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    Janine Jackson interviewed Pitzer College’s Suyapa Portillo Villeda about the conviction of Former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández for the March 15, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    AP: Former president of Honduras convicted in US of aiding drug traffickers

    AP (3/8/24)

    Janine Jackson: The lead on AP‘s March 8 piece told the story:

    Former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández was convicted in New York of charges that he conspired with drug traffickers, and used his military and national police force to enable tons of cocaine to make it unhindered into the United States.

    US Attorney Damian Williams said he hopes the conviction “sends a message to all corrupt politicians who would consider a similar path: Choose differently.” Heady stuff.

    The US attorney added that Hernández “had every opportunity to be a force for good in his native Honduras. Instead, he chose to abuse his office and country for his own personal gain.” Well, that sounds horrible, not caring about the good of everyday Hondurans.

    Nowhere in AP’s account is the role of the United States, here presented as bravely bringing criminal Central Americans to justice for their efforts to pollute our country with their drugs, nowhere is the role of the US in shaping the political landscape in Honduras.

    So that’s the storyline corporate news media are selling right now. But what is missing from that, that might complicate it, or deepen our understanding of current events?

    Suyapa Portillo Villeda is an advocate, organizer and associate professor of Chicana/o–Latina/o transnational studies at Pitzer College. She’s also author of Roots of Resistance: A Story of Gender, Race and Labor on the North Coast of Honduras. She joins us now by phone. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Suyapa Portillo Villeda.

    Suyapa Portillo Villeda: Thank you for having me.

    JJ: First and foremost, I would ask you to please fill in some missing history for us, in terms of US involvement in Honduran elections and Hondurans’ ability to choose their own political future. And you can go back as far as you want on that timeline.

    Suyapa Portillo

    Suyapa Portillo: “The United States, through the coup d’etat, was in cahoots with elite power in Honduras that replaced a democratically elected president.”

    SPV: I’m glad that you’re raising and questioning corporate media, because they don’t really tell you the story of US involvement in Honduras. And I’m a historian, so whenever I teach about this, I go back 200 years, 300 years, to the US becoming the neo-colonial power over Latin America after independence movements, and being involved in Central America, throughout the 20th century, through warships, financial deals, through dollar diplomacy, the United Fruit Company. We can go on and on and on.

    But I wanted to, specifically with the Juan Orlando Hernández case, talk about how the US put him in office for two terms. We don’t know what the inside machinations were, but we do have WikiLeaks that do tell us that the United States, through the coup d’etat, was in cahoots with elite power in Honduras that replaced a democratically elected president, or actually kidnapped a democratically elected president. The US embassy was involved, during President Obama and Hillary Clinton’s tenure as secretary of state, were involved in the kidnapping of the president of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya Rosales, putting him on a plane to Costa Rica in his pajamas.

    What’s eerie about this whole scenario in 2009 is that a similar thing happened with President Ramón Villeda Morales, who was also a Liberal Party member, in 1962, was also kidnapped in his pajamas and taken out of the country. So the US has its hands all over this kind of activity in Central America, and all over the world, the developing world and the South.

    When this happened, President Obama denies the coup d’etat, denies it, and we academics, scholars all over Latin America, as well as the United States, spent a lot of time talking to press and anybody who would listen, and US Congress, as well as news media outlets all over the world, about why this was a coup d’etat. And it almost felt like we were in the Twilight Zone.

    HuffPost: Hillary Clinton's Response To Honduran Coup Was Scrubbed From Her Paperback Memoirs

    HuffPost (3/12/16)

    But then later in 2011, we saw WikiLeak cables that revealed that the US embassy was definitely in cahoots with the elite and the military in Honduras, who wanted to oust Manuel Zelaya Rosales for his “connections” to Hugo Chávez in Venezuela at the time.

    And that coup d’etat changed everything in Honduras. And it spearheaded the decline of human rights, and the decline in civil and political rights for people, for women and children specifically. It was extremely violent for women and children, and has led to the 2017, 2018 migrant caravans that people have been seeing on TV.

    The femicides have increased. We’re looking at 700 women killed per year. We’re looking at transfemicides also. We’re looking at 200, 300 women killed per year, trans women. So it’s an incredible level of violence against young people who fight for their rights.

    What that does is then it opens a door for someone who would’ve never been elected as president, who had run two or three times before, and that’s Porfirio Lobo. And Porfirio Lobo, who’s also been linked to narco trafficking and the whole apparatus, gets into power through sham elections, which the State Department supported and the US embassy supported. But over 68% of the Honduran population abstained, because they felt, why should we vote if we had a democratically elected president? Why should we go to an election after this coup? What needs to happen is a reversal of the coup.

    CounterSpin: 'Her Life Hung by a Thread Because of This Work'

    CounterSpin (5/1/15)

    And something really important gets born then. And some of the proponents were Xiomara Castro Zelaya, Zelaya’s wife, who’s now in power, but also Berta Cáceres, Miriam Miranda, leaders of the Afro-Indigenous and Indigenous movements, began to propose this notion of refounding the country. So while there was a lot of calamity happening, a lot of violence, there was also a resurgence in popular movements. The idea that you could have a different Honduras was also born in 2009, out of this calamity.

    When Juan Orlando Hernández was elected, it was a contested election. I was an observer at the time, and it was the first time the Libertad y Refundación party ran. The party itself was just beginning to organize. The resistance movement had gone through a split. There were some people that wanted to continue the social movement aspect, and then there was another group that wanted to organize it into a political party. And there were fierce debates about this.

    And when you go to the polls, there was just a lot of corruption. It was very contested.

    And so Juan Orlando gets into power. The United States supports this sort of stabilizing force; they see the National Party as a stabilizing force. So one of the first things he does is he establishes the military police, which is something that had been eradicated, with the Peace Accord post-the wars in Central America in the early ’90s.

    And the military police is this weird sort of police force that are military men with bayonets and war armament walking around the cities acting as police, right? So you have these multiple police entities in the city, but the military police is to be feared. These are the people that committed the disappearances. These are the people that engaged in violence against people in the ’80s, during the dark years of anti-Communism.

    Bringing them back was almost a suggestion of the US embassy, which then, after, came out and said, “No, no, no, we never suggested this.” But it was something that Juan Orlando Hernández did in cahoots with the US embassy.

    And, in fact, the military police then comes back into power, and begins to be the entity that harms most in the cities. He also begins to work with the elites, right, with the Evangelical churches, and an agenda that’s extremely anti-women, anti-children, anti-LGBT, anti-human, really, right?

    Youth are the enemy of this administration. We just witnessed this extremely violent repression of young people, right? People who defended territorial rights… Berta Cáceres, one of the brightest leaders in the resistance… I think at one point, he issued 330 concessions on environmental lands that had been hard-fought protected, rivers and flora and fauna that were going to be stripped for mining.

    CounterSpin: Suyapa Portillo Villeda on Honduran Election

    CounterSpin (12/24/21)

    One thing I want to say is, during his elections, the second time he was reelected, there were so many inconsistencies. I’ve served as an election observer on all those elections, and the second time, I brought students, so we could cover a larger ground in San Pedro Sula. And it was clear from all of our observations, the winning parties—because you stay till the end, til the counting—and at one point, I had to shelter with my students in one of those locations, because we had gone until one in the morning, during counting.

    And the military started throwing tear gas into the voting center, and there was a skirmish there between the military and who knows who. We were kind of sheltered in a room. And with the counting, we didn’t want to leave the voting machines!

    I think about what an experience that was for my students, because when we think about protecting our rights in the United States, and voting rights, we rarely see that level of violence inside a voting precinct. It’s completely illegal.

    There was trafficking votes, there were all kinds of irregular things happening, like the National Party people were setting up offices within the voting precinct; you’re not supposed to see that. Just outright mayhem. It was like the wild, wild West under Juan Orlando Hernandez. It was the most extreme dictatorship, that can only be compared to Carias Andino in the ’30s.

    And people just wanted this man out, because of the rampant violence, the abuse of power, and stealing from the coffers. I mean, at one point, $90 million stolen from the Social Security Administration, which is sort of like what workers pay into.

    But at state hospitals, there were fake pills given to people who had cancer; there was no response to Covid except extreme lockdown, which, people died because he instituted a curfew law, and anybody that was out after 10 o’clock could be shot or could be thrown in jail. And sometimes people are coming back from work, or didn’t have transportation. A young woman in Berta Cáceres’ hometown died because she was arrested at 10 o’clock, because she was out, and then appeared dead the next day, right?

    Just the extreme violence that the police and the military all engaged with, looking back as a historian, I think these are crimes against humanity. This guy went down for engaging in drug trafficking, but really he needed to be tried for crimes against humanity, as do many other presidents, right, across the world.

    But what’s a little scary about this ruling is, people knew he was trafficking drugs, but you couldn’t say anything, because you would be dead. And so many, many journalists died trying to tell the story, but it was held down and shut.

    And in fact, many of the newspapers in Honduras cannot be trusted, because they were, first of all, not telling the story of the protest. So if you go searching those newspapers, La Tribuna, El Heraldo, right, for these years, as a historian, I think there was this complicity between the elite, the rich, the landowners, those who wanted more land and more land, taking it away from Indigenous people, and Juan Orlando profiting from narco trafficking, allowing narco trafficking to happen, and the narco traffickers, to hurt people in the areas where they did in the north coast of Honduras, the Garifuna territories, to go after leaders of those local environmentalists, protecting the environment, protecting the rivers, protecting the oceans from encroachment.

    I wanted to say, yes, everybody knew Juan Orlando Hernández was a narco, but how do you challenge the Honduran people who are organizing? There needed to be more awareness from the US embassy, and I think the US embassy was complicit. And, true, maybe the DEA built this case from the beginning, and it took them many years, but they were also not in support of the resistance, and the fact that he did not win that election, the second time, and that there was a blackout right at the end that lasted a couple of hours, and all of a sudden, three days later, he’s president.

    Roots of Resistance

    University of Texas Press (2022)

    The US allowed for this man to lie to the Honduran people, to steal from the Honduran people, and to sit in that office that is the highest office for Honduras, while all these people were dying, and they committed this crime with him, they’re complicit with him. The US State Department is complicit with Juan Orlando Hernández.

    So when he’s extradited, I think for Hondurans, it was a relief to be rid of this pseudo-dictator narco-president. But there’s a concern as well. There’s something kind of malignant about that, you know what I mean? That the US becomes all-powerful, and the decider of a country’s fate, and that’s scary.

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with Suyapa Portillo Villeda of Pitzer College in California, and also author of Roots of Resistance: A Story of Gender, Race and Labor on the North Coast of Honduras, where you can find much more information about what we’re talking about today. Thank you so much, Suyapa Portillo Villeda, for speaking with us today on CounterSpin.

    SPV: Thank you for having me.

     

    The post ‘The US State Department Is Complicit With Juan Orlando Hernández’ <br></em><span class='not-on-index' style='color:#000000; font-size: 23px; font-weight: normal; line-height: 25px; font-family: 'Open Sans','sans-serif'; padding-bottom: -10px;'>CounterSpin interview with Suyapa Portillo Villeda on Honduran ex-president conviction appeared first on FAIR.

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    Janine Jackson interviewed the Repair Association’s Gay Gordon-Byrne about the right to repair for the March 15, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    Dayton Daily News: Ohio’s gerrymandered districts let politicians ignore rural voters

    Dayton Daily News (2/15/24)

    Janine Jackson: The president of the Ohio Farmers Union wrote an op-ed—I saw it in the Dayton Daily News—lamenting that “the needs and interests of family farmers have been ignored time after time by state and federal office holders.” A key complaint: manufacturers’ refusal to share the software needed to fix their products, forcing people to deal with a limited number of “authorized” shops, or to just throw away the broken thing and buy a new one.

    Joe Logan wrote:

    Frustrating enough for ordinary consumers, but for a farmer in the short window of harvest time, dealing with a breakdown of a half-million-dollar piece of equipment like a tractor or combine, it can be devastating.

    Farmers versus faceless corporations—sounds like a ready-made storyline. So why don’t we hear it? Why is the right to repair controversial?

    Gay Gordon-Byrne is executive director of the Repair Association, online at repair.org. She joins us now by phone from upstate New York. Welcome to CounterSpin, Gay Gordon-Byrne.

    Gay Gordon-Byrne: Thank you very much for having me!

    JJ: I think the right to repair is a keystone issue, affecting and reflecting a lot of other ideas, rights and relationships. But first, we’re talking with you now because the terrain is changing, in terms of the law around people’s ability to access the data and tools they need to fix, instead of replace, machines like tractors, like washing machines and, yes, like phones. The meaningful action seems to be at the state level. Can you bring us up to date on what’s happening legislatively, statewise?

    Gothamist: NY's right-to-repair law is in effect. Advocates figure it'll save you about $330.

    Gothamist (12/29/23)

    GG: Sure. We’ve been working with state legislatures since January of 2014, so we’ve now got a full 10 years under our belts. And over that time—I didn’t get a completely accurate count, because it does keep changing—we’ve actually been able to introduce bills in 48 out of 50 states, and over the years, that’s coming up to about 270+ pieces of legislation. So we’re pretty mature now, in terms of what we know needs to be done and can be done by states, and what that wording looks like.

    So we’re pretty experienced at this point. We’ve had some good success lately. We got our first couple of bills through to the end and signed by the governor, starting in the end of 2022, in New York. Three more states—I think I could be miscounting, because my brain’s a little fried—but three more states in 2023, and we’ve got a bill in front of the governor in Oregon. So things are looking good.

    JJ: So when you go in at a state legislative level, what do you concretely ask for? What is that language in the bills that you put forward?

    GG: It’s actually pretty much consistent. There’s really only one active sentence, and it says that, “Hey, Mr. Manufacturer, if you want to do business in our state, you must provide all the same materials for purposes of repair that you’ve already created for your own repair services.” That’s pretty much it.

    JJ: Right. So it means that you don’t have to only go to the Apple store to fix your Apple tech. But that, though, leads me to another question, which I know you’ve worked on, which is some companies are kind of saying they support this, but they have important compromises involved in their compliance.

    GG: Yeah, some compliance is slightly malicious. And we keep trying, every time we file a new bill, we try to basically kick that malicious idea down, and make sure that the bills, as they go forward, are more and more explicit, and eliminate some of the loopholes that have been stuffed into bills, because legislators are really not necessarily technologists. We don’t expect them to be, but when a company like the big fruit company says, “Hey, I want to support right to repair in California,” they’re kind of helpless. They’ll take the support, and they’ll give away what they have to give away to get the bill done.

    Verge: Apple argues against right-to-repair bill that would reduce its control

    Verge (2/9/24)

    JJ: So what does that malicious compliance look like? It’s a rhetorical support for the right to repair, but when it actually pans out, it doesn’t look like what you’re actually calling for.

    GG: Yeah, the best example right now is what we call “parts pairing.” That’s been a problem all along, and we thought we had it nailed down in our template legislation, which we wrote back in 2015, that you can’t require specifically that you buy a part only from the manufacturer, and only new. And Apple got around it. They just said, “Well, we’re going to make sure that if you order a part from us, it’ll only work if you give us the serial number of your phone, and we preload that serial number into the part that we ship you, and that’ll work, but nothing else will.”

    Which is really malicious, because it eliminates the ability to even use a part that might be brand new out of a phone that’s busted, and it eliminates the opportunity for a repair shop to stock any kind of inventory. It ruins the opportunity of restoring donated devices so that they can be reused, because who’s going to spend $300 to buy a brand-new part when the phone is only worth $200?

    JJ: The right to fix things that we’ve bought and paid for—it shows up a kind of conflict between one narrative that Americans are told and tell ourselves, about Americans as scrappy, as individuals who rely on themselves, and then this other, different, unspelled-out story about how, no, you’re stupid, you’ll probably only hurt yourself; the only responsible thing to do is to pay the company whatever they want to charge you. And you know what, why don’t you just buy the latest version? Wouldn’t that be easier?

    Not everyone can or wants to fix their own stuff, but the idea that, even though you bought it, you don’t ever really own it, it just seems like it should be a hard sell to people. So how did we get here?

    Gay Gordon-Byrne

    Gay Gordon-Byrne: “States have the ability to simply say, ‘You can’t sell this stuff…and then unsell it using an unfair and deceptive contract.’”

    GG: Companies have had basically a full generation, like 20 years, to perfect their marketing. And what they’re marketing to us is exactly what you said, that we’re too stupid to be able to fix our stuff, concurrently with the stuff that’s “too complicated to repair”—which is also baloney, because they create the repair materials that can be used by the least technologically expensive person to make repairs for them. We’re not paying people $300 an hour to repair cell phones. They’re getting paid 20 bucks, if that.

    So the tools that are there are made to make repairs easy and efficient and less costly for the manufacturer, but we’ve been told we can’t do them. We’ve been told it’s too sophisticated, it’s too complicated.

    And the emperor really has no clothes. And the fun part about doing this legislation is seeing the eyes light up when we talk with legislators, saying, this is actually not right. It’s not legal. There are supposed to be protections and antitrust law that prevent this behavior. But the Department of Justice has had about a 40- or 50-year hiatus on antitrust. It’s coming back, but it’s very, very cumbersome to go that way.

    So the states have the ability to simply say, “You can’t sell this stuff, on the one hand, and then unsell it using an unfair and deceptive contract,” which is typically an end-user license agreement. Those agreements are of no value to anybody, except to remove your rights to fix your stuff.

    JJ: Right, and they’re in the tiniest print you could ever imagine. And I just, finally, for anyone who’s missing it, this isn’t just a consumer rights failure, which is big enough, but it’s also an environmental disaster, to have industries based on buy it, throw it out, buy the new one. That’s a lose/lose.

    GG: It’s pervasive. When we’ve taken a look at it and evaluated a lot of the contracts, we come to the conclusion that something more than 90% of the equipment on the market today literally cannot be repaired by anybody other than the manufacturer, if it’s repairable at all. And this is an environmental catastrophe. And it applies to everything that has a chip in it, which is now including toasters and blenders and coffee grinders, and all sorts of little stuff that, really, why do you have to throw it away? First of all, it’s made like garbage, but second of all, you can’t fix it.

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with Gay Gordon-Byrne, executive director of the Repair Association. They’re online at repair.org. Thank you so much, Gay Gordon-Byrne, for speaking with us today on CounterSpin.

    GG: Oh, my pleasure. Anytime.

     

    The post ‘They’re Marketing to Us That We’re Too Stupid to Fix Our Stuff’ <br></em><span class='not-on-index' style='color:#000000; font-size: 23px; font-weight: normal; line-height: 25px; font-family: 'Open Sans','sans-serif'; padding-bottom: -10px;'>CounterSpin interview with Gay Gordon-Byrne on right to repair appeared first on FAIR.

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    Person exercising the right to repair

    (image: Repair.org)

    This week on CounterSpin: About this time seven years ago, John Deere was arguing, with a straight face, that farmers shouldn’t really “own” their tractors, because if they had access to the software involved, they might pirate Taylor Swift music. Things have changed since then, though industry still gets up and goes to court to say that even though you bought a tractor or a washing machine or a cellphone, it’s not really “yours,” in the sense that you can’t fix it if it breaks. Even if you know how, even if you, frankly, can’t afford to buy a new one. More and more people, including lawmakers, are thinking that’s some anti-consumer, and anti-environment, nonsense. We get an update from Gay Gordon-Byrne, executive director of the Repair Association.

     

    Juan Orlando Hernández

    Juan Orlando Hernández
    (photo: Alan SantosPR)

    Also on the show: “Former President of Honduras Convicted in US of Aiding Drug Traffickers” is the current headline. You’d never guess from the reporting that Juan Orlando Hernández was a US ally, that the US supported the 2009 coup that went a long way toward creating Honduras’ current political landscape. Instead, you’ll read US Attorney Jacob Gutwillig telling the jury that a corrupt Hernández “paved a cocaine superhighway to the United States.” Because Americans, you see, don’t want to use cocaine; they’re forced to by the wiles and witchery of Honduran kingpins—and, thankfully, one of them has been brought to justice by the US’s moral, as reflected in its judicial, superiority. That’s the narrative you get from a press corps uninterested in anything other than a rose-colored depiction of the US role in geopolitical history. We hear more from Suyapa Portillo Villeda, advocate, organizer and associate professor of Chicana/o–Latina/o transnational studies at Pitzer College, as well as author of Roots of Resistance: A Story of Gender, Race and Labor on the North Coast of Honduras.

    The post Gay Gordon-Byrne on Right to Repair, Suyapa Portillo Villeda on Honduran Ex-President Conviction appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A bipartisan effort to effectively ban the social media network TikTok in the United States has taken a great leap forward. The House of Representatives voted 352–65 that the network’s parent company ByteDance must divest itself from Chinese ownership.

    Lawmakers contend that “TikTok’s Chinese ownership poses a national security risk because Beijing could use the app to gain access to Americans’ data or run a disinformation campaign” (New York Times, 3/13/24). While proponents of the legislation say this is only a restriction on Chinese government control, critics of the bill say this constitutes an effective ban.

    The bill faces an uncertain future in the Senate. That doesn’t make its passage in the House any less chilling, especially when President Joe Biden has said he will sign it into law if it reaches his desk (Boston Herald, 3/13/24).

    ‘Profound implications’

    Politico: The Chinese government is using TikTok to meddle in elections, ODNI says

    Below the scary headline, Politico (3/11/24) acknowledges that “there have been no concrete examples publicly provided showing how TikTok poses a national security threat.”

    I have written for almost four years (FAIR.org, 8/5/20, 5/25/23, 11/13/23) about how the US government campaign against TikTok has very little to do with user privacy, and everything to do with McCarthyism and neo–Cold War fervor. Before the vote, a US government report (Politico, 3/11/24) said that the “Chinese government is using TikTok to expand its global influence operations to promote pro-China narratives and undermine US democracy.”

    Sounds scary, but fears about TikTok‘s user surveillance, or platforming pernicious content or disinformation, apply to all forms of social media—including US-based Twitter (now known as X) and Facebook, which let political misinformation flow about the US elections (Time, 3/23/21; New York Times, 1/25/24). And the Chinese government point of view flows freely on Twitter: Chinese state media outlets CGTN and Xinhua have respectively 12.9 and 11.9 million followers on the network owned by Elon Musk.

    The Global Times (3/8/24), owned by China’s Communist Party, predictably called the legislation a “hysterical move” against Chinese companies. But the American Civil Liberties Union (3/5/24) was also alarmed:

    The ACLU has repeatedly explained that banning TikTok would have profound implications for our constitutional right to free speech and free expression, because millions of Americans rely on the app every day for information, communication, advocacy and entertainment. And the courts have agreed. In November 2023, a federal district court in Montana ruled that the state’s attempted ban would violate Montanans’ free speech rights and blocked it from going into effect.

    Bipartisan support

    CNBC: Former Treasury Secretary Mnuchin is putting together an investor group to buy TikTok

    “There’s no way that the Chinese would ever let a US company own something like this in China,” Seth Mnuchin told CNBC (3/14/24)—as though the Marxist-Leninist state should be the model for US media regulation.

    We can’t write this off as MAGA extremist paranoia. In fact, 155 Democrats voted for the bill (AP, 3/13/24), joining 197 Republicans. Democratic Rep. Ritchie Torres  (Twitter, 3/12/24) said TikTok “poses significant threats to our national security,” and that the “entire intelligence community agrees.” While the bill may not pass the Senate, it does enjoy some bipartisan support in the upper house (NBC, 3/13/24).

    Former President Donald Trump reversed course, and now opposes new restrictions on TikTok (Washington Post, 3/12/24), in part because of his hostility toward TikTok competitor Facebook, which would benefit from a TikTok ban. Trump might have been hyperbolic in calling Facebook “the enemy of the people,” but it is true that Facebook owner Meta is behind the political push against its competitor (Washington Post, 3/30/22).

    Former Trump Treasury Secretary Seth Mnuchin is enthusiastic about the bill, however—because he hopes to be TikTok‘s new owner. “I think the legislation should pass and I think it should be sold,” Mnuchin told CNBC’s Squawk Box (3/14/24). “It’s a great business and I’m going to put together a group to buy TikTok.”

    Mainstream conservative outlets like the Economist (3/12/24) and Wall Street Journal, at least, have united signed on to the crusade. The Journal editorial board (3/11/24) wrote:

    Xi Jinping has eviscerated any distinction between the government and private companies. ByteDance employs hundreds of employees who previously worked at state-owned media outlets. A former head of engineering in ByteDance’s US offices has alleged that the Communist Party “had a special office or unit” in the company “sometimes referred to as the ‘Committee.’”

    The Journal’s editors (3/14/24) followed up to celebrate the House bill’s passage. “Beijing treats TikTok algorithms as tantamount to a state secret,” it wrote. This is another way that TikTok resembles US-based social media platforms, of course—but for the Journal, it’s “another reason not to believe TikTok’s denials that its algorithms promote anti-American and politically divisive content.”

    WSJ: Tackling the TikTok Threat

    The Wall Street Journal (3/11/24) complains that on TikTok, “pro-Hamas videos trend more than pro-Israel ones”–which is also true of Facebook and Instagram (Washington Post, 11/13/23). (By “pro-Hamas,” of course, the Journal means pro-Palestinian.)

    In other words, while the US government can’t legally block content it deems politically questionable on Facebook and Twitter, it can use TikTok’s foreign ownership as means to attack “anti-American” content. The paper ignored the issue of censorship and anti-Chinese fearmongering, and denounced “no” votes as either fringe Republicans swayed by Trump, or left-wingers whose political base is younger people who simply love fun apps.

    The National Review‘s Jim Geraghty (3/3/23) earlier scoffed at Democratic lawmakers who continue to engage with TikTok:

    Way to go, members of Congress. This thing is too dangerous to carry into the Pentagon, but you’re keeping it on your personal phone because you’re afraid you might miss the latest dance craze that’s going viral. And if the last three years of our lives have taught us anything, hasn’t it been that anything that comes to us from China and “goes viral” probably isn’t good for us?

    Republican Rep. Mike Gallagher, a major backer of the legislation, took to Fox News (3/12/24) to say that Chinese ownership of TikTok was a “cancer” that could be removed, that the problem wasn’t the app itself but “foreign adversary control.”

    Vehicle for anti-Chinese fervor

    Wired: A TikTok Army Is Coming for Union Busters

    It’s important to remember that people use TikTok to educate and organize, not just amuse—boosting efforts to unionize workers at Amazon and Starbucks, for example (Wired, 4/20/22).

    This anger toward TikTok—which, just like other social media networks, is full of brain-numbing content, but has also been used as a platform for social and economic justice (NPR, 6/7/20; Wired, 4/20/22; TechCrunch, 7/19/23)—is not about TikTok, but is rather a vehicle for the anti-Chinese fervor that infects the US government.

    Think, for example, how Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) embarrassed himself by repeatedly asking TikTok CEO Shou Zi Chew in a Senate hearing if he had ties to China’s Communist Party—despite repeated reminders that Chew is Singaporean, not Chinese (NBC, 2/1/24). Is Cotton ignorant enough to think Singapore is a part of China? Or was the lawmaker using his national platform to make race-based political insinuations, in hopes of bolstering the fear that Chinese government agents are simply everywhere (and all look alike)?

    That fear is already potent enough to bring together a coalition of Democrats and Republicans to line up against the First Amendment. are doing just that, using a social media app to ramp up a Cold War with China. The targeting TikTok is an attack on free speech and the free flow of information, as the ACLU has argued, but it’s also part of a drumbeat for a dangerous confrontation between nuclear powers.

    The post House Votes Against TikTok—and for More Cold War appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed May First’s Alfredo Lopez about Radical Elders for the March 8, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    Yes! magazine: Elders

    Yes! (Winter/24)

    Janine Jackson: The Winter 2024 issue of Yes! magazine focuses on elder issues, which turns out to mean every issue, really. There are profiles of older people living lives full of purpose, in counter to a societal and media narrative about the superfluousness of those outside of sponsor-desirable demographics.

    But questions of healthcare, of self-reliance and political power, of media visibility and the intersectionality of concerns—those are questions for all of us who hope to live in a caring, humane society. Considering them through the prism of age can bring them into a sharp focus.

    A longtime activist and founder of May First Movement Technology, Alfredo Lopez is a founder and advisor with the group Radical Elders. He joins us now by phone from Brooklyn. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Alfredo Lopez.

    Alfredo Lopez: Yeah, thank you. It’s always great to speak with you, and I appreciate the conversation.

    JJ: Well, thank you. You’ve been organizing and writing and teaching for economic and racial justice for a long time. I think we maybe first had you on the show in 1996, talking about censorship of labor advertising. What led you and others to create Radical Elders? What was the particular need you saw, or space that needed filling?

    Alfredo Lopez of Radical Elders

    Alfredo Lopez: “I found a bunch of liberal organizations that sought to reform this and that, expand this and that, or reestablish particular programs.”

    AL: Well, a couple of things. First and foremost, to be honest, I got old. So I became an elder, and I was a radical elder. I’ve been in our movement about—not about, 58 years is the amount of time that I’ve spent in the left of this country, very wonderful years, but starting to get old; I’m now in my seventies.

    And I was looking around for something that focused on the very specific issues and the particularity of the issues that I faced as a human being in my seventies, and that many people who I knew in my age bracket were facing. And I found nothing.

    I found a bunch of liberal organizations that sought to reform this and that, expand this and that, or reestablish particular programs that have been dismantled, etc. But nobody really framed the issue from the political perspective that has actually framed my life.

    And a bunch of people were feeling that way that I knew. And so we got together, and we started discussing the possibility: What about creating a left-wing elders organization? Is that conceivable? Is it feasible? And what is the potential of doing that?

    And part of the potential is that people over the age of 55 represent nearly 30% of the population of this country, a humongous chunk of the US population. And, for the most part, they are people who are targeted by the increasingly oppressive and restrictive human treatment that emanates from the crisis of this society.

    But also, they tend to be rightward drifting, as a population, as a huge population. And we as left-wing people should be doing something about that. We should be thinking in terms of that community, because as we looked around, not only weren’t there organizations, but our entire family within the left-wing movement of this country, which does wonderful work in a bunch of areas, had no specific program for elder people.

    And so we launched the organization with that intent of actually publicizing the issue, organizing elders, but also, very frankly, moving the left to a greater level of consciousness about what the major struggles and issues are within the elder community, elder population, and what the potential of that population is politically. That was what we started about three years ago. We officially launched the organization two years ago, and we’ve been functioning for the last two years.

    FAIR: Is ‘OK Boomer’ the ‘New N-Word,’ or Are Millennials Still Destroying Everything?

    FAIR.org (11/8/19)

    JJ: Well, thank you. You and I know corporate, advertiser-driven news media are very happy with a divide-and-conquer vision that extends to generations. So we see news media constantly pitting young people versus older people, as though Social Security, for example, is just straight-up draining wealth from young people, to funnel it to greedy seniors. Media narratives are part of the fight here, yeah?

    AL: Yes, absolutely. More than at any other moment, in my opinion, in my life, anyway, and perhaps in the entirety of history, our media mold consciousness in ways that drive people and guide people and affect the outcomes of human interaction. It’s more than ever, ever, ever before. And that is, to a large extent, media’s role.

    So yeah, you do have it. And I bristle in ways that I hadn’t before, because now in this organization, I’m so much more conscious of this stuff. Commercials that make fun of older people, making fun of elders.

    In fact, we have such an anti-elder consciousness that for the first time in my life, the major issue in the presidential election is, who’s older? I mean, is this guy too old?

    Now, I’m not saying that Joe Biden—I’m not even going to talk about Donald Trump, Donald Trump should be disqualified for every reason on Earth, obviously, starting with the fact that he’s a fascist leader, but Joe Biden, it’s possible that he is past his prime and does not have the faculties, or the capabilities to lead.

    But look at the way they frame the conversation. Is he too old? What does that mean, is he too old? Everything that we do and say about elders is the distortion of reality.

    Now, I’m not arguing that Joe Biden should be president of the United States. As far as I’m concerned, we should restructure everything. There shouldn’t be a president of the United States, and I think that he’s demonstrated some of his problems most recently with the wholesale massacre of people in Gaza. But the framing of it as an age issue is an indication of how this propaganda has worked. And it works all the time.

    And you’re right about Social Security, it’s a very, very important issue. Social Security, first of all, has never actually done what it was supposed to do. The purpose of Social Security was supposed to be, after you get finished working, you retire, you have a sustainable wage. That’s never been a sustainable wage. And right now, Social Security is a joke, because effectively, when you measure it against the cost of living in the last 20 years, we’ve lost a third of the Social Security. Literally, it has gone down by a third, given the cost of living and other cuts that you see.

    I’ll give you an example of the myth of Social Security. People say, in relationship to Medicare, in relationship to medical insurance, that medical insurance is free for Social Security recipients. Nothing could be further from the truth. First of all, they take a portion of your Social Security payment to pay for the program. Second of all, if you want real health insurance, including hospitalization, all the stuff you’re going to need as you get older, you have to have a special program for that. I personally pay nearly $400 a month for my so-called free insurance. There are people who pay much, much more.

    So yeah, all of this is mythological. Our position on Social Security is Social Security shouldn’t exist. What should exist is a sustainable wage, a living capability for all people, elders, over the age of whatever we choose; if it’s 65, so be it, but all these people should have sustainable life, and there should be a sustainable life program.

    That’s what makes us radical. We’re not like the Association of Retired People. We’re not like all these other elder associations that call for reforms of this and that. Essentially, our reform starts at the impact of these programs, and not their nuts and bolts.

    The impact of any social welfare or Social Security system, social insurance system, should be the sustainability of people’s lives. People should have a sustainable life, should be able to afford what they need, and they should have full medical health insurance, full wellness care, everything involved in the prolonging of life. We should, as a population, never be jettisoned. And that’s what US capitalism does right now. It jettisons its elders.

    JJ: I want to give you an opportunity to make clear what is clear to me, which is that Radical Elders is not a backward-looking group. Being a radical elder means being interested and invested in the future.

    AL: That’s correct. “We ain’t done yet” is our slogan. I just want to say, we’ve worked very hard for this. We are also an intentional organization, and for an organization in our demographic—our members are all over the age of 55, many of them are in the sixties, seventies and eighties. So these are people, many of whom were around in the 1970s, 1960s.

    And we are intentional. That means that we work very hard to make sure that a high percentage—in our case, it’s more than half—of the leadership and representational bodies of our organization are people of the global majority, what’s called people of color, like myself and like a whole bunch of other people, and also more than half women.

    And these are intentionality commitments that, while many of the younger revolutionaries say, “Oh, well, that’s great. We do that automatically,” for our generation, as you know, Janine, this is not automatic in any way, shape or form. Our generation is quite used to a bunch of white men screaming at each other in the room, and kind of adding us onto the leadership bodies as tokens, as gestures.

    We commit ourselves to this because we understand, obviously, that these populations, I mean, you’re talking about, for the case of Social Security, there are a lot of people who don’t get Social Security, because they’ve been in professions and jobs that do not allow for contributions to the Social Security system. Most of those people are people of the global majority, are people of color, and the great majority of them are women. And to talk about Social Security, it’s not a topic of conversation, because they don’t got none. And we have members who are in that kind of a situation. So it kind of changes your conversation about all the issues.

    And so we’re getting ready to converse about these things more. We do a lot of online activities as an organization. We are, to a large extent, an online organization, because we’re old, we can’t travel as much, etc., etc. And that’s where the left is going, online, in a lot of ways.

    We’re having this huge activity March 16. We’re calling it a Day of Action, and we’re getting ready to put the final touches on it. It’s an amazing day, with all kinds of stuff happening all day long, and people can tune into that. And to learn more about our organization, what you do is you go to RadicalElders.net. That’s our website that has all the information you need.

    JJ: All right then, well, we’ll end it, just for today. We’ve been speaking with Alfredo Lopez of May First Movement Technology and Radical Elders online at RadicalElders.net.

    Alfredo Lopez, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin. Thank you.

    AL: Thank you.

     

    The post ‘That’s What US Capitalism Does Right Now. It Jettisons Its Elders.’<br></em><span class='not-on-index' style='color:#000000; font-size: 23px; font-weight: normal; line-height: 25px; font-family: 'Open Sans','sans-serif'; padding-bottom: -10px;'> CounterSpin interview with Alfredo Lopez on Radical Elders appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    With over 17 million subscribers, the Morning, the New York Times’ flagship newsletter, is by far the most popular newsletter in the English-speaking world. (It has almost three times as many subscribers as the next most popular newsletter.)

    Since October 7, as Israel has waged an unprecedented war on Palestinian children, journalists, hospitals and schools, the New York Times’ highly influential newsletter has bent over backwards to blame everyone but Israel for the carnage.

    Waging a legitimate war

    According to the Morning—led by head writer David Leonhardt—Israel’s war on Gaza is a targeted operation designed to eliminate Hamas. The Morning propagates this narrative despite well-documented declarations of collective punishment and even genocidal intent by high-ranking Israeli officials—a tendency that South Africa has forcefully documented in their case before the ICJ (UN, 12/29/23). Israeli President Isaac Herzog’s comments on October 12, 2023, are typical: “It’s an entire nation out there that is responsible. It’s not true, this rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved.”

    This sentiment has been echoed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, multiple cabinet-level ministers and senior military officials. Speaking from a devastated northern Gaza, one top Israeli army official said (UN, 12/29/23): “Whoever returns here, if they return here after, will find scorched earth. No houses, no agriculture, no nothing. They have no future.”

    NYT: A Looming Invasion in Gaza

    The Morning (10/13/23) expresses what it sees as the main problem with mass death in Gaza: “The widespread killing of Palestinian civilians would damage Israel’s global reputation.”

    Despite these statements and the body of supporting evidence, the Morning has consistently portrayed the war on Gaza as a focused campaign targeting the military infrastructure of Hamas.

    For instance, in one October edition (10/13/23), Leonhardt and co-writer Lauren Jackson explained, “Israel’s goals are to prevent Hamas from being able to conduct more attacks and to reestablish the country’s military credibility.”

    In similar fashion, in a late January edition (1/28/24), the Morning argued that Israel’s 17-year-long blockade of Gaza is primarily designed to debilitate Hamas—rather than to collectively punish Gazan civilians, as many analysts and human rights groups have argued:

    For years, Israel has limited the flow of goods into Gaza, largely to prevent Hamas from gaining access to military supplies.

    The Morning did, in the same edition (1/28/24), quote Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant’s comments in the immediate aftermath of October 7:

    After the Hamas-led October 7 terrorist attacks, Israel ordered what its defense minister called a “complete siege” of Gaza. The goal was both to weaken Hamas fighters and to ensure that no military supplies could enter.

    This is, however, a downright fictional interpretation of Gallant’s quote (Al Jazeera, 10/9/23), given that the Morning failed to quote the next words out of his mouth:

    There will be no electricity, no food, no water, no fuel, everything will be closed. We are fighting against human animals, and we are acting accordingly.

    Blame the terrorists

    NYT: Gaza's Vital Tunnels

    The Morning (10/30/23) insists that “Hamas is responsible for many of the civilian deaths” caused by Israel—a division of responsibility it would never apply to civilians killed by Hamas on October 7.

    The Morning consistently has argued that Hamas makes densely populated civilian areas legitimate targets for Israeli attacks by conducting military operations nearby. This deflects blame from Israel and frames civilian casualties as a necessary evil, as in the October 30 edition of the newsletter:

    Hamas has hidden many weapons under hospitals, schools and mosques so that Israel risks killing civilians, and facing an international backlash, when it fights. Hamas fighters also slip above and below ground, blending with civilians.

    These practices mean that Hamas is responsible for many of the civilian deaths, according to international law.

    Similar rhetoric was deployed in this December edition (12/20/23):

    Hamas has long hidden its fighters and weapons in and under populated civilian areas, such as hospitals and mosques. It does so partly to force Israel to make a gruesome calculation: To fight Hamas, Israel often must also harm civilians.

    The Morning has not yet found it pertinent to report on, for instance, the Israeli soldiers who dressed as doctors to gain access to the Ibn Sina Hospital in the West Bank, and proceeded to assassinate three Palestinian militants in their hospital beds.

    To the Morning (11/14/23), Israel’s mass slaughter of civilians is unavoidable:

    The battle over Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza highlights a tension that often goes unmentioned in the debate over the war between Israel and Hamas: There may be no way for Israel both to minimize civilian casualties and to eliminate Hamas.

    It repeats this line again in a late January edition (1/22/24), once again framing the mass murder of civilians as a “difficult decision”:

    The Israeli military faces a difficult decision about how to proceed in southern Gaza…. Israel will not easily be able to eliminate the fighters without killing innocent civilians.

    And again in the October 17 edition:

    Longer term, there will be more difficult choices. Many steps that Israel could take to reduce civilian casualties in Gaza, such as advance warnings of attacks, would also weaken its attempts to destroy Hamas’s control.

    These themes are repeated across all editions of the Morning, and echo throughout the New York Times’ reporting on Israel. Israel’s motivations in the war (beyond eliminating Hamas) go unquestioned, while the openly genocidal statements made by high-ranking politicians and military leaders go unacknowledged.

    And when Israeli mass murder of Palestinian civilians is mentioned, it is constantly qualified by the line that Hamas is fully or partially to blame.

    ‘Civilian death toll in Gaza’

    NYT: The Civilian Death Toll in Gaza

    David Leonhardt assures readers of the Morning (12/7/23) that “military experts say that there is probably no way for Israel to topple Hamas without a substantial civilian toll.” The possibility that this means that Israel should therefore not try to “topple Hamas” is not addressed.

    Let’s break down one emblematic newsletter (12/7/23) written by Leonhardt in December, in which he “puts the [civilian death] toll in context and explains the reason for it.”

    Leonhardt began by qualifying the Palestinian death toll—around 17,000 at time of writing in early December. First, he delegitimized the Gaza Health Ministry, which, he wrote, “seems to have spread false information during the war.” Though he acknowledged that “many international observers believe that the overall death toll is accurate…as do some top Israeli officials,” he wrote that “there is more debate about the breakdown between civilian and combatant deaths.” Leonhardt went on:

    A senior Israeli military official told my colleague Isabel Kershner this week that about a third of the dead were likely Hamas-allied fighters, rather than civilians. Gazan officials have suggested that the combatant toll is lower, and the civilian toll higher, based on their breakdown of deaths among men, women and children.

    Leonhardt only informs readers that Hamas has spread false information, while neglecting to mention Israel’s documented history of lying to the press (IMEU, 10/17/23; Intercept, 2/27/24). He also declined to investigate the implausibility of his source’s figure: At this point in the war, about 30% of Palestinian fatalities were adult men, meaning the Israeli figure implies that essentially every adult man killed by Israel was a Hamas fighter—all civilian men being miraculously spared.

    Next, Leonhardt attempted to explain “who is most responsible for the high civilian death toll”—concluding, even before describing them, that “different people obviously put different amounts of blame on each.”

    First he named Israel, and contextualized and rationalized Israel’s war crimes:

    After the October 7 attacks—in which Hamas fighters killed more than 1,200 people, while committing sexual assault and torture, sometimes on video—Israeli leaders promised to eliminate Hamas. Israel is seeking to kill Hamas fighters, destroy their weapons stockpiles and collapse their network of tunnels. To do so, Israel has dropped 2,000-pound bombs on Gaza’s densely populated neighborhoods.

    Note that Leonhardt framed the war as a campaign only to “kill Hamas fighters, destroy their weapons stockpiles and collapse their network of tunnels,” despite the evidence that Israel has targeted civilian infrastructure, journalists, healthcare workers and aid workers—actions backed by the aforementioned statements of genocidal intent.

    Though Leonhardt briefly mentioned that Israel’s war has drawn international criticism, he made no mention of international law and concluded with his refrain that Israel can hardly avoid causing the deaths of “substantial” numbers of civilians:

    Nonetheless, military experts say that there is probably no way for Israel to topple Hamas without a substantial civilian toll. The question is whether the toll could be lower than it has been.

    Next, Leonhardt turned to his condemnation of Hamas:

    The second responsible party is Hamas. It hides weapons in schools, mosques and hospitals, and its fighters disguise themselves as civilians, all of which are violations of international law.

    This approach both helps Hamas to survive against a more powerful enemy — the Israeli military—and contributes to Hamas’s efforts to delegitimize Israel. The group has vowed to repeat the October 7 attacks and ultimately destroy Israel. Hamas’s strategy involves forcing Israel to choose between allowing Hamas to exist and killing Palestinian civilians.

    Hamas is simply not prioritizing Palestinian lives.

    It is notable that—unlike with Israel—Leonhardt did not attempt to contextualize Hamas’ actions by noting the horrifying conditions that Israel has imposed on Gaza for years, or the over 900 Palestinian children killed by Israel in the decade preceding October 7. To Leonhardt, history is only relevant when it justifies Israeli aggression.

    While Leonhardt states unequivocally that Hamas is violating international law, he does not find it worthwhile to investigate Israel’s flagrant and abundantly documented violations of international law. He also does not mention the Palestinian right to resist occupation, a right enshrined under international law.

    This unequal treatment leads straight to the jarringly contrasting conclusions, in which he essentially excuses Israel’s genocidal war as unavoidable, while he condemns Hamas for “simply not prioritizing Palestinian lives.”

    Leonhardt’s December 7 piece is not an aberration: It is emblematic of the language, selective contextualization and framing that the TimesMorning newsletter wields to provide ideological cover for Israel’s crimes.

    The post NYT’s Morning Newsletter Blames Everyone but Israel for Israeli Crimes appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed Vox‘s Ian Millhiser about the Supreme Court’s protection of Donald Trump for the March 8, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    Janine Jackson: The Supreme Court ruled this week that states can’t keep Donald Trump off of presidential ballots, despite his myriad crimes and active legal entanglements. But as New York Times columnist Thomas Edsall noted, the more politically consequential decision came on February 28, when the court set a hearing on Trump’s claim of presidential immunity for his role in fomenting the violent January 6, 2021, effort to overturn the election, for the week of April 22.

    Edsall suggests the delay is a gift to Trump and a blow to Biden, because a failure to hold a trial means Democrats won’t be able to “expand voters’ awareness of the dangers posed by a second Trump term.” A trial, you see, would produce a lot of reporting about Trump’s role in the insurrection that could inform and presumably sway voters.

    NYT: 'This Could Well Be Game Over'

    New York Times (3/6/24)

    I think it’s fair to ask ourselves why journalists couldn’t do that reporting anyway, whether the “surprisingly large segment of the electorate” that Edsall says has “either no idea or slight knowledge of the charges against Trump” couldn’t just possibly learn about those things from the press corps, even without the shiny object of a trial to focus on.

    Ian Millhiser reports on the Supreme Court and the Constitution, even when former presidents are not in the dock, as a senior correspondent at Vox. He’s author of, most recently, The Agenda: How a Republican Supreme Court Is Reshaping America, and also, relevantly, 2015’s Injustices: The Supreme Court’s History of Comforting the Comfortable and Afflicting the Afflicted. He joins us now by phone from Virginia. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Ian Millhiser.

    Ian Millhiser: Good to be here. Thanks so much.

    JJ: Your February 28 report is headlined “The Supreme Court Just Handed Trump an Astonishing Victory.” So please spell it out for us why it’s a victory, and why it’s astonishing to a longtime court watcher such as yourself.

    Vox: The Supreme Court just handed Trump an astonishing victory

    Vox (2/28/24)

    IM: I had assumed that the courts were going to try to stay neutral on Donald Trump, and neutral on the election, and so what neutrality means is, we knew from the oral argument in the ballot disqualification case that the courts weren’t going to remove Donald Trump from the ballot. We already knew that wasn’t going to happen. But I thought the flip side of it was that the Supreme Court wasn’t going to actively try to boost Trump’s candidacy by delaying his trial, by pushing it until after the election, but that’s what they did.

    By scheduling this hearing in April, the trial can’t happen until after the Supreme Court resolves this immunity appeal, and so they made the decision to, the practical implication of this is, that the trial almost certainly will not happen until after the election, if it happens at all.

    When the Supreme Court hands down such a consequential decision, it’s supposed to explain itself. The way the Supreme Court works is that when it does something, the majority of the justices who agree with one outcome write an opinion explaining why they did what they did, and then the justices who dissent write a dissenting opinion explaining why they disagree. And the court didn’t even have the decency here to explain why.

    I mean, maybe there’s some possible justification for pushing Trump’s trial until after the election, but at the very least, they owed us an explanation for why they handed down this extraordinarily consequential decision. And the fact that they thought that they could do this without explaining themselves, I think raises very serious questions about whether the Supreme Court will be neutral on the question of whether Donald Trump or Joe Biden should win the 2024 election.

    JJ: Well, I think people understand that the law does not equal justice in the way that we might understand it, but it sounds like you’re saying this is messed up on the level of law itself.

    Vox: A 19th-century anti-sex crusader is the “pro-life” movement’s new best friend

    Vox (4/12/23)

    IM: When you look at the long arc of US history, the law doesn’t always resemble the law. In 1870, we ratified the 15th Amendment. That’s the amendment which says the government is not allowed to discriminate on the basis of race when deciding who was allowed to vote. And that amendment was in effect for maybe five years during Reconstruction, and then it just evaporated.

    For 90 years, the Supreme Court did not enforce that. We had 90 years of Jim Crow, 90 years of Black people being told they did not have their equal citizenship rights, even though it’s right there in the Constitution, saying explicitly that they’re supposed to have it. Because politically there wasn’t enough support for giving Black people the right to vote, and the Supreme Court just went with those political winds.

    If you look at the history of the First Amendment, during war time, people were thrown in jail during World War II because they opposed the draft, because they gave a speech opposing the draft. For most of the late 19th and early 20th century, there was very aggressive enforcement of something called the Comstock Act—which is still on the books; this could come back at any time—which bans pretty much any kind of art or literature or anything that in any way involves sex. People were tried and convicted for selling the famous portrait The Birth of Venus. It’s a nude portrait. People were convicted of crimes because they sold reproductions of famous works of nude art, despite the fact that we have the First Amendment.

    So the reason I’m describing this long history here is, I think we Americans need to have a realistic sense of what we can expect from the courts. The courts don’t always ignore the law. They don’t always follow the political winds. I can point you to plenty of examples of the Supreme Court being courageous against powerful political—I mean, the reason why Nixon had to resign is because the Supreme Court ordered him to turn over incriminating evidence.

    So the Supreme Court sometimes follows the law. It sometimes does the right thing. But if you look at the long arc of American history, all I can say about the Supreme Court is “sometimes.” And apparently sometimes is not now. Sometimes is not now.

    This court is not going to do anything to protect us from Donald Trump. It has made that perfectly clear. It doesn’t matter what the Constitution says. It doesn’t matter that there’s an entire provision of the 14th Amendment saying that if you are in high office, and you engage in an insurrection, you can’t hold office again—doesn’t matter. Supreme Court’s not going to enforce that provision.

    And that doesn’t mean that we should all abandon hope, but it does mean we cannot rely on the courts at all. Donald Trump will be defeated at the ballot box if he’s defeated anywhere.

    JJ: I’m going to bring you back to hope in just a second, but I just felt a need to intercede. My ninth grade government teacher was convinced, and not without cause, that we really weren’t going to retain very much from his class. And he had one thing, which was that every now and again he would just randomly holler out, “What’s the law of the land?” And we would yell back, “The Constitution!” That seems more painful than quaint right now.

    Ian Millhiser

    Ian Millhiser: “When the chips are down, the Constitution is only as good as the worst five people who sit on the Supreme Court.”

    IM: Yeah, we like to tell ourselves a good story about the United States. One of the purposes of public schools is to inculcate enough a certain sense of what our values should be. The nation we aspire to be is a nation where the Constitution matters. The nation that we aspire to be is one where somebody who tries to overthrow our government does not get to serve in government ever again. That is who we hope to be.

    I think it is right that our public schools try to inculcate those values in us, because the way that you get Supreme Court justices who will actually share those values is by having this massive civic effort to teach us all that the Constitution matters and that we should enforce it.

    But when the chips are down, the Constitution is only as good as the worst five people who sit on the Supreme Court. If those people did not internalize the lesson that you and I learned in the ninth grade, there’s nothing we can do about it.

    JJ: And I’ll just bring you back: You’ve said it before, when I spoke to you last time, you said it doesn’t surprise you that this institution that’s always been controlled by elites has not been a particularly beneficent organization in American history. That’s before Clarence Thomas. That’s before the guy who likes beer. This is the history of this Supreme Court.

    And so while we can and should be outraged and worried and more, what we can’t be is surprised that the Supreme Court is not swooping in now to save us from Donald Trump and whatever, heaven help us, a second Trump presidency might usher in. So let me just ask you again, finally, what is to be done? Because giving up is not an option.

    IM: I think a lot about a line from President Obama’s first inaugural address, where he said, “We must choose our better history.” The United States has always had two histories. We have always, always, aspired to be a nation where we have political equality, where we can follow the rules of the road, where we have a Constitution. “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal”: Those are the words that created our nation. That has always been one of our histories.

    And the other history is that we enslaved people. The other history is Jim Crow. The other history is Jim Crow–like treatment of Asian Americans out on the West Coast. The other history is Korematsu. The other history is Clarence Thomas flying around on all these billionaires’ jets.

    And that has always been our history too. We have always faced a choice between, “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal,” and the other thing. And sometimes we have elections where that choice isn’t as readily apparent. This is an election where that choice is immediately apparent.

    JJ: All right, then. We’ve been speaking with reporter and author Ian Millhiser. You can find his work on the Supreme Court and other issues on Vox.com. Ian Millhiser, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    IM:  Thank you.

    The post ‘This Court Is Not Going to Protect Us From Donald Trump’<br></em><span style='color:#000000; font-size: 23px; font-weight: normal; line-height: 25px; font-family: 'Open Sans','sans-serif'; padding-bottom: -10px;'>CounterSpin interview with Ian Millhiser on Trump and Supreme Court appeared first on FAIR.

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  •  

    The Wall Street Journal (2/26/24) is concerned that they live among us. They are Arab Americans. And what are they doing to threaten the United States? Voting.

    The Journal’s editorial board sounded the alarm in response to Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), a Palestinian American and a member of the left-wing voting bloc known as the Squad, calling for Democrats to vote “uncommitted” in the Michigan presidential primary. “Will Dearborn, Michigan, Determine US Israel Policy?” the headline wondered ominously. The subhead explained: “The pro-Palestinian Democratic left wants to force Biden to stop the war in Gaza against Hamas.”

    At issue was that Tlaib’s mobilization of the large Arab-American community of Dearborn, Michigan, against Biden’s pro-Israel stance could put Michigan in play in the 2024 presidential election, thus potentially swaying the incumbent to be more critical of Israel.

    Voting as subversion

    WSJ: Will Dearborn, Mich., Determine U.S. Israel Policy?

    The Wall Street Journal (2/26/24) frames the question of whether to keep supplying an Israeli war that has killed tens of thousands of Palestinians as “another test of how much Mr. Biden is willing to bend to the left.”

    Expressing alarm at the idea of a president adjusting policy in response to democratic pressure, the Journal warned that the “left’s threats are already influencing Mr. Biden’s foreign policy”: As “domestic criticism of Mr. Biden’s support for Israel has increased…Mr. Biden has become much more critical of Israel.”

    The editorial board continued:

    The problem is that if the Arab Americans in and around Dearborn begin to set US policy, Hamas and Iran will be the beneficiaries. Ms. Tlaib and others claim not to support Hamas or the October 7 massacre, but the ceasefire they want would have the effect of leaving its fighters alive and free to rebuild their terror state. The suffering in Gaza is terrible, but the main cause is Hamas’s use of civilians as human shields.

    What the financial class’s top paper is saying is that an ethnic voting bloc in Dearborn might “claim” not to be a Fifth Column—but in fact they are at best unwitting stooges, and at worst lying traitors, effectively supporting official enemies of the US government. (The Journal‘s logic would delegitimize virtually all opposition to US violence—since ending such violence would no doubt be welcomed by its ostensible targets, who are by definition enemies.)

    Of course, opposition in Michigan to Biden’s Israel policy extends well beyond Arab Americans (or Muslims). A recent poll of likely voters found that nearly 74% of Michigan Democrats favored a unilateral ceasefire. And voters yesterday in Minnesota—a state with no sizable Arab-American population—cast “uncommitted” votes in such high numbers that it has stunned political analysts and raised alarms about the president’s viability in the general election (Reuters, 3/6/24; NBC, 3/6/24). A “no preference” campaign did surprisingly well in the liberal stronghold of Massachusetts (WBUR, 3/6/24).

    Arab Americans in Michigan do have a small degree of political power now, because Michigan is a critical swing state. But that’s not a unique position for an ethnic enclave in American politics. Does the Journal also have a problem with the outsized role South Florida’s Cuban-American population plays in a state with so many electoral votes (Politico, 11/4/20)? Is the Journal concerned with the influence Hasidic voting blocs have on New York City’s politics (New York Times, 10/30/22)?

    The uncommitted vote was successful; the AP (2/28/24) called it a “victory for Biden’s anti-war opponents,” reporting that the state will send two uncommitted delegates.

    ‘America’s jihad capital’

    WSJ: Opinion Commentary Cross Country Welcome to Dearborn, America’s Jihad Capital

    While the Wall Street Journal‘s subhead (2/2/24) refers to “politicians in the Michigan city [who] side with Hamas,” the only official mentioned is Dearborn Mayor Abdullah Hammoud, who criticized Biden for “selling fighter jets to the tyrants murdering our family members.”

    This editorial came just a few short weeks after the paper ran an op-ed (2/2/24) by Steven Stalinsky of the pro-Israel group MEMRI. Stalinsky declared Dearborn “America’s Jihad Capital,” reaching back to stale 9/11 hysteria:

    Support for terrorism in southern Michigan has long been a concern for US counterterrorism officials. A 2001 Michigan State Police assessment submitted to the Justice Department after 9/11 called Dearborn “a major financial support center” and a “recruiting area and potential support base” for international terror groups, including possible sleeper cells.

    That piece claimed that the problem in Dearborn was that its Arab-American residents were would-be criminals. “What’s happening in Dearborn isn’t simply a political problem for Democrats,” Stalinksy said. “It’s potentially a national security issue affecting all Americans. Counterterrorism agencies at all levels should pay close attention.”

    The fallout from the op-ed was immense. Fox News (2/5/24), which like the Journal is a part of the Rupert Murdoch media empire, reported that Dearborn’s mayor said that “city police increased security at places of worship and major infrastructure points as a ‘direct result’” of the article. Mayor Abdullah Hammoud (2/3/24) tweeted that the op-ed “led to an alarming increase in bigoted and Islamophobic rhetoric online targeting the city of Dearborn.” Biden, along with Michigan elected officials and Arab-American community leaders, condemned the article (Detroit News, 2/5/24).

    State Rep. Alabas Farhat (AP, 2/6/24) co-sponsored a resolution demanding a retraction and public apology, saying the piece “fanned the flames of hatred and division in our country during a time when hate crimes are on the rise.” He added, “It makes it so that it’s normal to question how patriotic your neighbor is.”

    The Journal editorial board doubled down with its own racist, Islamophobic tirade. This vilification of Arab-Americans is the same kind of thinking that led this country to force Japanese Americans into concentration camps in the face of a war against Japan. Enlightened society would like to think that times like that have been relegated to the dustbin of history, but the fact that we’re seeing this today in the Journal is proof that scary times are here again.


    ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to the Wall Street Journal at wsjcontact@wsj.com. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.


     

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  •  

    LA Times columnist Steve Lopez (3/10/24) offers, as an example of “fighting inflation,” a woman for whom cereal “has replaced meat for her at lunch and dinner.”

    Los Angeles Times columnist Steve Lopez (3/10/24) had some tips for elders dealing with high prices for food—one of which was featured in the headline:

    Cereal for Dinner? It’s One Way to Beat Supermarket Inflation

    Despite cereal being offered as a cost-saving way to eat, Lopez didn’t mention that leading cereal maker Kellogg’s has been singled out for price-gouging—raising its price per unit 17% in 2023, far above the inflation rate, thereby boosting the company’s profits in 2023 by a whopping 540% (Quartz, 2/27/24).

    But “profits” is a word you won’t find in Lopez’s column. Corporate greed (FAIR.org, 4/21/22, 6/1/23; CounterSpin, 2/9/24) is conspicuously missing from his list of reasons that prices go up:

    Inflation is tied to rising labor costs, continued post-pandemic supply chain interruptions, avian flu and the impact of extreme weather—heat waves, wildfires and flooding—on global food production.

    Rather than suggesting that consumers fill up on excess profits, Lopez could have encouraged his readers to participate in the upcoming three-month boycott of Kellogg’s products—organized under the hashtag #LetThemEatCereal (Salon, 3/10/24).


    ACTION ALERT: The LA Times‘ Steve Lopez can be reached at steve.lopez@latimes.com. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.

    FEATURED IMAGE: Creative Commons photo by Like the Grand Canyon.

     

    The post LA Times Shortchanges Readers With Deficient Explanation for Rising Food Prices appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    WaPo: Biden yet again says Hamas beheaded babies. Has new evidence emerged?

    The Washington Post (11/22/23) said it couldn’t make a definitive assessment of whether Biden’s atrocity claims were true. But Israel’s official casualty list (11/11/23) had already debunked them.

    In late November, the Washington Post (11/22/23) factchecked President Joe Biden’s repeated claims that babies had been beheaded during Hamas’s October 7 attack in Israel.

    Biden’s remarks during a November 15 news conference triggered the factcheck:

    Hamas has already said publicly that they plan on attacking Israel again, like they did before, to where they were cutting babies’ heads off to burning women and children alive.

    Despite acknowledging a lack of confirmation of such atrocities, the Post stopped short of branding Biden’s statements false, and declined to dole out any of its iconic Pinocchios.

    “It’s too soon in the Israel/Gaza war to make a definitive assessment,” Post Factchecker Glenn Kessler wrote, noting that even the most basic facts weren’t yet known.

    “The Israeli prime minister’s office has said about 1,200 people were killed on October 7, down from an initial estimate of 1,400,” he said, “but it’s unclear how many were civilians or soldiers.”

    An authoritative count

    That statement isn’t true. While the exact number killed amid the extreme violence and chaos of October 7 may never be finalized, an authoritative count of civilian deaths—as well as data that definitively refutes claims babies were beheaded—was available to anyone with access to the internet little more than a month after the attack.

    That’s when Bituah Leumi, or National Insurance Institute, Israel’s social security agency, posted a Hebrew-language website (11/9/23) with the name, gender and age of every identified civilian victim and where each had been attacked.

    Two days later Bituah Leumi (also transliterated as Bituach Leumi) posted an English-language news release (11/11/23) publicizing the website as a memorial to the civilian victims of the “Iron Swords” war—Israel’s name for Hamas’s attack and Israel Defense Forces’ response. (The news release refers to “695 identified war casualties,” but there are no wounded; all the victims are listed as “killed.”)

    The journalistic importance of the memorial website was shown less than a month later, when Haaretz (12/4/23), Israel’s oldest newspaper, used the social security agency’s data to debunk some of the most sensational atrocities blamed on Hamas.

    ‘Proved untrue’

    Haaretz: Hamas Committed Documented Atrocities. But a Few False Stories Feed the Deniers

    Haaretz (12/4/23) reported that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s most sensational atrocity claims were “inaccurate.”

    Haaretz’s 2,000-word, English-language article was cautious, with allowances for mistaken and exaggerated reports from traumatized observers describing horrific scenes of carnage. But unlike the Washington Post’s factcheck, the Israeli newspaper didn’t pull its punches, flatly concluding that some of the claims of atrocities “have been proved untrue.”

    Chief among the claims disproved was that Hamas fighters deliberately slaughtered dozens of babies—beheading some, burning and hanging others.

    “According to sources including Israel’s National Insurance Institute, kibbutz leaders and the police, on October 7 one baby was murdered, 10-month-old Mila Cohen,” the Haaretz article stated. “She was killed with her father, Ohad, on Kibbutz Be’eri.” The child’s mother survived.

    In addition to a single infant, the social security agency’s list of victims includes only a few other young children. Haaretz’s reporters were able to determine the circumstances of each of their deaths:

    According to the National Insurance Institute, five other children aged 6 or under were murdered, including Omer Kedem Siman Tov, 2, and his 6-year-old twin sisters Arbel and Shachar, who were killed on Kibbutz Nir Oz. There was also 5-year-old Yazan Zakaria Abu Jama from Arara in the southern Negev, who was killed in a Hamas rocket strike, and 5-year-old Eitan Kapshetar, who was murdered with his parents and his 8-year-old sister, Aline, near Sderot.

    Haaretz also used the social security data to refute allegations made by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Biden that Hamas targeted and tortured children:

    There is no evidence that children from several families were murdered together, rendering inaccurate Netanyahu’s remark to US President Joe Biden that Hamas terrorists “took dozens of children, tied them up, burned them and executed them.”

    ‘Details still sparse’

    The Washington Post (12/4/23) acknowledged the Haaretz story the same day it was published, with a one-paragraph “update” inserted into its November 22 factcheck. While crediting Haaretz with doing a “detailed examination of unverified accounts of alleged atrocities disseminated by Israeli first-responders and army officers,” the Post downgraded the Israeli newspaper’s conclusion, saying only that “no accounts of beheaded or burned babies could be verified.”

    While the Post noted that Haaretz “could document only one case of a baby being killed in the Hamas attacks,” the update did not explain that the source of that critical fact was an agency of the Israeli government. Nor did the Post alter the factcheck’s inconclusive, mishmashed “Bottom Line”:

    Almost two months after the Hamas attack, details are still sparse on claims of beheading of babies. One IDF official says he found a decapitated baby; a first responder says “little kids” were beheaded, though an exact number was not provided. Forensic records that would document the cause of death have not been released. There also are reports of at least two beheadings of adults—a soldier and a Thai worker. First responders say they viewed these bodies.

    There is little dispute that many of the civilians killed by militants on October 7 died in especially brutal ways. But caution is still warranted, especially at the presidential level, about statements that babies were beheaded. The available evidence does not need exaggeration.

    An unnecessary retraction

    PolitiFact: How media outlets and politicians amplified uncorroborated reports of beheaded babies in Israel

    PolitiFact (11/21/23) retracted this story (10/20/23) because it didn’t include Israeli claims about mutilated babies that—according to Israel’s official records—didn’t exist.

    The Post wasn’t the only factchecker that wavered when judging reports of slaughtered Israeli babies. The Poynter Institute’s PolitiFact retracted its story (10/20/23), headlined “How Politicians, Media Outlets Amplified Uncorroborated Report of Beheaded Babies.”

    PolitiFact took the embarrassing action after being savaged by the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis, better known as CAMERA.

    CAMERA, which Haaretz (9/5/16) described as “a right-wing media watchdog that routinely attacks news outlets over their coverage of Israel,” blasted PolitiFact as “unethical,” “sloppy and misleading” (11/8/23) for failing to include in its story all reports of mutilated babies made by Israeli military spokespeople, government officials and emergency response workers.

    PolitiFact (11/21/23) conceded “our initial story was incomplete,” and published a revised story (11/21/23) that included many of those comments. The new version also quoted an Israel Defense Forces spokesperson stating “that verified testimonies state some people were beheaded, but they could not confirm how many.”

    Like the Post’s Factchecker, PolitiFact drew no conclusions about the truth or falsity of those claims, declining to issue a rating on its “Truth-O-Meter.”

    ‘Details still emerging’

    Snopes: Were Israeli Babies Beheaded by Hamas Militants During Attack on Kfar Aza?

    Snopes (10/12/23) says it’s still too soon to say whether babies were beheaded on October 7, thought it promises, “We will update this story once more information comes to light.”

    The factchecking website Snopes (10/12/23, last updated 12/18/23) also declined to provide a definite answer to the question posed in its headline: “Were Israeli Babies Beheaded by Hamas Militants During Attack on Kfar Aza?”

    “At present, details are still emerging from communities affected in Israel, the death tolls are still being counted, and the manner of many deaths have not yet been confirmed,” Snopes stated.

    In one of eight updates, Snopes cited Haaretz’s December 4 “analysis of child deaths during the October 7 attack.” But, as with the Washington Post’s update, Snopes did not mention that the newspaper had used Israeli social security data in its investigation.

    FactCheck, a project of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania, (10/13/23) did find that a Facebook video was correct in saying “that ‘no evidence has been provided’ for the viral claim that ‘40 babies’ were ‘beheaded’ by Hamas.”

    But a November 14 update, included in the story, quoted the head of Israel’s National Center of Forensic Medicine saying that “many bodies” of victims he had examined were “without heads.” But he couldn’t determine whether the decapitations were deliberate or the result of explosions.

    FactCheck has not published any more on the issue.

    The missing proof

    FAIR: Unconfirmed ‘Beheaded Babies’ Report Helped Justify Israeli Slaughter

    FAIR.org (10/20/23): “The claim about beheading babies was…a shocking story that served to turn off logic and critical thinking.”

    There’s a reason why the major factchecking organizations hesitate to pass judgment on the widespread claim of slaughtered babies: They rightly conclude that the lack of verifying evidence, such as photos or autopsy reports, does not conclusively prove the claims are false.

    FAIR contributor Saurav Sarkar made that precise point in his report (10/20/23) lambasting “corporate media” for “their repetition of the shocking, unsubstantiated claim that Hamas had beheaded 40 babies in its violent attack on a kibbutz in southern Israel on October 7.”

    “So we have a story, and that story was generated in a grossly irresponsible way, and then repeated over and over,” Sarkar stated. “But what proof do we have that the story is false? After all, even if it was reported badly, and repeated without additional substantiation, it might be true.”

    Bituah Leumi, the Israeli social security agency, provided that missing proof when it posted the official list of victims that showed only one infant was killed in the attack.

    The mainstream US news media ignored that authoritative evidence.

    ‘War on truth’

    AFP: Israel social security data reveals true picture of Oct 7 deaths

    AFP (12/15/23) reported that data from Israel’s social security agency “invalidates some statements by Israeli authorities in the days following the attack.”

    The first major news outlet outside of Israel to use data from the social security agency’s website was the French wire service Agence France-Presse.

    The AFP’s 1,000-word, English-language dispatch, headlined “Israel Social Security Data Reveals True Picture of October 7 Deaths,” was picked up by France24 (12/15/23), the Times of India (12/15/23), the financial weekly Barron’s (12/15/23) and a scattering of small newspapers, including the Caledonian (Vermont) Record (12/15/23).

    The AFP story covered much the same ground as Haaretz’s analysis, listing the same slain infant—Mila Cohen—and five other young victims under 7 years old in refuting claims of wholesale slaughter of babies.

    While Google searches found no US mainstream media reporting on the Israeli social security agency’s data, several independent journalists did.

    Gareth Porter, an American historian and journalist whose credentials go back to the Vietnam War, cited the social security data in an article in Consortium News (1/6/24) that argued that the Netanyahu government sought to build support for the invasion of Gaza by “inventing stories about nonexistent atrocities and planting them with credulous US news outlets.”

    In February, Jeremy Scahill used that data to make the same case in a 8,000-word article, headlined “Netanyahu’s War on Truth,” in the Intercept (2/7/24), the investigative website he helped found.

    Both journalists credit the December 15 AFP dispatch as the source of the Israeli social security data. (Porter’s story provides a link to the Times of India; Scahill links to France24.)

    Earlier this week a third independent journalist, Glenn Greenwald (3/3/24), quoted the December 4 Haaretz report, which used the Israeli social security data, in a YouTube video, titled “October 7 Reports Implode: Beheaded Babies, NY Times Scandal & More.”

    Emotion-inflaming stories

    Al Jazeera: 0 Years Old--didn't reach their first birthday

    Media focus on the imaginary beheaded babies helped Israel get away with killing hundreds of actual babies (Al Jazeera, 1/25/24).

    In the months since the Haaretz and AFP reports were published, Bituah Leumi has updated its civilian death count to 779, including 76 foreign workers, as more victims are identified (Jewish News Syndicate, 1/15/24.).

    But a detailed examination this week of the 16-page list of victims on the memorial website found no additional infants or young children—only those already accounted for by Haaretz and AFP—and a total of 36 children under 18 years old.

    Mila Cohen remains the only infant reported killed in the October 7 attack.

    US corporate media’s failure to cite the social security agency’s data to forcefully refute claims of butchered babies and other outrages comes at a high cost. Such emotion-inflaming stories continue to foul the public debate over whether Israel’s invasion of Gaza, which has resulted in the deaths of more than 30,000 Palestinians (AP, 2/29/24)—two-thirds of those women and children (PBS, 2/19/24)—is a criminally disproportionate response to the Hamas attack.

    Al Jazeera (2/29/24) broke down the Palestinian death count further, citing Gaza Health Ministry figures:

    The ministry said of the 30,035 people killed so far in the conflict, more than 13,000 were children and 8,800 women. At least 70,457 people have been injured, of which more than 11,000 are in critical condition and need to be evacuated.

    In January, when the Health Ministry had estimated the number of children killed at 10,000, Al Jazeera (1/25/24) published the names of more than 4,200 Palestinian dead under 18 years old. Of those children named, 502 were under 2 years old—that is, infants.

    Unfounded horror stories about Hamas’s infant victims that should have been debunked were still being repeated by Biden (12/12/23) at a campaign fundraiser more than two months after Israel was attacked:

    I saw some of the photographs when I was there—tying a mother and her daughter together on a rope and then pouring kerosene on them and then burning them, beheading infants, doing things that are just inhuman—totally, completely inhuman.

    This time the Washington Post didn’t factcheck Biden—even though the White House stated months earlier that the president had never seen such photos (CNN, 10/12/23).

    Still no Pinocchios.


     

    The post US Media and Factcheckers Fail to Note Israel’s Refutation of ‘Beheaded Babies’ Stories appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Vox: The Supreme Court just crushed any hope that Trump could be removed from the ballot

    Vox (3/4/24)

    This week on CounterSpin: Among the multitude of harms that could rain on this country should Donald Trump become president again, he could order the Department of Justice to drop any charges against him stemming from his fomenting of an insurrection aimed at overturning by violence the results of the 2020 election. Not to put too fine a point on it, Trump could declare himself above the law—and that’s just been enabled by the Supreme Court, which put off until April the legal case wherein Trump declares himself immune to criminal prosecution. The Court can move quickly; they hopped right to the decision that Trump can’t be removed from presidential ballots in the states. But this, we’re to understand, will take, huh, maybe until after the election, to mull. Vox Court-watcher Ian Millhiser says he tries to reserve his “this is an exceptionally alarming decision” voice, but this occasion calls for it. We hear from him this week.

     

    Also on the show: Corporate news media have an anti-elder narrative that’s as stupid as it is cruel. “Keep up or you’re in the way,” the line goes, “if you aren’t working 40 to 60 hours a week, you’re a societal drain.” It’s a weird position, erasing and marginalizing elderly people, given that the elderly are a sizable portion of the population, and a community we all get to join if we’re lucky. Alfredo Lopez is a longtime organizer and activist, and a founder of the new group Radical Elders. We talk with him about the space the group seeks to fill.

     

    The post Ian Millhiser on Supreme Court Trump Protection, Alfredo Lopez on Radical Elders appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    “In a historic lunar accomplishment, the first private spacecraft to land successfully on the Moon touched down on February 22,” the journal Nature (2/23/24) trumpeted the following day.

    That first paragraph of its story began under a photograph of the spacecraft and the caption: “The spacecraft Odysseus passed over the Moon on 21 February before successfully landing on 22 February.” The photo was credited to “Intuitive Machines/NASA CLPS.”

    ABC News: Mission to the Moon

    ABC‘s David Muir (2/22/24): “We have just learned now the landing was a success.”

    ABC News anchor David Muir (2/22/24) opened the network’s evening broadcast the day of the touchdown with news of “the first US attempt at landing on the Moon in more than 50 years.”

    “We have just learned now the landing was a success,” Muir said.

    TV network coverage included celebratory applause in the mission’s control room in Houston, and NASA administrator Bill Nelson (CNN, 2/23/24) declaring: “The US has returned to the Moon. Today is a day that shows the power and promise of NASA’s commercial partnerships.”

    ‘Still a success’?

    NASA paid Intuitive Machines $118 million to design, build and fly Odysseus.

    “Houston, Odysseus has found its new home,” declared Stephen Altemus (USA Today, 2/22/24), the company’s president and CEO.

    But success turned out not to be the best word to describe what happened.

    AP: Private US moon lander still working after breaking leg and falling, but not for long

    AP (2/25/24): “The first private US spacecraft to land on the moon broke a leg at touchdown before falling over.”

    As the Associated Press reported on February 25:

    The first private US spacecraft to land on the Moon broke a leg at touchdown before falling over, according to company officials who said Wednesday it was on the verge of losing power.

    “The lander came in too fast, skidded and tumbled over as it touched down near the Moon’s south pole last week,” said Altemus. The lander, named Odysseus, was still alive and generating solar power but expected to go silent soon. Late Wednesday night, the company said the lander might linger into Thursday.

    AP’s aerospace writer, Marcia Dunn, quoted Altemus saying that flight controllers would “’tuck Odie in for the cold night of the Moon’ so in two to three weeks, once lunar night lifts, they can try to regain contact.”

    But, her piece continued: “Mission director Tim Crain said it’s uncertain if Odysseus will wake up. The extreme cold of the lunar night could crack the electronics and kill the batteries.”

    Still, the headline of USA Today on February 28 was “Odysseus Lander Tipped Over on the Moon: Here’s Why NASA Says the Mission Was Still a Success.” The article began:

    The Odysseus lunar lander came in hot and fast during a dramatic Moon landing a week ago, which appeared to send the spacecraft toppling onto its side. The position of the craft seemed to obstruct some of its antennas from pointing toward Earth, while its solar panels were in far from an ideal position to generate energy from the overhead sun. Flight controllers feared the worst and raced against time to get as much data as they could before the energy-deprived Odysseus heaved its final gasp and went silent. But concerns that the sideways landing spelled doom for the mission have been naught: As of Wednesday afternoon, Odysseus is still beaming back valuable intel.

    On Thursday, February 29, Odysseus fell silent.

    ‘Love affair with space program’

    The Wrong Stuff: The Space Program's Nuclear Threat to Our Planet

    (Common Courage, 1997)

    From the start, much of the media have been highly supportive of the space program—serving, indeed, as cheerleaders. I wrote the book The Wrong Stuff, about the use of atomic power and nuclear material in space, after breaking the story in The Nation in 1986 on how the next mission of the ill-fated Challenger space shuttle would have involved lofting a plutonium-fueled space probe.

    In the book, I cited an article by William Boot, “NASA and the Spellbound Press,” that appeared in the Columbia Journalism Review (7/1/86), of which he was former editor. He found “gullibility” in the press:

    Dazzled by the space agency’s image of technological brilliant, space reporters spared NASA the thorough scrutiny that might have improved chances of averting tragedy—through hard-hitting investigations drawing Congress’s wandering attention to the issue of shuttle safety.

    “US journalists have long had a love affair with the space program,” Boot said. “In the pre-[Challenger] explosion days, many space reporters appeared to regard themselves as participants, along with NASA, in a great cosmic quest. Transcripts of NASA press conferences reveal that it was not unusual for reporters to use the first-person plural,” wrote Boot, with such statements such as, “When are we going to launch?”

    I interviewed John Noble Wilford, space reporter for the New York Times, who acknowledged that

    there’s still a lot of space reporters who are groupies. Some are turned on by rockets and science fiction, and they got into it because of that, and they tend to be the least critical. They go along because it’s fun. But I think the mainline reporters are more skeptical when NASA says this, this and this.

    Still, Wilford said, “some of the things that NASA does are so great, so marvelous, so it’s easy to forget to be critical.”

    In his book Mars Beckons: The Great Mysteries, the Challenges, the Expectations of Our Next Great Adventure in Space (Knopf, 1990), Wilford himself perhaps forgot to be critical. He waxed poetic about how “a fleet of cargo ships, possibly powered by a new kind of rocket using nuclear-electric propulsion,” would provide supplies for a base on the Moon. From there, on a nuclear-powered rocket, Wilford wrote, “people would be ready to make the greater stride, to Mars.”

    CBS reporter Bruce Hall, who covered the space program, had an article in Editor & Publisher (7/12/86) headlined “Could the Media Have Prevented Shuttle Disaster?” Hall wrote:

    We now know that NASA was playing space-age Russian roulette and lost…. We had become lackadaisical. We were being spoonfed by a very good NASA public affairs office. And when we did turn up something, editors and show producers had no interest.

    ‘No second home’

    Discover: What Would a Trip to Mars Look Like For a Tourist?

    Discover (9/8/23) points to “major challenges right now that would largely preclude tourists from visiting Mars, mostly because of the radiation…which can damage the human body and cause all sorts of degenerative diseases.”

    In recent times, there has been some more critical reporting on space issues. In a recent issue of Discover magazine (9/8/23), “Road Trip to the Red Planet,” Sara Novak wrote about “what it would be like to stay or live on Mars.” Putting a damper on billionaire fantasies of Mars colonization, she noted, “Mars is an arid, inhospitable desert, with temperatures reaching minus 81 degrees Fahrenheit regularly.”

    What’s more, the Red Planet would not be “habitable without spacesuits and a completely enclosed environment, because the planet’s air is about 95% carbon dioxide.” Novak added:

    Colonists on Mars would face other challenges, too. For starters, it would be difficult to grow plants in Mars’ regolith, or soil, which contains poisonous compounds of chlorine in molecules called perchlorates. All of the elements that we take for granted on Earth would not exist on Mars.

    Or take the book published last year, A City on Mars: Can We Settle Space, Should We Settle Space, and Have We Really Thought This Through? (PenguinRandomHouse, 2023). In it, Kelly and Zach Weinersmith wrote:

    The truth is that settling other worlds, in the sense of creating self-sustaining societies somewhere away from Earth, is not only quite unlikely anytime soon, it won’t deliver on the benefits touted by advocates. No vast riches, no new independent nations, no second home for humanity, not even a safety bunker for ultra elites. Yet we find ourselves in a world where space agencies, huge corporations, and media-savvy billionaires are promising something else. According to them, settlements are coming, perhaps as soon as 2050 or so.

    The Weinersmiths provided a reality check: “Even if we thought space settlements would take pressure off of Earth’s seas and lands, they will absolutely not arrive in time to thwart an environmental calamity.”

    Fantasies of escape

    Jacobin: Get These Rich People Off the Moon

    Jacobin (2/23/24) notes that Elon Musk has proposed “an indentured labor package where workers take out a loan to pay for their tickets” to Mars.

    Or consider the article last month in Jacobin (2/23/24), “Get These Rich People Off the Moon”:

    Texas start-up Intuitive Machines has achieved the first Moon landing by a private firm. It’s dumping rich people’s detritus on the lunar surface—a grim sign of how the superrich plan to plant their flag beyond our own planet…. As well as a lot of expensive thing-a-me-scopes, the company dropped off Jeff Koons’ prized marbles…a set of 125 one-inch balls representing the eight phases of the Moon in different colors.

    Author Peter Howson noted that

    Astrobotic’s Peregrine lander had been supposed to dispose of at least 70 dead rich people (and one rich dog) on the lunar surface…. Elon Musk famously sent a Tesla Roadster as the dummy payload for the 2018 Falon Heavy test flight…. Other than allowing billionaires and private companies to benefit from taxpayer-funded pipe dreams and advertising, the value of going to the Moon for all mankind is not at all clear.

    Peregrine’s failed Moon mission in January carried the ashes of science fiction writers Arthur C. Clarke and Gene Roddenberry, along with five NASA experiments. NASA paid Pittsburgh-based Astrobotic $108 million toward that mission, which underwent what was described  by the New York Times (1/18/24) as a “propulsion malfunction” that led to it being aimed back at the Earth. “American Company’s Moon Lander Disintegrates in Earth’s Atmosphere” was the headline of the Times‘ piece, by Kenneth Chang who, the Times noted, “has reported on four failed Moon lander missions, and three successful landings, since 2019.”

    The Times last month also ran a piece (1/19/24) headlined “Racing to Land, or Crash, on the Moon.” One part was headed, “64 Years of Moon Crashes.” It said:

    Robotic spacecraft have made a series of impacts, belly flops and hard landings—some intentional, others unplanned—since 1959, when the Soviet Union’s Luna 2 became the first probe to hit the Moon.

    Space “is one of the most extreme environments imaginable,” as the European Space Agency emphasizes on its website.

    Insert atomic power—and NASA is now again moving ahead with nuclear-propelled rocket projects—and use of nuclear materials into the equation, and the threats to life are many, many times multiplied.

    We reside on this exquisite blue marble in space that sustains life—and we so need to be stewards caring for the Earth, not indulging in dangerous, ultra-expensive and most dubious fantasies of escape.

    The post Applause for Lunar Failure Follows Decades of Space Program Cheerleading appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • CounterSpin interview with Victor Pickard on the crisis of journalism

    Janine Jackson interviewed U Penn’s Victor Pickard about the crisis of journalism for the March 1, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

     

    Janine Jackson: The fact that every news program is peppered with advertising, even on public broadcasting; that the newspaper you hope will give a fair accounting of, for example, economic inequality, will bring you that story next to an ad for $2,000 shoes; the fact that the cost of learning about the world means sifting through mountains of media designed to get you to buy stuff, via outlets that are themselves owned by massive, profit-driven corporations—well, for many of us, that’s just how it is.

    But it isn’t how it is everywhere, or how it’s always been, or how it has to be. Changing things isn’t just a matter of policy or law, but of reimagining the role of journalism in our public life.

    Victor Pickard is professor of media policy and political economy at the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School for Communication, where he co-directs the Media, Inequality and Change Center. He’s the author, most recently, of Democracy Without Journalism?: Confronting the Misinformation Society from Oxford University Press. He joins us now by phone. Welcome to CounterSpin, Victor Pickard.

    Victor Pickard: Thanks so much for having me, Janine.

    JJ: I guess I’ll ask you to start by just outlining what you see as the core troubles with what we’ve got now, the current media landscape. What sets it on a course that runs afoul of democracy, or democratic aspirations, as I say?

    NPR: 'The Washington Post' will cut 240 jobs through voluntary buyouts

    NPR (10/11/23)

    VP: There are so many troubling signs right now. It’s difficult to know exactly what to focus on, but to speak in really broad strokes, I would point to the massive recent layoffs, especially in our newspaper industry. The LA Times recently cut over 22% of its newsroom. Before that, the Washington Post had cut about 10% of its employees.

    And these, of course, are both billionaire-owned newspapers. Until recently, they were considered the success stories in our new, very challenging digital age for journalism.

    But I think this all points to a bigger picture. In many ways, what we’re seeing are the continuing death throes of an industry that’s reached a point of no return. And if we turn back to 2005—and of course at that point, it’s not as if we were living through a perfect golden age for journalism—but since 2005, we’ve seen about two-thirds of our newspaper journalists and about a third of newspapers disappear. And this is creating vast and expanding news deserts, where tens of millions of Americans have access to little or no local news media whatsoever. And it’s creating all kinds of problems for any semblance of democratic self-governance.

    And, of course, when we’re talking about the newspaper industry, it’s not as if it’s just about nostalgia, but it happens to be the primary source for most original news and information and original reporting that permeates through our entire news media ecosystem. So when we lose newspapers, we lose local journalism, and that’s a tragedy for all of us.

    JJ: I think many folks might think, “Oh, I don’t even read the newspaper.” But the work that newspapers do then shows up on television and on radio, and maybe it’s the behind-the-scenes investigation, the actual reporting, and you think, “Well, I don’t read the paper, so it doesn’t affect me.” But, of course, it obviously affects the whole climate of what we know, what we know about what the government is doing, what we know about what is happening around the world, right? So you don’t have to read a paper to be affected by this.

    VP: Exactly. I mean, even hearing word-of-mouth information from our neighbors, or gleaning commentary from various social media feeds, or looking at cable television, if you listen closely, most of the original news information still traces back to the beleaguered newspaper industry. And, of course, things like what’s happening with the local school board or city hall or our state legislatures, these are all beats that traditionally and historically have been covered by newspaper reporters, and those beats are rapidly disappearing.

    The Conversation: Saving the news media means moving beyond the benevolence of billionaires

    The Conversation (2/13/24)

    JJ: I do think that folks can see, if they’re looking, the layoffs and the closing of outlets, and as you mentioned, lots of people live in kind of flyover towns, where they can get news from the nearest big city, hundreds of miles away, but there’s nothing local and serious. In a recent piece with NYU’s Rodney Benson, you take issue, though, with what some folks have presented as the savior, as a way forward, namely benevolent billionaires.

    VP: That’s right. And there’s long been this kind of wishful thinking that, OK, if the advertising model for supporting journalism is no longer viable, and if people aren’t paying enough for their news and information, then maybe we can look to these so-called benevolent billionaires to swoop in and save the day.

    And, at best, they were always expected to maybe save a newspaper here and there. But even those hopes are proving to be ill-founded, and even billionaires face various kinds of sticker shock when they’re losing tens of millions of dollars a year on their pet projects. So I don’t think, and this was never a systemic fix to begin with, but I don’t think that they can even save some of our major newspapers, as was previously hoped.

    JJ: Let’s turn to the forward-looking, I guess. You talk about non-reformist reforms, which, I love that language, and I’ll ask you to kind of say what you mean there, but I also wanted to just kind of throw in there, are there lessons or models from other countries that could be meaningful here?

    VP: I do think it’s always useful to look internationally, and also historically, at some of our own experiments that we’ve tried here in the US, to expand our imagination about what’s possible, to glean best practices. And I think, at the very least, we can point to some, actually many, democracies, most democracies around the planet fund robust public broadcasting systems, public media systems, which I think is always a good conversation starter, to at least begin imagining what might our public media system look like if we start living up to global norms, and actually funding our systems accordingly.

    But then, also, to look at how countries like Norway and Sweden, some of the Western and Northern European countries, are directly funding their newspaper industries, or at least indirectly subsidizing them. And I think these are all things that we could start thinking about, especially as it’s so clear that there simply is not a commercial future for many kinds of journalism, especially local journalism. So we have to start thinking outside of the market, and really pushing for a paradigm shift, when we see journalism as not just a commodity whose worth is determined by its profitability on the market, but rather as a public service upon which democracy depends.

    JJ: What do you mean when you talk about reforms as being non-reformist? What are you getting at there?

    VP: It’s kind of a wonky phrase, but what I’m really trying to get at is, we’ve often heard of this dichotomy between reform versus revolution: Can we radically change our core systems overnight, or is this more of a gradual reformist process that we make small tweaks as we can? And there’s actually a middle road, where I think we can focus on these structural reforms in the short term, with an eye towards a more radical distant horizon, where we’re really seeking to transform the system.

    And this is sounding a little bit abstract, but to give a few examples, if we today recognize that we need to salvage the journalism that’s still being practiced, so we would try to transition these failing commercial models into nonprofit or at least low-profit institutions, with an eye towards a more ambitious project, where we really try to build out a new public media system, so a system that’s not reliant on benevolent billionaires or other forms of private capital, but instead is reliant on public financing, that’s federally guaranteed, but locally owned and controlled and governed.

    And I think that’s what we need to place on the horizon, to have this sort of long-term, might-take-decades-to-get-there, but to really have that as our north star, instead of constantly reacting to whatever problem is arising at the moment.

    JJ: I like that you mentioned that you don’t have to only look overseas. You can also look to our own history. Some people may remember that public broadcasting in this country began with some lovely language about providing “a forum for controversy and debate,” and for including voices that would “otherwise be unheard,” specifically that commercial networks didn’t want to air.

    So, in other words, public media weren’t intended to be a more edumacated version, a less shouty version, of the same perspectives we got from commercial media. They didn’t write the Public Broadcasting Act so we could get Masterpiece Theater.

    But we know it lost its way with a congressional short leash for funding. So now we have PBS programs bringing us stories about weapons while being sponsored by Lockheed Martin.

    You’ve already started to tell us about your vision of what public media could look like. I’d ask you to expand on that, but also, we know that, as Americans, we’re told to hate the government; private is always better. As soon as you talk about government funding or state funding for broadcasting, people talk about state censorship, as though there were no such thing as corporate censorship. But talk a little bit more about what your vision of public media could be.

    Victor Pickard

    Victor Pickard: “The government is always involved in our news information systems. But the question is, how should it be involved?”

    VP: That’s right. And to get there, I will hit on a couple of points you just mentioned in passing, which is this notion that the government isn’t involved in our media system. It’s a libertarian fantasy. The government is always involved in our news information systems. But the question is, how should it be involved? Should it be serving corporate interests, or should it be serving public interest? And that’s really, as a democratic society, a question we should always be grappling with, in trying to design our news information systems, so that they are privileging democracy over profit imperatives.

    And if you look at our history, public media subsidies are as American as apple pie. Going back to the postal system, which initially was primarily a newspaper delivery infrastructure that we heavily subsidized. In today’s dollars, it would be tens of billions of dollars towards disseminating news and information to far-flung communities across the country.

    The same was true for broadcasting, for the internet: that came about through massive public subsidies. And certainly looking at our lost promise of public broadcasting, that was always meant to be an alternative, a structural alternative, to the commercial system, to this systemic market failure that’s always there with commercial media outlets.

    So I think we need to recover that initial ideal, and really try to not just build out and redesign our public infrastructures, but entirely reimagine them. We could be using post offices, libraries, public broadcasting stations, these all could be outlets to serve as these public media centers where every community across the country would have its own anchor institution of newsrooms that look like the communities they purportedly serve, to make sure they’re owned and controlled by journalists and community members themselves.

    So this is the kind of non-reformist reform vision that I think we should be working towards. Again, it’s not happening tomorrow, or even next year, but that’s something we need to work towards.

    JJ: It’s interesting, the idea that government somehow is not involved in the media that we have. I seem to remember Bob McChesney saying something like, when the government gives out broadcast licenses, they aren’t setting rules; they’re picking winners.

    VP: That’s right. Yeah, I mean, those licenses are essentially monopolistic privileges for these corporations to use the public airwaves. And that’s a tremendously valuable public resource that we all should be able to benefit from. And this is just one example of where we really need to take media out of the market. We need to separate capitalism and journalism, which was always a very troubling union, to say the least.

    JJ: And then, of course, in an election year, when you start to see those election ads, you have to remember that this is politicians and political parties just dumping money into media outlets for political advertising.

    VP: That’s right. It’s essentially a payola system, pay to play. And we’re constantly being bombarded with these kinds of corporate messages, when we’re not discussing the climate crisis, we’re not discussing growing inequality, and so many crises facing us today. And that’s ideally what a publicly owned and controlled—so not just public in name only, but actually serving the public—a system based on those logics, I think, could try to live up to these democratic ideals.

    JJ: I so appreciate projects like the New Jersey Civic Information Consortium, that shift the focus, as we’re talking about, from shoring up existing outlets toward asking whether the community’s information needs are being met. I love that language means something, and that is a categorically different project.

    VP: Yeah, that’s exactly how it should be framed: based on needs, not the profit imperatives of a small number of investors and advertisers and media owners.

    And I’m glad that you mentioned the New Jersey project, because this is a proof of concept that we’re seeing replicated in other states as well, similar programs taking off in California, most recently, Wisconsin and Illinois. DC is looking at a news voucher program.

    So there are all these exciting projects and experiments that show that government can indeed play a very productive role in guaranteeing the level of news and information that all members of society should have access to. It’s a way of empowering local communities, and I really think we need to see more of this, but, of course, we also need to scale it up beyond just state governments, to a federal government level that can really guarantee that sort of universal service ethic to all members of society.

    CounterSpin: ‘What if We Use Public Money to Transform What Local Media Looks Like?’

    CounterSpin (5/6/22)

    JJ: And I would encourage folks to go back and listen to an interview that I did, with Mike Rispoli from Free Press, specifically about that New Jersey project. It wasn’t like a foundation coming in and saying, “Let’s do this.” It involved early, formative input from a whole range of community groups. It really is a bottom-up conversation.

    And I think that also reflects a recognition that it’s the already marginalized, economically and otherwise marginalized, that suffer currently the most from media distortions, and from the problems we’re discussing with media. So this way forward is not just—and I appreciate that you’re saying that it takes time—but it’s not just an end goal. The process itself is something good, I think.

    VP: That’s absolutely right. And Mike Rispoli knows better than anyone I’m aware of that this really needs to begin with community organizing. It must be a grassroots effort. It can’t be dropped in. As important as the foundations are in trying to feed this growing nonprofit sector, we really have to make sure we’re not just decommercializing media, but we’re also democratizing media. And I think those kinds of efforts that begin with local communities, making sure that they’re involved at the ground floor, is so key. And I’m cautiously optimistic we’re going to be seeing more of these experiments take root across the country.

    JJ: And then, once you see it working—as you say, proof of concept—there’s an imagination effort that needs to happen. And I think people are tired and beleaguered and have other things to do. So to have a project happen and see, “Oh yeah, that can happen,” that is a tremendous addition of energy towards making it happen in other places and other times, because people see that it is genuinely possible, and they won’t be throwing their energy down a hole.

    VP: That’s so true. And so much of this is, as you say, about really expanding our imagination about what is possible. We’ve been so conditioned to think that if the market doesn’t support something, that it’s just going to have to wither away, as unfortunate as that might be. And these kinds of experiments show there is something we can do about it. We do have agency, we can intervene. These are political choices, and we can choose to have a much more democratic media system that serves us all.

    JJ: Let me ask you, finally, it might sound a little bit afield, but I don’t think so. The subhead on the book is Confronting the Misinformation Society, and we sometimes say at FAIR that if our purpose was to make the New York Times suddenly much better, well then we would just pull up the covers, because that’s not happening. But we do think that we help people understand how to read the New York Times, and not to be affected or influenced by it in exactly the same way that they might have.

    And so I just wanted to ask you, where does media literacy fit into this? It’s not a no/but, it’s a yes/and, because at the same time, we need to be helping folks navigate the system that we’ve got, so that they can see the omissions and the need for better.

    Democracy Without Journalism? book cover

    Oxford University Press (2019)

    VP: That’s exactly right. It needs to always be an essential tool in our toolbox for really trying to decipher the predictable patterns in our heavily commercialized media system. And I think that is a way of building up agency. It’s not going to structurally transform the entire system, but I think if we understand the structural critique, that we see the political economy behind these news outlets, we understand what are the commercial logics that are driving them to tell these kinds of stories and not others, to talk to these people and not other people, I do think that that is so important for us to do, and that’s certainly what I’ve dedicated my career to doing, and I’ll continue doing my best to try to really cultivate this critical consumption of our news media.

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with Victor Pickard. The book Democracy Without Journalism? is available from Oxford University Press, and you can find the piece “Saving the News Media Means Moving Beyond the Benevolence of Billionaires” on TheConversation.com, as well as Common Dreams and various other places. Victor Pickard, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    VP: Thank you, Janine. It was so great talking to you.

    The post ‘We Need to Separate Capitalism and Journalism’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • CounterSpin interview with Trita Parsi on Gaza assault

    Janine Jackson interviewed the Quincy Institute’s Trita Parsi about the Gaza assault for the February 23, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    Janine Jackson: After the attacks of September 11, 2001, there was, here in New York City, a palpable feeling of horror and loss, and it was combined with a sense of dread of what might be to come. There’s something of that now, even as we reel from the toll of death and destruction wrought by Israel in Gaza, we’re forced to see that things could still get worse. Will there be a wider war? Is it already happening, and what can we do about it?

    Trita Parsi is co-founder and executive vice president at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. He joins us now by phone. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Trita Parsi.

    Trita Parsi: Thank you so much for having me again.

    JJ: I would ask you please to sort of bring us up to date. It’s February 21 when we’re recording, and we know that things are changing every minute, but what do you see brewing, or already happening, regionally as a consequence of Israel’s assault on Gaza? Of course, please talk about Gaza, but I’m also interested in what you think may be follow-on actions in the region that we should be paying attention to.

    Trita Parsi

    Trita Parsi: “There’s a sense of frustration that everything they’re doing to try to compel the US to take a more balanced approach is failing.” (image: Center for American Progress)

    TP: Let me quote, without naming the name, what a diplomat from a regional power told me this last week. This is a country that is a very close ally of the United States. His point was that the region is turning so much against the United States, that in five years he envisions that the Middle East will be far more connected with Russia and China, and that those two countries will have far more influence in the region than the United States will, because of what the Biden administration is doing in Gaza, in terms of allowing and enabling this horrible slaughter and massacre that is taking place there.

    And this is from a diplomat of a country that doesn’t want to see the region moving that direction. There’s a sense of frustration that everything they’re doing to try to compel the US to take a more balanced approach is failing. And the ultimate cost of that is not only paid for by the people in Gaza and the peoples of the region, but ultimately US interest itself, because the region as a whole is turning against the United States.

    And I think there’s another aspect here that is also important to keep in mind. Another observer pointed out that, in many ways, this is worse than what happened during the Iraq War. First of all, the pace of killing, and the proportion of children and women, of course, is far greater than it was in Iraq.

    But it’s also the fact that in the invasion of Iraq, France and Germany stood up against the United States, put up significant opposition, and it was very clear they were not on board. And that meant that that invasion did not take on a Huntingtonian clash-of-civilizations dimension. It was the neocons and their neo-imperialist project, rather than that clash of civilizations.

    This time around, Europe has taken an embarrassing position, particularly in the UK. And as a result, this may end up adopting more of that Huntingtonian direction, which will then not only have a very negative effect, ultimately, for the US’s relationships in the region, but also for Europe’s.

    Some countries are standing out: Ireland, Spain, Belgium, to a certain extent Portugal as well. And many of the Europeans, of course, with the exception of the UK, have voted in favor of ceasefires. But in terms of actually putting pressure on the United States, hardly any of them.

    Politico: A Water Gun Fight at the Bidens

    Politico (6/13/11)

    JJ: Well, I’m from Delaware, so I’ve known about Joe Biden for a while. But for many people, he is this avuncular, self-effacing guy who played water guns with the press corps on his lawn as vice president. But he seems to be showing that he’s not just tolerant of war, or inept at extricating from it. He seems to believe in it. So as US citizens engaging with the president that we have…. That’s the question, bleh!

    TP: This is one of the things that is so perplexing to people, that this conflict has arisen an ideological side of Biden that has always been there, but it’s never been this prominent and this decisive. And this is very important, because he does not have his administration fully with him.

    There’s been a lot of reports about the dissent that exists in the White House, at the State Department and elsewhere in the US government; there’s been resignations, there’s been significant dissent cables, there’s been staffers at the White House that hold vigils in favor of the ceasefire outside the White House in the evenings, letters signed by White House interns against the very president they are interning for. This is unprecedented.

    But there’s actually additional opposition at even higher levels, that has not been reported in the press yet, which may not necessarily come from the same standpoint. It’s not necessarily because of the sympathy for the Palestinians, but it’s because of recognition of the significant costs this will have for Biden, or anyone associated with Biden, or the reelection campaign prospects of Biden, etc. So there’s more to it than what we have seen in the press, yet so far we have seen nothing from Biden in which he’s willing to budge.

    And I think it’s important to note, Biden himself and the Democrats have defined this election, against what most likely will be Trump, as a question about the survival of American democracy. If that is the case, then one truly has to ask oneself, what is it in the slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza that is so important to the US that Biden is not only willing to risk escalation in the region and getting dragged into another war, he’s not only willing to risk his own reelection—we’ve seen what’s happening in Michigan and many other states—but he’s apparently, based on his own statements, also willing to risk American democracy? This does not check out.

    JJ: Right. Well, I’m not a silver lining type, but I do see people waking up every day—not becoming cynical, but becoming critical. Very critical. Just not accepting what’s put on their plate every morning by the Times or the Post, and asking questions, and reading widely and internationally. So I guess, finally, I just want to ask you, where do you find hope? Where do you see suggestions or ways to move forward?

    PBS: Videos of Israeli soldiers acting maliciously emerge amid international outcry against tactics in Gaza

    PBS NewsHour

    TP: I think it’s an important question, because it is important in the very, very otherwise dark time to try to identify where potential hope may exist. I find hope in the fact that I know that it’s not just Muslim or Arab Americans that are objecting to this. If you’re a young person today, you’re not seeing the same state that Biden saw when he was young, when he thought he perceived Israel to be the underdog, etc. You are seeing a country that is massacring, and based on the videos of their own soldiers, seems to take great joy in the massacres that are taking place.

    And that’s going to have a profound and longstanding impact on the manner in which the United States will be approaching Israel on these issues, and the extent to which it will be willing to pay such a high cost to protect and provide Israel with political and diplomatic immunity. And it’s not clear to me that this generation will be able to turn the ship, so to say, in time, given the pace that Biden has now undermined the US’s goal.

    JJ: I think that many folks are not used to not thinking of the United States as the shining city on a hill, and that we are coming for a reckoning in which we need to understand the US’s place as a country in the world. And we’ll be looking for journalists to help us situate that and do that. And I know I already said finally, but finally finally, what would you look for from news media in the present moment?

    TP: Oh, where to begin on that? It’s been an absolute disgrace how this has been covered in most places. Let me just give you one example, on a detail that is nevertheless crucial: the way the activity of the Houthis was being reported. As you know, they’ve been attacking ships in the Red Sea, which has cost the Israelis quite a lot; it’s a tactic that they have been using that, in and of itself, actually is oftentimes violating international law.

    But most of the reporting in the beginning did not even mention that the demand that the Houthis had was a ceasefire. So it was left unstated what they were doing this for, leaving readers with the impression that they’re just doing it because they’re crazy. And also leaving them the impression—in fact, sometimes in the news media, it was stated as such—that Biden felt that his hands were tied, and as a result he needed to take military action.

    No mention that they actually had a demand. That demand was a ceasefire. It’s not that the newspapers need to endorse that demand, but they need to inform the public that that is why they’re doing it, which then can have an impact on how the public itself makes up its mind as to whether it’s worth going to war over this issue, as to, actually, is there a potential other way.

    Particularly mindful, in fact, of another piece of information that took the media a very long time to report, which is that during the six days in which there was a ceasefire in November of last year, there were no attacks by Iraqi militias against the United States, and there was only one attack by a Houthi, by my count. So there was a dramatic reduction of attacks during the ceasefire. So that we know that there are strong data points suggesting that a ceasefire would also lead to a cessation of the Houthi attacks, of the Iraqi militia attacks. How can they deprive the American public from such crucial information at a moment when the United States government is weighing whether to take military action?

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with Trita Parsi of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. You can find their work online at ResponsibleStatecraft.org. Trita Parsi, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    TP: My pleasure. Thank you so much.

     

    The post ‘What in the Slaughter of Palestinians Is So Important to the US?’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • CounterSpin interview with Gregory Shupak on Gaza assault

     

    Janine Jackson interviewed Gregory Shupak about the Gaza assault for the February 23, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

     

    Janine Jackson: Seven national US unions, along with more than 200 locals, just formed a coalition calling for a ceasefire in Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza. Postal workers, flight attendants, teachers, nurses, auto workers, painters: more than 9 million union workers have signed on to the National Labor Network for Ceasefire, calling for an immediate end to violence and the restoration of basic human rights, the release of hostages and full access for humanitarian aid. “We can’t stand by in the face of this suffering,” said the head of United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers. “We cannot bomb our way to peace.” 

    So this is on the heels of a ceasefire call by the AFL-CIO, who have a decidedly spotty history in taking the side of humanity in international conflicts in which the US is involved. It’s reflective of a growing understanding of the non-marginality of protesting Israel’s violent actions in Palestine, and dissenting from US financial and political support for them. 

    At some point, elite media are going to say, “This was wrong and everyone saw it,” but what are they saying now? If you only can call out horror when it’s history, what is journalism good for? 

    Gregory Shupak is a media critic, activist and teacher. He teaches English and media studies at the University of Guelph-Humber in Toronto, and he’s author of the book The Wrong Story: Palestine, Israel and the Media from OR Books. He’s joining us now by phone. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Gregory Shupak.

    Gregory Shupak: Hi, thanks for having me back.

    JJ: Well, as of February 20, the US, for the third time, has used its veto on the security council to kill a resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire in what news outlets persist in calling the “Israel-Hamas war.” We’re told the White House has put forward an alternative that asks for a halt in fighting “as soon as practicable.” 

    Well, we know that folks like to say journalism is the first draft of history, and unfortunately that can be true even when what you’re seeing with your eyes doesn’t match with what you’re reading in the paper. I still think that a lot of folks are kind of waking up to media criticism right now, but I just want to ask you, in terms of journalism in coverage of this nightmare, what are you seeing that needs to be called out? What do you think needs to be paid particular attention to?

    GS: One thing that comes to mind is that there are a lot of credible organizations based in Palestine, including in Gaza, that get very little in the way of a platform in US media or Canadian media, organizations like Palestine Center for Human Rights (PCHR), Al-Haq, and the Al Mezan Center for Human Rights. These organizations are very well connected on the ground in Gaza and elsewhere in Palestine in some cases. 

    So I find it, well, at best disappointing that these groups are virtually never mentioned or never cited, I should say, in the American or Canadian media. I think that they provide a lot of very detailed information as to what’s happening, and it’s one of the problems with the constant framing of what is called the “Hamas-run health ministry in Gaza,” framing what Palestinian health officials say that way is flawed, as we know, because it’s used to cast doubt on what’s being said because Hamas is a thoroughly demonized organization in this part of the world. So, therefore, attaching their name to information is going to make that information sound suspect to a large portion of the audience. 

    One other kind of facet of that is that it’s not just the so-called Hamas-run health ministries giving us information about attacks on hospitals and medical workers and schools and refugee camps and so on and so forth. There are these groups that have a really long history of doing vital work and a very strong track record and internationally recognized track record, and they should be part of the media conversation, but these sources are just not admitted. It’s just everything is presented as, “Well, Hamas said this versus Israel said that.” 

    One of the more frustrating motifs throughout the period since October 7 has been to wedge Palestine into the anti-wokeness

    New York Times, 2/6/24

    culture war stuff. And we saw Bret Stephens a couple of weeks ago having a piece called “Settler Colonialism: A Guide for the Sincere,” we’ve seen at least two pieces in the Atlantic quite stridently opposing the framing of Palestine as a conflict between colonizer and colonized. And, in some way most disappointingly, we’ve seen in the last few days, Lydia Polgreen writing in the New York Times “Restoring the Past Won’t Liberate Palestine.”

    And so all of these have in common, especially the Atlantic pieces and the Stephens piece, they rest on this idea of naive, fanatical college students who have these simplistic ideas about politics, and is really a way of eliding some very basic fundamental elements of how things have gotten to this point in Palestine. 

    So Polgreen mentioned, partially to her credit, I guess, that the vast majority of people who created Israel were not from there, and this is still, I think,

    New York Times, 2/18/24

    treated as a minor point by her and it’s really absent in the other pieces I’m mentioning. And what she says is that talking about Palestine as a conflict between an indigenous population and a colonial population is what she describes as part of a “larger trend on the left these days, emanating from important and complex theories in the academy but reflected in crude and reductive forms in the memes and slogans at Palestine protests, an increasingly rigid set of ideas about the interloping colonizer and the indigenous colonized.”

    So I mean, it’s hard to know what crude and reductive slogans Polgreen has in mind because she doesn’t mention any, but the fact that Polgreen, and especially Stephens, the pieces in the Atlantic, they’re all obscuring that at the time of the post-World War I British mandate in Palestine, the population of Palestine was 90% Palestinians. And even when the UN issued its 1947 partition plan, Palestinians owned more than 94% of the land between the river and the sea. 

    So Polgreen—and the other commentators I’ve mentioned—they’re wrongly implying that the movement to stop the genocide in Gaza is at some basic level wrong about Israel being a colonial enterprise. And this is really significant because they present this idea of anti-colonial struggle in Palestine as some kind of a misguided romanticism that selectively wants to restore the past. Well, the issue isn’t whether the past should somehow be restored, but whether Zionism should continue to be the governing principle across all of historic Palestine.

    And so these are all just one example of the ways that Israeli violence is legitimized and Palestinian counter-violence is delegitimized, as is the Palestine solidarity movement within the United States and Canada and so forth. Because if you obscure the fact that this is a colonial dynamic, then it’s much easier to just present what has happened both in the longer term and since October 7 as, “Israel is just a country defending itself.” 

    We know, or I assume many of your listeners know, that that is a wildly misguided characterization of it, and it goes back to those decades leading up to the creation of the Israeli state, that this violence that we’ve seen in recent months is all a product of seeking to maintain an ethnostate in Palestine, wherein Palestinians remain an oppressed minority within what is now called Israel, and stateless occupied people in the West Bank and Gaza and of course internationally.

    So you can’t understand the basic hinge point in this war, like the fact that most people in Gaza, 70% of them or thereabouts, are refugees without understanding that they got to be refugees because creating a colonial state in Palestine required expelling 750,000 Palestinians and also their descendants. So it’s treated in the Times by Polgreen and Stephens as let’s explore these trendy academic ideas. But this has really real implications for, of course, the people living in Palestine, but also for how the issue is presented and understood in even just factual reporting, where you get very little sense of the fact that there is a fundamental asymmetry here and that what we’re talking about is a colonial war or perhaps a decolonial or anti-colonial war.

    JJ: I think of Plato’s shadows on the cave wall so much, that people interpret real events in terms of some sort of narrative and what it means for them. It just blows my mind. And I just want to ask you finally: journalism should be different, reporting should be different than telling us a story about the good guys and the bad guys. And I just wonder what you think responsible journalism would look like at this time?

    GS: I think that responsible journalism would do more than just present what has unfolded as, at best, Israel says this on the one hand, Hamas said that on the other hand, when I think others have said before, we don’t have to present debates, like, well, somebody says the sky is blue and somebody says it’s purple. We have a lot of sources that can independently make clear what is happening, and those should be relied on more, including the sources I mentioned earlier today, but not only those—that what we’re seeing here is a brutal and, in the words of the ICJ, plausibly genocidal undertaking by Israel to kill what is now, if you include the estimated number of people under the rubble in Gaza, at least something in the ballpark of 35,000 dead Palestinians in four months or so. 

    So I think that on the so-called factual reporting, it’s not very difficult, actually, to get a very clear picture of what is going on even just using a person’s, one’s own iPhone, if you spend a short period of time going to primary sources, but the general public ought not to have to do that. The role of journalism should be to give people a range of perspectives, and those perspectives ought to be grounded in reliable, credible information. And that’s out there, but a lot of our journalists, most of our journalists, seem to not present that in an unfiltered way or even in a way that is less heavily filtered, if I want to rein in my request a little bit. But that is sort of built into the commercial orientation of the media system that there are many considerations that have nothing to do with serving the public good by helping provide the populace with the information that we need and a range of possible lenses to think about them. What we see instead is an orientation toward minimizing atrocities carried out by countries like the United States and Canada and their allies, which in the case of Israel, is less an ally than an appendage.

    JJ: Alright then. We’ve been speaking with writer, activist and teacher Greg Shupak from the University of Guelph-Humber. His book, The Wrong Story: Palestine, Israel and the Media, is Available From OR Books. Thank you so much, Gregory Shupak, for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    GS: Thanks again for having me.

    The post ‘Israeli violence is legitimized and Palestinian counter-violence is delegitimized’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    This week on CounterSpin: Years ago when media critics called attention to ways corporate media’s profit-driven nature negatively impacts the news, lots of people would say, “But what about the internet?” Nowadays, folks seem to see more clearly that constraints on a news outlet’s content have little to do with whether it’s on paper or online, but on who owns it, who resources it, to whom is it accountable. You’ll see the phrase “crisis of journalism” newly circulating these days, but one thing hasn’t changed: If we don’t ask different questions about what we need from journalism, we will arrive at the same old unsatisfactory responses.

    Victor Pickard is a professor at the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School for Communication, and author, most recently, of Democracy Without Journalism? Confronting the Misinformation Society, from Oxford University Press. We talk to him about the crisis of journalism and its future.

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at coverage of criminalizing journalism, gag rules and diversity data.

    The post Victor Pickard on the Crisis of Journalism appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    Reporting on the government institution charged with saving us from the Covid pandemic was restricted enough to leave real holes in what we knew.

    The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention—like many other organizations these days, public and private—prohibits its employees from speaking freely to reporters. At many entities, the rules mean staff members cannot have any unauthorized contact with reporters, with media inquiries often redirected to a public information office (PIO).

    The forced notification of the higher-ups is quite enough to silence many employees about anything that would displease the bosses. But beyond that, reporters’ requests to speak to someone are often not granted at all.

    Unreported gaps in defenses

    WaPo: Lessons unlearned

    Washington Post (7/4/20)

    Why are those controls not an outrage? Certainly, some CDC shortcomings that led to ill-controlled Covid spread could have been revealed earlier—maybe well before the pandemic—if people were talking to reporters normally. That would include confidential conversations, if that were the agreement between staff member and reporter.

    The Covid Crisis Group, in its investigative report last year, pointed out (among many other shortcomings) that neither the CDC nor anyone in government had a well-developed design for screening people at international air gateways. Nor had  CDC or any other agency  “tried to build a rapid-action, interdisciplinary, systematic biomedical surveillance network.” In July 2020, months after the agency’s mistakes with the Covid test hampered the early response, the Washington Post (7/4/20) revealed CDC had made the same mistakes with the Zika virus test four years before.

    One could look at each such gap in the nation’s pandemic defenses and think: “There were agency staff who understood the problem—possibly couldn’t sleep at night because of it—and they were banned from speaking freely about it to reporters.”

    Quite possibly either a general-interest outlet or a specialized trade newsletter would have been tipped off, if they had  normal contact with such people.

    Gradually, over several decades, with almost no public discussion, these gag rules have come to many corners of  society, including public and private entities, businesses, federal, state and local governments, organizations covered by science reporters, schools of all levels, and police departments. The censorship mechanism is taught in at least some communications classes.

    Journalists’ responsibility to fight such restrictions, not just get stories, is indicated by regular reports about bad situations that might have been changed earlier: information on generic drug production problems that took author Katherine Eban 10 years to pull out of the system; plans by the Trump administration to separate children from parents; young CDC scientists who knew in early 2020 that Covid could be spread by people who did not seem ill; or the many law enforcement organizations all over the country that stifle reporting on themselves.

    Blockages politically driven

    Quill: Former Media Relations Head

    Quill (9/22/22)

    Former CDC media relations head Glen Nowak (Quill, 9/22/22) has said the agency’s controls grew tighter with each presidential administration, beginning with President Ronald Reagan. Each new administration looked back at what the previous one had done, and saw there had been no adverse political impact from tightening the restrictions. Nowak said the blockages were often politically driven, and frequently effective in controlling information.

    When a reporter contacts the PIO for permission to talk to someone at the CDC, the request is sent up through the political layers of government, at least to the Department of Health and Human Services secretary of public affairs, and often all the way to the White House. Behind closed doors, officials decide who may speak to whom, and what may be discussed.

    Nowak said:

    Administrations, typically, their priority is trying to remain elected. And they’re often looking at policies through: how will this help or not help when it comes to running for election…. A serious health threat can be underplayed or ignored if it doesn’t align with political ideology of the party in power, or a party is trying to get power.

    For over 15 years, a number of journalism organizations have been fighting these controls. Letters signed by 25 to 60 organizations have gone to the Obama, Trump and Biden administrations, as well as to Congress, calling for an end to the constraints in federal entities.

    News outlets have researched or editorialized against the practice. Last year, the Lexington Courier Journal (6/15/23) found that of 35 Kentucky agencies, 70% restrict or prohibit employees from talking to journalists. The Pittsburgh Post Gazette editorial board (9/4/23) said that “governments and other agencies have tightly constricted access to the people who actually make the decisions and know, first-hand, key information.”

    Testing the restrictions

    There’s been another important step in the last few months. Two journalists filed separate suits against public agencies for having these policies. Some people, including attorneys, have said in the past that journalists could not sue agencies in such instances.  A plaintiff, they said, would have to be an insider, a “willing speaker.”

    However, Brittany Hailer, director of the Pittsburgh Institute for Nonprofit Journalism, sued the Allegheny County Jail last August for allegedly prohibiting employees and contractors from speaking to journalists without prior approval of the warden. Her complaint says that the jail, which houses on average 1,553 people, has had a death rate “reportedly nearly twice the national average among local jails of similar size.”

    Hailer is represented by the Yale Law School Media Freedom and Information Access Clinic and the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.

    In addition, the publishers of the Catskills, NY–based Reporter sued the Delaware County (New York) Board of Supervisors. The board had pulled the county’s legal advertising from the paper, allegedly in retaliation for news coverage the board didn’t like, and then prohibited county employees from speaking to the paper about “pressing matters of public concern.” The board mandated, the complaint said, that all communications with the Reporter be funneled through the county attorney’s office.

    The Reporter’s publishers are represented by the Cornell Law School First Amendment Clinic and Michael J. Grygiel.

    Both cases are currently pending before the courts.

    Foundational thinking for the cases was provided by a 2019 report by prominent First Amendment attorney Frank LoMonte, who was then head of the Brechner Center for Freedom of Information, and is now counsel at CNN. In a summary report, LoMonte said of the constraints:

    Media plaintiffs should be able to establish that their interests have been injured, whether directly or indirectly, to sustain a First Amendment challenge to government restraints on employees’ speech to the media. The only question is whether the restraint will be treated as a presumptively unconstitutional prior restraint, or whether a less rigorous level of scrutiny will apply.

    Is this authoritarianism?

    Is this trend a kind of authoritarianism that is growing out of our public relations culture?

    Many types of media—national, local or specialized—publish, with little or no skepticism, information handed out from government agencies. Nor do journalists warn audiences that the staff members who know other parts of the story are walled off from reporters.

    Why does the press assume that any human organization will maintain competence or integrity when it is blocking or manipulating information about itself?

    Even as climate disruption poses an ever-greater threat, the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Energy have these don’t-talk policies, as do most federal agencies.

    Last year, the Department of Commerce, with its prominent role in regulating artificial intelligence, put out a policy saying that requests for official press interviews should go through the public affairs officials, and further

    should be submitted by email with details to include story angle, background, requested attribution, Q&A, suggested talking points and reporter’s deadline. Please do not agree to attribution terms prior to OPA [Office of Public Affairs] clearance. If possible, please allow a 24-hour turnaround for print interviews. Please allow a 48-hour turnaround for television interviews, due to the extended White House clearance process.

    But, again, even with the hazards inherent in such restraints on journalism, the press doesn’t often tell the public about the controls.

    At the local level, stories emerge about abuses by law enforcement, like the murder of George Floyd and systemic abuse by sheriffs’ departments. Still, most of the press doesn’t explain that many police departments impose rules that can hide such violations.

    The gag rules, or “censorship by PIO,” have become a cultural norm, and millions of people in the United States are now banned from speaking, or speaking freely, to journalists. Even though free speech is necessary for democracy and public welfare, journalists have in large part acquiesced to making routine, permission-to-speak requests through PIOs or others.

    A right to control the message?

    Police1: Roundtable: How to educate officials on the value of the public information officer

    Police1 (7/27/20)

    I’ve heard reporters from prominent outlets gripe about the process, and the time it takes to be allowed to talk to someone. But there seems to be no recognition that the public needs to know when none of the thousands of people in an agency are allowed to speak to journalists without that oversight, and most can’t speak to them at all. Nor is there discussion that someone in the agency, in a high or low position, could blow the journalists’ story out of the water, even after publication, or blow their minds about something they are oblivious to.

    This may have originated with the long-held journalism convention that news outlets do not complain to the public about the trials they go through when people in power try to block their newsgathering. We may fear that if we admit we’ve been blocked, we discredit our news product.

    On the other side, some public relations people or agency leaders try to rebut the idea they are censors, saying they are trying to help the press, or increase transparency, or they want to coordinate the story from different parts of their organization. That, of course, doesn’t address the fact they could serve these functions without banning all unfettered contacts.

    Other PR officials are quite straightforward about why employees are silenced: People leading an organization, they say, have a right to set the message.

    There is no doubt that agencies and offices have real challenges in this communications era. Carefully crafted, honest messages can be blown apart by careless statements. Employees can be ill-informed, or they can be promoting their own agenda. Statements can come across as coming from the organization itself when they are not—due to what the staffer says, what the news outlet says or how the audience interprets it. Journalists are often time-pressured, and can be sensation-seeking or less than careful.

    Those are serious problems that can cause real harm. They need to be continuously addressed by both agencies and journalists, with both sides listening carefully to the other. However, they are not a reason to degrade ourselves to what is one of the most repressive and deadly things in history: people in power controlling information.

    There is no reason news outlets can’t fight this. If they stand together, they can fight against these policies, and work to ensure the press and others have normal access to staff. They can work within their associations or build coalitions. They can agree to tell the public routinely when employees are gagged, treating the situation like the corruption it is.

    The press has led similar fights for decades, pushing for access to documents with freedom of information laws, and access to official meetings under the open meetings laws. Fighting for normal communication with human beings should not be different.

    Why is the press doing this?

    Popular Resistance: Journalists File Suit Against Gag Rules in Public Agencies

    Popular Resistance (2/5/24)

    Jay Rosen, journalism professor at New York University, says (Popular Resistance, 2/5/24): “The news system is not designed for human understanding. Even at the top providers, it’s designed to produce a flow of new content today—and every day.”

    Media, at their best, do seriously excellent content. In this era of information tsunamis, a lot of stuff is still pushed at the press. There are also masses of information in the public arena that just take work to pull together. By reading the Federal Register or other public documents, a reporter can find something intriguing that’s getting little attention.  And reporters also get material that isn’t public.

    The unfortunate side of all this legitimate supply is that it keeps outlets from worrying too much about how people in power are manipulating us away from overall understanding, and from some of the most critical information.

    Journalists often respond to questions about these censorship systems with something like, “Good reporters get the story anyway.” It’s possible that we can use our skills to dig out stories that audiences are interested in, and hopefully our news outlet survives. That doesn’t mean that we are doing good enough coverage of the institutions that impact the public—not with nearly everyone in the organization silenced.

    The newsgathering controls began to grow well before today’s alarming decline in numbers of journalists and news outlets, or the emergence of other threats to democracy. One can imagine that vicious cycles among those factors will worsen as journalists grow even more dependent “on inexpensive official sources as the credible news source,” as press critic Victor Pickard (Editor & Publisher, 11/15/21) has called them.

    It’s up to journalists to fight for the right to talk to people with vital information normally, fluidly, without authorities’ involvement.


    Featured image: Creative Commons photo by .

     

     

    The post Government Gag Rules Keep Vital Info From the Public appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Reuters: US blocks ceasefire call with third UN veto in Israel-Hamas war

    Reuters (2/20/24)

    This week on CounterSpin: International human rights lawyer Craig Mokhiber told Electronic Intifada recently that the International Court of Justice hearings on the legality of Israel’s 56-year occupation of Palestinian land are

    the largest case in history—more than 50 countries are taking part in this, and the US is virtually alone…in defending the legality of Israel’s occupation. Most states are affirming its illegality and cataloging Israeli war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other gross violations of international law.

    Every day the US falls more out of step with the world in its support for Israel’s violent assault on Gaza. As Mokhiber said, US vetoes of ceasefires in the UN Security Council, after which thousands more were killed, mean the US is directly responsible for those deaths: “Complicity is a crime.” Many in the US press seem divorced from the idea of US responsibility, and somehow we’re seeing more of the opinions of random TV actors than of groups on the ground in Palestine, and international human rights and legal bodies.

    We get some update on this unfolding nightmare from author and activist Gregory Shupak, from the University of Guelph-Humber in Toronto, and from Trita Parsi, co-founder and executive vice president at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.

     

     

    The post Gregory Shupak and Trita Parsi on Gaza Assault appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed Ariel Adelman about disability and civil rights for the February 16, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    Janine Jackson: In 2000, when the Americans with Disabilities Act was already 10 years old, actor Clint Eastwood was accused of running a California hotel with inadequately accessible rooms, bathrooms and parking lot. “It’s just not fair,” the millionaire complained, and his beleaguered stance found echo in the press, with the likes of ABC‘s John Stossel wondering, if people with disabilities want access to a business or an accommodation that bars them, why don’t they “just ask”? Presumably, the answer could be no, but wouldn’t that be “the decent thing to do,” rather than bringing a lawsuit, which, as Eastwood quipped, means lawyers “drive off in a big Mercedes and the disabled end up riding off in a wheelchair.”

    ABC‘s Stossel, in a segment called “Give Me a Break,” introduced by Barbara Walters, called legal efforts to enforce the ADA a “shakedown racket.” The presentation recasts human rights, never mind compliance with a decades-old law, as fundamentally corporate noblesse oblige.

    Unfortunately, that still inflects media coverage, and forms part of the backdrop of a current legal case, Acheson Hotels v. Laufer. Our guest will bring us up to date on what’s happening and what it means.

    CEPR: Disability Justice and Civil Rights: The Fight Isn’t Over After Acheson v. Laufer

    CEPR (1/31/24)

    Ariel Adelman is a disability rights advocate and policy analyst. Her piece with Hayley Brown on Acheson v. Laufer appears at CEPR.net. She joins us now by phone. Welcome to CounterSpin, Ariel Adelman.

    Ariel Adelman: Hi, good to be here.

    JJ: Most recently, in December, the Supreme Court declined to hear Acheson, and that’s significant, but it doesn’t mean the core of the case has been fully addressed. I’m quite sure that many listeners have never heard of this case, so if you could talk us through, what are the facts in Acheson v. Laufer, and what’s at stake?

    AA: I’ll give a brief overview of the background of the case. Laufer is a disabled woman with multiple sclerosis who acts as a civil rights tester, specifically for the ADA. Testers are people who basically check to see if people are in compliance with a certain civil rights law. There are individual testers, and testers who volunteer or work for legal organizations.

    And so Laufer began testing hotel websites for their compliance with the reservation rule, after a personal experience with a hotel that violated the ADA’s reservation rule. The incident forced her to sleep in her car, when she arrived at the hotel only to find that the room was inaccessible to her.

    And something important to note is that it’s completely free for businesses to comply with the reservation rule, which is part of title three of the ADA. All it means is they have to add accessibility information about their rooms and other facilities, even if they’re inaccessible. The hotel just needs to say the room is or isn’t wheelchair accessible, or does or doesn’t have visual fire alarms, for example.

    So Laufer was acting as a tester when she sued Acheson Hotels for failing to comply with the reservation rule. And after the Supreme Court heard the case on October 4, they dismissed the case on mootness, because Laufer withdrew her claim in fear that the decision would upend “test your rights” as a whole.

    And it’s important also to know that lawsuits filed by individuals are currently the primary enforcement mechanism for the ADA, which is already generally underenforced. The DoJ is technically in charge of enforcing the ADA, aside from individual lawsuits. The DoJ can sue ADA violators, or they can attempt mediation, which only comprises a tiny percentage of cases.

    And the DoJ really doesn’t have sufficient incentive, really, to pursue ADA violations in court, even when they’re egregious. And so civil rights testers for the ADA, for the Civil Rights Act, for the Fair Housing Act, for any civil rights legislation, they’re really needed.

    And, unfortunately, that also means that individual suits are an unfair burden, especially when it’s on people who are being actively discriminated against. And testers fill that gap, so that people with very few means—which is important to note, that disabled people are generally living in forced poverty; they don’t have the means, the time or the health, really, to bring a lawsuit to sue every single person that violates the ADA. If we were doing that, every disabled person would just constantly be in court, suing people. So testers are really needed to fill that gap.

    JJ:The objection to testers has been about standing, right?

    AA: Yes. So the big issue at the center of this case is standing, and standing is basically whether or not you have the right to sue. And the case that sets up important precedent for Acheson v. Laufer is Havens Realty Corp v. Coleman, which was a 1982 Supreme Court case that established standing to sue for civil rights testers, regardless of whether they expected to be discriminated against, and, importantly, regardless of their intent to, for example, in that case, buy or rent a home.

    So Havens established, it doesn’t matter if you do truly intend to use that good or service. If you’re discriminated against, that constitutes a real injury. And that includes dignitary injury. There’s a bunch of legalese we could go into, that the article covers, but basically you need to know, Havens is already established. You don’t need to actually truly intend.

    Unfortunately, the court’s opinion in Acheson, and Acheson’s lawyer’s argument hinged, in part, on the idea that Laufer supposedly had no intent to stay at the inn owned by Acheson Hotels. And the court’s opinion and Justice Thomas’ concurrence repeatedly referred to Laufer, and to civil rights testers in general, as “serial filers,” which, to me, showed pretty open disdain for civil rights testing, despite testers having standing enshrined by Havens for over four decades at this point.

    JJ: In case anyone is missing it, the idea is, if you are a person with a disability, you need to wait until you are actively suffering harm, and then you can have standing to sue. And we can’t do proactive compliance testing, with testers who go in to see whether, in fact, these accommodations or venues or whatever are compliant. The idea is, well, “You were just pretending you were going to stay at this hotel, and therefore you don’t have standing to sue that the hotel or whatever is inaccessible.”

    AA: That’s kind of the status quo that the conservative elements of the court are gunning for, and business interests in general are hoping for, because they don’t want to have to comply with civil rights law, even if it’s completely free to comply with it.

    JJ: And the idea, I think, for the general public is, well, we have the ADA, so something has already happened to make all businesses aware that they need to be compliant, and so why do lawyers need to get involved? But the truth is, the ADA doesn’t have a lot of aggressive enforcement attached to it. So there’s a real critical role for these testers.

    AA: Exactly. And the point that my co-author Hayley Brown and I make in our report is that, one, testers fill a really important gap in enforcement. And two, if people are really taking issue with the concept of civil rights testers, that means that we would need to have really aggressive, as you said, proactive enforcement on the part of the government to enforce these civil rights laws, because people right now are just getting away with completely flouting civil rights laws with no consequences.

    JJ: What do you think are the implications if Acheson v. Laufer goes the wrong way? I mean, what should folks understand? I’m happy to center the ADA and disabled people at this point, but it does actually have huge implications if we decide that civil rights testers don’t have standing to bring lawsuits.

    Ariel Adelman

    Ariel Adelman: “How would we go about suing every single time we have our rights violated, when that happens every single day?”

    AA: So this case was dismissed on mootness, but if you read the opinion of the court and the concurrence by Justice Clarence Thomas, they make it extremely clear that if this were not dismissed on mootness, they would have ruled in favor of Acheson, which would effectively upend and eviscerate civil rights testing.

    And that has really dire consequences for enforcing and maintaining civil rights in general, because that means that overwhelmingly disenfranchised, impoverished, really under-resourced populations are now being burdened with the task of enforcing major federal legislation. And, again, these communities are extremely under-resourced. How would we go about suing every single time we have our rights violated, when that happens every single day?

    And the businesses we’re going up against often have these monstrous legal teams that could take down anyone in court. And, of course, with a court that doesn’t want to side with disabled people, it’s really just bad news for civil rights in general in the United States.

    JJ: CounterSpin listeners in particular might remember the case Food Lion, in which reporters in 1992, reporters from ABC‘s Primetime Live, went undercover to investigate claims of unsanitary food handling at Food Lion, the supermarket chain. And they found it: old meat being redated and put out again, out-of-date chicken getting soaked in barbecue sauce and then moved to the gourmet section.

    But then Food Lion sued ABC, not so much on the accuracy of the story, but that the reporters misrepresented themselves fraudulently by applying for jobs, and then since they were there fraudulently, they were trespassing. And Food Lion won; they won $5.5 million in 1997.

    And this chilled investigative reporting as inherently deceptive, for getting stories that they couldn’t get otherwise, and revealing things that were true and in the public interest. And I tie that here because Acheson seems to have implications also for journalism, at least in the way that it touches on the public’s right to know, and the right to know things that folks don’t want to show us.

    AA: Interestingly, the opinion talks about the right to information—or I should say, I think it was actually Justice Thomas’ concurrence that talks about whether or not people have a right to information under the reservation rule. And he argues that it doesn’t, even though, at least in my view, in plain text, and according to a lot of disability rights scholars, it does give you the right to information.

    And when business interests, or even government entities, are allowed to cloak themselves in uncertainty, even when people affected by their civil rights violations or health code violations, violations of any kind of protection, even if people know for a fact that they’re violating these laws, there’s really no way to bring that to light until you’re actually harmed. And that could harm people, it can kill people.

    Extra!: Is Undercover Over?

    Extra! (3–4/08)

    In the case of that supermarket, if we had to wait for multiple people to die, there’s a death toll to not being able to uncover health code violations. In the case of the ADA, Laufer had to sleep in her car. And who knows if someone has died because they slept in their car, because they didn’t have adequate shelter? What if there was a snowstorm?

    And that’s just with inadequate access to information. There’s, of course, issues of literal physical access to buildings. But I think people really undercount the importance of access to information, because if you don’t have proper information, you can’t make the proper decisions to keep yourself safe.

    And that’s actually an issue of equal dignity. I wanted to quote from the ACLU amicus brief for Laufer, where they said, “Guaranteeing equal dignity was an animating purpose of the statute’s”—the Civil Rights Act of 1964, its “other antidiscrimination protections.”

    And I think that’s really important to keep in mind, is that equal dignity is at the center of basically every civil rights statute. And if we can’t guarantee equal access to information, which is part of the issue in Acheson v. Laufer, then you don’t have equal dignity. And that is not only legally wrong, as it constitutes a dignitary injury, but it’s also morally wrong, if we want to treat disabled people, or anyone part of a marginalized group, as an equal person in society.

    JJ: And that equal dignity runs right up against where we started: “Well, why don’t they just ask? Why don’t they just come, hat in hand, and say, ‘Hey, I’d really like to get into your restaurant.’ And then maybe we would say, ‘OK, you could come around the back and we can let you in this other entrance.’” Dignity is often missing from that whole conversation about what businesses are required to do, as if we aren’t talking about human beings.

    AA: It’s so bizarre to me. I mean, it’s not bizarre, because I expect it, because ableism is so entrenched in our society. But if you asked someone, “Oh, do you think it would be OK if instead of having robust health code enforcement, if we should just ask if people in restaurants could wash their hands before cooking our food?” Or if small businesses dodge state taxes for 10 years, nobody would go, “Oh, well, they didn’t know any better, and nobody asked them for those taxes. It’s really not their fault.” We only really treat it like this when it comes to civil rights, and it’s not OK.

    And a lot of that, I think, is because our society places a really high premium on productivity, and sees disabled people—and, by extension, other marginalized people, whether racially, in terms of gender, religion—they see us as a drain, rather than as a vital part of the population. And as I want to point out to people, disabled people comprise at least a quarter of the population, and that’s rising, because of the ongoing pandemic, which many people have called a mass disabling event.

    So we comprise a very large part of society, but people see us as a drain, or they think that our rights shouldn’t really be real, because we’re perceived as not being productive or contributing to society.

    FAIR: A Right, Not a Favor

    Extra! (11–12/00)

    JJ: And, finally, the way that folks are seen has not everything, but a lot to do with news media. And back in 2000, many years ago, I wrote about major news outlets presenting the ADA as mainly a regulatory issue affecting private businesses, rather than a human rights issue facing society as a whole.

    And my beef, among many others, at the time, as now, was that we saw stories about “It goes too far.” “The ADA goes too far, it’s too expensive and it harms and it’s well-intentioned, but it actually harms.” And that those stories were not sufficiently countered by stories saying, “Well, what if it doesn’t go far enough?” And then, instead, you get the hardy perennial of, “We’ve come a long way, but there’s still a long way to go.”

    It’s not unique, but I feel like there is something special about the way the rights of disabled people, a community that anyone can join at any minute, are somehow never urgent. They’re never front-page news, somehow, there’s never urgency attached to it. And I just wonder, finally, what you think about media coverage, and what you would like to see more of, what you’d like to see less of, in terms of news media?

    Vox: A Supreme Court case about hotel websites could blow up much of US civil rights law

    Vox (9/25/23)

    AA: As you said, it’s never seen as urgent or important, despite it being the only marginalized group that you could join at any point. I think that most coverage is really unnuanced, and tends to be overly sympathetic to business interests.

    There’s one reporter that I think has had good coverage of this case specifically, which is Ian Millhiser over at Vox. I think his articles are excellent.

    With everyone else, there’s headlines like the “Supreme Court Dodges This Ruling,” or “This Woman Sued Over 600 Hotels,” but they never have any headlines that are anything like ”Tourism Industry Tends to Fail to Comply With the ADA,” or “This Hotel Owner and Former Anthropology Professor Repeatedly Flouts Civil Rights Laws.”

    And, again, if it were any other major regulatory issue, nobody would really question it, except for maybe small sections of society. But most people think, yeah, we should probably have people regularly checking up to make sure the building doesn’t fall down on us because it’s not up to code, or that we can escape in a fire, or that people are washing their hands before they cook, or give us vaccinations.

    And like you said, it’s treated as not urgent. And I think, in part, it’s because disabled people are not just seen as a drain, but we’re seen as somehow cunning, or kind of getting one over on the system. And we’ve seen this kind of backlash before: After the 1918 influenza, postviral disability skyrocketed, and so did the popularity of eugenics and fascism. And so we’ve had reactionaries going after disability rights the exact same way they’re going after immigration, abortion rights, racial equality, labor protections.

    CEPR: The Long Reach of Long COVID: At Least 4.4 Million Adults are Currently Disabled by Long COVID

    CEPR (10/12/22)

    And a huge problem is that people across the political spectrum, especially white people, are hostile to the idea that disabled people should have rights at all. And that really is reflected in media, and then it’s reflected back on the population, and then artistic media reflects that back, and then journalism. It’s like a cycle that perpetuates this idea that disabled people are a drain, and their rights are somehow a zero-sum game, that they’re stealing rights from other people.

    I did want to add in that there’s really important work being done on these issues, and that if people want to continue to educate themselves, and to follow ongoing disability rights issues, look at my co-author Hayley Brown’s ongoing work on disability and labor, her co-authored piece, “The Long Reach of Long Covid.” And CEPR also has an updated chart book coming on disability and economic justice.

    So keep looking at those. There’s really mind-boggling stats that you’ll find that CEPR digs up. Their work is incredible, and I think everyone should look at disability as a cornerstone of civil rights as we are fighting against right-wing reactionaries.

    JJ: All right then. We’ve been speaking with Ariel Adelman; the piece “Disability Justice and Civil Rights: The Fight Isn’t Over After Acheson v. Laufer can be found at CEPR.net. Ariel Adelman, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    AA: Thank you.

     

    The post ‘Disenfranchised, Under-Resourced Populations Are Burdened With Enforcing Major Federal Regulation’  appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    David D. Smith, leading stockholder of Sinclair, Inc., announced on January 15 that he was purchasing what is left of the Baltimore Sun, once regarded as the crown jewel of the Maryland city’s media (AP, 1/15/24).

    Sinclair is a multi-billion dollar Fortune 500 company and one of the largest owners of television stations in the country. The company has been criticized for its conservative and not always accurate TV news coverage (Salon, 7/21/17; New Yorker, 10/15/18). In 2018, the company compelled local TV news anchors around the country to read on air the same copy parroting President Donald Trump’s claims about “fake news” (Deadspin, 3/31/18).

    The New York Times (1/20/24) reported that many fear David Smith “will impose his political interests on the organization as a final coda to a once proud newspaper that has been facing a long decline.”

    The decline of the Sun has been happening for years before Smith’s purchase. The outlet was purchased in 2021 by Alden Capital Group, a hedge fund, which cut newsroom capacity and output. The Sun’s previous owner, Tribune (formerly Tronc), had already been furloughing staff and cutting pay before Alden’s takeover.

    Sinclair is a national media giant, owning 294 stations across the country, but it is also headquartered just outside of Baltimore. Smith said he purchased the Sun with his own funding, independent of Sinclair. The Sun (1/15/24) advertised the purchase as “the first time in nearly four decades that the Sun will be in the hands of a local owner.”

    Numerous media outlets around the country have expressed concern about Smith’s purchase, with a focus on his right-wing political leanings and his outspoken disdain for print media (e.g., New Republic, 1/17/24; New York Times, 1/20/24).

    “A local buyer taking over a struggling newspaper in the 21st century is normally cause for some celebration,” the AP (1/16/24) commented. “But the Baltimore Sun’s newly announced owner has a very specific political background, and some are concerned about what the 187-year-old publication could become.”

    Yet the groundwork for Smith’s takeover of the Sun was laid by many of the same news outlets expressing concern about it. Media have created an environment that not only enables takeovers of newspapers by billionaires, but frequently celebrates such acquisitions as important for democracy.

    What are billionaires really buying?

    CNN: Marc Benioff bought Time magazine to help address a 'crisis of trust'

    CNN (12/30/19) seemed to place a lot of trust in tech billionaire Marc Benioff’s profession of good intentions.

    Much of the concern around Smith’s purchase of the Baltimore Sun has to do with his family’s legacy of influencing the news in the region. Over the last 20 years, Smith and his family have become increasingly powerful in Baltimore’s political, corporate and media landscape, and they have used their local media holdings to promote their agendas (Baltimore Sun, 1/18/24). The Sun has a history of reporting critically on Sinclair (9/1/22, 6/27/23, 8/2/23), a threat that has likely been neutralized by this purchase.

    Observers are right to be skeptical of  Smith’s promise that he is buying the Baltimore Sun out of an “absolute responsibility to serve the public interest” (AP, 1/16/24). But many of the same news outlets concerned about Smith’s influence over a longstanding daily newspaper have shown little concern about the influence of billionaire news owners in general—or they have shown selective concern.

    When Amazon founder Jeff Bezos bought the Washington Post in 2013 (Extra!, 3/14), he assured the public that he was only interested in its potential profitability and that the Post would continue to operate as an independent entity. There wasn’t widespread panic.

    Some of the Post’s coverage has seemed to go out of its way to protect the explicit interests of Bezos and the billionaire class (CJR, 9/27/22). As FAIR (10/11/18, 11/21/18) reported, the Post’s coverage of the 2018 Maryland gubernatorial campaign was shockingly biased in favor of Republican Larry Hogan and against Democrat Ben Jealous, a Bernie Sanders supporter. Hogan was negotiating to bring an Amazon headquarters to Maryland, and Jealous had raised questions about the deal.

    With some exceptions, like Elon Musk’s takeover of Twitter (New York Times, 10/5/22; Newsweek, 10/28/22; MSNBC, 11/21/22), corporate media have covered billionaire takeovers of media outlets in a mostly neutral or positive light, at times portraying the wealthy owners as if they are saving a dying but essential industry out of the goodness of their hearts. That was the dominant tone of the coverage of Marc Benioff’s purchase of Time magazine (CNN, 12/30/19) and John H. Henry’s purchase of the Boston Globe (Reuters, 8/3/13), among others.

    When billionaire Patrick Soon-Shiong purchased the LA Times, the New York Times (2/7/18) described him as rescuing the outlet from corporate media hell and offering a “welcome alternative” to Tronc. Its article began with a staffer “popp[ing] a bottle of champagne.” Soon-Shiong had previously been Tronc’s vice chair.

    To ‘save the news industry’

    NYT: Billionaires Wanted to Save the News Industry. They’re Losing a Fortune.

    The “fortunes” the New York Times (1/18/24) describes billionaires losing on their media projects range from 0.7% to 0.05% of their net worth per year.

    The New York Times (1/18/24) recently reported that the media outlets bought by billionaires have been largely failing financially—that the billionaires have failed to “save the news industry,” as if that were truly their goal. The Times didn’t consider that billionaires earn other dividends from controlling public discourse, for one.

    The national media did exhibit more concern when billionaire Sheldon Adelson, a major casino owner (now deceased), bought the Las Vegas Review-Journal in 2015. News stories highlighted his ties to the Republican Party, and some speculated that he would use the purchase to influence the 2016 presidential election (Guardian, 12/17/15; NPR, 12/17/15; Atlantic, 12/17/15).

    There was far less concern over what it means, in general, for a casino magnate to own the news in Las Vegas (Common Dreams, 12/22/15). Would Adelson have faced as much pushback if he weren’t a Republican?

    It seems that “liberal” establishment media are concerned about some wealthy corporate owners—the faceless hedge funds and those with far-right leanings—but not the problem of billionaire or corporate ownership in general and its corrosive effects on a free press. But it is the very unchecked environment of corporate news ownership that has enabled the wealthy far-right takeover of so much of it.

    None of the billionaires buying up newspapers have offered clear policies and practices ensuring that they won’t be able to influence coverage, only tepid assurances. FCC or other regulations that might ensure news media are free from such conflicts of interest would require sustained public attention–and that would entail corporate media challenging the interests of their own owners.

    Baltimore and the Smith family

    Afro: Local Fox Affiliate Falsely Reports Tawanda Jones Endorsed Killing Cops at DC Protest

    Afro (12/23/14): Sinclair‘s WBFF reported that “Baltimore activist Tawanda Jones had led a crowd in chanting ‘we won’t stop, we can’t stop, so kill a cop’…when she was actually chanting ‘we won’t stop, we can’t stop, ‘til killer cops, are in cell blocks.’”

    Concerns about the Baltimore Sun becoming a blatant tool of the far right are warranted. Within Baltimore, WBFF-Fox 45’s racist and politicized coverage is notorious. Regular coverage fosters fear around Baltimore youth, progressive causes and public schools (e.g., 7/24/22, 1/25/24). In 2014, Fox 45 was caught doctoring footage of noted local activist Tawanda Jones to make it seem like she was saying “kill a cop” during a protest, when she was chanting about “killer cops” (Afro, 12/23/14).

    Fox 45 has shown clear favoritism to local politicians. For years, it supported a scandal-ridden candidate, Thiru Vignarajah, in his repeated failed bids for state’s attorney and mayor. Smith family members were prominent donors to his campaigns, and Fox 45 has hosted him in the studio far more than other candidates.

    This year, the Smith family has shifted its financial support and airtime to candidate Sheila Dixon, who was previously Baltimore’s mayor but resigned in 2010 after pleading guilty to perjury and embezzlement. Smith’s partner in his deal to buy the Sun, conservative Sinclair commentator Armstrong Williams, hosted a one-hour, flattering interview with Dixon last June.

    The Smith family also has a notorious reputation locally for the practices of its restaurant company, Atlas Restaurant Group, which has been aggressively buying up struggling restaurants and other properties. The company has faced controversy for policies that restrict service based on racist and arbitrarily enforced dress codes.

    Smith has been less shy than his counterparts in other cities about his plans to influence the Baltimore Sun’s coverage. Sun employees shared anonymous accounts with outside reporters (Baltimore Banner, 1/16/24) of a closed door meeting in which Smith reportedly admitted to wanting to remake the Sun to be more like his local TV station, including featuring unscientific polls on the front page.

    The Sun mythology

    WaPo: Baltimore Sun staff clash with new owner: 'Don't know how to reason with him.'

    The Washington Post (1/17/24) presented the Baltimore Sun‘s Freddie Gray Pulitzer nomination as a quality seal of approval.

    As part of catastrophizing Smith’s purchase of the Baltimore Sun, media have promoted the newspaper’s legacy as if it were unquestionably vaunted, setting up a good/evil binary. In reality, there has long been substantial local criticism of the Sun, including its coziness with powerful interests, its legacy of problematic hero-reporters, and its negative characterizations of Baltimore’s Black and other marginalized communities.

    The Baltimore Banner (1/16/24) brought up the the Sun’s credentials in challenging Smith’s characterization of the newspaper:

    Asked Tuesday during the meeting whether he stood by [negative] comments [about newspapers] now that he owns one of the most storied titles in American journalism, Smith said yes. Asked if he felt that way about the contents of his newspaper, Smith said “in many ways, yes,” according to people at the meeting.

    The Baltimore Sun won the 2020 Pulitzer Prize for local reporting.

    The Banner article was written by three reporters, all of whom previously worked for the Sun.

    The Pulitzer Prize was invoked again by the Washington Post (1/17/24) as prima facie evidence of the Sun’s intrinsic goodness. The Post recounted an exchange in which Smith suggested to his new employees that the officers involved in Freddie Gray’s death in 2015 were innocent. A staffer challenged him on the point.

    “You may believe that they killed somebody,” Smith said. “I’m not here to tell you they did or didn’t.”

    The Sun was a Pulitzer finalist for its coverage of Gray’s death.

    I previously wrote for FAIR (9/22/23) about how the Sun’s coverage of Freddie Gray’s death leaned almost entirely on the statements of police and promoted police officers as heroes, while marginalizing or ignoring the statements of witnesses, who were the Black residents of Gray’s former neighborhood. The Sun has refused to share new evidence that has emerged in Gray’s death since 2015, failing to correct the record on its mistakes, despite the case being one of the biggest stories in Baltimore’s history.

    Likewise, the Sun’s coverage of the riots in Baltimore after Freddie Gray’s death was barely distinguishable from how Fox 45 reports on Baltimore’s youth. As FAIR (4/29/15) reported at the time, Sun reporters (4/28/15) repeated a false police story that teenagers had been planning to “purge” that day and attacked police, “pelting officers with water bottles and rocks,” as if unprovoked. The Sun missed the real story of how police fomented a riot by locking down teenagers after school and not letting them return home (Mother Jones, 4/28/15), among other provocative actions.

    Baltimore Sun news article: 'Purge' Spreads Quickly Through City

    The Baltimore Sun‘s sensationalized coverage (4/28/15) of anti-police protests failed to contextualize how Baltimore police had provoked violence.

    The Sun has continued to portray Baltimore’s Black youth as de facto criminals in many stories (e.g., 9/15/20), often hiding the racism behind a sheen of “both sides” reporting.

    Conversely, although Fox 45 has been an easy target for liberal reporters and politicians, not all of its coverage has been as supportive of powerful interests as the Sun’s reporting. Fox 45 (3/19/21) was aggressive in its effort to expose corruption by Nick Mosby, the current City Council president, and former state’s attorney Marilyn Mosby—a Baltimore power couple who recently divorced. (She filed an FCC complaint against the station, accusing it of racist coverage.) Marilyn Mosby was ultimately indicted and convicted by the federal government for perjury and mortgage fraud.

    By contrast, the Baltimore Sun published several editorials in support of the Mosbys and minimizing their scandals, including one (3/23/21) arguing that the federal investigation into their possible crimes was “not good for Baltimore.” (One member of the three-person editorial team at the time, Andrea K. McDaniels, is married to a long-time vocal Mosby supporter, Zach McDaniels, who helped Mosby on the Freddie Gray case. Andrea McDaniels is now managing editor of the Baltimore Banner.)

    Banner escapes scrutiny

    Banner: New Baltimore Sun owner insults staff in meeting, says paper should mimic Fox45

    The Baltimore Banner (1/16/24) reported that David Smith, who called print media was “so left-wing as to be meaningless dribble,” was asked by Sun staff “whether he stood by those comments now that he owns one of the most storied titles in American journalism.”

    As for the Banner, the Sun’s chief competitor, it has adopted a superior tone in its coverage of the Smith takeover (1/16/24, 2/5/24), but it has its own ties to the Smith family. The Banner has held events in partnership with Atlas restaurants, which are owned by the Smith family, and published article after article that cover Atlas, a Banner advertiser, in a favorable light (e.g., 7/11/23, 10/2/23, 10/18/23).

    The Banner has also escaped any scrutiny of its own ownership model. As I previously wrote about for FAIR (12/21/23), the Banner is nominally a nonprofit organization—an “independent” outlet, according to Nieman Lab (1/22/24)—but it is owned by Stewart Bainum, Jr., the very wealthy CEO of Choice Hotels and a nursing home chain, as well as a one-time state politician. He established the Banner after failing to purchase the Sun.

    A Democrat, Bainum was described by the national press as the “savior” of Baltimore media (Washington Post, 2/17/21), but the Banner’s board and staff are almost entirely made up of people from the corporate world, its content is buried behind paywalls, and it has platformed right-wing sentiments, including transphobia (9/20/22). Also, like the Sun, it has a habit of parroting what police say (8/27/22) and not offering retractions when those stories turn out to be false (8/30/22).

    Smith obviously poses a real threat to the possibility of fair and accurate Baltimore news. At the same time, he serves as a convenient scapegoat for a much deeper and broader problem: the unchecked control of the media by corporate interests, sometimes in the form of what seem like wealthy benefactors.

    The post Baltimore’s Media Nightmare and the Billionairification of News appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

          CounterSpin240216.mp3

     

    CEPR: Disability Justice and Civil Rights: The Fight Isn’t Over After Acheson v. Laufer

    CEPR (1/31/24)

    This week on CounterSpin: There’s an announcement on the New York City subway where a voice chirps: “Attention, everyone! There are 150 accessible subway stations!” One can imagine an alternate world where we’d hear, “Only 150 of New York City’s 472 subway stations are accessible, and that’s a problem!”

    But people with disabilities are meant to be grateful, excited even, for whatever access or accommodation is made available for them to participate in daily life. There’s often an implied corollary suggestion that any violation of the rights of disabled people is an individual matter, to be fought over in the courts, rather than something to be acknowledged and addressed societally.

    The overarching law we have, the Americans with Disabilities Act, is meant to be proactive; it is, the government website tells us, a law, “not a benefits program.” In reality, though, the ADA still meets resistance, confusion and various combinations thereof, 33 years after its passage. And news media, as a rule, don’t help.

    The Supreme Court recently dismissed, but did not do away with, a case that gets at the heart of enforcement of civil rights laws for people with disabilities—though not them alone. Acheson v. Laufer is an under-the-radar case that, our guest says, is “part of a pattern of far-right reactionaries weaponizing the courts to dismantle labor protections, housing rights and health guidelines.”

    Ariel Adelman is a disability rights advocate and policy analyst. Her piece, with Hayley Brown, appeared recently on CEPR.net, the website of the Center for Economic and Policy Research. She’ll tell us what’s going on and what’s at stake.

          CounterSpin240216Adelman.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look back at coverage of the racist Charles Stuart murder hoax.

          CounterSpin240216Banter.mp3

     

    The post Ariel Adelman on Disability Civil Rights appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

     

    Janine Jackson interviewed Groundwork Collaborative’s Rakeen Mabud about greedflation for the February 9, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin240209Mabud.mp3

     

    Janine Jackson: If you buy groceries, you know that prices are high. And if you read the paper, you’ve probably heard that prices are high because of, well, “inflation,” and “shocks to the supply chain,” and other language you understand, but don’t quite understand.

    One article told me that

    economists see pandemic-related spending meant to stabilize the economy as a factor, along with war-impacted supply chains and steps taken by the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates

    —all of which may be true, but still doesn’t really help me see why four sticks of butter now cost $8.

    Not to mention that the same piece talks matter of factly about “upward pressure on wages,” which sounds like people who need to buy butter are getting paid more, but I’m pretty sure the language is telling me I’m supposed to be against it.

    How do we interpret corporate news media’s coverage of prices? What aren’t they talking about?

    Rakeen Mabud is chief economist and managing director of policy and research at Groundwork Collaborative. She joins us now by phone. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Rakeen Mabud.

    Rakeen Mabud: Thank you so much for having me. It’s great to be back.

    Pittsburgh Post-Gazette: Sen. Bob Casey asks congressional investigators to look at 'greedflation'

    Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (1/19/24)

    JJ: I want to say, the piece that I’m citing in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette isn’t a bad piece. It’s just what passes for media explanation of what is a truly meaningful reality. People are really having trouble buying diapers, and buying food. And so to have journalists saying, “Well, it’s because of the blahdy blahdy blahdy blah that you couldn’t possibly understand”—the unclarity of it is galling to me, and it’s politically stultifying. I’m supposed to get mad at inflation, per se?

    That’s the kind of informational void that Groundwork Collaborative’s work is intervening in. So let me just ask you to talk about what you find when you look into, for example, high grocery store prices right now.

    RM: Yeah, this is a great question, and I love the fact that you’re focusing on the experiences of people, because that’s how we all experience the economy and, frankly, that’s how the economy is made, right, through our actions, through our demand, through our spending. And so it is really important to hone in on what’s going on to people on the ground, as we’re thinking about these big, amorphous concepts like inflation.

    And the reality is, as you point out, prices are sky high for people around the country, and folks are really struggling. Grocery prices, obviously, are particularly worth digging into, because there’s a real salience of food prices in everybody’s lives. We all go to the grocery store on a weekly or maybe biweekly basis, and buy groceries to feed ourselves, and feed our families.

    And my colleagues at the Groundwork Collaborative, Liz Pancotti, Bharat Ramamurti and Clara Wilson, recently authored a report that really digs into what’s going on with grocery prices. And what they find is that grocery price increases have outpaced overall inflation, and families are now paying 25% more for groceries than they were prior to this pandemic, compared to 19% of overall inflation. So there’s this gap between what folks are paying at the till, and what inflation would suggest.

    And this is particularly hitting folks who are on the lower income end of the income distribution harder. In 2022, people in the bottom quintile of the income spectrum spent 25% of their income on groceries, while those in the highest quintile spent just under 3.5%.

    And this is a trend that we see across the board with essentials. Because if something is essential, you have to buy it. If you earn less money, a bigger proportion of your income is going to go towards those essentials. And so that means that when you see inflation and, frankly, corporate profiteering, which I’ll get into in a second, showing up in spaces for essential goods, it’s always the people who are most vulnerable who are hit the hardest.

    It’s wonderful that you’re really focusing in on groceries. And I think one thing to note, just to zoom out a little bit from grocery prices in particular, is that an underexplored topic still, I think, in the discussions around inflation is the role of corporate profit margins. Because the fact remains that corporate profit margins have remained high and even grown, even as labor costs have stabilized, input costs—the costs of things that are used to produce goods—have come down, and supply chain snarls have started to ease.

    And in a different paper by two other of my colleagues, Lindsay Owens and Liz Pancotti, they find that from April to September of 2023, so that’s very recently, corporate profits drove 53% of inflation. When you compare that to the 40 years prior to the pandemic, profits drove just 11% of price growth.

    There are a lot of explanations out there of what’s causing inflation, but it’s very important to focus on the role of big companies using the cover of inflation to jack up prices. And they continue to do that, even as their own costs are coming down.

    JJ: And I want to say, you can illustrate that point with just data, as these works from Groundwork Collaborative do, but at the same time, you also have, as the kids say, receipts—in other words, earnings calls where CEOs are saying it out loud: Their situation in terms of supply chain, in terms of Covid and whatever, they’re using that as an opportunity to keep prices high.

    Other Words: It’s Not ‘Inflation’ — We’re Just Getting Ripped Off. Here’s Proof.

    Other Words (1/31/24)

    RM: Yes, absolutely. So let’s talk about another essential good, which is diapers. And I think diapers are really a good example, because it illustrates what’s going on right now, and ties together the idea of corporate profiteering, but also this idea that, as scholars Isabella Weber and Evan Wasner put out there, about tacit collusion and implicit collusion. So let’s unpack that. What does that all mean?

    So what they write about is that inflationary environments, when prices are rising across the board, it means that companies, especially those that are in a really concentrated market, can raise their prices, precisely because they know that their competitor is going to do the exact same thing. So if you are one of three big companies, and you know that your competitors are also going to raise prices, there’s no reason for you not to raise prices.

    And that logic also applies in the reverse. So when costs are coming down, if you know that your competitors are going to keep their prices high, you’re also going to keep your prices high, which is I think why we’re seeing, even as input costs come down, prices are staying high, and people are still paying more than they should be, given the cost of input.

    So diapers, right? Diapers, I think, is the perfect example for this. It’s a super, super concentrated market. Proctor & Gamble and Kimberly-Clark control about 70% of the domestic market, and diaper prices have increased by more than 30% since 2019, from about $16–$17 to nearly $22.

    The main thing that goes into producing diapers is wood pulp. It’s also the main input into toilet paper, paper towels, basically paper products that we use around the house. The wholesale wood pulp prices really skyrocketed, by 87% between January 2021 and January 2023.

    But in 2023, between January and December of 2023, [wood pulp] prices declined by 25%, but diaper prices have remained high. So what’s going on here?

    And to your point, the executives at Kimberly-Clark and Procter & Gamble are not hiding the ball. P&G CFO said on their October 2023 earnings call that high prices were a big driver of the reason that they could expand their profit margins, and that 33% of their profits in the previous quarter were driven by lower input costs. And during their July 2023 earnings call, the company predicted $800 million in windfall profits because of declining input costs.

    Same thing on the other side, on Kimberly-Clark’s side; their CEO said in October that the company “finally saw inflection in the cost environment.” And he admitted that he believes the company has a lot of opportunity to “expand margins over time,” despite what they’re “doing on the revenue side and also on the cost side.” So despite large input cost decline, the CEO thinks that the company has priced appropriately, and didn’t anticipate a new price deflation.

    So diapers, I think, is a really clear example of how these big corporations are exercising their corporate power in a moment where things are a little murky for consumers. We don’t know, necessarily; we don’t have all the data at our fingertips, or the time, frankly, to figure out: Is the box of diapers more expensive for sensible reasons or not? And these big companies are taking advantage of both the information asymmetry, and the particular inflationary environment we’re living in.

    JJ: And you don’t have a choice. You’ve got to buy the diapers. You can try to puzzle out why it costs more than it cost a year ago, or six months ago, but you still have to buy them. And that’s the thing.

    I want to draw you out on something, because I see articles—it’s not that media are not ever saying “greedflation,” or that they’re completely ignoring the idea that corporations might be keeping prices high to profit, although it’s still not shaping the dialogue in the way that you would hope. But I do see articles that put “corporate profiteering” in scare quotes, as if it’s not a real thing; it’s just an accusation. And I wonder, what do we call “profiteering,” and how does it differ from capitalism doing its capitalism thing?

    Rakeen Mabud

    Rakeen Mabud: “The truth of the matter is there are vested interests for folks to want to vilify workers, to want to vilify big public investments.”

    RM: This is a question that I’ve gotten over the years, as we’ve done this work. It is not necessarily a bad thing for companies to be making a profit. That’s OK. Companies exist to make a profit. What we’re talking about here is really profits above and beyond what they should be making: excess profits, windfall profits, and companies making these profits on the backs of consumers.

    The example that I always go back to is just the classic price-gouging example. If you are in the middle of a hurricane or a disaster relief situation, and you are a person who sells bottles of water, or gallon jugs of water—if you jack the prices up because you know that people are going to need that water, because there’s no safe tap water to drink, that’s price-gouging, and that is illegal.

    And yet that happens across our economy all the time. And we’ve seen that in particular over the last couple of years, as we’ve experienced the pandemic and have gone through these series of crises. And yet we don’t point it out.

    And I think part of the reason this idea is not taken seriously, again, there’s a couple of reasons. The first is that it doesn’t accord with the traditional story of where inflation comes from. The traditional story of where inflation comes from is, workers are super greedy, they’re asking for higher wages. And so we end up with higher wages, which push up prices, which force people to ask for higher wages. And you end up with what economists call a wage-price spiral.

    The other factor in the traditional story about where inflation comes from is, too much public investment flooding the economy is just going to jack up prices.

    And the reality of the situation is that wasn’t the case here. We have seen historic public investment, and inflation’s come down. We have seen a strong labor market. We haven’t had to put millions of people out of work in order to bring prices down.

    And so the textbook story of how inflation works is not really holding water in the moment. It’s not according with literally the reality that we’re seeing in the data.

    And the truth of the matter is there are vested interests for folks to want to vilify workers, to want to vilify big public investments, and to continue to perpetuate an environment where big corporations can hold power and hold money and earn windfall profits on the backs of consumers. So I think it’s really important to know that this is a narrative that’s new, and it’s a narrative that is challenging for the dominant stories about how inflation works.

    WSJ: Outsize Profits Helped Drive Inflation. Now Consumers Are Pushing Back.

    Wall Street Journal (12/2/23)

    But the reason it has made a toehold, and I think more than a toehold at this point—I mean, even the Wall Street Journal in December had a headline that said, “Outsize Profits Help Drive Inflation. Now Consumers Are Pushing Back.” The reason it’s gotten its feet on the ground is because of the experience of people across the economy, this is exactly how people are experiencing the economy, and it’s the truth of the matter.

    And I think that is really what certainly my work is always trying to do, is let’s get to how people are experiencing the economy and speak to their concerns, because people know what’s up. You don’t need to tell them that big companies are exploiting them. They are very willing to believe it, because it’s how they’ve interacted with the economy for years.

    JJ: I have to say, the idea that there’s an abstraction that I’m supposed to pay obeisance to, and it’s going to keep wages down and public investment down, but somehow I’m still supposed to be for it, is kind of strange to me, the idea that I’m supposed to be so opposed to inflation that I’m supposed to be against higher wages for workers, and I’m supposed to be against more public investment. It just shows how far we’ve gone in fealty to an abstraction, essentially, in terms of economic understanding. I find it very odd to have folks saying, “Oh, I don’t want upward pressure on wages, because somehow that’s going to be bad for me ultimately down the road.” It seems to me a kind of distortion of our understanding of the way an economy should work, and who it should serve.

    RM: Right, I mean, we are the economy. That’s what we’re always saying at Groundwork, that we are the people, the regular people are the people who are the economy, and it’s our wellbeing that reflects whether the economy is doing well.

    And I also think it’s important in conversations about inflation, I think; we pay attention to prices and cost of living and affordability in a moment of crisis. But the truth of the matter is that the high prices that people have been feeling in their household budget long predate this particular inflationary moment: the cost of childcare, the cost of healthcare, the cost of housing, the cost of education. All of these things go beyond what we’re experiencing in this particular moment. They have been burdens on people for decades.

    And there are also structural factors that are perpetuating these burdens. So I think housing costs are a really good example. Housing costs are up about 21%, and we have this longstanding shortage of affordable and high-quality housing in this country. There have been instances, over the course of the last couple of years, where we’ve seen big home builders and landlords celebrating inflation as a way to restrict housing supply. Literally had a home builder say, “We could build a thousand more houses, but we’re not going to, because it’s going to help us restrict supply, and therefore jack up the prices of the homes we can build.” We’ve also seen landlords really celebrating inflation as a way to skim a little bit more off the top by raising rent a little bit higher.

    So all of that is certainly happening, but we also need to pay attention to broader macroeconomic forces in perpetuating this housing crisis. So one of the best ways, kind of a no-brainer, of addressing a housing supply shortage is to build more houses. But the Federal Reserve, since we last spoke, has embarked on an interest rate–hiking rampage. What does that do? Sky-high interest rates crush new housing construction, because it stymies private investment, and it pushes potential buyers, because of high mortgage rates, back into the rental market, which pushes rents up.

    So the Federal Reserve says, “We’re raising interest rates through this theory and this channel that we think works,” which, by the way doesn’t, because again, as I mentioned, we haven’t necessarily seen mass unemployment in order to bring down prices. But they’re saying, we’re trying to bring down prices, guys; we’re trying to bring down prices by raising interest rates. But really what they’re doing is making the problem worse, and they’re perpetuating this cost-of-living crisis that long predates the pandemic.

    And so it’s really important, I think, to also call out big institutional actors, like Chair Powell, to lower rates immediately, given that it’s clear from the data that his rate hikes hadn’t had the intended effect, and are actually making the problem worse.

    Groundwork Collaborative: What's Driving the Rise in Grocery Prices--and What the Government Can Do About It

    Groundwork Collaborative (2/24)

    JJ: One of the latest reports from Groundwork is called “What’s Driving the Rise in Grocery Prices–and What the Government Can Do About It.” So let me ask you, finally, and it’s a lot, but what can government do about the problems that we’re talking about?

    RM: I think, actually, we’re living in an exciting time when it comes to an expansiveness in the policy tools that folks are thinking about and using in order to bring down prices. We’re not in your 1970s inflationary world, where we’re just hoping that the Federal Reserve does its job and hoping for the best. They’ve sort of been discredited, and, again, time to bring down interest rates.

    But we’ve seen President Biden and his administration really taking the issue of profiteering seriously. I mean, just last month, he said to any corporation that has not brought their prices back down, even as inflation has come down, even as supply chains have been rebuilt, it’s time to stop the price-gouging. To have that come from the president, to call out the big corporate actors who are taking advantage of people and lining their coffers, is remarkable.

    And I think it’s not just words, right? The administration has taken some really early actions promoting competition in really concentrated markets—like meat packing, a sector that is really driving grocery-price inflation right now.

    Agencies like the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau are going hard after junk fees. Those are the sort of, when you check into a hotel, it says resort fee, this fee, that fee, and you never really know what you’re paying for. And the truth is, you’re just paying for these companies to get richer, right? So that in banking, overdraft fees, the CFPB has been going hard after junk fees.

    The FTC and the DoJ are aggressively using their authority to crack down on the concentration that allows these companies to get away with jacking prices up on consumers.

    And so I think what we need to see is a continuation of that. Look at anti-competitive mergers, especially throughout the food industry, but other industries where they’re producing essentials, to make sure that these environments that facilitate and breed both profiteering and tacit collusion are not allowed to be created.  Finalize regulations that improve fairness, competition and resiliency in supply chains.

    And then the last policy idea here was—it feels a little bit unrelated, but it’s actually one and the same—we have a big opportunity to tackle the full problem of high prices coming up, because many of the provisions of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, the 2017 Trump tax cuts, are expiring at the end of 2025. And one of the best ways to tax excess profits is simply to raise the corporate tax rate. That’s it. It’s a pretty easy policy, and one that people understand and can get behind.

    JJ: Thank you very much. We’ve been speaking with Rakeen Mabud, chief economist and managing director of policy and research at Groundwork Collaborative, online at GroundworkCollaborative.org. Thank you so much, Rakeen Mabud, for speaking with us this week on CounterSpin.

    RM: Thank you so much for having me. It was such a pleasure.

     

    The post ‘It’s Important to Focus on Big Companies Using the Cover of Inflation to Jack Up Prices’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Inequality has increased more rapidly in the US than Europe

    Chart: Washington Center for Equitable Growth (12/9/19)

    One of the defining features of contemporary US capitalism is rampant inequality. Though there is some scholarly debate about its precise extent, even conservative estimates suggest a rise in income inequality of 16% since 1979 (as measured by the Gini coefficient). Moreover, of the 38 members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, a group of mainly high-income countries, the US currently ranks dismally as the sixth-most unequal.

    In 2013, then–President Barack Obama described inequality, alongside a lack of upward mobility, as the “defining challenge of our time” (CBS, 12/4/13). This declaration spurred a brief moment of interest in inequality on cable news channels, which proved fleeting. During the two-month window of December 2013 through January 2014—Obama made his statement during a speech on December 4—the cable news channels Fox, CNN and MSNBC aired about a tenth of the total mentions of the term “inequality” that they would air from the start of 2010 through the beginning of 2024, a 14-year period.

    Overshadowed by a hypothetical problem

    The rapid rise in inequality over recent decades might have been expected to generate a deep sense of alarm in news media. But on cable news, there’s little sign of distress.

    Compare cable coverage of inequality to coverage of other economic topics, such as inflation, recession and government debt. The following chart shows the number of mentions of various terms across Fox, CNN and MSNBC over the course of 2023:

    Can you make out the bottom bar? That depicts combined coverage of four terms: “income inequality,” “wealth inequality,” “class inequality” and “economic inequality.” Those four together got less than 1% of the coverage of inflation during 2023.

    The skew was evident but less extreme at text-based outlets. Searches of the New York Times archives for the year of 2023 deliver 1.5 times as many articles for “debt ceiling” as for “income inequality,” 2.5 times for “recession” and 7 times for “inflation.” Searches of the Washington Post archives for the same period return a more disproportionate 18 times for “debt ceiling,” 14 times for “recession” and 34 times for “inflation.”

    Note that, although inflation and a debt ceiling battle were both issues in 2023, there was no recession. The reason there was so much coverage of the topic was that economists overwhelmingly forecast a recession—and utterly whiffed—and media signal-boosted their inaccurate predictions. Fears of recession, a fantasy problem, consequently overshadowed discussion of the very real problem of inequality.

    Redirecting the conversation

    Pew: Fewer than half see economic inequality as a very big problem

    Chart: Pew Research (1/9/20)

    For media outlets owned by the wealthy, there’s obvious utility in directing the conversation away from inequality and toward other concerns. For instance, if the public’s attention can be directed toward a debt ceiling battle, corporate media outlets can hype fears about unsustainable deficits. In turn, the public can be primed to see government debt as a leading challenge, whether or not this actually makes much sense.

    Public opinion data suggests that this has worked—53% of Americans see the federal budget deficit as a very big problem, whereas only 44% view economic inequality the same way.

    Media hyper-fixation on inflation and a potential recession over the last couple years, meanwhile, has persistently distorted the economic evaluations of the general population, whose satisfaction with the economy remained at historically low levels last year amidst the strongest economic recovery in decades (FAIR.org, 1/5/24). In a recent poll, asked whether wage growth outpaced inflation over the past year, a full 90% of Americans said that it hadn’t, when in reality it had.

    In each case, whether media are fearmongering about deficits, inflation or a potential recession, they have been able to steer the conversation away from progressive policies and toward a more centrist approach.

    Both the New York Times and the Washington Post, during last year’s debt ceiling battle, directed attention towards Social Security and Medicare, amplifying arguments for cutting these programs (FAIR.org, 5/17/23, 6/15/23). During the recent bout of inflation, both papers cheered on the Federal Reserve’s campaign to “cool” the labor market (read: reduce workers’ bargaining power) and potentially hike unemployment (FAIR.org, 1/25/23, 6/27/23).

    Promotion of recession fears likewise functioned to sow doubts about the sweeping stimulus packages implemented in response to the pandemic, legislation that produced the most rapid recovery in decades and a substantial reduction in inequality. After all, if the inevitable result of an enhanced safety net is inflation and a downturn, why bother?

    A focus on the fundamental issue of inequality, which has significantly exacerbated the effects of real but temporary issues like elevated inflation, would not serve these same ends. Rather, its likely effect would be to delegitimize centrist policies and point towards a more radical approach.

    Consider these findings from a 2014 study: Asked what they view as an ideal pay ratio between CEOs and unskilled workers, Americans pointed to a ratio of 7-to-1. The real ratio at the time? 354-to-1. Meanwhile, Americans thought that the actual ratio was more like 30-to-1, about an order of magnitude off from reality.

    There’s no way to get to Americans’ preferred level of equality without a massive redistribution of income. But is the public going to push for this sort of redistribution if media distract them from the topic, or if a lack of coverage results in them not even recognizing the extent of inequality in the first place?

    Toward a less unequal media

    CJR: Let’s make journalism work for those not born into an elite class

    CJR (4/18/22) noted that “only a handful of select schools feed the mastheads of the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal.”

    At the heart of the issue is that news media don’t just structure conversations about inequality; inequality also structures the media. The dominant news outlets are major corporations owned by the wealthy. The flow of information is far from democratically controlled. Instead, a billionaire can pick winners among media outlets by, for instance, boosting the circulation of a staunchly centrist publication like the Washington Post.

    Within prominent news outlets, journalists are drawn disproportionately from privileged backgrounds and top schools. They may come in with blinders about issues like inequality that are felt more viscerally by lower-income folks.

    Even more worrisome is the personal advantage that on-screen personalities on top TV networks derive from ignoring inequality, which may explain why cable news is so much worse at covering inequality than a paper like the New York Times. Popular anchors at Fox, CNN and MSNBC make millions of dollars a year, putting them easily in the top 1% of earners nationwide. Is it at all surprising when they opt for an obsession with the deficit over an interest in inequality?

    What can be done about this state of affairs? Calls for journalists to do better may get us somewhere, but more fundamental change is needed. As scholars Faik Kurtulmus and Jan Kandiyali have argued, getting media to pay more attention to issues affecting working-class and poor people requires a different funding model, one where the upper class doesn’t hold all the power.

    One option would be a voucher system in which

    everyone would be provided with a publicly funded voucher, which they would then get to spend at a news outlet of their choice, with the revenue going to that news outlet…. Coupled with a more representative and diverse pool of journalists, this could lead to a marked improvement in the media’s coverage of issues of poverty and inequality.

    A complementary set of reforms are advocated by Thomas Piketty in his recent book A Brief History of Equality:

    The best solution [to media concentration in the hands of the wealthy] would be to change the legal framework and adopt a law that truly democratizes the media, guaranteeing employees and journalists half the seats in the governing organs, whatever their legal form might be, opening the doors to representatives from the reading public, and drastically limiting stockholders’ power.

    Ultimately, it’s going to take an attack on inequality within media to get media to take inequality seriously.

     

    The post Media That Benefit From Inequality Prefer to Talk About Other Things appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Students at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, produced a parody edition of the school’s paper, the Daily Northwestern, to call out the school’s stance on Israel’s war on Gaza. Some folks wrapped the fake front pages around some 300 copies of the actual school paper.

    This exercise in culture jamming got two students brought up on a charge that could have landed them in prison for a year. After widespread protest on campus, and national coverage in the Intercept (2/5/24) and Responsible Statecraft (2/5/24), charges were dropped against the students.

    After the appearance of the look-alike Northwestern Daily—bearing the headline “Northwestern Complicit in Genocide of Palestinians”—the parent company of the school paper, Students Publishing Company, announced that it was engaging “law enforcement to investigate and find those responsible.”

    Northwestern Daily, parody newspaper

    The front page of the Northwestern Daily (10/23/23), a parody newspaper that could have landed two students in prison for a year (via the Intercept, 2/5/24).

    According to reporting from the Intercept (2/5/24) and Responsible Statecraft (2/5/24), local prosecutors then brought charges against two students. They invoked a little-known statute, originally passed to prevent the Ku Klux Klan from distributing recruitment materials in newspapers, that makes it illegal to insert an “unauthorized advertisement in a newspaper or periodical.” The students, both of whom are Black, faced up to a year in jail and a $2,500 fine.

    A representative of Northwestern’s law school clinic noted that SPC chose to go directly to the police rather than issuing a cease-and-desist letter to the students, indicating that they, university police and the state’s attorney’s office all used their discretion to opt for the harshest response.

    “The idea that multiple people in a chain of reaction to this incident repeatedly decided to not use any of the other tools of reproval available to them, but rather chose to pursue it as a criminal act,” said Stephanie Kollmann, “is frankly remarkable.”

    Reaction to the criminalization of a press-based protest was sharp. Over 70 student organizations pledged not to speak with the school’s official paper until the charges were dropped, and more than 7,000 people signed a student-led petition for the same.

    The Intercept quoted Evgeny Stolyarov, a Jewish Northwestern student, warning about the chilling effect, but adding that the incident also “reinvigorates the student body. Hopefully this ends up bringing activists on campus together.”

    Responding to the widespread condemnation, the SPC board issued an apology, saying that the prosecutions were “unintended consequences” of their reporting the wrapping of their paper to campus police, and later signing complaints against the individuals alleged to have taken part in the protest (Patch, 2/7/24). The board said it had formally asked the “Cook County state’s attorney’s office to pursue a resolution to this matter that results in nothing punitive or permanent.”

    Prosecutors subsequently dismissed the charges, saying that Northwestern was capable of dealing with the issue “in a manner that is both appropriate to the educational context and respectful of students’ rights.”

     

     

    The post At Northwestern U, Distributing a Parody Paper Gets You Threatened With Prison appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Following the scandal involving serial liar George Santos, there is a welcome push by some major media to conduct intensive research on claims being made by the two candidates running to replace him.

    Santos, a first-term Republican congressmember from New York state, was finally expelled from the House of Representatives on December 1, 2023, after an investigation by the House Ethics Committee and the filing of federal criminal charges against him.

    Voters in Nassau County and areas in New York City’s borough of Queens will pick his successor in a special election. Tom Suozzi, a Democrat who previously represented the district, and Mazi Pilip, the Republican nominee and a Nassau legislator, are competing in the election to be held February 13.

    ‘The Leader told you so’

    The Leader: The Leader Told You So: US Rep-Elect George Santos is a Fraud - and Wanted Criminal

    The Leader (12/20/22) gave itself a well-deserved pat on the back for exposing George Santos’ deceptions before he was elected.

    A small newspaper on Long Island, the North Shore Leader, did an excellent job of investigating the torrent of phony claims by candidate Santos before he won election to the House in November 2022.

    “The Leader Told You So: US Rep-Elect George Santos Is a Fraud,” said the headline of a piece in the Leader (12/20/22), published the day after the New York Times (12/19/22) ran its own  exposé about false biographical claims by Santos during his campaign.

    But the Times exposé, trumpeting “new revelations uncovered by the Times,” was published more than a month after Election Day. The Leader piece—by Niall Fitzgerald—pointed out that the Times and other outlets were late to the story:

    In a story first broken by the North Shore Leader over four months ago, the national media has suddenly discovered that US Congressman-elect George Santos (R–Queens/Nassau)—dubbed “George Scam-tos” by many local political observers—is a deepfake liar who has falsified his background, assets, and contacts…. The New York Times published a lengthy expose on Santos this week detailing that virtually everything Santos has said, filed and published about himself is a lie.

    The Leader laid out what it had uncovered about Santos’ many deceptions in an October 21, 2022, editorial endorsing Robert Zimmerman, Santos’ Democratic opponent. “This newspaper would like to endorse a Republican for US Congress in NY3,” stated the Republican-leaning Leader. But, it said, “the GOP nominee—George Santos—is so bizarre, unprincipled and sketchy that we cannot.”

    “Santos calls himself a ‘contradiction’—a ‘gay Latino’ who is ‘ultra-MAGA,’” noted the Leader, and “brags about his ‘wealth’ and his ‘mansions’ in the Hamptons—but he really lives in a row house in Queens. He boasts like an insecure child—but he’s most likely just a fabulist—a fake.”

    It related that:

    In 2020 Santos, then age 32, was the NY director of a nearly $20 million venture fund called “Harbor City Capital” until the SEC shut it down as a “Ponzi scheme.” Over $6 million from investors was stolen—for personal luxuries like Mercedes cars, huge credit card bills and a waterfront home—and millions from new investors were paid out to old investors. Classic Bernie Madoff “Ponzi scheme” fraud. Santos’ campaign raises similar concerns.

    Another piece in the Leader (11/1/22), published a week before the election, examined Santos’ long-overdue financial disclosure forms, noting that they showed an “inexplicable rise in his alleged net worth to $11 million”—even though he’d declared no income for the past year, and had “claimed that he had no assets over $5,000” two years earlier. The story quoted an anonymous “Republican Leader”:  “Are we…being played as extras in ‘The Talented Mr Santos’ ?”

    An ‘atrophied’ system

    WaPo: A tiny paper broke the George Santos scandal but no one paid attention

    Washington Post (12/29/22) quoted Medill journalism professor Tim Franklin: “If we don’t fix the crisis in local news, we’re going to see more George Santos–type cases and instances of politicians going unchecked.”

    The Washington Post also published an article (12/29/22) after the Times exposé ran in December, headlined “A Tiny Paper Broke the George Santos Scandal, But No One Paid Attention.”

    This piece, by Sarah Ellison, related:

    Months before the New York Times published a December article suggesting Rep.-elect George Santos (R–NY) had fabricated much of his résumé and biography, a tiny publication on Long Island was ringing alarm bells about its local candidate.

    The North Shore Leader wrote in September, when few others were covering Santos, about his “inexplicable rise” in reported net worth, from essentially nothing in 2020 to as much as $11 million two years later.

    The story noted other oddities about the self-described gay Trump supporter…who would go on to flip New York’s 3rd Congressional District from blue to red, and is now under investigation by authorities for misrepresenting his background to voters.

    The Post story continued:

    It was the stuff national headlines are supposed to be built on: A hyperlocal outlet like the Leader does the legwork, regional papers verify and amplify the story, and before long an emerging political scandal is being broadcast coast to coast.

    “But that system, which has atrophied for decades amid the destruction of news economies, appears to have failed completely this time,” said the Post:

    Despite a well-heeled and well-connected readership—the Leader’s publisher says it counts among its subscribers Fox News hosts Sean Hannity and Jesse Watters, and several senior people at Newsday, a once-mighty Long Island–based tabloid that has won 19 Pulitzers—no one followed its story before Election Day.

    During the run up to the November election that saw Santos rise to office, Newsday  (10/23/22, 10/4/22) had several articles dedicated to debates between the candidates and comparing their policy positions, on points such as abortion and crime. The paper  also had a story (9/20/22) discussing Santos’ connections to the January 6 Capitol riots. Absent, however, was any investigation or even mention of the inconsistencies in Santos’ self-description that had been revealed in the Leader’s coverage.

    Unusual vetting

    Neither the New York Times or Newsday have published any regrets over their handling of the Santos/Zimmerman race in 2022. But now both papers are doing journalistically unusual vetting in reporting  on the Suozzi/Pilip contest.

    Newsday: Tom Suozzi resume: A close look at his record

    Caught napping by Santos’ massive fabrications, Newsday (1/7/24) applied a fine-toothed comb to the resumés of the candidates vying to fill his seat, like Democrat Tom Suozzi.

    “Evaluating Resumes of 3rd District Candidates,” was the headline of a three-page spread in Newsday (1/7/24). “In independent vetting of both Suozzi and Pilip, Newsday reporters reviewed their resumes, checked with employers and colleges they cited and examined numerous public records to confirm many of the details they have shared public,” the paper reported.

    “Here’s what we know, and can confirm, about Suozzi,” began an early section of the spread:

    Suozzi graduated from Boston College in 1984 with a degree in accounting from the Carroll School of Management, a spokesman for the Boston College confirmed to Newsday. He graduated from Fordham University School of Law in 1989, according to a Fordham spokesman. He graduated from Chaminade High School in Mineola in 1980, a school spokesman said.

    The piece went on and on with what Suozzi claimed and Newsday’s research on it.

    There were paragraphs labeled “Ethics,” under which Newsday reported:

    In 2021, the House Ethics Committee launched an investigation into Suozzi’s alleged failure to properly report approximately 300 financial transactions. According to the federal STOCK Act, members of Congress must report stock trades within 45 days of the transaction. The trades must be reported in a filing known as a “Periodic Transaction Report.”

    Suozzi said he reported those trades, but only in his year-end financial disclosure reports to the Clerk of the House.

    And, still under “Ethics,” in connection with what had been his former congressional office:

    Suozzi owns the rental space through Ruvo Realty LLC, and paid the company’s $37,860 in rent for his office suite at 3 School Street in Glen Cove, Federal Election Commission records show. Suozzi made payments to Ruvo in 2020 and 2021, but has made none since, according to FEC filings.

    Reviewing documents

    Newsday: Mazi Melesa Pilip resume: A close look at her record

    Newsday (1/7/24) gave the same treatment to Republican hopeful Mazi Malesa Pilip.

    Likewise, for Pilip, Newsday (1/7/24) reported:

    Pilip was born in Ethiopia in 1979, and immigrated to Israel with her family in 1991. Their move, she said, came during Operation Solomon, a covert 36-hour mission by the Israeli government to resettle persecuted Ethiopian Jews amid a civil war. While there are no available documents listing the roughly 15,000 evacuees, Pilip, whose maiden name is Melesa, was 12 in May 1991, when the airlift mission was executed, records show, and she spoke publicly about her journey for many years before running for elected office.

    And further:

    Pilip enlisted in the Israeli Defense Forces, shortly after her 18th birthday, part of compulsory military service for young people in Israel, Newsday confirmed.

    Copies of IDF records that Pilip showed Newsday indicate her service began in October 1997 and ended in July 1999 when she was 20.

    And also:

    Pilip has referred to herself on social media profiles as a “former paratrooper.”

    The documents reviewed by Newsday show Pilip served in a weaponry role in the IDF paratroopers brigade, achieving a rank that is roughly equivalent to that of sergeant in the American military.

    ‘Financial questions remain’

    NYT: In Race to Replace George Santos, Financial Questions Re-emerge

    The New York Times (1/15/24) noted that inconsistencies in Pilip’s financial disclosures “seemed nowhere near the level of Mr. Santos’s widespread misstatements, which prompted federal prosecutors to charge him with falsifying congressional records before he was expelled.”

    In this investigatory spirit, the New York Times (1/15/24) ran an article headlined: “In the Campaign to Replace Santos, Financial Questions Remain.” It began:

    The Republican nominee in a special House election to replace George Santos in New York provided a hazy glimpse into her personal finances last week, submitting a sworn financial statement to Congress that prompted questions and led her to amend the filing.

    This piece by Nicholas Fandos said:

    The little-known candidate, Mazi Pilip, reported between $1 million and $5.2 million in assets, largely comprising her husband’s medical practice and Bitcoin investments. In an unusual disclosure, she said the couple owed and later repaid as much as $250,000 to the IRS last year.

    But the initial financial report Ms. Pilip filed with the House Ethics Committee on Wednesday appeared to be missing other important required information, including whether the assets were owned solely by herself or her husband, Dr. Adalbert Pilip, or whether they were owned jointly.

    As to Suozzi, he “filed his own report on Friday showing more than $600,000 in income in 2023 as a consultant and a board member of Global Industrial Corp., a Long Island–based industrial supply company.”

    Further, reported the Times:

    He disclosed assets worth between $4.2 million and $6.3 million, much of them tied up in real estate investments. Mr. Suozzi also owns an interest in summer camps owned by Jay Jacobs, the New York Democratic Party chairman, that paid dividends worth between $100,000 and $1 million.

    But, the Times added: “The House disclosure forms ask filers to disclose assets in ranges, making it difficult to determine exact values.”

    Long-needed new chapter

    Whether it was looking into Suozzi’s graduations from college, law school and even high school, or Pilip’s background in Israel, or the Times examining federal financial filings of the two—post-Santos, they are perhaps examples of a long-needed new journalistic chapter.

    Santos was a part of a period of US history when disinformation has become a major component of politics—with his hero, Trump, a preeminent practitioner of falsehoods.

    Media that closely and carefully examine claims of politicians, and in a timely manner report to the people about what is found—exposing the lies and the liars, or confirming what was claimed—are critical for keeping our democracy.


    Research assistance: Phillip HoSang

    The post In the Wake of Santos’ Lies, Media Double Check Records of Potential Replacements appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

          CounterSpin240209.mp3

     

    Other Words: It’s Not ‘Inflation’ — We’re Just Getting Ripped Off. Here’s Proof.

    Other Words (1/31/24)

    This week on CounterSpin: CNN host Dana Bash asked a question in the Republican presidential debate (1/10/24) in Des Moines, Iowa:

    The rate of inflation is down. Prices, though, are still high, and Americans are struggling to afford food, cars and housing. What is the single most important policy that you would implement as president to make the essentials in Americans’ lives more [affordable]?

    Unfortunately, she asked the question of South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, who answered with word salad involving “wasteful spending on a Covid stimulus bill that expanded welfare, that’s now left us with 80 million Americans on Medicaid, 42 million Americans on food stamps.” Haley concluded with the admonition “quit borrowing. Cut up the credit cards.”

    “Cut up the credit cards” is interesting advice for people who are having trouble affording diapers, but it’s the sort of advice politicians and pundits dole out, and that corporate news media present as a respectable worldview, worthy of our attention.

    There is another view, that acknowledges that the same people who earn wages also buy groceries, and pretending that we’re pitted against one another is not just mis- but disinformation.

    Rakeen Mabud is chief economist and managing director of policy and research at Groundwork Collaborative. They have new work on what’s driving grocery prices, that doesn’t involve getting mad at people using food stamps. We’ll hear from her today on the show.

          CounterSpin240209Mabud.mp3

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at analogies that encourage genocide.

          CounterSpin240209Banter.mp3

     

    The post Rakeen Mabud on Greedflation appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed the Texas Civil Rights Project’s Aron Thorn about the Texas border standoff for the February 2, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin240202Thorn.mp3

    NYT: Gov. Abbott’s Policing of Texas Border Pushes Limits of State Power

    New York Times (7/26/23)

    Janine Jackson: Many see a looming constitutional crisis in Texas, where, as the New York Times put it, Gov. Greg Abbott has been “testing the legal limits of what a state can do to enforce immigration law,” with things like installing razor wire along the banks of the Rio Grande, and physically barring border patrol agents from responding to reports of migrants in distress—in one case, two weeks ago, of a woman and two children who subsequently drowned.

    The tone of much corporate news reporting, outside of gleefully racist outlets like Fox, is critical of Texas’ defiance of federal law, but conveys an idea that, yes, there’s a crisis at the border, but this isn’t the way to handle it.

    But what if their definition of crisis employs some of the same assumptions and frameworks that drive Abbott’s actions? Precisely how big a leap is it from Biden’s promise that, if he gets a deal for money to Ukraine, he would “shut down the border right now and fix it quickly,” to razor wire in the Rio Grande?

    Defining a crisis shapes the ideas of appropriate response. So, is there a crisis at the US Southern border, and for whom?

    We’re joined now by Aron Thorn. He’s senior staff attorney at the Beyond Borders program of the Texas Civil Rights Project. He joins us now by phone from the Rio Grande Valley. Welcome to CounterSpin, Aron Thorn.

    Aron Thorn: Thank you.

    JJ: I want to ask about US immigration policy broadly, but all eyes are on Texas now for a reason. And from a distance, it just looks wild. As an attorney, as a Texan, what are the legal stakes that you see here? It feels a little bit like uncharted territory, even if it has historical echoes, but how alarmed should we be, legally, about what’s happening right now?

    Texas Tribune: What is Operation Lone Star? Gov. Greg Abbott’s controversial border mission, explained.

    Texas Tribune (3/30/22)

    AT: Yeah, I think that is the billion-dollar question for all of us seeing this issue bubble up from the ground, frankly, as a slow boil from a couple of years ago, when Governor Abbott began to establish the Operation Lone Star program, in which he spent billions of Texas taxpayer money to send troops, and put a ton of resources into this state hardening of the US/Mexico border.

    We’ve seen an increasing, frankly, level of aggression of the state, towards not only migrants, who are the ones who are caught in the day-to-day violence of being caught up in the razor wire, being met with officers, things like that. But the aggression from the state to the federal government has increased intensely over the last year or so. It is difficult to say that this constitutional crisis, between what a state and the federal government can do, it’s hard to say that that is overblown.

    I would say that Texas is absolutely challenging the limits of federalism, to see just how far it can go. And immigration is a perfect vehicle for this kind of test. How far can I push the federal government to act the way that I want the federal government to, on things like immigration, on any other sort of federal issue where the feds are the ones who are responsible under our system? How far can I go?

    Immigration is controversial. It’s very sensitive to a lot of folks. A lot of folks do not know a lot about it, and so the images that come out, as you mentioned, they seem chaotic, but this has ramifications for something much beyond immigration.

    So when I think of the constitutional crisis, I think about it in this larger sense of, what does this really mean for federalism in this country, right? If the federal government is not able to stand up and assert its dominion over anything—immigration is just the hot topic now—what does that say for the government of our country? And the next time another state doesn’t like what the United States does on, say, environmental regulations, or other things that are cross-border or national, how far can that state take their agenda?

    These are questions baked into our political system, they don’t have any solid answers, and Texas is running into that gap to assert that the state, at the end of the day, can assert itself over the federal government when it wants to.

    JJ: So it’s important to stay on top of, but for a lot of folks, it’s just kind of a story in the paper. It’s about feds versus states, and it’s kind of about red states and blue states, and I think it’s a little bit abstract—but it’s not abstract or potential or theoretical. There are communities of human beings, as you’ve pointed out, not just at the border, but elsewhere that are being impacted. And I just wonder, how would you maybe have us redefine the scope of impact, so that folks could understand that we’re not talking about a few border communities?

    Texan: 'Come and Cut It': Texas Continues Setting Razor Wire Barrier at Southern Border Despite Supreme Court Ruling

    Texan (1/24/24)

    AT: Yeah, absolutely. I think one angle of this story that we don’t always see, it’s been heartbreaking to see, for example, the state’s rhetoric of “come and cut it,” be very aggressive, “we have a right to defend ourselves,” etc., etc. The, in my opinion, overblown claims about just how many cartel members are among people, just how many drugs they’re finding on people, for example.

    The very vast majority of folks who are showing up to the US/Mexico border are folks who are in need of protection, they’re in need of safety, they’re in need of stability. That is the very vast majority of people.

    And so something that does not often show up in these stories that is particularly pertinent right now is, let’s be clear, Texas is fighting for its right to lay concertina wire so that people can get caught in it for hours, and get injured and languish there as punishment for trying to seek safety.

    And what they want to do is push people back into Mexico where they are kidnapped, assaulted, raped, worse, as punishment for wanting to seek safety. That is what Texas is asserting its right to do. That’s what the Trump administration’s primary goal was on the US/Mexico border. That’s what Greg Abbott’s primary goal is at the US/Mexico border. And we don’t talk about that, as a country, of what that actually looks like every day, what that looks like on the ground.

    What we talk about are US communities, we talk about people “taking our jobs,” we talk about the fentanyl that’s coming in—all real issues that are not touched, not controlled, by people who are desperate and are trying to seek safety. So to me, that is one of the biggest holes that I always see in these stories, that we don’t really take: our right to defend our border, but from what?

    As a Texan, I don’t think what Texas is doing on the border day-to-day will actually improve the lives of Texans. We are spending billions of dollars of our own tax money for this political ploy that we are improving the lives of Texans, while we are stripping Texans off of Medicaid faster than any other state in the country. Texans are very strapped in an economy where inflation is still an issue, and nothing that we’re doing at our border is going to affect that.

    So we don’t talk about where the rubber meets the road for basically anybody in this story. It’s just simply in the political cacophony.

    ABC: Record Crossings Amid Texas Border Battle

    ABC News (12/19/23)

    JJ: When you were on ABC News in December, talking about SB4, which you can talk about, the setup talked about a “tidal wave” of people coming over the southern border—let’s be clear, we’re talking about the southern border, right—the strain on US resources being “unprecedented,” and all of these people were crossing the border “illegally.” And that was the intro for you. And in media, generally, migration itself is sort of pre-framed as a problem, as a crisis; but we haven’t always seen it that way, and we don’t have to see it that way, do we? We kind of need a paradigm shift, it seems like here.

    AT: I think you’re absolutely right, and one thing that I sometimes will tell people is, take a step back and really think about it. Migration is one of the most constant things in the entirety of human existence. This is one of the most fundamentally human things that someone can do. If you are suffering in one place for whatever reason, X number of reasons, throughout literal human history, you migrate to a place where you will do better.

    Aron Thorn

    Aron Thorn: “We will continue down this really ugly road of, how violent are we willing to get with people? That’s the question we’re at in 2024.” (image: ABC News)

    Let’s not let the federal government get off the hook. The idea that you can law-enforce your way out of human instinct and human behavior is absurd, and it’s been very present in, obviously, Texas, but the federal government’s policies on the US/Mexico border, for at least 30 years, since at least the early ’90s. This idea that there is such a strain on resources, but yet we have a blank check for enforcement-only policies, that if we are just a little more violent and a little more aggressive towards people trying to come in to get more stability in their lives, then we can prevent something that is a fundamentally human behavior, is absurd.

    And we need to have more of a discussion about why we’re sitting here, 30 years later, and we’re at a point where if we lay a hundred more yards of concertina wire, and we cut up a few more women and children, they will stop coming. That is the argument we’re having now, and it’s absurd.

    So I absolutely agree that without this paradigm shift of: what are we doing? we will continue down this really ugly road of, how violent are we willing to get with people? That’s the question we’re at in 2024.

    JJ: Yeah, I harbor hatred for corporate media for many reasons, but one of them is this PBS NewsHour, real politic for the smart people, that I saw recently, which basically said, calm down, Biden is just “seeking to disarm criticism of his handling of migration at the border as immigration becomes an increasing matter of concern to Americans in the lead up to the presidential election.”

    So we’re supposed to just think of it as part of a chess game, and I guess ignore the actual human impact of what these moves are going to be. But I just really resent this media coverage that says, “This is just shadows on the cave wall; it’s really about the election, you don’t really need to worry about it.” I just wonder what you would like to see news media, well, I guess I’m saying do less of, but what could they do more of that would move this issue forward in a humane way?

    PBS NewsHour: Share on Facebook
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President Biden says he’ll shut the U.S.-Mexico border if given the ability. What does that mean?
Politics Jan 29, 2024 6:56 PM EST

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Joe Biden has made some strong claims over the past few days about shutting down the U.S.-Mexico border as he tries to salvage a border deal in Congress that would also unlock money for Ukraine.

The deal had been in the works for months and seemed to be nearing completion in the Senate before it began to fall apart, largely because Republican presidential front-runner Donald Trump doesn’t want it to happen.

READ MORE: Biden says he would shut down U.S.-Mexico border ‘right now’ if Congress sends him a deal

“A bipartisan bill would be good for America and help fix our broken immigration system and allow speedy access for those who deserve to be here, and Congress needs to get it done,” Biden said over the weekend. “It’ll also give me as president, the emergency authority to shut down the border until it could get back under control. If that bill were the law today, I’d shut down the border right now and fix it quickly.”

A look at what Biden meant, and the political and policy considerations at play:
Where is Biden’s tough talk coming from?

Biden wants continued funding for Ukraine in the face of Russia’s invasion. Senate Republicans had initially said they would not consider more money for Kyiv unless it was combined with a deal to manage the border.

As the talks have progressed, Biden has come to embrace efforts to reach a bipartisan border security deal after years of gridlock on overhauling the immigration system. But his statement that he would shut down the border “right now” if Congress passed the proposed deal is more about politics than policy.

He is seeking to disarm criticism of his handling of migration at the border as immigration becomes an increasing matter of concern to Americans in the leadup to the presidential election.
Would the border really shut down under the deal?

No. Trade would continue, people who are citizens and legal residents could continue to go back and forth.

Biden is referencing an expulsion authority being negotiated by the lawmakers that would automatically kick in on days when illegal border crossings reached more than 5,000 over a five-day average across the Southern border, which is currently seeing as many as 10,000 crossings per day. The authority shuts down asylum screenings for those who cross illegally. Migrants could still apply at ports of entry until crossings dipped below 3,750 per day. But these are estimates, the final tally hasn’t been ironed out.

There’s also an effort to change how asylum cases are processed. Right now, it takes several years for a case to be resolved and in the meantime, many migrants are released into the country to wait. Republicans see that as one reason that additional migrants are motivated to come to the U.S.

The goal would be to shrink the resolution time to six months. It would also raise the standards for which migrants can apply for asylum in the first place. The standard right now is broad by design so that potential asylum seekers aren’t left out, but critics argue the system is being abused.
Didn’t Trump also threaten to shut down the border?

Yes. Trump vowed to “shut down” the U.S-Mexico border entirely — including to trade and traffic — in an effort to force Mexico to do more to stem the flow of migrants. He didn’t follow through, though. But the talk was heavily criticized by Democrats who said it was draconian and xenophobic. The closest Trump came was during the pandemic, when he used emergency authorities to severely limit asylum. But trade and traffic still continued.

WATCH: Trump deploys racist tactics as Biden rematch appears likely

The recent echoes of the former president by Biden, who had long argued that Trump’s border policies were inhumane, reflect the growing public concern about illegal migration. But Biden’s stance threatens to alienate progressives who already believe he has shifted too far right on border policies.
Does Biden already have authority to shut down the border?

House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Trump ally and critic of the proposed deal, has argued that presidents already have enough authority to stop illegal border crossings. Biden could, in theory, strongly limit asylum claims and restrict crossings, but the effort would be almost certainly be challenged in court and would be far more likely to be blocked or curtailed dramatically without a congressional law backing the new changes.

“Congress needs to act,” White House Press Secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said. “They must act. Speaker Johnson and House Republicans should provide the administration with the policy changes and funding needed.”
What is the outlook for the proposed deal?

Prospects are dim.

A core group of senators negotiating the deal had hoped to release detailed text this week, but conservatives already say the measures do not go far enough to limit immigration.

Johnson, R-La., on Friday sent a letter to colleagues that aligns him with hardline conservatives determined to sink the compromise. The speaker said the legislation would have been “dead on arrival in the House” if leaked reports about it were true.

As top Senate negotiator, James Lankford, R-Okla, said on “Fox News Sunday,” that after months of pushing on border security and clamoring for a deal tied to Ukraine aid, “when we’re finally getting to the end,” Republicans seem to be saying; “‘Oh, just kidding, I actually don’t want a change in law because of the presidential election year.'”

Trump is loath to give a win to Biden on an issue that animated the Republican’s successful 2016 campaign and that he wants to use as he seeks to return to the White House.

He said Saturday: “I’ll fight it all the way. A lot of the senators are trying to say, respectfully, they’re blaming it on me. I say, that’s okay. Please blame it on me. Please.”
What happened to Biden’s border efforts so far?

Biden’s embrace of the congressional framework points to how the administration’s efforts to enact a broader immigration overhaul have been stymied.

On his first day in office, Biden sent a comprehensive immigration proposal to Congress and signed more executive orders than Trump. Since then, he has taken more than 500 executive actions, according to a tally by the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute.

His administration’s approach has been to pair new humanitarian pathways for migrants with a crackdown at the border in an effort to discourage migrants from making the dangerous journey to the U.S.-Mexico border on foot and instead travel by plane with a sponsor. Some policies have been successful, but the number of crossings has continued to rise. He’s also sought to make the issue more regional, using his foreign policy experience to broker agreements with other nations.

Biden’s aides and allies see the asylum changes as part of the crackdown effort and that’s in part why they have been receptive to the proposals. But they have resisted efforts to take away the president’s ability to grant “humanitarian parole” — to allow migrants into the U.S. for special cases during emergencies or global unrest.

Associated Press writer Stephen Groves contributed to this report.

Left: U.S. President Joe Biden delivers remarks during a visit to Dutch Creek Farms in Northfield, Minnesota, U.S., November 1, 2023. Photo by Leah Millis/Reuters
Related

    Biden says he would shut down U.S.-Mexico border ‘right now’ if Congress sends him a deal

    By Zeke Miller, Colleen Long, Meg Kinnard, Associated Press
    Speaker Johnson warns Senate’s bipartisan border deal will be ‘dead on arrival’ in House

    By Stephen Groves, Associated Press

    PBS NewsHour (1/29/24)

    AT: Yeah, I mean, hearkening back to the last question about a paradigm shift, I think as somebody who has done this work on the ground for many years, started doing this in the middle of the Trump administration, now has seen this through the Biden administration, something that we often remark to each other on the ground is that so much of the Biden administration’s policies have the exact same effect as what the Trump administration was doing, just in a less visceral way.

    And so when that is raised to folks—he’s having the same exact effect on the daily lives of migrants—people who would be outraged and out in the streets to protest against Donald Trump, look at the Biden administration having the exact same effect, saying, “Well, he’s trying his best.”

    So the idea that it still boils down to the politics of it all: “I just don’t like this person who’s in office, and so anything that he does, if he breathes wrong, I’m going to criticize him,” but yet somebody who has the same effect… It really brings to bear how many folks in this country, this is a theoretical issue for them. When the rubber meets the road, we don’t have a great track record of being truly empathetic and truly smart on migration. “It’s a political football in the right hands, and so I’m going to just agree with whatever the administration does, and I’m certainly not going to critique him,” is not the way that we really get to actual solutions on immigration in this country.

    JJ: Are there any policies that are in the works, or about to be in the works? Is there anything that folks can be pulling for, either in Texas or nationally?

    AT: That is also a really complicated answer. But one thing I will say, I always raise for folks to think about the guest worker program in this country, and it’s complicated to say in a soundbite type of answer, because labor has its own issues, right? Labor is very exploited in the United States, and so sometimes I don’t want to have this discussion about bringing migrants here just to be exploited by abusive employers, right? That’s not the answer.

    However, it is true that economics is one of the biggest drivers of migration trends over the last couple of centuries that we can see, right? Bad economies in other parts of the world encourage people to migrate to the US, and a bad economy in the US actually encourages people to go home. The numbers are there.

    And so that is actually true, that a lot of people are coming to seek stability in their lives, or in the lives of people who are still at home. And yet the United States has done everything in its power to either gum up the works of its guest worker program—slashing visas, making things more difficult for whatever reasons—and we are still sitting here with the reality that a significant slice of people would love to come to the United States, make money and go home.

    To me, that seems like a no-brainer that both parties could get behind, of “let’s confront that reality,” and if we do not want to absorb these people into our society, let’s allow people to come in, benefit us, benefit themselves, and then return.

    There is a significant slice of people who would like to do that, and we do have a guest worker visa program, but every year we make it more difficult, or we don’t want to expand it. An expanded guest worker program, I think, is a step in the right direction, if we don’t want so many people showing up at the US/Mexico border saying, “OK, I have no other viable options. Let me take the way that I need to to protect myself and my family.”

    NYT: NYT Invents a Bipartisan Anti-Immigrant Consensus

    FAIR.org (1/9/24)

    JJ: Ari Paul wrote for FAIR.org recently about how news media—he was writing about the New York Times, but they weren’t alone—make this fake consensus. They had a front-page piece that said, “Biden Faces Pressure on Immigration, and Not Just From Republicans.” And it was the idea that even Democratic mayors and leaders are agreeing: Too many South Americans are trying to get into this land of milk and honey. And what that reporting involves is manipulating statements of local officials who are saying, “We want to welcome immigrants, but we don’t have the resources,” and turning that into, “Nobody wants immigrants in their community.”

    And I guess my big beef, among others, with that is that media do us a disservice, confusing people about what we believe and what we are capable of and what we really think. And it just kind of breaks my heart, because it tells people their neighbors think differently than they do. It misleads us about public opinion about the welcoming of immigrants.

    And I guess I should have put a question on that, but I can’t think of one, except to say that when communities say, “We need more resources to address this,” that is not the same as them saying, “Migrants out.”

    AT: Having worked in immigration now for many years, immigration is such a difficult topic, because underneath the banner of immigration are so many other debates, about US society and culture and race, class, our place in the world, right, foreign policy—the list goes on and on and on. Immigration hits on so many of those realities.

    And it hearkens back to, many other different types of groups of folks can tell you about—people of color, for example—having white colleagues who say prejudiced things until they know a person of color, or they say xenophobic things until they know an immigrant.

    And I think that this is so deeply challenging because people are stepping to this without having any actual access, easy access, to folks who have gone through this process, and specifically on class, and also on the way that the United States government works, right? I don’t know the exact figure, but DHS’s budget is colossal, and Texas is spending billions of dollars with its own money.

    And so everybody’s stepping to this debate of whether this person should “have not broken the law.” But we have gotten to this place by spending all of this money we could use welcoming people, putting welcoming infrastructure in place, we’re using it on enforcement. No wonder we don’t have any money to welcome people into our communities, and that’s frustrating and hurtful to you. And then also you’re stepping with all of these biases, because that’s a real challenge we have in our society.

    Yeah, no wonder, it’s very easy to point fingers at that person. It is the culmination of all of these other real societal ills that we grapple with every single day. No other issue hits on so many at the same time.

    JJ: All right, then. We’ve been speaking with Aron Thorn; he’s senior staff attorney at the Beyond Borders program at the Texas Civil Rights Project. Aron Thorn, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    AT: Yes, thank you.

     

    The post ‘Texas Is Fighting for Its Right to Lay Concertina Wire’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman had a piece in the Point (2/2/24), an online Times feature the paper describes as “conversations and insights about the moment,” that compared the targets of US bombs to vermin. It’s the sort of metaphor that propagandists have historically used to justify genocide.

    NYT: Understanding the Middle East Through the Animal Kingdom

    Thomas Friedman (New York Times, 2/2/24): “Sometimes I contemplate the Middle East by watching CNN. Other times, I prefer Animal Planet.”

    Friedman’s piece compared the nation of Iran to “a recently discovered species of parasitoid wasp,” which (according to Science Daily) “injects its eggs into live caterpillars, and the baby wasp larvae slowly eat the caterpillar from the inside out, bursting out once they have eaten their fill.” Friedman asks:

    Is there a better description of Lebanon, Yemen, Syria and Iraq today? They are the caterpillars. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is the wasp. The Houthis, Hezbollah, Hamas and Kataib Hezbollah are the eggs that hatch inside the host—Lebanon, Yemen, Syria and Iraq—and eat it from the inside out.

    Is there a better way to describe distinct political movements in four different Mideast nations, each with a social base in a minority or majority population of those countries, than by comparing them to flesh-eating parasites injected by a foreign insect? Well, yeah—lots of them.

    But Friedman’s framing of Iranian allies as vermin naturally leads him to call for an eliminationist solution: “We have no counterstrategy that safely and efficiently kills the wasp without setting fire to the whole jungle.”

    ‘Analogies from the natural world’

    Der Sturmer: Spider

    Likening Hamas to a spider, Friedman followed in the footsteps of the Nazi newspaper Der Sturmer (2/1930), which in this cartoon suggested that gentiles were “sucked dry” by Jews.

    Friedman was not done with his vermin analogies. Hamas is not only a parasitic wasp larva, he wrote, but is also “like the trap-door spider,” since they are “adept at camouflaging the doors of their underground nests, so they are hard to see until they’re opened.” (Elsewhere—New York Times, 12/1/23—Friedman has argued that the war against Hamas has already succeeded, since Israel has made its point that if “you destroy our villages, we will destroy yours 10 times more”—a suitable message for the Middle East, he suggested, which “is a Hobbesian jungle…not Scandinavia.”)

    Comparing various Muslim political movements to creepy invertebrates was part of Friedman’s musings about how he “sometimes prefer[s] to think about the complex relations between [Mideastern] parties with analogies from the natural world.” Strikingly, however, the comparisons to loathsome arthropods were reserved for nations and militant groups—like Hamas, Yemen’s Houthis, and Iranian allies in Iraq and Syria—that US-made bombs are currently falling on.

    The US itself appears in the column as an “old lion,” “still the king of the Middle East jungle,” but with “so many scars from so many fights” that “other predators are no longer afraid to test us.”

    And Benjamin Netanyahu, who as prime minister of Israel is responsible for killing more than 27,000 people, most of them civilians, and wounding nearly 67,000 more, is compared to a lemur, because he’s “always shifting side to side to stay in power.”

    Conceived as subhuman

    Cartoon from the Nazi paper Der Sturmer portraying Jews as vermin

    Captioning the antisemitic cartoon “Vermin,” Der Sturmer (9/28/1944) described Jews as “the parasite, never satisfied as it creeps about.”

    The comparison of official enemies to vermin is a hallmark of propaganda in defense of genocide. The group Genocide Watch lists “dehumanization” as the fourth of ten stages of genocide, in which members of a targeted group “are equated with animals, vermin, insects or diseases” in a process that “overcomes the normal human revulsion against murder.”

    “It’s very difficult, psychologically, to kill another human being,” David Livingstone Smith, author of a book on dehumanization called Less Than Human, told NPR (3/29/11). “When people dehumanize others, they actually conceive of them as subhuman creatures,” Smith said, allowing would-be genocidaires to “exclude the target of aggression from the moral community.”

    Thus the Nazis compared Jews to an array of despised creatures, including spiders and parasitic insects. In Rwanda, the radio station RTLM paved the way for mass slaughter by repeatedly referring to the Tutsi minority as “cockroaches” and “snakes” (Atlantic, 4/13/19). In Myanmar, the anti-Rohingya agitator Ashin Wirathu compared Muslims to snakes, dogs and invasive catfish (Daily Beast, 10/13/17).

    Surely editors at the New York Times are aware of this history. Given that the International Court of Justice recently ruled that it’s “plausible” that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza (NPR, 1/26/24), shouldn’t the Times avoid echoing the arguments that have historically been used to make genocide more palatable?


    ACTION ALERT:

    Please ask the New York Times why it allowed Thomas Friedman to use analogies that have repeatedly been used to justify genocide.

    CONTACT:

    Letters: letters@nytimes.com
    Readers Center: Feedback

    Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.

    The post ACTION ALERT: Friedman’s Vermin Analogies Echo Ugly Pro-Genocide Propaganda appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Because of Charles Littlejohn, we know that former President Donald Trump and a whole bunch of other rich people pay next to nothing in taxes, while the rest of us frantically file tax returns and see our wages sucked away to fund the military, aid for Israel and corporate subsidies. Littlejohn, a former consultant at the Internal Revenue Service, leaked these tax returns, which resulted in major investigative findings for the New York Times (9/27/20) and ProPublica (6/8/21).

    CNN: Man who stole and leaked Trump tax records sentenced to 5 years in prison

    CNN‘s description (1/29/24) of Charles Littlejohn as someone who “stole” tax returns (he was actually convicted of “unauthorized disclosure”) is a framing that criminalizes much of what CNN and other news outlets do.

    For leaking this sensitive information, Littlejohn has been sentenced to five years in federal prison, the maximum jail term (CNN, 1/29/24). Acting Assistant Attorney General Nicole Argentieri said in a statement (1/29/24):

    Charles Littlejohn abused his position as a consultant at the Internal Revenue Service by disclosing thousands of Americans’ federal tax returns and other private financial information to news organizations. He violated his responsibility to safeguard the sensitive information that was entrusted to his care, and now he is a convicted felon.

    Littlejohn’s lawyers (Bloomberg, 1/18/24) had argued that he had acted “out of a deep, moral belief that the American people had a right to know the information and sharing it was the only way to effect change.”

    The extremity of the sentence “will chill future whistleblowers from revealing corruption and wrongdoing,” the Freedom of the Press Foundation (1/30/24) said. Slate writer Alex Sammon (Twitter, 1/29/24) said, “This guy is a hero who showed us how the super-rich steal from the American public.” Nevertheless, he added, “the judge gave him a max sentence, claiming it was ‘a moral imperative’ to punish him as harshly as possible.”

    ‘Basic unfairness’

    ProPublica: The Secret IRS Files: Trove of Never-Before-Seen Records Reveal How the Wealthiest Avoid Income Tax

    ProPublica (6/8/21) said Littlejohn’s disclosure “demolishes the cornerstone myth of the American tax system: that everyone pays their fair share and the richest Americans pay the most.”

    After the ProPublica investigation was released, Republicans called for investigation into how the documents were leaked, while progressives used the data to call for a reform in the tax code (ProPublica, 6/9/21). The findings gave new political life to the Occupy Wall Street movement’s central argument about wealth inequality being enforced by government policy.

    Binyamin Appelbaum of the New York Times editorial board (6/8/21) wrote that there is a “basic unfairness that the wealthy are living by a different set of rules, lavishly spending money that isn’t taxed as income.” He added that the “ProPublica story underscores the argument for transparency: It allows Americans to judge how well the system is working.”

    In response to the investigation, Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont said: ​​”Tax the billionaires. Make them pay their fair share. Rebuild our nation’s crumbling infrastructure” (Twitter, 6/8/21). ProPublica (7/14/21) later reported the leaks reignited congressional action to tackle regressive taxation:

    Elizabeth Warren (D–Mass.) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D–R.I.) wrote to the [Senate Finance] committee’s chairman, Ron Wyden (D–Ore.), that the “bombshell” and “deeply troubling” [ProPublica] report requires an investigation into “how the nation’s wealthiest individuals are using a series of legal tax loopholes to avoid paying their fair share of income taxes.” The senators also requested that the Senate hold hearings and develop legislation to address the loopholes’ “impact on the nation’s finances and ability to pay for investments in infrastructure, health care, the economy, and the environment.”

    At the time of the investigation, I noted (FAIR.org, 6/17/21) that the outrage against the leaks among Republicans, the Wall Street Journal and the Financial Times was proof that the ProPublica report was something more than momentarily important.

    How power works

    NYT: Long-Concealed Records Show Trump’s Chronic Losses and Years of Tax Avoidance

    The New York Times (9/27/20) reported that Trump’s tax returns “show that he depends more and more on making money from businesses that put him in potential and often direct conflict of interest with his job as president.”

    For many of Trump’s critics, reporting on his tax returns was vital because he had failed to disclose them himself, which candidates traditionally do, and because people deserve to know how their elected leaders obtained their wealth. For Trump’s political supporters, the disclosure was meant to sully his image as a business genius and a champion of Middle America, thus empowering the Democrats’ 2020 election chances. Trump himself tried to dismiss the Times‘ revelations, saying “he paid ‘millions of dollars’” to the IRS, and that he is “‘entitled’ to tax credits ‘like everyone else’” (Fox News, 9/28/20).

    Littlejohn now joins people like Reality Winner (New York Times, 8/23/18) and Chelsea Manning (NPR, 1/17/17), security and military-sector leakers who put their freedom on the line to disclose government secrets they felt should be a matter of the public record.

    The fact of the matter is that investigative journalism can only happen because of leakers who take great risks. Adrian Schoolcraft, an NYPD officer who provided the Village Voice (5/4/10) with evidence of statistics manipulation, felt the wrath of government power when he was eventually forced into a psychiatric ward (Chief, 10/5/15). Edward Snowden, who provided the Guardian (6/11/13) with details about widespread NSA surveillance, is still in exile in Russia as a result of his decision to be a whistleblower.

    Reporters are constantly cultivating relationships with congressional staffers and corporate executives, hoping to learn something about how power works. The infliction of the maximum penalty—Littlejohn pleaded guilty and asked for leniency—shows that the US justice system has no patience for this kind of democratic openness.

    ‘A public defense’

    David Cay Johnston

    David Cay Johnston

    In fact, as former New York Times reporter David Cay Johnston, who won a Pulitzer Prize for his coverage of tax issues, told FAIR in a phone interview, there is precedent for tax-scandal leakers to escape prosecution. In one case (New York Times, 8/10/04), he said, he warned his source Remy Welling, an IRS auditor, that she could go to prison for leaking information, but she chose to go public anyway. She was not prosecuted, he said.

    “This raises an issue: Should there be a public defense that what you did was not for any personal gain, and it was designed to inform the public and improve the performance of our government?” Johnston asked.

    He argued that cases like Welling’s should set a precedent for people like Littlejohn. “If you can prove it, you should not be subject to incarceration,” Johnston said.

    ‘Exposed nothing illegal’

    Republicans on the House Ways and Means Committee asked the judge to inflict the harshest possible sentence, saying in a letter (National Review, 1/29/24): “Individuals who may be inclined to take the law into their own hands, as Mr. Littlejohn did, must know that they will be caught and that they will face severe consequences.” Any leniency, they said, “does not comport with the seriousness of the crimes committed,” and would “fail to have the deterrent effect needed to prevent such a theft and disclosure from happening again.”

    WSJ: The Tax-Return Leaker Gets Five Years

    The Wall Street Journal (1/29/24) expressed hope for a chilling effect that would protect the public from learning more about how the rich avoid taxes.

    The Wall Street Journal editorial board (1/29/24) celebrated the sentence:

    When Mr. Littlejohn pleaded guilty last year, a spokesman for the Times said, “We remain concerned when whistleblowers who provide information in the public interest are prosecuted.” Translation: We don’t like it when our sources who commit crimes are then prosecuted for breaking the law because that might deter other sources.

    The returns Mr. Littlejohn stole exposed nothing illegal. He was merely indulging a partisan political interest in embarrassing Mr. Trump and promoting policies to soak rich taxpayers. ProPublica has published more than 50 stories based on the Littlejohn leak, and its original story was timed to promote the Democratic campaign for a wealth tax. At least Mr. Littlejohn has apologized. Perhaps the journalists will console him with their high moral purposes as he serves his time behind prison walls.

    There’s a lot going on in those two paragraphs. The first is a snide remark to the Times editors who feel that their sources should be protected. The Journal, of course, has for almost a year been rightly demanding the release of Evan Gershkovich, its reporter who was arrested by Russia because he “collected information constituting a state secret about the activities of an enterprise within Russia’s military-industrial complex” (TASS, 3/30/23). In other words, he committed the crime of trying to report something the Russian government didn’t want reported.

    Naturally, the Journal doesn’t like that—and it shouldn’t like it when it’s the US government using police to protect its secrets, either. The essence of investigative journalism is people telling the press things that aren’t supposed to. How many Charles Littlejohns do Journal reporters rely on every day?

    The Journal board also complained that Littlejohn was not highlighting some unlawful corruption, but rather acting as a class warrior for the 99%. It’s true that Littlejohn was not exposing corruption in the legal sense, but by revealing what the rich can legally get away with was demonstrating that we live in an increasingly divided society. The Journal rejects this as an ethical motivation because its allegiance to the upper class trumps any sympathy for muckraking journalism.

    The Journal, in essence, seemed to agree with the judge in the case, who had already shown hostility toward the prosecution for only bringing one felony count against Littlejohn (Washington Examiner, 1/29/24).

    ‘Political malice aforethought’

    WSJ: ProPublica’s Plan for a Poorer America

    The Journal (1/16/21) complained that ProPublica‘s story based on Littlejohn’s revelations was an attempt to interfere with “the miracle of our capitalist system.”

    Of course, the Journal hated the ProPublica findings from the get-go, lamenting that the findings were leading to a call for a wealth tax (1/16/21). The board (10/1/23) later called for the maximum sentence for Littlejohn, and a lot of that was motivated by the board’s reactionary politics:

    The leaks were clearly done with political malice aforethought. Mr. Trump’s information was disclosed while he was in a brawl with Congress over access to his tax returns, which the former president had refused to release.

    ProPublica portrayed the tax returns it obtained as proof of tax unfairness because the rich don’t pay taxes on their accumulated wealth. The leaks coincided with the campaign by Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren and the left to pass a wealth tax.

    Would the Journal have called for a leaker’s head on a pike in the same way if the information revealed that the tax code lopsidedly favors public school teachers? One would guess the answer is no.

    Not sticking up for their source

    It’s distressing that major news organizations, outside of the Journal, aren’t more publicly concerned about the maximum sentence being imposed on Littlejohn. The New York Times news report (1/29/24) on the sentencing had four condemnatory quotes from prosecutors (and one from Republican Sen. Tim Scott) before including a single quote from Littlejohn’s lawyer defending him.

    Appelbaum of the Times editorial board did stick up for Littlejohn online (New York Times, 1/30/24), saying what he did “shouldn’t be a crime.” But where is the rest of the Times crying out to protect the person who made the paper’s reporting possible?

    ProPublica (1/30/24) recently bragged about winning an award for its defense of free speech, but shouldn’t it be equally outspoken about the chilling impact of the judicial punishment of its own source?

    The ability of the Times and ProPublica to reveal stories like these is under attack. They should care about that.

     

     

    The post Source Who Revealed How Taxes Steal for the Rich Rewarded With Five Years in Prison appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

          CounterSpin240202.mp3

     

    Texas Tribune: U.S. Supreme Court says Texas can’t block federal agents from the border

    Texas Tribune (1/22/24)

    This week on CounterSpin: The Supreme Court ruled that federal agents can remove the razor wire that Texas state officials have set up along parts of the US/Mexico border. Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton said that “allows Biden to continue his illegal effort to aid the foreign invasion of America.” Elite news media, for their part, suggest we seek a hallowed middle ground between those two worldviews.

    Corporate media are filled with debate about the best way to handle the “border crisis.” But what if there isn’t a border crisis so much as an absence of historical understanding, of empathy, of community resourcing, and of critical challenge to media and political narratives—including that reflected in President Joe Biden’s call to allow access for “those who deserve to be here”?

    We hear from Aron Thorn, senior staff attorney at the Beyond Borders program of the Texas Civil Rights Project.

          CounterSpin240202Thorn.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look back at recent coverage of Gaza protest and the New Hampshire primary.

          CounterSpin240202Banter.mp3

     

    The post Aron Thorn on Texas Border Standoff appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.