iceberg,” the report added. “In reality, only a small portion of such crimes ever become known and are taken up by law enforcement and the media.” Most cases are dismissed by local authorities as “accidents.”

    Toward the end of last year, Magomedova became acquainted via the Internet with Vladislav Khorev, a 32-year-old man from Ufa in the Bashkortostan region. After hearing of her plight, Khorev decided to help her escape, and he flew to Tyumen at the end of December. Shortly after New Year’s, Magomedova gathered a few belongings and the pair flew off, first to Moscow and then on to Turkey, which was one of the few countries open to Russians because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Vladislav Khorev and Milana Magomedova in Istanbul


    Vladislav Khorev and Milana Magomedova in Istanbul

    After a few days in Istanbul, the pair traveled to St. Petersburg, where Khorev helped Magomedova rent an apartment. She was almost immediately contacted by the police, who informed her that her parents had filed a missing person report about her in Tyumen. As Magomedova later found out, a police source in Tyumen gave her address to her parents and, on January 18, her mother, Gyulliser Magomedova, appeared at her door. Later that night, her father, Musa Magomedov, showed up, and the couple tried to take her away by force. RFE/RL has heard an audio recording of the encounter, during which Magomedov struck his daughter.

    During the conflict, Magomedova was able to contact Khorev, who called the police. When they arrived, they supposedly found nothing out of order. Khorev watched from the street as Magomedova was put into a waiting car (he photographed the car and shared the photo with RFE/RL). He followed them to another address and again called the police. When they arrived, they took everyone, including Khorev, to a police station.

    “At the police station, they first listened to my father because he refused to leave me alone,” Magomedova said. “Then they spoke to me. I told them my side of the story and they said, ‘OK, so you are so independent, but you don’t understand that [Khorev] is a human trafficker.’”

    Passport Seized

    She said that they asked in detail about her relationship with Khorev. She told them that she had looked through his phone and his computer, that she had taken photocopies of his identification documents. She assured them that she did not owe Khorev any money.

    “Finally, I added that even if he is a human trafficker, I didn’t want to go back with my parents,” she said. “I asked them to accept my complaint that they were trying to take me away by force. And one of them said to me, ‘Milana, don’t you understand that is your custom?’”

    Vladislav Khorev


    Vladislav Khorev

    Khorev told RFE/RL that he was questioned by an officer of the Interior Ministry’s Center E, which combats extremism and terrorism. Khorev had been holding Magomedova’s passport at her request, he said, to prevent her parents from taking it.

    The police, however, found this suspicious and ordered him to give it to them.

    In the end, the St. Petersburg police gave turned Magomedova and her documents over to her parents and allowed them to take her back to Tyumen.

    “When I arrived home, I thought we would have some sort of conversation, that they would ask me what had happened,” Magomedova recalled. “But they started immediately threatening me, saying that if I ran away again, they would send me to Daghestan and there I would have no education or anything else. They said I had shamed them and had deprived myself…of any future.”

    “My aunt, my father’s sister, told me that if they take me to Daghestan, I could easily be killed,” Magomedova said. “That no one there would remember anything about me, that everything would be dismissed as an accident, that no one would look into anything. She said that there are special cemeteries there for my type. I thought I knew my parents, but I never imagined that they would threaten to kill me or have me committed to a mental hospital.”

    In order to calm her parents, Magomedova acted contrite, promised that she wouldn’t run away again, and began seeing a therapist to “calm her nerves.” But on February 10, she ran away a second time, in her pajamas and without her telephone or any money. Khorev was able to help her travel to Yekaterinburg, in the Urals, where she contacted human rights lawyer Fyodor Akchermyshev. He applied to the regional office of the Interior Ministry and was able to have Magomedova removed from the missing person’s list.

    Her parents, however, did not give up. They filed complaint after complaint with the police in Tyumen. Somehow, her file from Yekaterinburg ended up with the police in Tyumen, who passed the information on to Magomedova’s parents. They began calling Akchermyshev and urging him to stop helping their daughter, saying that she was mentally ill. They also began calling Khorev.

    Magomedova said she has a distant relative named Shamil Radzhabov who works for the Interior Ministry in Tyumen. Some of her acquaintances told her that they had been questioned by Radzhabov about her disappearance. She suspects he could be leaking her personal information to her parents.

    She told RFE/RL that when she and Akchermyshev went to the police in Yekaterinburg to file a second complaint, they were told that her mother had visited the address that Magomedova had written on the first complaint and found no one there. Magomedova had written an incorrect address because she did not want to reveal her whereabouts.

    ‘Physical Force’

    Magomedova’s parents filed a complaint saying that Khorev had kidnapped their daughter. But when police searched his apartment and questioned him, they found nothing incriminating. Her parents then filed a similar complaint about Akchermyshev.

    In an interview with RFE/RL, Magomedova’s mother repeated her unsubstantiated allegations, saying that her daughter had been kidnapped, first by Khorev and then by Akchermyshev, in order to be sold as a prostitute to the militant group Islamic State, which is classified in Russia as a terrorist organization.

    On March 23, Magomedova and Akchermyshev arrived at the office of the migration service to pick up her replacement passport. Although everyone else in line simply waited and then was handed the prepared document, Magomedova was told that she would have to wait longer because a stamp was missing.

    “We understood that they were calling the police,” she said. When the police arrived, the two were taken to a a precinct house and questioned again about the accusation that Akchermyshev had kidnapped her.

    During the questioning, a man Magomedova did not know entered the room. The officers did nothing while the man ushered Akchermyshev out and continued questioning Magomedova. Meanwhile, Akchermyshev was able to telephone journalists, telling them that the unknown man had used “physical force” against him in front of police officers.

    Fyodor Akchermyshev says he has identified the man who accosted him at the police station as a senior officer of the Sverdlovsk Oblast Interior Ministry named Magomedimin Kurbanov (left).


    Fyodor Akchermyshev says he has identified the man who accosted him at the police station as a senior officer of the Sverdlovsk Oblast Interior Ministry named Magomedimin Kurbanov (left).

    Local journalists arrived at the station and found cars parked outside with license plates from Daghestan and Tyumen. Police informed Magomedova that her mother wanted to talk to her, but she refused.

    After the journalists began photographing the cars and the people in them, they drove away. Magomedova and Akchermyshev were released after spending five hours at the police station.

    Two days later, Akchermyshev said that he was able to identify the man who accosted him at the police station as a senior officer of the Sverdlovsk Oblast Interior Ministry named Magomedimin Kurbanov. He told RFE/RL that he has filed a complaint against Kurbanov with the Sverdlovsk police and the Investigative Committee.

    “I never did get my passport,” Magomedova told RFE/RL. “I don’t know what will happen next. I think I’ll just lay low – it is terrifying just to go outside.”

    Written by RFE/RL senior correspondent Robert Coalson based on reporting from Moscow by RFE/RL Russian Service correspondent Sergei Khazov-Cassia

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russia’s prison authority on April 1 rejected accusations of mistreatment of opposition leader Aleksei Navalny, one day after the anti-corruption campaigner and frequent Kremlin critic announced a hunger strike to protest alleged abuses in custody.

    The 44-year-old Navalny has complained of medical care being withheld for serious ailments and near constant interruptions by prison guards at night to deny him sleep.

    Navalny was quickly taken into custody at a Moscow airport in January after recovering abroad from a nerve-agent poisoning in Russia that Western countries and international rights groups have linked to the Russian state.

    Now, the prison service for Correctional Colony No. 2 outside Moscow where Navalny is serving a sentence widely viewed as politically motivated has been quoted as saying guards were following guidelines to respect inmates’ sleep and that Navalny was getting medical care.

    “Correction facility officers strictly respect the right of all inmates to eight hours of uninterrupted sleep,” Reuters quoted prison authorities as saying late on March 31. It said safeguards included visual checks at night.

    “These measures do not interfere with convicts resting,” it added. “…Navalny is being provided with all necessary medical care in accordance with his current medical conditions.”

    But doctors who are trusted by Navalny’s close associates have been standing by helplessly, urging authorities to respond to appeals for Navalny’s care.

    Navalny this week declared a hunger strike in a handwritten note to lawyers, saying he was being deprived of proper medical treatment as fear among his associates mounted over his state of health just months after being in a coma following the poison attack.

    Last week, he said he had received nothing more from prison doctors than ibuprofen, despite being in acute pain from leg and back ailments.

    In an Instagram post on March 31, he said the pain had worsened and that he had lost some sensitivity in both legs. He also said he was being awakened up to eight times a night.

    “I have the right to call a doctor and get medicine. They don’t give me either one or the other,” he said in the post, which was published through his lawyers.

    “I have declared a hunger strike demanding that the law be upheld and a doctor of my choice be allowed to visit me…. So I’m lying here, hungry, but still with two legs.”

    U.S. State Department spokesman Ned Price said on March 31 that the United States and its allies and partners have continually called for Navalny’s release and will continue to seek to hold accountable those who are responsible for his detention and attempts on his life.

    “We’ve been very clear that Aleksei Navalny is a political prisoner,” Price said at a briefing. “His detention is politically motivated.”

    Hundreds of Russian physicians on March 29 demanded authorities provide immediate medical assistance to Navalny amid the growing concerns.

    Navalny’s incarceration after his return from Berlin in mid-January despite clear warnings from Russian officials sparked major protests around the country.

    Navalny has said the assassination attempt by poisoning that forced doctors to put him into a medically induced coma for several weeks was ordered by Russian President Vladimir Putin — an allegation rejected by the Kremlin.

    A Moscow court in February ruled that while in Germany after his medical evacuation, Navalny had violated the terms of parole from an older embezzlement case that is widely considered to be politically motivated.

    His suspended 3 1/2-year sentence was converted into jail time, though the court reduced that amount to 2 1/2 years for time already served in detention.

    With reporting by Reuters

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • DUSHANBE — Jailed Tajik opposition veteran Hikmatullo Saifullozoda has reportedly been moved to a prison hospital after the 70-year-old is said to have shown signs of heart trouble.

    Saifullozoda’s wife, Farogat Sanginova, told RFE/RL on April 1 that she visited the prison after her husband missed his regular weekly call to her.

    “The prison administration told me that he was placed in the penitentiary’s hospital. They said they will treat his heart first and prepare him for surgery,” Sanginova said.

    Sanginova previously said a chronic medical condition had worsened after her husband survived COVID-19 while in custody.

    But the Tajik prison administration rejected her statements, saying that Saifullozoda’s life was not in danger.

    Saifullozoda is a onetime member of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan Party (IRPT), which was labeled as extremist and banned in 2015.

    Dozens of IRPT officials and supporters have been prosecuted and many imprisoned in recent years, drawing criticism of President Emomali Rahmon’s government from rights groups.

    Saifullozoda was arrested in 2015 and sentenced to 16 years in prison after a court found him guilty of involvement in a purported insurrection against Rahmon’s government led by Army General Abduhalim Nazarzoda.

    The IRPT, long an influential party with representatives in the Tajik government and parliament, has denied any links to the deadly events and called the imprisonment of its members and leaders politically motivated.

    Activists and rights groups say Rahmon, who has ruled Tajikistan since 1992, has used the security forces and other levers of power to sideline opponents and suppress dissent.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has ruled in favor of an RFE/RL Ukrainian Service journalist who has battled against the handover of her smartphone data to authorities in what the court agreed is an essential defense of a free press and privacy in democratic society.

    Natalia Sedletska, who hosts the award-winning investigative TV program Schemes, has been locked in a three-year battle to protect her phone data from seizure by Ukrainian prosecutors investigating a leak of state secrets nearly four years ago.

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    The ECHR concluded that Sedletska should be protected from the data search under Article 10 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and stressed the importance of protection of sources for a functioning free press.

    “[T]he court is not convinced that the data access authorization given by the domestic courts was justified by an ‘overriding requirement in the public interest’ and, therefore, necessary in a democratic society,” the decision read.

    Sedletska turned to the European rights court after a Ukrainian court ruling in 2018 gave authorities unlimited access to 17 months of her smartphone data.

    Schemes had reported on several investigations involving senior Ukrainian officials, including Prosecutor-General Yuriy Lutsenko, during the period in question.

    Sedletska has argued that the Ukrainian ruling contravened domestic law and Kyiv’s commitments to a free press.

    Her application to the ECHR sought protection from the seizure of her communications data as such judicial action was not “necessary in a democratic society,” and was grossly disproportionate and not justified by any “overriding requirement in the public interest.”

    The ECHR agreed and stressed that “the protection of journalistic sources is one of the cornerstones of freedom of the press.”

    The prosecutors pressed for access to Sedletska’s phone data in connection with a criminal investigation into the alleged disclosure of state secrets to journalists in 2017 by Artem Sytnyk, director of the country’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau.

    On August 2018, Kyiv’s Pechersk district court approved a request by the Ukrainian Prosecutor-General’s Office to allow investigators to review all of Sedletska’s mobile-phone data from a 17-month period.

    The European Parliament in 2018 passed a resolution expressing “concern” at the Ukrainian ruling and stressing the importance of media freedom and the protection of journalists’ sources.

    The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the watchdog groups Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and Reporters Without Borders have also backed Sedletska’s arguments.

    Schemes is a corruption-focused TV program produced by RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service and Ukrainian Public Television. It had a combined audience across its two channels of more than 10 million last year.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Six months ahead of a planned presidential election and with physical attacks on government critics mounting, Uzbekistan has criminalized “insult and slander” of the president in digital and online form.

    The Uzbek Justice Ministry announced the immediate implementation of the defamation clauses via Telegram on March 31 and said offenders could face up to five years in prison.

    It cited amendments to that post-Soviet Central Asian republic’s Criminal Code and legislation signed the previous day by President Shavkat Mirziyoev, who took over in a disputed handover after the death of his long-serving predecessor in 2016.

    The changes also threaten up to five years in prison for public calls for mass disorder and violence and up to 10 years in prison for doing so in groups using media, telecommunication networks, or the Internet.

    Mirziyoev’s first term expires later this year, but he is expected to run for a second term.

    He took over as head of the Central Asia’s most populous state, with 32 citizens, after authoritarian leader Islam Karimov’s death was announced in September 2016.

    Mirziyoev has since positioned himself as a reformer, releasing political prisoners and opening his country to its neighbors and the outside world, although many activists say the changes have not gone nearly far enough.

    Although Mirziyoev has said he is not against having opposition political groups in Uzbekistan, it has been nearly impossible for genuine opposition parties to get registered since the country gained independence in late 1991.

    As if to underscore the problem as the new clampdown on defamation came into effect, unknown assailants attacked activists for a freshly created opposition group called Truth And Development on April 1 while supporters were gathering signatures in support of registration by the Justice Ministry.

    The attackers beat activists and destroyed tables and chairs set up outside the new party’s offices.

    Meanwhile, international watchdog group Human Rights Watch (HRW) on March 31 urged Uzbek authorities to find and punish those responsible for a “vicious attack” this week on a blogger and popular critic of the government, Miraziz Bazarov.

    Bazarov had recently spoken out for LGBT rights before he was attacked by a group of men outside his home in Tashkent on March 28.

    “The police should thoroughly and impartially investigate this violent assault on Miraziz Bazarov, examining all possible motivations,” HRW Europe and Central Asia Director Hugh Williamson said, adding, “At a time when homophobia is on the rise in Uzbekistan, it’s critical for the authorities to bring those responsible to justice.”

    The next presidential election in Uzbekistan will be held on October 24.

    With reporting by RFE/RL’s Uzbek Service

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) is calling on Kazakhstan to drop the criminal case against a blogger and journalist who went on trial earlier this month on charges of participating in the activities of a banned organization.

    In a statement on March 31, the New York-based media freedom watchdog urged the Kazakh authorities to immediately release Aigul Otepova from house arrest, drop the charges against her, and “allow her to work safely and freely.”

    Journalists in Kazakhstan “should not be persecuted for their independent reporting, and it is authorities’ responsibility to ensure journalists’ safety, not to intimidate and pressure them,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna.

    Otepova’s trial started in the capital, Nur-Sultan, on March 15, with the journalist attending the hearings remotely due to the coronavirus pandemic.

    Authorities accused her of supporting the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) opposition movement, which has been labeled as an extremist group and banned in the country.

    Otepova denies participating in any political movements and says the case against her is retaliation for her political coverage.

    If convicted, the journalist could face up to two years of imprisonment.

    Amnesty International has said that Otepova was “a prisoner of conscience who is being prosecuted solely for the peaceful expression of her views.”

    Otepova was detained in mid-September and put under house arrest after she placed a post on Facebook criticizing official efforts to curb the coronavirus outbreak.

    In November, she was placed in a psychiatric clinic for 18 days for a mandatory mental health evaluation. The journalist was released on December 11 and remained under house arrest.

    Human rights groups have criticized the Kazakh government for years for persecuting independent and opposition journalists.

    Rights activists in Kazakhstan have criticized authorities for using Soviet-era method of stifling dissent by placing opponents in psychiatric clinics.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Jailed Kremlin critic Aleksei Navalny on March 31 has declared a hunger strike until he receives proper medical treatment for severe back pain and numbness in his legs.

    “I have declared a hunger strike demanding that the law be upheld and a doctor of my choice be allowed to visit me,” Navalny said in an Instagram post, which was published through his lawyers.

    Navalny, 44, is currently incarcerated in Correctional Colony No. 2, about 100 kilometers from Moscow, The prison is known as one of the toughest penitentiaries in Russia.

    He was detained at a Moscow airport in January immediately upon returning from Berlin, where he had recovered from what several Western laboratories determined was a poisoning attempt using a Novichok-type nerve agent that saw him fall seriously ill on a flight in Siberia in August 2020.

    Navalny has said the assassination attempt was ordered by Russian President Vladimir Putin — an allegation rejected by the Kremlin.

    A Moscow court in February ruled that, while in Germany, Navalny had violated the terms of parole from an older embezzlement case, which is widely considered to be politically motivated.

    His suspended 3 1/2-year sentence was converted into jail time, though the court reduced that amount to 2 1/2 years for time already served in detention.

    Navalny’s health became an issue last week after his allies said they were worried that he was ailing and called on prison authorities to clarify his condition.

    Navalny said he was suffering from severe back pains and that “nothing” was being done by prison authorities to solve the problem other than being given some ibuprofen.

    Hundreds of Russian physicians have demanded authorities to provide immediate medical assistance to jailed opposition politician Aleksei Navalny amid growing concerns over the state of his health.

    Navalny’s incarceration set off a wave of national protests and a crackdown against his supporters.

    The European Union, the United States, and Canada have imposed a series of sanctions against Russia over the Navalny case.

    With reporting by Reuters and AFP

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Jailed Kremlin critic Aleksei Navalny on March 31 has declared a hunger strike until he receives proper medical treatment for severe back pain and numbness in his legs.

    “I have declared a hunger strike demanding that the law be upheld and a doctor of my choice be allowed to visit me,” Navalny said in an Instagram post, which was published through his lawyers.

    Navalny, 44, is currently incarcerated in Correctional Colony No. 2, about 100 kilometers from Moscow, The prison is known as one of the toughest penitentiaries in Russia.

    He was detained at a Moscow airport in January immediately upon returning from Berlin, where he had recovered from what several Western laboratories determined was a poisoning attempt using a Novichok-type nerve agent that saw him fall seriously ill on a flight in Siberia in August 2020.

    Navalny has said the assassination attempt was ordered by Russian President Vladimir Putin — an allegation rejected by the Kremlin.

    A Moscow court in February ruled that, while in Germany, Navalny had violated the terms of parole from an older embezzlement case, which is widely considered to be politically motivated.

    His suspended 3 1/2-year sentence was converted into jail time, though the court reduced that amount to 2 1/2 years for time already served in detention.

    Navalny’s health became an issue last week after his allies said they were worried that he was ailing and called on prison authorities to clarify his condition.

    Navalny said he was suffering from severe back pains and that “nothing” was being done by prison authorities to solve the problem other than being given some ibuprofen.

    Hundreds of Russian physicians have demanded authorities to provide immediate medical assistance to jailed opposition politician Aleksei Navalny amid growing concerns over the state of his health.

    Navalny’s incarceration set off a wave of national protests and a crackdown against his supporters.

    The European Union, the United States, and Canada have imposed a series of sanctions against Russia over the Navalny case.

    With reporting by Reuters and AFP

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The Council of Europe says states across the continent last year continued to make “progress” on implementing judgments from the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) despite the coronavirus pandemic.

    But it stressed that further efforts are needed to tackle issues such as ill-treatment or deaths caused by security forces and poor conditions of detention, as well as a “growing number of cases concerning abusive limitations on rights and freedoms.”

    The assessment was part of the Council of Europe Committee of Ministers’ annual report for 2020 on the execution of ECHR judgments.

    States with the highest total number of new cases last year were Russia (218), Turkey (103), and Ukraine (84), followed by Romania (78) and Hungary (61).

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    These countries also had the highest number of pending cases at the end of 2020: Russia (1,789), Turkey (624), Ukraine (567), Romania (347), and Hungary (276).

    The states over which the ECHR awarded the most “just satisfaction” to applicants were Romania ($43.9 million), Russia ($13.4 million), Italy ($6 million), Montenegro ($5.4 million), and Moldova ($4.9 million).

    Council of Europe Secretary-General Marija Pejcinovic Buric said in a statement that the report shows that member states take their obligations to implement judgments from the Strasbourg-based court “very seriously, even in difficult circumstances.”

    However, Buric noted that “many important judgments have been outstanding for several years and a small number of high-profile cases are not being resolved quickly enough.”

    “Our member states have a duty to implement ECHR judgments promptly and fully. This is not a kind request — it is a binding requirement,” she insisted.

    According to the report, 983 cases were closed by the Committee of Ministers in 2020, which marked the 70th anniversary of the European Convention on Human Rights, as a result of steps taken by the relevant member states.

    At the end of the year, 5,233 cases had yet to be fully implemented by the member states involved — among the lowest counts since 2006.

    The report states that 581 payments of “just satisfaction” to applicants, awarded by the ECHR, were made on time in 2020, while the Committee of Ministers was still awaiting confirmation of payment in 1,574 cases at the end of December.

    Among the most significant cases that the committee was able to close in 2020 were three cases regarding abusive limitations of the rights to liberty and security in Azerbaijan, and a case concerning voting rights in local elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

    But the report cautions there is “not a time for complacency” because “serious challenges continue to be raised in the context of the execution of many cases.”

    It cited an interstate case opposing Georgia and Russia, a “larger number” of individual applications linked to post-conflict situations or unresolved conflicts, and “many long-standing systemic and structural problems” concerning in particular “ineffective investigations” into ill-treatment or death caused by security forces and poor conditions of detention.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • CHEREPOVETS, Russia — A noted human rights activist in the northwestern Russian city of Cherepovets has been sentenced to two years of “limited freedom” under parole-like conditions on a charge of distributing false information about the coronavirus.

    The leader of the For Human Rights movement’s branch in the Vologda region, Grigory Vinter, said on March 31 that the sentence forbids him from changing his permanent address and orders him to report to a parole officer twice a month.

    Vinter was found guilty of posting “false” information on the VKontakte social network about the purported transfer of a group of convicts with coronavirus-like symptoms from Russia’s second city, St. Petersburg, to the Vologda region in 2020.

    He was also found guilty of insulting police during a search of his apartment in May.

    Vinter says he will appeal the court’s ruling.

    Vinter has said that he was tortured with an electric shock device while in a detention center in Cherepovets in December, a charge that the Federal Penitentiary Service has denied.

    Pressure on human rights activists in Russia has increased in recent months amid a crackdown on supporters of jailed opposition politician Aleksei Navalny, whose near-fatal poisoning eventually landed him in Germany for urgent care after he fell ill during a Russian domestic flight in August.

    The chief of the Siberia Without Torture group’s branch in the Republic of Buryatia, Yevgeny Khasoyev, told RFE/RL on March 31 that he had to flee Russia after two criminal cases on charges of assaulting a court bailiff and libel were launched against him and a court ordered him to be sent to a psychiatric clinic for examination.

    Khasoyev, who is currently in an unspecified foreign country, provided legal assistance to activists detained in Buryatia’s capital, Ulan-Ude, during unsanctioned rallies demanding Navalny’s release in January.

    With reporting by SOTA

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • BISHKEK — Natalia Gherman, the UN secretary-general’s special representative for Central Asia, has proposed to Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov the establishment of a UN-Kyrgyzstan Human Rights Dialogue.

    Gherman, who also heads the UN Regional Center for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia, held talks with Japarov in Bishkek on March 30, according to the Kyrgyz presidential press service.

    The sides also discussed reforms initiated by Japarov after he took power following predecessor Sooronbai Jeenbekov’s forced resignation in mid-October amid anti-government rallies protesting the official results of parliamentary elections.

    Japarov, who assumed power through a chaotic handover whose legitimacy was disputed by critics, won a rapidly organized presidential election on January 10 that coincided with a referendum on a return to a presidential system.

    The proposed constitutional changes aim to significantly widen presidential powers and extend the number of allowable presidential terms from one to two.

    The amendments also envisage the creation of a so-called People’s Kurultai (Assembly), described as “a consultative and coordinating organ” controlled by the president.

    A Constitutional Court would also be created and the number of lawmakers in the legislature reduced from 120 to 90.

    Many in Kyrgyzstan have criticized Japarov, saying that he is looking to impose a more authoritarian system of rule by changing the constitution. Japarov has rejected such accusations.

    The constitutional amendments are facing a nationwide referendum scheduled for April 11.

    Gherman emphasized that UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres continues to closely monitor developments in Kyrgyzstan since the October political crisis.

    She praised Kyrgyzstan’s recent move to allow the transfer of 79 children born to Kyrgyz citizens who joined the Islamic State extremist group in Iraq.

    Gherman also expressed UN readiness to assist Bishkek’s anti-pandemic efforts.

    Japarov assured Gherman that rights and freedoms in Kyrgyzstan, including freedom of speech, as well as all of his country’s international commitments are respected, and expressed interest to cooperate with UN entities.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A foreign-based Turkmen opposition group says security officers in that Central Asian nation have arrested at least two activists over leaflets calling for the resignation of President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov.

    Murat Gurbanov, the leader of the Democratic Choice of Turkmenistan (DWT), which was founded abroad to avoid repressive policies in the authoritarian former Soviet republic, said in a video statement on YouTube on March 30 that an unspecified number of activist detentions included those of two men: Didar Ashirov and Dovran Gylyjov.

    Gurbanov condemned the arrests, saying the distribution of leaflets criticizing the government is not a crime in Turkmenistan.

    The anti-Berdymukhammedov leaflets and posters had reportedly appeared in the former Soviet republic’s capital, Ashgabat, and other towns and cities in recent weeks.

    RFE/RL correspondents in the northeastern Lebap region reported that police and security forces in the regional capital, Turkmenabat, began interrogating local residents involved in printing businesses in an effort to learn where the posters and leaflets had been printed.

    Meanwhile, in several cities across the country, local authorities have begun installing additional security cameras to monitor streets amid the anti-leaflet campaign.

    Turkmenistan has been facing rising economic problems.

    Despite being rich in natural gas, the country has faced shortages of cash, food, and other necessities in recent years.

    Berdymukhammedov has kept a tight lid on dissent and made few changes in the restrictive country since he came to power following the death of autocrat Saparmurat Niyazov in 2006.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Russian authorities have opened a criminal case against four Jehovah’s Witnesses in Siberia, in the latest persecution against the religious group.

    The Investigative Committee in the Tomsk region charged the four believers for participating in an extremist group, the human rights monitoring group OVD-Info and Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia said on March 29.

    The four were identified as Sergei Belousov, Andrei Kolesnichenko, Aleksei Ershov, and Andrei Ledyaykin.

    The case was opened in Seversk, a closed city due to its nuclear and chemical facilities.

    Russia labeled the Jehovah’s Witnesses an extremist group and banned it in 2017, leading to a wave of court cases and prison sentences against its members.

    For decades, the Jehovah’s Witnesses have been viewed with suspicion in Russia, where the dominant Orthodox Church is championed by President Vladimir Putin.

    The Christian group is known for door-to-door preaching, close Bible study, rejection of military service, and not celebrating national and religious holidays or birthdays.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • SEVASTOPOL, Ukraine — A Moscow-imposed court in the Russian-annexed Ukrainian Black Sea peninsula of Crimea has sentenced a Jehovah’s Witness to a lengthy prison term amid an ongoing crackdown against the religious group.

    The Gagarin district court in the city of Sevastopol said on March 29 that it had sentenced a local resident to 6 1/2 years in prison after finding him guilty of organizing activities of the group that was labeled as extremist and banned in Russia in 2017, but is legal in Ukraine.

    The court did not mention the man’s name, but the Crimean Human Rights Group identified him as Viktor Stashevsky. Prosecutors had asked the court to sentence Stashevsky to seven years in prison.

    Last week, Russia’s Investigative Committee said that a 30-year-old resident of another Crimean city, Kerch, was detained on suspicion of being a member of the group.

    Since the faith was outlawed in Russia, many Jehovah’s Witnesses have been imprisoned in Russia and Russian-annexed Crimea.

    The United States has condemned Russia’s ongoing crackdown on Jehovah’s Witnesses and other peaceful religious minorities.

    For decades, the Jehovah’s Witnesses have been viewed with suspicion in Russia, where the dominant Orthodox Church is championed by President Vladimir Putin.

    The Christian group is known for door-to-door preaching, close Bible study, rejecting military service, and not celebrating national and religious holidays or birthdays.

    According to the group, dozens of Jehovah’s Witnesses were either convicted of extremism or are being held in pretrial detention.

    The Moscow-based Memorial Human Rights Center has recognized dozens of Jehovah’s Witnesses who’ve been charged with or convicted of extremism as political prisoners.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The father of Ivan Zhdanov, the director of the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) of jailed Russian opposition politician Aleksei Navalny, has been detained on a charge of abuse of office.

    Zhdanov wrote on social media on March 29 that his 66-year-old father Yury Zhdanov was sent to pretrial detention over the weekend after police searched his home in the city of Rostov-on-Don on March 26.

    “I have no doubts that the criminal case was launched because of me and my activities,” Zhdanov wrote, adding that his father’s arrest was “absolutely a new level of villainy and turpitude from the presidential administration.”

    According to Zhdanov, before retirement last summer his father worked as an official in a remote town for several years.

    Investigators now accuse Yury Zhdanov of recommending the town’s administration provide a local woman with a subsidized apartment though it later turned out that the woman’s family had previously received housing allocations.

    The apartment was later returned to municipal ownership in accordance with a court decision and no one among those who made the decision were held responsible.

    “I do not know if the situation was intentionally organized to frame him. The events took place in July 2019, during the peak of the campaign in the Moscow municipal elections,” Zhdanov wrote.

    In late-July 2019, the younger Zhdanov was serving a 15-day jail term for taking part in an unsanctioned rally to protest against a decision by election officials to refuse to register him and several other opposition figures as candidates to the Moscow City Council.

    Navalny’s FBK is known for publishing investigative reports about corruption among Russia’s top officials, including President Vladimir Putin.

    The latest report focused on a lavish Black Sea mansion which Navalny’s team called “a palace for Putin,” capturing worldwide attention with more than 115 million views on YouTube.

    The report showcases the luxurious, 100 billion-ruble ($1.32 billion) estate near the popular holiday town of Gelendzhik. It said Putin effectively owns this palace via a complex trail of companies.

    The Kremlin has denied the report saying “one or several [businessmen] directly or indirectly own” the property, adding that it “has no right to reveal the names of these owners.”

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • TASHKENT — Uzbek gay rights campaigner Miraziz Bazarov has been hospitalized after being brutally attacked by unknown men.

    Physicians at the Tashkent Traumatology Hospital told RFE/RL on March 29 that the 29-year-old government critic sustained multiple injures to his internal organs and legs, including an open fracture of the left leg, and a concussion.

    They said he was brought to the hospital the night before.

    According to the doctors, Bazarov’s situation was very serious and he will be moved to another hospital, where he may need to undergo brain surgery.

    One of Bazarov’s neighbors, who said he witnessed the assault, told RFE/RL that the blogger was attacked in the evening on March 28 near his apartment block by three masked men, one of whom had a baseball bat.

    According to the witness, the attack lasted only about three minutes.

    The director of the Europe and Central Asia division at Human Rights Watch (HRW), Hugh Williamson, condemned the attack, calling it “totally awful.”

    “Uzbekistan has committed at UN Human Rights Council this month — in theory — to uphold int’l human rights standards. It should do so! End attacks on lgbt people,” Williamson tweeted on March 28.

    Last week, HRW said in a statement that gay men in Uzbekistan face arbitrary detention, prosecution, and imprisonment and called on Tashkent to guarantee lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights and decriminalize same-sex sexual conduct.

    Earlier on March 28, Bazarov told journalists that a weekly public event for fans of Japanese anime and Korean pop music, which he organizes each Sunday, had been disrupted by dozens of aggressive men who chanted “Allah Akbar!” or “God is great.”

    Bazarov is known for his criticism of the Uzbek government on his Telegram channel.

    He has called on the authorities to decriminalize same-sex sexual conduct in the Central Asian country, criticized President Shavkat Mirziyoev’s government for its poor efforts fighting corruption, and questioned the efficiency of ongoing restrictions to battle the coronavirus pandemic.

    Last summer, Bazarov was questioned by State Security Service investigators after he called on the International Monetary Fund and the Asian Development Bank on Facebook not to provide loans to Uzbekistan without strict control over how the funds are used.

    Bazarov earlier told RFE/RL that in recent weeks he had received many online threats, of which he had informed the police, but they had not taken any action.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Human Rights Watch (HRW) says Belarusian authorities have “escalated” repression against independent media over the past five months, arbitrarily detaining and beating journalists, imposing fines and prison sentences on politically motivated charges, revoking their media credentials, and raiding their homes and offices.

    The crackdown “is part of the government’s efforts to silence media reporting on human rights violations and peaceful, countrywide protests” that have rocked the country in the wake of an August election, the New York-based human rights watchdog said in a report published on March 29.

    The Belarusian opposition and the West say the vote that authoritarian leader Alyaksandr Lukashenka claimed extended his iron-fisted rule for a sixth term was rigged, and are demanding fair elections and justice for abuses since the vote.

    Since protests erupted, more than 30,000 people have been detained, hundreds beaten, several killed, and there have been widespread reports of torture, while most the opposition leadership has been arrested or forced into exile.

    “Instead of ensuring justice for sweeping police brutality and other abuses, Belarusian authorities are prosecuting journalists reporting on sensitive issues,” said Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at HRW.

    “The authorities should guarantee that all journalists in Belarus are able to carry out their work without fear of reprisals and without abusive restrictions,” Williamson added.

    Crisis In Belarus


    Read our coverage as Belarusians continue to demand the resignation of Alyaksandr Lukashenka amid a brutal crackdown on protesters. The West refuses to recognize him as the country’s legitimate leader after an August 9 election considered fraudulent.

    Between September and March, the authorities opened at least 18 criminal cases against journalists, “apparently in reprisal for their work,” HRW said.

    Three of them were sentenced to prison terms ranging from six months to two years, while seven others are awaiting trial behind bars on criminal charges of violating public order, tax evasion, and interfering with police work. One journalist accused of insulting the president is under house arrest.

    The authorities “coerced lawyers representing many of these journalists into signing vaguely worded nondisclosure agreements, barring them from sharing any information about their clients’ cases,” HRW said, adding that several lawyers who refused to sign have faced disbarment.

    In some criminal cases involving “bogus” charges, the authorities have designated journalists as witnesses and subjected them to “police and judicial harassment,” according to the watchdog.

    “The journalists reported being summoned for police questioning, threatened with criminal charges, and subjected to home and office searches and seizure of their equipment,” HRW said, adding that at least one newspaper “had to temporarily close due to a threat of criminal prosecution, raids, and confiscated equipment.”

    Belarusian authorities “wrongly equate reporting on unauthorized demonstrations with participation in them, particularly if the reporter works for an outlet that the authorities refuse to grant accreditation,” HRW said.

    The Belarusian Association of Journalists said that about 400 journalists had been detained on administrative charges since August.

    At least 100 of them were given short administrative jail terms since December, while others were fined on administrative charges of “violating the rules on mass gatherings,” “disobeying the police,” and “violating the laws on mass media.”

    HRW quoted several journalists as saying they were brutally beaten during their detention, denied medical assistance, and held in poor conditions. Some had their equipment destroyed.

    It said the authorities deported at least two journalists with Russian citizenship in recent months, apparently in retaliation for their work in Belarus, and at least three journalists who were threatened with having custody of their children taken away fled the country with their families.

    At least one media outlet was “unjustly” stripped of its media credentials for violating the media law, and state-owned printing houses refused to print at least five independent newspapers according to HRW.

    In October, the Belarusian Foreign Ministry adopted new rules on foreign media accreditation in the country, “canceling all existing accreditations and making the accreditation process significantly more complicated,” it said.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Turkmenistan held its first elections to a newly created senate on March 28 with 112 candidates contesting 48 senate seats.

    There were no opposition candidates on the ballot in the Central Asian former Soviet republic, which is considered one of the most repressive countries in the world.

    With a cult of personality around the 63-year-old authoritarian ruler, President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, dissent is not tolerated in Turkmenistan and all media is under strict state control.

    Voters on March 28 had only two hours to cast ballots, between the hours of 10 a.m. and noon local time, at one of six polling stations across the country — one in the capital Ashgabat and five in other regions.

    Turkmen authorities declared within hours of the vote that turnout in the country of 5.8 million people was 98.7 percent of eligible voters.

    Foreign observers were not allowed to monitor the polling stations.

    Profiles of candidates published by the government newspaper, Netralny Turkmenistan, indicated that most of the candidates in the March 28 vote were civil servants.

    Turkmenistan’s new two-chamber parliament, known as the Milli Genes, or National Council, will be made up of 56 senators and 125 deputies.

    In addition to the 48 candidates to be declared as the winners of senate seats during the next week, Berdymukhammedov also will designate his own choices for eight other senate seats.

    With reporting by AFP

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A group of lawmakers in the U.S. Congress has condemned the “unjust and illegitimate detainment” of Ihar Losik, a popular blogger and RFE/RL consultant jailed in Belarus, calling for his immediate release in the latest show of support from the highest echelons of government.

    In a letter addressed to Losik on March 26, a bipartisan group of lawmakers said they stand “shoulder to shoulder” with him, his family, and all other Belarusians struggling in the country’s pro-democracy movement amid a violent government crackdown following a presidential election last August that authoritarian leader Alyaksandr Lukashenka claimed to win and which the opposition says was rigged.

    “We join the international community in strongly condemning your unjust and illegitimate detainment by the Belarusian authorities,” the seven lawmakers said in the letter. “We stand ready to hold those complicit in your illegitimate detention to account through targeted sanctions working with our friends and allies in the European Union.”

    The letter was signed by Representatives Marcy Kaptur (Democrat-Ohio), Bill Keating (Democrat-Massachusetts), David Cicilline (Democrat-Rhode Island), Tom Malinowski (Democrat-New Jersey), James McGovern (Democrat-Massachusetts), Brian Fitzpatrick (Republican-Pennsylvania), and Chris Smith (Republican-New Jersey).

    Lukashenka, who has ruled the country since 1994, has directed a brutal postelection crackdown in which almost 30,000 people have been detained, hundreds beaten, several killed, and the media targeted.

    Losik is among nearly 300 political prisoners caught up in the crackdown.

    In response to the suppression of protesters, the West has slapped sanctions on top officials and refuses to recognize Lukashenka as the legitimate leader of the former Soviet republic.

    The 28-year-old Losik has been in pretrial detention since June 2020 on charges widely considered trumped up.

    He was initially charged with allegedly using his popular Telegram channel to “prepare to disrupt public order” ahead of a presidential election last August.

    Earlier this month, he tried to slit his wrists and launched a four-day hunger strike after being informed of new, unspecified charges. He had previously launched a six-week hunger strike to protest the original charges.

    On March 22, 11 days after he was informed of the new charges, a court extended Losik’s pretrial detention to May 25.

    RFE/RL President Jamie Fly condemned the move and the new charges, saying the father of a 2-year-old daughter should be released immediately so he can be reunited with his family.

    “Journalism is not a crime and Ihar has been unjustly detained for far too long. Ihar and his family should not be tortured in this way,” Fly wrote, adding that RFE/RL was “deeply distressed” by the new charges and Losik’s deteriorating health situation.

    The oversight agency for RFE/RL and other U.S. international broadcasters has also condemned the Belarusian authorities’ decision to heap further charges on Losik and has demanded his release.

    The U.S. State Department and other members of Congress have previously condemned the wrongful detention of Losik and other political prisoners.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF) says it fears that a detained Crimean journalist’s televised “confession” to spying on behalf of Ukraine was obtained under torture and has called for his immediate release and the withdrawal of the charges against him.

    In a statement on March 26, Jeanne Cavelier, the head of RSF’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk, expressed concern about “the psychological and physical pressure” Vladislav Yesypenko has been subjected to.

    Cavelier also condemned the ban on access to his lawyer.

    Yesypenko, a freelance contributor to Crimea.Realities, a regional news outlet of RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service, was “visibly pale and had difficulty talking when he made his confession — one almost certainly obtained under duress — in an interview for local Russian TV channel Krym24 that seemed more like a police interrogation,” the Paris-based media freedom watchdog said.

    The interview was broadcast on March 18, eight days after Yesypenko, who has Ukrainian and Russian dual nationality, was arrested in Ukraine’s Russia-annexed Crimea region.

    Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) said Yesypenko was suspected of collecting information for Ukrainian intelligence and claimed that an object “looking like an explosive device” was found in his automobile during his apprehension.

    The journalist was charged with “making firearms,” which is punishable by up to six years in prison.

    RFE/RL President Jamie Fly has called for Yesypenko’s immediate release and also has questioned the circumstances under which Yesypenko made his confession.

    “We question the circumstances surrounding this purported confession, which appears to be forced and made without access to legal counsel,” Fly said in a statement.

    “The Russian authorities have similarly smeared RFE/RL Ukrainian Service contributors with false charges in the past. Vladislav is a freelance contributor with RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service, not a spy, and he should be released.”

    Ukraine’s Foreign Intelligence Service described the arrest as “a convenient attempt to distract the attention of the population away from the numerous internal problems of the peninsula” ahead of the seventh anniversary of its forcible annexation, which was marked on March 18.

    The U.S. State Department called Yesypenko’s arrest “another attempt to repress those who speak the truth about Russia’s aggression in Ukraine.”

    Graty, a Ukrainian media outlet specializing in police and judicial abuses, quoted a source at Yesypenko’s place of detention as saying he had been tortured, while the lawyer chosen by the journalist’s family has not been allowed to see him, according to the Crimean Human Rights Group (CHRG).

    This suggests that the authorities are trying to cover up evidence that Yesypenko has been “subjected to illegal methods of investigation, including physical and psychological violence,” the CHRG said.

    Yesypenko was detained along with a resident of the Crimean city of Alushta, Yelizaveta Pavlenko, after the two took part in an event marking the 207th anniversary of the birth of Ukrainian poet and thinker Taras Shevchenko the day before in Crimea.

    Pavlenko was later released.

    Russia forcibly annexed Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula in March 2014, sending in troops and staging a referendum denounced as illegitimate by at least 100 countries after Moscow-friendly Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych was ousted amid a wave of public protests.

    Rights groups say that since then, Russia has moved aggressively to prosecute Ukrainian activists and anyone who questions the annexation.

    Moscow also backs separatists in a war against Ukrainian government forces that has killed more than 13,000 people in eastern Ukraine since April 2014.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • KALININGRAD, Russia — A Russian woman serving a prison sentence on high treason charges has started a hunger strike to protest against being put in solitary confinement for complaining about beatings, her lawyer says.

    Antonina Zimina’s lawyer told RFE/RL on March 26 that her client has been on hunger strike for four days in a detention center in Kaliningrad, the capital of Russia’s far western exclave of the same name.

    In late December 2020, Zimina and her husband, Konstantin Antonets, were found guilty of spying for Latvia.

    Antonets was handed a 12 1/2 year prison sentence. The couple has denied any wrongdoing ever since they were first arrested in July 2018.

    Zimina’s lawyer, Maria Bontsler, said she was sent to seven days of solitary confinement on March 22 for “covering the observation hole on the door of her cell from inside and refusing to sign a registry of cleaning shifts,” a routine procedure for inmates who are required to clean the premises.

    Zimina covered the observation hole while she was changing her clothes and refused to sign the registry because a guard who beat her in the past brought it for signing, according to Bontsler.

    The lawyer added that the real reason behind Zimina’s placement in solitary confinement is most likely the complaints she voiced to officials of the Federal Penitentiary Service (FSIN) last week about her beatings by guards.

    “The next day, she was called to the detention center’s operative department and instructed to sign documents retracting her statements. Now they are threatening to sue her for libel,” Bontsler said.

    Zimina’s father, Konstantin Zimin, told RFE/RL that he was not allowed to see his daughter when he came to the detention center on March 26.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • “Did they want to kill him?” wondered Jamison Firestone in a November 2009 interview with RFE/RL’s Russian Service. “I don’t know.”

    Firestone was the managing partner of Firestone Duncan, a Moscow law firm that hired Sergei Magnitsky to look into suspicions of massive tax fraud and theft in the takeover of companies belonging to the investment firm Hermitage Capital Management. Magnitsky died after 358 days in a Moscow pretrial-remand prison on November 16, 2009. He had not been charged with any crime.

    “Magnitsky showed that a group of Interior Ministry officers were guilty of embezzling from the state budget the sum of $230 million,” Firestone said. “And these officers were among the group that arrested him. They did this in order to silence him. After his arrest, they had to justify their actions and create some accusations. It took them 10 months to fabricate their nonsensical story,” he said. “Clearly, the investigators were trying to force him to confess to things that were not true.”

    ‘A Deliberate Strategy’

    Magnitsky, who was 37, had repeatedly said he was being denied medical treatment, and rights activists said his mistreatment amounted to torture.

    More than a decade later, supporters of imprisoned opposition leader Aleksei Navalny are issuing increasingly alarming warnings that Navalny’s health has deteriorated in the weeks since his arrest upon returning to Russia from Germany in January and particularly since he was moved to a prison in the Vladimir region earlier this month.

    Navalny lawyer Vadim Kobzev accused the authorities of “a deliberate strategy…to undermine his health,” while Navalny’s wife, Yulia Navalnaya, said her husband’s treatment was “personal revenge” for his political activity.

    Navalny had been in Germany since August 2020, when he was flown there for treatment following a near-fatal poisoning with a Novichok-type nerve agent on a trip to Siberia. He has blamed Russian President Vladimir Putin for the incident, which open-source investigators have argued was carried out by a team of Federal Security Service (FSB) operatives. In December, Navalny claimed he had duped one of the alleged FSB operatives, Konstantin Kudryavtsev, into confessing to participating in the poisoning during a 49-minute telephone conversation in which Navalny posed as a Kremlin official.

    Navalny has complained of severe back pain and a loss of sensation in his right leg that has made it “practically nonfunctional.” He did not appear for a scheduled meeting with his lawyers on March 24. The following day, Russian prison officials issued a terse statement saying that Navalny’s health was “stable” and “satisfactory.”

    After being allowed to see him, his lawyers disputed that claim, with one saying his condition was “extremely unfavorable.”

    In two recent letters to the authorities that were made public on March 25, Navalny charged that his jailers were torturing him through sleep deprivation and withholding medical treatment in a deliberate effort to harm his health.

    “This is exact deja-vu from the Magnitsky case,” wrote Hermitage Capital CEO and head of the Global Magnitsky Justice Campaign Bill Browder in a post on Twitter on March 25. “The medical neglect that Putin is inflicting on Alexei Navalny is deliberate and Putin wants the world to know he’s doing it.”

    ‘A Torture Chamber’

    Speaking to RFE/RL in 2009, just a month before Magnitsky’s death, Browder noted the prisoner’s deteriorating health. “He has been in custody for 11 months now,” he said. “He has not been granted one single visit with his family. He has lost 18 kilograms.”

    “Sergei Magnitsky was held in the pretrial jail under inhuman conditions,” Firestone said in the interview conducted shortly after Magnitsky’s death. “He had serious health problems, including a serious digestive illness. The prison knew perfectly well about this because at first they gave him medical help. Later the authorities began pressuring him to force him to give false testimony. So they stopped giving him medical treatment. They took away his medications. They refused to allow him to consult with his doctor. Magnitsky complained about this many times. During this time, he lost more than 20 kilograms.”

    Magnitsky filed many complaints about his treatment, Firestone added. “Just the list of his complaints about this takes up four pages,” he said.

    Although Magnitsky was transferred to Moscow’s Matrosskaya Tishina jail on the day of his death, he spent most of his imprisonment in the notorious Cell Block No. 2 of the Butyrka remand prison. Roman Popkov was an activist with the illegal radical leftist National Bolshevik movement who spent two years in the same building at Butyrka and was released the year before Magnitsky’s death.

    “As I read his diaries, I understood that nothing has changed in the last year,” he told RFE/RL in December 2009. “I could see this cell block remained a torture chamber.”

    “They throw people in there with a single aim — to convince them deep down of their complete helplessness in the face of the system,” Popkov added. “The police investigations unit sends them to Butyrka and the Butyrka administration sends them into those basements so that they will be more agreeable with the investigators and the court.”

    According to The New York Times, at 11 a.m. on November 16, Butyrka prison doctor Larisa Litvinova ordered Magnitsky’s transfer to Matrosskaya Tishina because his health situation had become urgent. After six hours, an ambulance arrived for him. He arrived at 6:30 p.m. A doctor prescribed him a painkiller, ordered a psychiatric evaluation, and left. Staff found him unconscious on his cell floor at 9:20 p.m. and he was pronounced dead half an hour later.

    The official cause of death was given as toxic shock and heart failure brought on by pancreatitis.

    In an open letter to the Russian government in March 2010, human rights activist and then-head of the Moscow Helsinki Group Lyudmila Alekseyeva wrote that Magnitsky’s death “resulted from willfully cruel treatment.”

    “Torture was used by officers of the Interior Ministry as a method to pressure Mr. Sergei Magnitsky in the course of the investigation of a criminal case,” Alekseyeva wrote. “Mr. Sergei Magnitsky died from torture that was willfully inflicted on him.”

    An initial investigation by the Kremlin’s advisory Human Rights Council concluded that Magnitsky had been severely beaten and denied treatment.

    Hitting Rights Abusers ‘Where It Hurts Most’

    After years of international campaigning by Browder and others, the United States in 2012 passed the original Magnitsky Act that allowed Washington to impose targeted sanctions on individuals in Russia accused of human rights violations. In 2015, the United States adopted the Global Magnitsky Act that extended the same penalties to alleged rights abusers in other countries.

    The anti-corruption NGO Global Witness has called the U.S. Magnitsky laws “an important tool” in the fight against abuses. “It’s a successful example of concrete action being taken against the corrupt and the worst human rights abusers, hitting them where it hurts most — in their pocket,” Global Witness wrote in December 2019.

    Over the next few years, Canada, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and others adopted similar legislation. The EU’s European Magnitsky Act was adopted in December 2020.

    Taken together, the laws “fundamentally changed the role of targeted financial measures in the global fight against human rights abuses and corruption,” Atlantic Council senior fellow Hagar Hajjar Chemali wrote after the EU adopted the measure.

    “The EU has said it would impose its first round of sanctions under this law at the beginning of 2021 and it is expected that Russian targets involved not only in the death of Sergei Magnitsky but also those tied to the recent attempted murder of key Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny will be included,” Chemali wrote. “Navalny has encouraged the EU to target Russian oligarchs and those close to Russian President Vladimir Putin, in particular because of the assets and estates they have in Europe.”

    On March 24, Browder posted on Twitter: “Alexei Navalny says health has sharply deteriorated in jail. This is how the hell that Putin has in store for him begins. I’ve seen it before with Sergei Magnitsky and its horrific. We must be ready to sanction a lot more Putin regime people.”

    After the United Kingdom imposed Magnitsky Act sanctions on 25 Russians and 20 Saudis allegedly involved in laundering “blood money” in July 2020, British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab lauded the new diplomatic tool.

    “I think it’s absolutely right, particularly as a tool of foreign policy, that we subject the individuals responsible for…abuses — whether it’s torture, extrajudicial killing, or whatever it may be — to asset freezes and visa bans,” Raab told Reuters at the time. “I think it’s right as a statement of our international posture to say that we don’t want people responsible for these appalling crimes, with blood on their hands, coming to this country, doing their Christmas shopping in Knightsbridge or the King’s Road or trying to invest in British banks or British property.”

    On March 26, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov dismissed most of the parallels between the Magnitsky case and Navalny’s. He noted, however, that Magnitsky was posthumously convicted of large-scale tax evasion in July 2013, in what observers believe was the first-ever posthumous trial in Russia’s modern history.

    “We don’t see any parallels,” Peskov said, “apart from the fact that unfortunately, the deceased Magnitsky was convicted and sentenced. Navalny is also convicted and sentenced.”

    Navalny has been convicted at two trials on financial-crimes charges that he and supporters contend were fabricated to blunt his challenge to Putin. They also contend that the parole-violation claim that resulted in his current prison term is absurd and unfounded.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The United States is calling for Azerbaijani human rights lawyer Shahla Humbatova to be reinstated into the country’s bar association after she lost her membership earlier this month in what she claimed was a politically motivated act.

    Humbatova’s “work, and the work of other human rights defenders in Azerbaijan, should be celebrated, not punished, and we call on those responsible to expedite her reinstatement to the Azerbaijani bar,” Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in a March 26 statement.

    The prominent lawyer was disbarred on March 5 for failing to pay membership fees of $260 to the Azerbaijani Bar Association.

    The lawyer said at the time that the board did not inform her about the debt and she found about her disbarment from the media. She then paid her membership fee immediately.

    Humbatova is one of several human rights lawyers to have been disbarred in recent years, leaving few advocates to take on cases in a country renown for cracking down on the media and critical voices.

    “We encourage all steps toward systemic reforms in Azerbaijan, especially those regarding the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms — areas that will benefit the Azerbaijani people and create opportunities to deepen our cooperation,” Blinken said in the statement.

    Last year, the United States honored Humbatova with the secretary of state’s International Women of Courage Award.

    Earlier this month, Freedom House published its 2021 report on global democracy, saying Azerbaijan’s judiciary “is corrupt and subservient to the executive.”

    “Although nominally independent, the Azerbaijani Bar Association acts on the orders of the Ministry of Justice and is complicit in the harassment of human rights lawyers,” the report said.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF) is calling on French authorities to protect an exiled Azerbaijani video blogger who was stabbed more than 10 times in an attack in France 10 days ago and later received a threatening text message on his phone.

    A refugee in France since 2016, Mahammad Mirzali was beaten and stabbed on March 14 by a group of men while walking in the western city of Nantes — the latest incident targeting the blogger or his family in what the Paris-based media freedom watchdog on March 24 called attempts to “silence” the blogger.

    Mirzali had to undergo an operation that lasted “more than six hours,” Jeanne Cavelier, the head of RSF’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk, said in a statement, adding that “the Azerbaijani regime is exporting its persecution of freedom of expression to France and to Europe.”

    French police have not commented on their investigation.

    “This is the last warning,” said the text in Azerbaijani that the blogger received on March 21, RSF said.

    “We can kill you without any problem. You’ve seen that we’re not afraid of anyone…. If you continue to insult our sisters, we’ll have you killed with a bullet to the head fired by a sniper,” read the text, which was signed “Andres Gragmel.”

    YouTube Channel

    According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Mirzali is “often targeted” because of the videos he posts on his YouTube channel, Made In Azerbaijan, in which he criticizes Azerbaijan’s authoritarian President Ilham Aliyev, his wife, Vice President Mehriban Aliyeva, and other members of their family.

    In October 2020, several shots were fired at the blogger in Nantes.

    His father and brother-in-law were detained in 2017. Police reportedly told the two men to pressure Mirzali to stop his criticism of the government.

    “The regime also resorted to sex-tape blackmail,” RSF said, sending intimate images of one of his sisters to the entire family in early March and then circulating them via a Telegram channel.

    Azerbaijan is ranked 168th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2020 World Press Freedom Index.

    “Most critical media outlets have been silenced or have had to relocate abroad, the main independent websites are blocked, and at least two journalists are currently in prison,” RSF said.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • An employee of the Russian Consulate in Strasbourg is suspected of selling dozens of stolen bicycles, French media reports said on March 22.

    According to the reports, a 40-year-old driver for the Russian diplomatic mission was detained for questioning on February 14 but released 24 hours later as police pursued the investigation.

    When police wanted to question the suspect for a second time later in February, they were informed by the consulate that he had returned to Russia for “health reasons.”

    Police launched the probe after an expensive electric bicycle belonging to the former deputy mayor of Strasbourg, Alain Fontanel, was stolen on a street near Strasbourg’s diplomatic quarter.

    Fontanel turned to police after he saw his bike offered for sale on the Leboncoin website several days later.

    Police contacted the seller who agreed to sell the bike at a site just next to the Russian consulate.

    The man had a fake receipt of purchase with a Russian consulate stamp along with Fontanel’s bike identified by its serial number later, and three other bikes.

    Police found out later that some 300 ads for high-quality bikes had been posted on the Leboncoin site since January 2020, representing a potential value of up to 100,000 euros ($120,000).

    The investigation continues as prosecutors weigh whether to proceed with a trial even if the suspect remains out of reach.

    Based on reporting by AFP and France Bleu

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • An employee of the Russian Consulate in Strasbourg is suspected of selling dozens of stolen bicycles, French media reports said on March 22.

    According to the reports, a 40-year-old driver for the Russian diplomatic mission was detained for questioning on February 14 but released 24 hours later as police pursued the investigation.

    When police wanted to question the suspect for a second time later in February, they were informed by the consulate that he had returned to Russia for “health reasons.”

    Police launched the probe after an expensive electric bicycle belonging to the former deputy mayor of Strasbourg, Alain Fontanel, was stolen on a street near Strasbourg’s diplomatic quarter.

    Fontanel turned to police after he saw his bike offered for sale on the Leboncoin website several days later.

    Police contacted the seller who agreed to sell the bike at a site just next to the Russian consulate.

    The man had a fake receipt of purchase with a Russian consulate stamp along with Fontanel’s bike identified by its serial number later, and three other bikes.

    Police found out later that some 300 ads for high-quality bikes had been posted on the Leboncoin site since January 2020, representing a potential value of up to 100,000 euros ($120,000).

    The investigation continues as prosecutors weigh whether to proceed with a trial even if the suspect remains out of reach.

    Based on reporting by AFP and France Bleu

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • PODGORICA – Prosecutors in Montenegro say they have opened a preliminary investigation into the alleged disclosure of classified information by the head of the National Security Agency (ANB), Dejan Vuksic.

    “The case is in the preliminary phase,” a spokeswoman for the Higher State Prosecutor’s Office (VDT) in Podgorica, Lepa Medenica, told RFE/RL on March 23.

    The leader of the opposition Social Democratic Party (SDP) and member of the parliament’s Security and Defense Committee, Rasko Konjevic, claimed on March 19 that Vuksic violated the law on data secrecy and compromised classified information of a NATO ally by sharing secret data with committee members earlier that day.

    According to the deputy prime minister in charge of security matters, Dritan Abazovic, Vuksic “made a mistake” by revealing secret information.

    But Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapic defended the head of the secret service on March 21, saying that during the Security and Defense Committee meeting he disclosed data from an internal ANB document — not from a NATO member state.

    Some reports said that the classified information dealt with CIA operatives.

    Montenegro joined the Western alliance in 2017.

    Vuksic was appointed to the helm of the secret service in mid-December by Krivokapic’s government in a move strongly opposed by the opposition, which argued that ANB officials should not be members of a political party or carry out political activities.

    Vuksic topped the candidate list of the coalition For the Future of Kotor in local elections in August 2020.

    The coalition was part of a broader coalition led by the Democratic Front (DF) in the parliamentary vote that was held on the same day and brought Krivokapic to power.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The team of jailed Russian opposition politician Aleksei Navalny is making a new push to free the anti-corruption campaigner with plans for the largest anti-Kremlin protest in Russia’s modern history.

    In an announcement on Navalny’s website on March 23, the team said the date and site of the rally will be announced once at least 500,000 people express their willingness to participate.

    The group also launched a special website to register those who would like to take part in the event as part of the push to get Navalny released from prison.

    Leonid Volkov, the coordinator of Navalny’s network of teams, said that some 60,000 people had signed up to the event within hours of the website going operational.

    “You know who our biggest enemy is? No, not Putin. Putin can’t stop the wonderful Russia of the future however much he wants to. Our main enemy is indifference, apathy and apoliticism,” Volkov said.

    Leonid Volkov


    Leonid Volkov

    Navalny’s associates and supporters have been under pressure since the 44-year-old Kremlin critic was arrested on January 17 as he arrived from Germany where he had ben treated for a poisoning attack with what was determined by several European labs as a Novichok-like nerve agent.

    Thousands rallied across Russia on January 23 and January 31 in protest at Navalny’s detention. Police violently put down the protests, arresting almost 10,000 people in the process.

    On February 2, Navalny was found guilty of violating the terms of his suspended sentence relating to an embezzlement case that he has called politically motivated.

    The court converted the sentence to 3 1/2 years in prison. Given credit for time already spent in detention, the court said the Kremlin critic would have to serve 2 years and 8 months behind bars.

    The ruling sparked new mass protests across the country that were also violently dispersed by police.

    Another 1,400 people were detained by police in Moscow, St. Petersburg, and other Russian cities on that day.

    Navalny is currently being held in Correctional Colony No. 2, known as one of the toughest prisons in Russia.

    The push also comes as Russians prepare to head to the polls in parliamentary elections in September where they hope to derail the ruling United Russia party’s stranglehold on power.

    Navalny and his supporters have developed a “smart voting” system, which is aimed at undercutting United Russia candidates.

    Under the system, voters can enter their address into a special app, which will then give them a list of the candidates deemed most likely to defeat their United Russia rivals regardless of their party affiliation.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Akram Neghabi has been searching for her son for more than two decades, despite threats, state pressure, and numerous futile attempts to get information from Iranian officials.

    Neghabi’s son, computer science student Saeed Zeinali, was arrested at his home in the Iranian capital in July 1999, a few days after big student protests at Tehran University that were met with force.

    Three armed agents said they were taking Zeinali, 22, in for questioning,

    They said he would be back soon.

    When my husband was detained, we were told not to look for Saeed anymore. They said you have to end this.”

    Some three months later, Zeinali made a brief phone call to his family, telling them that he was in Tehran’s notorious Evin prison and urging them to follow up on his case with the authorities.

    “I’m well,” he said.

    That was the last time they heard from him.

    Since then, Neghabi has been trying to find him and determine his fate, contacting the judiciary, prison officials, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), the police, and even the office of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

    But no one has given her a clear answer.

    “There is no organization that we have not contacted,” she said, adding that “they don’t even accept our letters anymore. They don’t want Saeed’s name to be heard.”

    Despite all of her efforts, Zeinali’s whereabouts are unknown and the mother of three says she doesn’t even know if her son is dead or alive.

    Akram Neghabi (left) with other grieving mothers whose children were either killed or are in prison after participating in anti-government protests


    Akram Neghabi (left) with other grieving mothers whose children were either killed or are in prison after participating in anti-government protests

    In 2016, a judiciary spokesman said that “no document” had been found proving that Zeinali was arrested, adding that he appeared to be “missing.”

    “I’m a mother whose child was taken away 22 years ago. I want to know what happened to him. Is he alive? I have been left with nothing — not a sign or a grave — and I’m not sure what to do,” Neghabi said in an interview with RFE/RL’s Radio Farda.

    One day, the pain of the mothers, the sound of their cries, will bring [change].”

    She said in past years she even spent hours outside Evin prison and other detention centers with a photo of her son.

    “I would go in front of prisons holding a [big] picture photo of my Saeed, [hoping] that maybe someone had seen him,” she said. “Maybe my Saeed is an old man now. I [used to] go outside prisons with this hope, but unfortunately [state] pressure and arrests [now] prevent me from doing so.”

    Neghabi and her daughter were arrested in 2010 and held in prison for two months, where they were questioned and threatened. She has said that she was told by her IRGC interrogators that her son had been “martyred.”

    Her husband, Hashem Zeinali, was detained in 2015 and sentenced to nearly three months in prison and 74 lashes for “disturbing public order” after he took part in a gathering outside Evin prison in support of the jailed leader of a spiritual group.

    Neghabi said her husband got mixed up with those protesters while demanding answers about his son.

    “When my husband was detained, we were told not to look for Saeed anymore. They said you have to end this,” Neghabi said, adding that such pressure has failed to stop her quest.

    Neghabi said she will keep demanding justice and accountability along with other mothers whose sons have become victims of Iranian state violence in recent years, including in November 2019, when at least several hundred protesters were killed in the government’s brutal crackdown on antiestablishment protests started by a sharp rise in gasoline prices.

    The mothers of the missing children have gotten together in recent years to offer each other support while also raising their voices against state repression.

    “One day, the pain of the mothers, the sound of their cries, will bring [change],” said Neghabi, adding that her only hope is that other mothers don’t have to mourn a child as she has.

    “I pray that no more young people are killed or arrested, [beaten, or] tortured,” she said. “I hope to see that day.”

    Written by Golnaz Esfandiari based on an interview by Radio Farda’s Fereshteh Ghazi

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The United States and European Union have reiterated their condemnation of Russia’s increasing repression of independent media, including RFE/RL.

    Courtney Austrian, the U.S. charge d’ affaires to the Permanent Council of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), said in a March 18 statement that Russia’s new requirements for outlets branded “foreign media agents” were in some cases technically impossible and were being “used against entities and individuals associated, sometimes only tangentially, with U.S. Agency for Global Media, or USAGM, funded programming in Russia.”

    The assault on USAGM outlets, including RFE/RL, “reflects a broader crackdown on independent voices and civil society,” Austrian wrote in the statement on behalf of both the United States and Canada.

    “The new regulations are aimed at impeding RFE/RL’s media operations in Russia and reducing its growing audience share.”
    Austrian added that, while USAGM outlets were the first foreign media to be targeted by Russia, media from any OSCE state could be next.

    The new regulations include requirements that entities and individuals designated by Moscow as “media foreign agents” must note the designation in material published in Russia with a prominent, state-mandated, disclaimer.

    In some cases, such as tweets, the requirement was technically impossible because the disclaimer had more characters than allowed by Twitter, Austrian noted.

    Austrian noted that Russia’s media regulatory body, Roskomnadzor, has opened 260 cases against RFE/RL for violations of the regulations, with potential fines of $980,000, since January 14.

    “We reiterate our call on the Russian government to end its repression of independent journalists and outlets, including RFE/RL and its affiliates,” Austrian wrote. “The people of Russia deserve access to a wide range of information and opinion and a government that respects freedom of expression in keeping with Russia’s international obligations and OSCE commitments.”

    False Equivalence

    In a later “right of reply” statement delivered to the Permanent Council in Vienna, Austrian said that the Russian delegation to the intergovernmental organization “has repeatedly tried to create a false equivalence between the draconian measures taken against RFE/RL in Russia and the legal framework within which RT and Sputnik operate in the United States.”

    Those Russian outlets are required to register with the U.S. Justice Ministry as “foreign agents” under the U.S. Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).

    However, Austrian said, “we will repeat what we have stated before: there is no equivalence between U.S. FARA legislation and Russia’s ‘foreign agent’ law.”

    Austrian noted that while the U.S. law does not impose restrictions on how foreign outlets print and broadcast their stories and opinions, “Russia uses its ‘foreign agent’ law to restrict, intimidate, prosecute, and shut down civil society organizations and independent media.”

    The European Union on March 18 also issued a statement to the OSCE Permanent Council expressing “our serious concern about the worsening situation of media freedom in Russia.”

    In its two-page statement, the 27-member bloc said that Russia’s adoption in December of stricter measures under its “foreign agents” and other legislation had “enabled the authorities to exercise online censorship.”

    “The EU reiterates its longstanding position that the so-called ‘foreign agent’ law contributes to a systematic infringement of basic freedoms, and restricts civil society, independent media, and the rights of political opposition in Russia,” the statement read. “It goes against Russia’s international obligations and human rights commitments.”

    The EU statement also described the opening of cases against RFE/RL regarding alleged violations of the labeling requirement as “systematic targeting” and “a blatant attempt to silence independent media and to eventually cease RFE/RL’s activities in Russia.”

    ‘Orders To Intimidate’

    Russia’s so-called “foreign agent” legislation was adopted in 2012 and has been modified repeatedly. It requires nongovernmental organizations that receive foreign assistance and that the government deems to be engaged in political activity to be registered, to identify themselves as “foreign agents,” and to submit to audits.

    Later modifications targeted foreign-funded media.

    In 2017, the Russian government placed RFE/RL’s Russian Service on the list, along with six other RFE/RL Russian-language news services, and Current Time, a network run by RFE/RL in cooperation with VOA.

    At the end of 2020, the legislation was modified to allow the Russian government to add individuals, including foreign journalists, to its “foreign agent” list and to impose restrictions on them.

    In December 2020, authorities added five individuals to its “foreign agent” list, including three contributors to RFE/RL’s Russian Service. All five are appealing their inclusion on the list.

    Roskomnadzor last year adopted rules requiring listed media to mark all written materials with a lengthy notice in large text, all radio materials with an audio statement, and all video materials with a 15-second text declaration.

    RFE/RL President Jamie Fly has called the regulations “orders to deface our content platforms and intimidate our audiences” and says RFE/RL will continue “to object, protest, and appeal these requirements.”

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.