Category: zSlider

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    This week on CounterSpin: A 1995 Washington Post story led with a macabre account from the widow of Philadelphia police officer Daniel Faulkner, about how when her husband’s bloody shirt was held up in court, his accused killer Mumia Abu-Jamal turned in his chair and smiled at her. An evocatively sinister report, which the paper printed untroubled by the fact that the court record showed that Abu-Jamal wasn’t in court when the shirt was displayed.

    Mumia Abu-Jamal, 2019

    Mumia Abu-Jamal (BayView, 7/11/19)

    ABC‘s investigative news show 20/20 used all the techniques for their big 1998 piece on the conviction of Abu-Jamal for Faulkner’s killing—stating prosecution claims as fact, even when they were disputed by some of the prosecution’s own witnesses or the forensic record; stressing how a defense witness admitted being intoxicated, while omitting that prosecution witnesses said the same. At one point, actor and activist Ed Asner was quoted saying, “No ballistic tests were done, which is pretty stupid”—but then host ABC‘s Sam Donaldson’s voiceover cut him off, saying: “But ballistics test were done”—referring to tests that suggested that the bullet that killed Faulkner might have been the same caliber as Abu-Jamal’s gun, but refraining from noting that tests had not been done to determine whether that gun had fired the bullet, or whether it had been fired at all, or if there were gunpowder residues on Abu-Jamal’s hands.

    ABC used clips of Abu-Jamal from the independent People’s Video Network, without permission, and, as PVN told FAIR at the time, the network added layers of echo to the tape, making him sound “like a cave-dwelling animal.”

    No one paying attention was surprised when it was revealed that in a letter asking permission from the Pennsylvania Department of Corrections to interview Abu-Jamal (a request that was denied), ABC noted that “we are currently working in conjunction with Maureen Faulkner and the Philadelphia Fraternal Order of Police.”

    That kind of overt, proud-of-it bias has shaped coverage of Mumia Abu-Jamal’s case from the outset; and current mentions suggest little has changed. Elite media will report without question a right-wing Senate candidate’s tossed-off reference to Mumia as the face of unrepentant criminality—while, out of the other side of their mouths, respectfully noting how Brown University is “acquiring the papers” of Mumia Abu-Jamal, as he’s an acknowledged representative of the very serious problem of mass incarceration, whose communications are “historically important.”

    Meanwhile, Abu-Jamal’s chances for a new trial, based on significant new evidence, were shot down summarily this week—but a glance at national media coverage, as we taped on October 27, would tell you, well, nothing about that.

    CounterSpin got an update, and a reminder of the real life vs. the media story of Mumia Abu-Jamal, from someone involved from early days: Noelle Hanrahan is legal director at Prison Radio. We spoke with her for this week’s show.

          CounterSpin22128Hanrahan.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at recent press coverage of Amazon‘s campaign contributions and FCC nominee Gigi Sohn.

          CounterSpin22128Hanrahan.mp3

    The post Noelle Hanrahan on Mumia Abu-Jamal Update appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

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    The people of Puerto Rico woke up on the morning of September 19 only to relive a nightmare. Two days before Hurricane Maria’s five-year anniversary, on September 18, Hurricane Fiona made landfall on the island’s southwest coast. The storm caused widespread flooding, landslides and power outages. At least 16 people have died as a result.

    In online spaces on September 19, many in the Latine community called attention to the lack of coverage by national press: The funeral procession of Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II, taking place the same day, seemed to take precedence over Puerto Ricans facing dire circumstances in the aftermath of Fiona.

    CNN depiction of funeral procession for Queen Elizabeth.

    CNN (9/19/22) aired eight hours of live coverage of Queen Elizabeth’s funeral.

    According to a Nexis news database search of coverage from the six major corporate national TV outlets (ABC, CBS, NBC, CNN, MSNBC and Fox News), there were far more segments featuring the queen than Fiona and Puerto Rico from September 18 to 19: 127 news segments mentioned the queen and only 63 named Puerto Rico. Yet the discrepancy was really much wider than even these numbers suggest, as most of the networks devoted hours of coverage on September 19 exclusively to the queen’s funeral. CNN, for instance, offered live coverage from London from 5 a.m. to 1 p.m. that day, in addition to its many other segments mentioning the funeral.

    The hurricane coverage the networks did air, rather than approaching the story as an opportunity to hold power to account, tended to sensationalize, emphasize “resilience” and obscure who was responsible for the island’s plight.

    Ailing infrastructure 

    NBC: Hurricane knocks out power to Puerto Rico.

    NBC (9/18/22) aired footage of a bridge being swept away—but didn’t explore why Puerto Rico’s infrastructure is so fragile.

    NBC News (9/18/22) provided some on-the-ground news coverage of Fiona as it made landfall on the island’s southern coast. Viewers watched as the wind whipped and floodwaters swept an entire bridge away in the central mountainous region of Utuado.

    A later story noted that the bridge was temporary and built after Maria (NBC News, 9/19/22); however, both reports failed to question why this, like so much of Puerto Rico’s infrastructure, was still crippled five years after the last major storm.

    Separately, NBC News national correspondent Gabe Gutierrez (9/19/22) updated viewers on the devastation in the immediate aftermath of the hurricane. He concluded the segment while standing in front of a downed tree, telling viewers what Gov. Pedro Pierluisi had to say about recovery efforts.

    Gutierrez asked the governor hard questions about the government’s ability to meet constituents’ needs in the wake of Fiona. He also acknowledged Puerto Ricans’ growing frustration with Luma Energy, the private company that took control of the archipelago’s transmission and distribution system in June 2021. Luma has been the subject of numerous protests for imposing higher rates on several occasions (Floricua, 6/30/22) and failing to provide reliable electricity for customers throughout Puerto Rico.

    Although Gutierrez makes it clear that outages and public outcry have “intensified” since privatization, absent from the segment are any mentions of Luma’s price hikes and their subsequent impacts on the people of Puerto Rico. As a result, Gutierrez’s attempts to hold Luma accountable are limited.

    Disaster capitalism

    Nightline graphic on Puerto Rico power outage.

    Nightline (ABC, 9/21/22) looked at the failure of the Puerto Rican electrical system—but didn’t dive too deeply into the causes.

    Nor did Nightline (ABC, 9/21/22), which described Puerto Rico as “reeling from another deadly blow,” manage to figure out why the archipelago still hasn’t recovered from Maria. ABC correspondent Victor Oquendo astutely noted that Fiona has exposed

    the lingering infrastructure problems that have plagued the island for years, even after billions of dollars in vows to improve the fragile power grid after Hurricane Maria.

    But the program obscured how disaster capitalism has exacerbated existing challenges tied to colonialism and exploitation.

    Although Oquendo interviewed several non-governmental sources, Nightline attributed “the failures of Puerto Rico’s power grid” to no entity in particular. This language makes it seem like the electrical grid had been failing in a vacuum—not because of the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority (PREPA), which has been saddled with a questionable multi-billion dollar debt (Latino Rebels, 3/17/22, 9/30/22), or Luma, which has sparked charges of corruption among at least four prominent government officials with ties to the company (Latino Rebels, 11/17/21, 9/13/22).

    “Puerto Rico has become a microcosm for the worst kind of experiment on capitalist ideas,” Julio López Varona, co-chief of campaigns at the Center for Popular Democracy, told CounterSpin’s Janine Jackson (9/30/22):

    We’ve seen those ideas be translated into extreme privatization, like what’s happening right now with the electrical grid, which still is not able to provide electricity to all Puerto Rican families, like 12 or 13 days after Hurricane Fiona.

    ‘Enough of the resilience narrative’

    CBS: Puerto Rico's Resilience

    CBS (9/22/22) reported that Puerto Rico “wants to be less reliant on a government that has consistently failed them.”

    Steering clear of pointed criticism in an attempt to procure a silver lining, CBS News (9/22/22) softened the blow of an impactful story by CBS Mornings correspondent David Begnaud, running with the headline “Puerto Rico’s Resilience.”

    The nine-minute package demonstrated how Puerto Ricans come together when disaster strikes, and put the power of community organizing on display. Not only did Begnaud speak with organizers, he let key moments from his interviews with political anthropologist Yarimar Bonilla and trailblazing independent Puerto Rican journalist Bianca Graulau drive the story. He even asked Graulau if Puerto Ricans rely less on the government than ever before.

    This depiction of community organizing in Puerto Rico is edifying, but it’s warm to a fault. The segment ended with the correspondent saying that Puerto Rico “wants to be less reliant on a government that has consistently failed them and promised to consistently deliver.” Begnaud only scratched the surface here. He hinted at the many reasons why Puerto Ricans have to fend for themselves, their loved ones and fellow community members during times of crisis, but he refrained from explicitly seeking accountability from the government of Puerto Rico, the federal government and the US-imposed Fiscal Oversight and Management Board (FOMB).

    Many in the Latine community have bemoaned the narrative of “resilience” that national corporate media have followed when reporting on crises affecting Puerto Rico. One of those people is Julio Ricardo Varela, an MSNBC opinion columnist and the president of Futuro Media.

    “Enough of the resilience narrative,” Varela said (Twitter, 9/25/22). “The cameras and attention need to turn to the US imperialism.”

    He echoed Andrea González-Ramírez, an award-winning Puerto Rican journalist who directly responded to the package online in a since-deleted tweet (9/22/22):

    I know this story is meant to be empowering but it truly isn’t. Why are we  celebrating Puerto Ricans’ “resilience” instead of calling out our institutions for abandoning them over and over again?

    “There’s too much resilience being asked of people,” Alana Casanova-Burgess, host and producer for the award-winning podcast La Brega: Stories of the Puerto Rican Experience, said on the Takeaway (9/23/22).

    Territory or colony?

    PBS NewsHour: After the Storm

    PBS (9/22/22) referred euphemistically to “Puerto Rico’s sort of unusual relationship with the United States.”

    Austerity politics and gentrification tend to slip into the background when it comes to legacy media reporting on Puerto Rico. PBS NewsHour (9/22/22) called Puerto Rico’s relationship with the United States “unusual” in an interview with Yarimar Bonilla. But is that how most Puerto Ricans would describe the prevailing arrangement between the two countries?

    Puerto Rico is a colony as much as it is a territory of the United States. News media are in a position to demystify the complexity of its colonial condition. Normalizing the use of “colony” as a descriptor (MSNBC, 9/22/22) and taking a closer look at the root causes of Puerto Rico’s debt (CounterSpin, 9/30/22) have the potential to shift the conversation around the archipelago’s future and impacts of corporate greed on human beings.

    Instead of sensationalizing chaotic scenes of palm trees buckling over from rainy, forceful winds, like NBC; omitting context that would otherwise illustrate the nefariousness of privatization under a disaster capitalist regime, like Nightline; or beguiling viewers with ostensibly empowering stories, like CBS, news media have an opportunity to move the needle when it comes to telling Puerto Rico’s story.

     

    The post Mainland Media Fail to Ask Why Puerto Rico Requires ‘Resilience’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Election Focus 2022The name Stacey Abrams, a Democrat running for governor of Georgia, is synonymous with the fight against voter suppression. Since her 2018 loss to current governor Brian Kemp, Abrams, a Black woman, has put a spotlight not only on voting suppression tactics used then, but on further legislation enacted this term (AP, 3/26/21). For many Black Georgians and civil rights advocates generally, she is the latest leader against the systematic, decades-long effort to exclude Black people from political power.

    And yet, for Politico, this association is the stuff of controversy. Its recent mammoth article (10/24/22)—more than 4,600 words—by Brittany Gibson focuses on how Abrams’s voting rights group, Fair Fight Action, paid $9.4 million to Allegra Lawrence-Hardy, an attorney who chaired the Abrams campaign in 2018. The payments were mostly in relation to a lawsuit that “began as a sweeping legal attack on voting issues ranging from long lines at polling places to problems with voter registration to poor training of poll workers,” but that Fair Fight Action believes also “served an important role in drawing attention to voting inequities.”

    Politico: Abrams’ campaign chair collected millions in legal fees from voting rights organization

    Politico (10/24/22) tries to make a scandal out of Stacey Abrams working with an ally to fight voter suppression.

    The lawsuit failed, largely: A federal judge found that “Georgia election practices challenged by a group associated with Democrat Stacey Abrams do not violate the constitutional rights of voters” (AP, 9/30/22). Politico did note that Lawrence-Hardy believed that the lawsuit had positive effects, because in “the pre-trial phase of the case…the state reinstated 22,000 voters that it was planning to remove,” and because Georgia “also agreed to start using a federal database called SAVE to verify the citizenship of new voters as opposed to a statewide database.”

    Fighting Georgia’s election laws has been tough, to say the least. In another case, a judge “declined to block a section of a Georgia election law that bans handing out food and water to voters waiting in line” (AP, 8/19/22), a measure passed and enacted after Kemp took office.

    Politico’s article voices shock at how much money was spent on the first case, and it highlights that Lawrence-Hardy and Abrams knew each other at Spelman College, an Atlanta women’s school that is historically Black, and that they knew each other further through Yale Law School and at a law firm.

    Yet in all the article’s words, it’s hard to find any kind of smoking gun. Some legal and ethics experts quoted in the piece thought the legal fees seemed high, while another did not see anything wrong with the relationship between Abrams and Lawrence-Hardy. Anyone who thinks it’s shocking that political candidates and activists have close working relationships with people they’ve known for a long time has simply not worked around politics.

    ‘Normal and non-objectionable’

    Gibson wrote that “some ethics watchdogs say the closeness of their relationship, combined with Lawrence-Hardy’s leading roles in Abrams’ campaigns, raises questions about a possible conflict of interest,” quoting a Public Citizen staffer saying, “The outcome of that litigation can directly affect her campaign itself.”

    This is one of those lines you have to read twice, prompting questions like, “Did someone just say, ‘Water is wet’?” Of course stopping racist voting suppression tactics would work to the advantage of Black candidates and Black voters. The entire campaign for voting rights in the South is premised on the idea that voter suppression has had the effect of limiting Black voters’ voice in electoral politics, including the ability to elect Black candidates and others who advance a civil rights agenda.

    Public Citizen (10/25/22) publicly retracted this statement, saying upon view of the whole Politico article:

    It is Public Citizen’s organizational position that the contractual arrangement described in the story is normal and non-objectionable. It raises no legal or ethical concerns…. Based on the information in the story, our organizational conclusion is that there is no conflict of interest or any problem at all.

    Washington Free Beacon: Report: Stacey Abrams Funnels Millions to Campaign Chair’s Law Firm

    The word “funnels” is doing a lot of work in the Washington Free Beacon‘s headline (10/24/22); “Abrams Campaign Chair Headed Multi-Million-Dollar Lawsuit Against Voter Suppression” wouldn’t have the same impact.

    ‘Turning out in force’

    Nevertheless, the right-wing press jumped on the Politico report as a way to sully Abrams as she runs to the electoral finish line. “Stacey Abrams Funnels Millions to Campaign Chair’s Law Firm,” read a headline at Washington Free Beacon (10/24/22). The New York Post (10/24/22) similarly played up the Politico story.

    Politico‘s October surprise—whether it emanated from the Kemp campaign and its allies or not—comes as early voting is underway. Abrams has lagged in the polls behind Kemp (The Hill, 10/6/22; New York Times, 9/7/22), although Georgia Public Broadcasting (10/21/22) noted that “turnout in the first three days of early voting approached presidential election level, with Black voters…especially turning out in force.”

    Georgia Public Broadcasting summarized one Emory University political scientist’s observation that “the high Black voter turnout so far bodes well for Democrats, especially if it continues at the current rate.” One poll (The Hill, 10/25/22) showed Kemp—a conservative Republican who has joined the campaign against teaching about racial injustice in schools (CNN, 4/28/22)—rating poorly with Black voters.

    A well-publicized scandal is a good way to discourage a last-minute surge. And yet readers are left not really knowing what the scandal is supposed to be. Was money misspent? Did the campaign break any laws regarding disclosures? Is the piece insinuating that there was a wrongful crossover between the group’s legal activism and politicking? Or is the insinuation that the failure of the 2018 case to carry weight in court is a mark of some kind of legal ineptitude on the part of Abrams and Lawrence-Hardy? What is the crime here?

    Politico: Brian Kemp fought Trump’s election lie. His likely No. 2 was a fake elector.

    The same Politico‘s reporter’s coverage (10/12/22) of Abrams’ rival is far more positive—but equally misleading.

    Little of this is answered in the piece. But Politico gave an enormous amount of space to this article, and the impact is clear. It is meant to paint Abrams’ efforts against racist voting laws as disingenuous, conjuring up images of her and her friend counting contribution money while their legal efforts fail.

    Meanwhile, Politico‘s recent coverage of Kemp—also by Gibson (10/12/22)—presented him as the foil to the election denier running alongside him for lieutenant governor: “Brian Kemp Fought Trump’s Election Lie. His Likely No. 2 Was a Fake Elector.” It’s a story that paints Kemp as a moderate, ethical candidate—”a bulwark as other Republicans buckled”—normalizing his long history of attacking voting rights in Georgia (FAIR.org, 5/26/22).

    In the near-term, Politico‘s coverage can help Kemp win reelection. In the longer term, it can discourage future efforts to fight against voter suppression—a tactic that seems to be doing quite well without any additional help from the media.


    ACTION ALERT: Messages to Politico can be sent here (or via Twitter @Politico). Remember that respectful communication is the most effective.

     

    The post Politico Airs Flimsy Case Against Abrams and Voting Rights appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Election Focus 2022

    After NBC‘s roundly criticized interview (10/11/22) of Democratic Senate candidate John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, journalists covering Fetterman’s race ought to have learned a thing or two about covering his disability. Fetterman, who experienced a stroke in May, was left with auditory-processing issues and some impact on his speaking fluency. Analyses of the televised debate (10/25/22) between Fetterman and his Republican opponent, TV doctor Mehmet Oz, proved that, for the election press corps, ableism is not so easily overcome, and style is always likely to trump substance.

    ‘Will only fuel questions’

    NBC's Dasha Burns interviews John Fetterman

    Introducing an interview that was conducted through closed captioning, NBC‘s Dasha Burns (10/11/22) expressed surprise that John Fetterman didn’t understand her as well without the captioning.

    When NBC‘s Dasha Burns interviewed Fetterman for his first national television one-on-one since the stroke, her emphasis was on his language-processing issues and his health, rather than on his policy positions. Because of his auditory-processing issues, Fetterman needs closed captioning to participate fully in a conversation. It’s not an issue of cognition; it’s a likely temporary disability—common among those recovering from strokes—that simply requires accommodation.

    But to introduce the interview on NBC Nightly News (10/11/22), Burns said, “In small talk before the interview without captioning, it wasn’t clear [Fetterman] was understanding our conversation.”

    Burns spent the first nine minutes of the 30-minute interview exclusively on Fetterman’s health and post-stroke symptoms, asking him repeatedly about whether he was fit for office and why he wouldn’t release his full medical records. She didn’t ask a single policy-related question until nearly 12 minutes in.

    Burns wasn’t the only journalist sowing doubts about Fetterman based on his disability. CBS‘s Ed O’Keefe (10/11/22) tweeted about Fetterman’s use of closed captioning for the interview, “Will Pennsylvanians be comfortable with someone representing them who had to conduct a TV interview this way?” The New York Times‘ Jonathan Martin (10/11/22) tweeted that it was a “rough clip” that “will only fuel questions about his health.”

    The next day, after coming under criticism from both the disability community and some fellow journalists, Burns issued a sort of clarification on NBC‘s Today (10/12/22):

    Stroke experts do say that this does not mean he has any cognitive impairment. Doesn’t mean his memory or his cognitive condition is impaired, and he didn’t fully recover from this. And once the closed captioning was on, he was able to fully understand my questions.

    As disability rights activists argue, if a disability doesn’t impact someone’s cognitive functioning or ability to do their job, then highlighting it only stokes prejudice. Some thoughtful pieces were published drawing attention to ableism in media (e.g.,  Buzzfeed, 10/12/22; New York Times, 10/13/22; Slate, 10/14/22) , which offered ample opportunity for some introspection among political reporters.

    ‘I almost feel sorry for him’

    CNN: Fetterman, Oz Trade Biting Attacks in Debate That Highlights Fetterman's Continued Stroke Recovery

    It was not the debate but CNN‘s panel (including former GOP Rep. Charlie Dent—10/25/22) that highlighted Fetterman’s recovery.

    Yet when Fetterman and Oz engaged in their only debate of the race just two weeks later, many journalists continued to present his disability as a source of doubt or weakness, and focused on that at the expense of policy differences.

    In one of the most cringe-worthy examples of post-debate punditry, CNN Tonight (10/25/22) spent its entire panel on the debate critiquing Fetterman’s performance and questioning his mental capacities, with virtually no discussion of the two candidates’ actual policy positions and how well they align with voters’ interests.

    Host Laura Coates framed “the” question about the debate as “how would [Fetterman] perform, given the stroke that he experienced back in May?” Her fellow panelists were ruthless in their assessment. Former GOP Rep. Charlie Dent said “somebody should have invoked the mercy rule” and ended the debate, claiming that Fetterman was “confused.” Later, Dent patronizingly commented, “I almost feel very sorry for him that, you know, he’s in a bad, bad way.”

    Former Trump communications strategist Alyssa Farrah Griffin “found it extremely hard to watch,” and said:

    I want to be careful because I think some of the most consequential leaders in history have had different kinds of disabilities. I don’t think it should preclude someone from serving, but what we saw today was someone who is not ready to be in office.

    She repeatedly suggested that his processing issues were actually cognitive issues: “Is the way that he’s struggling a result of this stroke? Or is it because he doesn’t have a grasp on the issues?” And:

    I was genuinely unclear if he understood how to address crime, how to address the economy and inflation. And then when he did try to lob attacks on Oz, they didn’t land. It didn’t seem like he had a full grasp.

    It’s not surprising that GOP panelists would parrot GOP talking points, but it’s the responsibility of actual journalists to rebut false aspersions, especially ones that promote stereotypes and prejudices. Instead, Coates kept playing more clips of Fetterman’s miscues, and CNN‘s Alisyn Camerota pointed out that she had interviewed Fetterman many times in past years and that he “sounded different before the stroke. I mean, in the interviews he was much more sort of clear-spoken than what I’m hearing now.” By highlighting the obvious—that after the stroke, Fetterman’s speech is impacted—Camerota made an issue of his disability.

    Symptoms in the spotlight

    Politico: Fetterman struggles during TV debate with Oz

    Politico (10/25/22) emphasized Fetterman’s “speech and hearing problems” in its framing of the debate.

    Many print publications also put Fetterman’s performance in the spotlight. Politico (10/25/22) went with the headline: “Fetterman Struggles During TV Debate With Oz,” followed by the subhead:

    The Democrat’s speech and hearing problems were evident during a contentious debate with the celebrity physician that addressed abortion, the minimum wage and fracking.

    The Washington Post (10/25/22) also put Fetterman’s post-stroke symptoms in its headline: “For Fetterman, Contentious Exchanges, Verbal Struggles in Debate With Oz.” Reporters Colby Itkowitz and Amanda Morris noted in their lead that Fetterman “often stumbled over his words and struggled with the rapid-fire format of questions and answers.”

    In their second paragraph, they continued the theme, writing that his “speech was halting, and he mispronounced words and tripped over phrases.” Questions of policy didn’t appear until the fifth paragraph, but they were subordinated throughout to repeated returns to Fetterman’s health and verbal missteps.

    At one point midway through, Itkowitz and Morris paraphrased a disability civic  engagement expert who argued that verbal “miscues should not be seen as a reflection on Fetterman’s ability to serve.” In the very next paragraph, they seemed to blithely dismiss her admonishment, writing that Fetterman “struggled over many of the lines” and printing one somewhat garbled response to a debate question as a gratuitous illustration of those struggles.

    Washington Post: For Fetterman, contentious exchanges, verbal struggles in debate with Oz

    The Washington Post (10/25/22) likewise made Fetterman’s medical condition the focus of its debate coverage.

    “His performance will test whether voters regard his impairments as temporary or even humanizing setbacks, or whether it fuels questions about his fitness for office,” wrote the New York TimesKatie Glueck and Trip Gabriel (10/25/22). Journalistic glosses like this imply it is really “voters,” and not elite media, whose concerns are at issue, and that questions about fitness are mysteriously “fueled,” rather than stoked by precisely this sort of coverage.

    Both the Post and the Times pointed out that Fetterman opened the debate by saying “Good night” instead of “Good evening.” Obviously both knew that offers no useful evidence about his fitness for office; publishing it reads more like childish taunting than serious reporting.

    Meanwhile, Oz, who during the primaries said abortion at any stage is “murder,” stated in the debate that abortion decisions should be made by women, their doctors—and “local political leaders.” He wouldn’t support raising Pennsylvania’s $7.25 per hour minimum wage. As the Philadelphia Inquirer (10/16/22) pointed out, he “opposes the expanded child tax credit, would repeal the Affordable Care Act and would vote against red flag gun-control laws.”

    All of these major positions are out of step with the majority of voters. And, of course, he has promised to kiss the ring and support Trump in 2024, posing a threat to representative democracy. But in the debate and in the followup coverage, journalists seemed to find questions of Fetterman’s fitness, based primarily on ableist notions, far more interesting.

    The post Framing Disability as Disqualification in Fetterman/Oz Debate appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • Janine Jackson interviewed FAIR’s Julie Hollar and Jim Naureckas for the October 21, 2022, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin221021HollarNaureckas.mp3

    Janine Jackson: Independent, challenging, far-ranging and fearless coverage of elections and the electoral process is one of journalists’ core jobs at the best of times, and these are not the best of times. 

    Issues in the upcoming midterm elections go as deep as the election process itself, with some Republican candidates suggesting that they won’t accept results that don’t go their way, and that’s along with the deep and disturbing threats posed by a Republican-controlled Congress. 

    Add to that the fact that the corporate media—source, unfortunately, of some of the most impactful journalism in this country—are themselves throttled by the same kinds of power players that call shots at both political parties, namely profit-driven corporations. 

    Joining us now to talk about elite media’s midterm election coverage, we have FAIR’s editor Jim Naureckas in studio, and FAIR’s managing editor, Julie Hollar, joining us by phone from Brooklyn. Welcome, the both of you, back to CounterSpin.

    Jim Naureckas: Thanks for having me on. 

    Julie Hollar: Thanks, Janine. 

    JJ: So many questions, so many problems at so many levels. Let’s just start with the reality that we have Republicans who are off the chain nightmarish. They want bad, inhumane things and they want to use institution-destroying processes to get them. 

    And then we have Democrats who are not just ineffectually countering that, but who are, many of them, up to the same stuff, beholden to the same status quo-supporting, change-squashing actors

    So that’s the reality. And, Jim, it fits poorly, that reality fits poorly into corporate news media’s standard election template, which is: Republicans versus Democrats, they’re so different, and can’t we find a happy medium? 

    Now, I’m not saying that media have never talked about the GOP’s anti-democracy, or that they’ve never talked about donor power in both parties, but when it comes to elections, it just seems that they’re still mainly using a template that was always inadequate, and now seems completely beside the point. 

    JN: Yeah. I liken it to trying to report on geography without acknowledging that the world is round. You know, if you wanted to have geography coverage that would not turn off flat earthers, so you sort of describe Australia as being on the other side of the world according to some people, because you don’t want to turn off the part of your audience that subscribes to the flat earth theory.

    And we really do have a political party that is dominated by a flat earth theory that the 2020 election was stolen, that Donald Trump really won, and that the electoral process should be rejiggered so that the people who they believe win elections should be declared the winners of elections, and not the people who actually get the most votes. 

    And that is literally the end of democracy, to have that political philosophy put into power, and how you have political coverage that treats that party as one side of a debate—you really can’t do it and be coherent in any way.

    You’re misleading the public if you act like that philosophy is compatible with democracy. But that’s what they’re doing. 

    Washington Post article: "Apocalypse Now"

    Democracy is under threat, and corporate media spend many paragraphs wondering whether talking about that is a politically savvy move for Democrats (Washington Post, 10/2/22).

    JH: The way that they end up covering this stuff is always as a bank shot. I was looking at some recent coverage in the Washington Post and the New York Times, and the Washington Post a couple weeks ago had this headline that was something along the lines of “Democrats Are Shifting to a Darker, More Apocalyptic Midterm Message”how the Democrats are shifting to talk about the dangers to democracy.

    This is coming off of the Biden speech about the MAGA threat and everything. 

    And the framing of the story is, “This is a messaging shift. What are the pros and the cons? What do the strategists think?” And it’s so detached from the real world implications of it that it just hurts your brain. 

    I mean, the piece is pretty long, and the reporter does spend a paragraph or two acknowledging that most GOP candidates won’t commit to accepting election results, that the party is actively attacking abortion rights.

    But then the real focus of the story is this really detached strategy, which is what election coverage–FAIR has been covering election coverage for many years, and it’s just always: focus on strategy, focus on the horse race, focus on the messaging, and so little focus on the policy implications.

    And it’s always a problem, but it’s extra problematic when the implications are the end of democracy. 

    The New York Times, yesterday on the front page, they were reporting on a poll that they’d just done, and their headline was, “Most Voters Say Democracy Under Threat, but Few Feel Urgency.” It was, like, total victim-blaming. 

    They were reporting on this poll where they asked people about whether they thought democracy was under threat, and most people said yes. So then there was another part of the poll that asked what the top priority was for the election, like a top issue. And more people said something related to the economy or inflation, things like that, than said democracy. So the Times called people “apathetic” for not putting it as their top priority.

    But first of all, for a lot of people, the economy right now is more immediately felt, right? The threat to democracy is something that feels a bit more in the future, whereas economic threats feel more immediate.

    But I think it’s also really important that we point out that media bear no small responsibility for how people prioritize things in elections—you know, what is important? Well, if the media are just telling you, “Well, Democrats say that there’s a threat to democracy, and Republicans say there’s a different kind of threat to democracy from Democrats,” this is media completely falling down on their responsibility to give people the information that they need to make informed choices about democracy.

    JJ: Absolutely. Jim? 

    JN: The media are so unwilling to accept responsibility for the fact that their job is to inform the public about the broader trends in society, the things that you can’t observe just by talking to your neighbors or looking out your front door. You rely on media outlets to gather information about what’s happening and tell you about them.

    New York Times: GOP Redoubles Efforts to Tie Democrats to High Crime Rates

    Violent crime rates are about half what they were in 1991, but at the Times (9/26/22), that translates into “high crime rates”—because that’s a GOP talking point.

    And they are so often distorting the picture of reality. I think crime is a great example. You always see stories about the midterm politics, saying that Republicans are going to tie Democrats to the high crime rate. The unquestioned assumption there is that there is now a high crime rate. 

    The fact is that crime went down last year, according to FBI statistics. We’re not in a crime wave. The crime is ebbing. And, historically, crime is at about half the rate that it was in 1991, which I don’t think people look back on as a Road Warrior-like post-apocalyptic landscape.

    And, historically, we’re seeing relatively low crime rates, but because Republicans would like to “tie Democrats to high crime rate,” that is what the media are describing the crime rate as being.

    And once that frame has been put into place, it’s very hard to get out of it. 

    JH: And crime is also very clickbaity, right? Especially in the New York City tabloid news, it’s just constant crime coverage. It’s very easy for them to report on, just like reporting the police blotter. 

    Something that caught my attention a few weeks ago was the prison strike in Alabama, which probably not that many CounterSpin listeners will have heard about, because it got so little coverage in national media.

    But this prison strike went on for three weeks. It just ended, I think, yesterday, which would be Tuesday the 18th, I believe. 

    When you look into this story, it’s mind-boggling. Alabama was sued by the DoJ, actually under Trump, for having unconstitutionally inhumane conditions in their entire state prison system.

    The DoJ brought a lawsuit against them because they were not changing. They had already been informed that this was unconstitutional, and they weren’t changing it. They were sued. They still haven’t done anything. 

    And prisoners actually were on strike for three weeks, a work stoppage. They don’t get paid to work, but they stopped work for three weeks.

    There was just virtually no media coverage of this. And I bring this up because Jim’s talking about crime, and you think about the impact of the criminal justice system on the lives of people in this country, it’s immense. And you never hear stories about this. 

    You get a one-off here and there. The Times actually reported on the DoJ lawsuit a few years ago, and then you didn’t hear from them again until there’s a strike. They report on it at the beginning of the strike, we don’t hear any follow up on it. 

    Incarcerations rates, Alabama and international

    Corporate media drill into voters’ heads that crime is a problem, but virtually never highlight the uniquely American problem of mass incarceration.

    And I just try to imagine what kind of midterm coverage we would have in a media system where mass incarceration was treated as a problem anywhere near as urgent as these imaginary crime waves that the media are hyping.

    And think about the kinds of policy conversations that we could have, and the kinds of politicians who could actually have a shot at winning. I feel like our democratic possibilities are really constrained by the media narratives, the stories that media tell us about ourselves, the people that media talk to to tell us these stories about ourselves, and specifically, when we start talking about elections, what kind of policy conversations we can have.

    JJ: That’s absolutely what I was moving towards, Julie, because we have journalism that says that when it comes to elections, the job is to say what politicians are saying, and maybe their strategy for saying it, but the coverage is candidate A versus candidate B. 

    And if they don’t mention something, well then, we’re not going to talk about it, right? Because neither of the big party candidates mentioned it. 

    And I feel like we’ve come to expect that for election coverage, and as you’re just pointing out, it’s such a narrow definition of what this opportunity for reporting could look like, in terms of what we talk about. 

    And Matt Gertz from Media Matters was just pointing out that Republicans have this not-at-all-veiled plan to gut Social Security and Medicare if they win Congress.

    This is something that people care deeply about, that affects virtually everyone in the country. This is an important story, but if candidates don’t talk about it, then reporters aren’t going to talk about it, because it didn’t come out of a candidate’s mouth. 

    And it’s such a narrow understanding of what electoral politics mean, and the opportunity for journalism that’s offered by elections.

    JN: There are huge issues that are going undiscussed, for the most part, in the campaign and in the campaign coverage, things that affect everybody vitally, but neither party sees them as political winners, and therefore they don’t get talked about. 

    The Covid pandemic is one such issue. Neither party is making it a big part of their campaign, despite the fact that this is an ongoing pandemic that has killed a million Americans, continues to kill Americans, shows no sign of going away, and there’s neither a strategy being advanced by the party in power, or a strategy suggested by the opposition party, to deal with this. It’s just not being talked about. 

    Another issue that is getting weirdly little discussion in the campaign journalism is the Ukraine War, which the United States is putting vast resources into. It’s basically a proxy war with the other major nuclear superpower on Earth, with the possibility of nuclear war being discussed in bizarrely casual terms in the foreign policy opinion press. What are we doing to prevent a nuclear war from happening? That’s not an issue that either party is really focusing on. 

    JJ: I wanted to say that I think listeners understand that there are always issues in play in an election, but at this point we’re not talking about just issues, as life-changing as they may be.

    We’re talking about the process itself. We’re talking about whether or not it matters when you go to vote, whether you have some say in how politicians treat your bodily autonomy, whether you have some say in how politicians vote on the possibility of nuclear war or the use of, I think it’s now $16 billion or something, that the White House has spent on the Ukraine War.

    Whether or not we have a process that allows us to have a say in what’s being done in our name, that’s what’s on the ballot. 

    JN: There’s a lot of talk about the January 6 insurrection. It’s important to keep in mind what was going on there. That was an attempt to stop the House from certifying the 2020 presidential election.

    We are now going to be choosing the House of Representatives that will preside over the 2024 presidential election. And the Republican ideology now is that the Republican Party should have blocked the certification of the 2020 election and declared victory for Donald Trump because of a sort of faith-based understanding that he was the rightful president and should have been named so.

    So that is what we’re putting the pieces in place, for that to be re-litigated in 2024, and that is, I would say, the most important thing at stake in the 2022 midterms. 

    JH: And when you think about January 6, and you think about the way that when we were covering the coverage at the time, there was this sense like, “Wow, media are finally getting a little bit of a spine, and they’re finally starting to call a spade a spade, and they’re finally starting to really call out lies,” and things like that.

    And I think you’re seeing, definitely seeing in recent months, that reverting back to the both-sidesism. And I think that really, when Janine you ask this question of why, you think about what was happening in the Republican Party around January 6, where there was a real schism, and a lot of the leadership, the non-Trump leadership, was saying, “This is not OK. We can’t do this.” 

    And then the momentum swung back towards Trump, and that suddenly became the mainstream of the party. And once that became the mainstream of the party, then with corporate media’s insistence on giving credence to reporting both sides—the mainstream of the Democratic Party, the mainstream of the Republican Party—when the mainstream of the Republican Party became election denialists, it became virtually impossible for the media to continue to call them out forcefully in the way that they had just begun to do around January 6. 

    JJ: Let me ask you about another aspect. There’s so many things to keep your eyes on, and yet money is always one of them.

    There was a quote in the Guardian from Chisun Lee from the Brennan Center—also, I would note, a long-ago CounterSpin co-host. But Lee said that, “It does seem to be getting worse,” that 

    outside spending in this federal midterm cycle is more than double the last midterm cycle. Since Citizens United, just 12 mega-donors, eight of them billionaires, have paid one dollar out of every 13 spent in federal elections. And now we’re seeing a troubling new trend…that some mega-donors are sponsoring campaigns that attack the fundamentals of democracy itself.

    There’s a way that corporate media are just not going to talk about the influence of corporate money and power in elections.

    It’s always as if, suddenly when we’re talking about elections, it’s the school board and the posters and marches and ballot boxes. And the idea that donors have power is a story, but it’s a separate story. 

    JN: You should always keep in mind, especially watching broadcast coverage or TV coverage of the elections, that elections are a huge, huge profit center for TV news. 

    The inflow of money to buy round-the-clock propaganda in support of one candidate or another, that money is going straight into the coffers of the corporations that own the TV news programs, and so they have no interest in turning that spigot off. It would be a financial disaster for them if there was some way found to keep mega-donors from pouring money into the political process. 

    JH: I would also like to point out that there are independent news outlets that are doing a really great job of digging up some of this information about the dark money donations both within the Democratic and the Republican parties. The Lever is one of them. 

    That is one of the purposes of independent media. That should be the purpose of all media, of course, but that’s one way in which independent media really do the job that media should be doing, of following the money and holding power to account.

    JJ: All right then. We’ve been speaking with FAIR managing editor Julie Hollar and FAIR editor Jim Naureckas. Thank you both for joining us this week on CounterSpin

    JN: It’s been good to talk. 

    JH: It’s always great to be here.

     

    The post “It’s Extra Problematic When the Implications Are the End of Democracy” appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • Military intervention into Haiti is in the air again.

    And the East Coast establishment media—which have on occasion remembered that Haiti is a near neighbor and has been ravaged by anti-government demonstrations, a failing economy and gang violence—seem to be breathing a sigh of relief.

    The Washington Post (10/11/22) ran an editorial: “Yes, Intervene in Haiti—and Push for Democracy.” That followed on the heels of a piece in the other big opinion-maker, the New York Times (10/7/22), whose tall title read: “Haiti Appeals for Armed Intervention and Aid to Quell Chaos.”

    New York Times article, "Haiti Appeals for Armed Intervention and Aid to Quell Chaos"

    The New York Times (10/7/22) reports on Haiti’s appeal for foreign armed intervention. Thousands of Haitians have protested and spoken out against foreign intervention, which begs the question, who is “Haiti,” according to the paper?

    Without going into the article, it’s fair to ask: Who or what is “Haiti”?

    Is “Haiti” the current occupant of the prime minister’s chair?

    The myriad and sometimes violent demonstrations against the illegitimate and unelected man suggest that, no, Ariel Henry is not “Haiti.” The New York University law clinic attorney and human rights advocate Pierre Esperance (Just Security, 7/22/21) called the Biden administration’s support for Henry, who stepped into power after President Jovenel Moise was assassinated, another “bad choice.” Instead, Esperance said, the US should back “a transitional government.” But that was over a year ago. And that did not happen.

    Another reason Henry’s request for intervention does not represent “Haiti” is the fact that the idea seems to actually have been gestated afar. Organization of American States chief Luis Amargo put it pretty bluntly in a tweet on October 6: “I called on Haiti to request urgent support from international community to help solve security crisis and determine characteristics of the international security force.”

    Screenshot of tweet from Organization of American States chief Luis Amargo calling on Haiti to request foreign intervention

    OAS Secretary General Almagro wants Haiti to “request” foreign military intervention, regardless of what Haitians actually want.

    Henry issued “his” request on October 7.

    Maybe that “suggestion” was already in the air?

    Just a day before the Amargo admonition, a number of US lawmakers also asked the Biden administration to end its support for Henry and to support a transitional plan which takes into account “the voice of the Haitian people, including through groups such as the Montana Accord.”

    Does “the Montana Accord” represent Haiti?

    Arguably, at least partially. The Accord is the nickname for a broad coalition of many scores of political parties, unions, women’s and peasant organizations, chambers of commerce and Protestant and Catholic church organizations. The very day Henry asked for a “specialized military force,” the organization issued a statement opposing any foreign intervention, and calling Henry a “traitor.”

    “History teaches us that no foreign force has ever solved the problems of any people on earth,” the press release reads.

    Just a month ago, a member of the anti-corruption group Nou Pap Dòmi—also a member of the Accord—was in Washington. Testifying at the House Foreign Affairs Committee (9/29/22), Velina E. Charlier rejected foreign intervention.

    The US, she said,

    has always followed a paternalistic and interventionist approach that often fails to serve the best interests of the Haitian people. Through its embassy in Port-au-Prince, the United States has continued to support leaders who have emerged from fraudulent elections or corrupt governments that have lost all popular legitimacy.

    She noted that international intervention of all sorts “has greatly contributed to bringing Haiti to the brink of collapse.”

    But since not all Haitians and Haitian organizations are represented in the Accord, maybe “Haiti” is the Haitian people who take to the streets to demonstrate? And those brave enough to risk possible repression to speak to local and foreign reporters? And those who just continue trying to live their lives in deteriorating economic, political and social conditions?

    Since long before the current unelected and illegitimate government of Prime Minister Ariel Henry took power, people have been demonstrating against the government and against US support for both Henry and Moise. More recently, those marches and burning barricades have become more focused on denouncing any kind of foreign intervention.

    On October 17, the 216th anniversary of the murder of founding father General Jean Jacques Dessalines, many thousands demonstrated against intervention in cities and towns across the country. The crowds also demanded Henry step down and denounced high gasoline prices and the continued rising gang violence.

    Reyneld Sanon of Haiti-based Radio Resistance and the Haitian Popular Press Agency explained the ire in a statement quoted in the Real News Network (10/17/22). He rejected the ruling party’s decision “to request international imperialist forces to occupy the country for a third time.” He said that the decision insults “our ancestors, who fought to break the chains of slavery” and asserted that “in the case that the foreign military occupation force arrived in Haiti, all Haitians, progressive groups, popular organizations, and left-wing political parties, will stand to fight.”

    Screenshot of Washington Post editorial titled "At last, the U.S. edges toward intervening in Haiti"

    The Washington Post editorial board (10/18/22) salivated at the prospect of an intervention that “dovetails with the United States’ own interests.”

    In the New York Times article (10/7/22) mentioned above, journalists Natalie Kitroeff and Maria Abi-Habi flatly noted, “United Nations peacekeepers who were in the country between 2004 and 2017 committed sexual abuse and introduced cholera to the country, starting an outbreak that killed nearly 10,000 people, according to the World Health Organization.” This immediately followed their suggestion that “it is not clear how an international security force would be received by Haitians, who might see it as meddling in their affairs.”

    The Post editorial board (10/11/22) went so far as to announce, without supporting evidence, that, “weighed against the cratering prospects of a failed state whose main export is asylum seekers, many Haitians would support—if with misgivings—the chance at restoring some semblance of normal life.” (The board has repeatedly signaled that the rights and interests of Haitians are of less importance than order at the US border—see FAIR.org, 10/14/22.) Revisiting the issue a week later (10/18/22), the board argued that a military intervention is “justified on humanitarian grounds and dovetails with the United States’ own interests,” neglecting to even mention Haitians’ perspectives.

    In fact, it seems pretty clear to anyone who follows Haitian news sources like Radio Rezistans and Alterpresse, checks out what foreign academics and think tanks say or even peruses mainstream outlets like PBS and NPR, that foreign military intervention of any sort is both unwanted and likely to have only negative impacts. Some recent articles have headlines like “Intervening in Haiti, Again“ (Foreign Policy, 10/21/22) and “The Last Thing Haiti Needs Is Another Foreign Intervention” (Tricontinental.org, 10/20/22) and “De Facto Haitian Authorities Call for (Another) Foreign Military Intervention” (CEPR.net, 10/14/22). None are advising boots on the ground.

    To top it all off, even Biden’s former envoy to Haiti, who resigned over what he called “inhumane, counterproductive” policy of deportations, has “slammed” the plan for an intervention, predicting it could lead to an armed uprising.

    “It’s almost unfathomable that all Haitians are calling for a different solution, yet the US and the UN and international [institutions] are blindly stumbling through with Ariel Henry,” he said in an interview in the Intercept (10/19/22).

    So, New York Times and Washington Post readers and watchers, has “Haiti” appealed for intervention?

    The post Who Is This “Haiti” That’s Appealing for Intervention? appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    As landlords continue their relentless pursuit of profits, and politicians allow pandemic-era eviction moratoriums to expire, the human toll of a fundamentally brutal housing system is arguably more visible than ever—particularly in America’s largest cities.

    Much of corporate media’s coverage of the deepening housing crisis, however, focuses on what are presented as three great evils: that landlords of supposedly modest means are being squeezed; that individuals and families living without homes destroy the aesthetics of cities; and that, in line with the most recent manufactured panic over violent crime, people without homes pose a threat to the lives and property of law-abiding citizens.

    By pushing these narratives, corporate media are engaging in a strategy of misdirection. This shields the propertied class from scrutiny regarding a crisis of its own making—from which it derives immense profits—while blame is assigned to over-burdened renters and people who are unhoused.

    The plight of Ma and Pa Landlord

    Over the past year, rents around the country have risen at a staggering rate—far outpacing the growth of workers’ incomes. The median asking rent in July 2022 was more than 30% greater than it had been just a year earlier. Over the same period, wages grew just 5%.

    While individuals and families are being forced to sink an ever-greater proportion of their income into housing, and as more and more people face the life-altering prospect of dislocation, establishment media outlets have decided that the real profile-worthy victims of this crisis are landlords, faced with rising costs and hindered from raising rents by the strictures of law and public opinion.

    Time: How Eviction Moratoriums Are Hurting Small Landlords—and Why That's Bad for the Future of Affordable Housing

    Time magazine’s dire predictions (6/11/20) about the plight of “mom-and-pop landlords” failed to come to pass.

    Corporate media’s boundless sympathy for “small” and “medium-sized” landlords is well-established. As the pandemic raged and millions of people struggled to pay for basic necessities, establishment outlets consistently chose to focus on how eviction moratoriums were depriving property owners of their right to throw delinquent tenants onto the streets.

    CNBC (6/25/21) quoted Dean Hunter, introduced as “CEO of the Small Multifamily Owners Association and a landlord himself”:

    This is the most excessively and overly broad taking of private property in my lifetime…. The eviction moratorium is killing small landlords, not the pandemic.

    During the early days of the pandemic, Time (6/11/20) predicted that eviction moratoriums would result in all kinds of disaster for the small landlord:

    The mom-and-pop landlords who are able to draw on their own savings to make it through the eviction moratoriums imposed by their local governments may struggle to recoup their losses when it’s all over…. Evicted tenants sometimes get away with not paying their debts by changing bank accounts, ignoring collections agencies, working cash-only jobs, filing for bankruptcy or fleeing the state.

    As it turned out, Time’s premonitions of scheming tenants using every available means to victimize their struggling landlords were wrong. A July 2021 study from the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley found that just 35% of small rental property owners experienced any decline at all in revenue, while around 13% actually reported rising rent revenue in 2020. An October 2021 report from JPMorgan Chase, meanwhile, concluded:

    For the median small landlord, rental income did decline, especially in the early months of the pandemic, but recovered quickly. The median landlord ended the year with a modest 3% shortfall in rent…. Our data show that landlords were able to cut their expenses by more than their rental revenues fell, which resulted in landlords’ cash balances growing during the pandemic.

    ‘What about their landlords?’

    NYT: Inflation Has Hit Tenants Hard. What About Their Landlords?

    The New York Times (9/27/22) asks readers to feel sorry for this man who owns 11 apartments.

    Even as pandemic-era tenant protections have been allowed to lapse by politicians eager to serve the real estate lobby, corporate media continue to push the narrative that landlords are suffering—this time as a result of rising costs.

    Along this line, the New York Times (9/27/22) ran a piece with the headline “Inflation Has Hit Tenants Hard. What About Their Landlords?” The article detailed the hardships faced by Neal Verma, whose company Nova Asset Management—to which the Times provided a link—manages 6,000 apartments in the Houston area. “It’s crushing our margins,” Mr. Verma said:

    Our profits from last year have evaporated, and we’re running at break-even at a number of properties. There’s some people who think landlords must be making money. No. We’ve only gone up 12% to 14%, and our expenses have gone up 30%.

    The Times, while broadcasting Verma’s consternation at “running at break-even at a number of properties,” failed to ask any of his tenants about how a 12% to 14% rent increase has impacted them. And although the article cited increased maintenance costs as one of the factors contributing to Verma’s plight, Nova’s Google reviews indicate that basic maintenance isn’t exactly high on its list of priorities.

    By fixating on the supposed hardships faced by landlords, establishment outlets have pushed the idea that renters should bear the burden of runaway housing costs. To those who cannot afford this extortion, corporate media have been even less charitable.

    The language of dehumanization 

    As wealthy urbanites continue their return to public life, corporate media have been saturated with laments over the increased visibility of homelessness in many of America’s largest cities. This type of coverage tends to characterize the presence of people without housing as an unsightly nuisance, in the same vein as vermin or uncollected garbage.

    Indeed, to corporate media, the dispossession and dislocation of masses of people is largely an issue of urban aesthetics, rather than the intended material consequence of a housing system that keeps renters under the heel of landlords through the ever-present threat of eviction.

    NY Post: NYC park near Cooper Union turning into ‘disgusting’ area filled with rats, homeless

    The park where the New York Post (7/30/22) puts people without housing in the same class as vermin is located at the north end of the Bowery, where low-income residents have been displaced by wealthy gentrifiers for decades.

    Tabloids like the New York Post have frequently published articles that dehumanize people experiencing homelessness. One such piece (10/1/22), titled “NYC’s Financial District Now Blighted With Spiking Crime, Vagrants,” included the line: “Unhinged hobos in particular have been terrorizing locals throughout the neighborhood.”

    In another Post article (7/30/22), headlined “NYC Park Near Cooper Union Turning Into ‘Disgusting’ Area Filled With Rats, Homeless,” a neighborhood resident complains: “It’s disgusting! I feel outraged about the garbage and the rats. Every bench is taken up by the homeless and nobody is doing anything about it.”

    Putting people who are unhoused in the same category as trash and vermin, the Post uses a kind of dehumanizing language typically peddled by the architects of genocide. Narratives of dehumanization—which portray individuals from targeted communities as dirty, disease-ridden or pest-like—often lay the groundwork for mass brutality.

    Such rhetoric has been echoed by politicians aiming to impose further hardships upon those without homes, including former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who referred to people seeking shelter on New York City subways during the height of the pandemic as “disgusting.”

    Voice of San Diego (9/16/22), a digital nonprofit outlet, quoted at length the rant of former basketball star Bill Walton, who claimed that, “while peacefully riding my bike early this Sunday morning in Balboa Park, I was threatened, chased and assaulted by the homeless population.”

    The multi-millionaire and self-professed “hippie” raged against San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria:

    You speak of the rights of the homes [sic], what about our rights?… We follow the rules of a functioning society, why are others allowed to disregard those rules?… Your lack of action is unacceptable, as is the conduct of the homeless population.

    Like the Post, the Voice of San Diego piece stripped people experiencing homelessness of their individuality, treating them as one indistinguishable mass in phrases like “the conduct of the homeless population” and “assaulted by the homeless population.” The article concluded with a final lament from Walton:

    You have given our bike paths and Balboa Park in our neighborhood to homeless encampments, and we can no longer use them, and they’re ours, this is unacceptable.

    In publishing Walton’s diatribe, Voice of San Diego voiced the perspective of city dwellers made to feel uncomfortable by visual reminders of poverty in public spaces, the enjoyment of which they claim as their exclusive right.

    Following the money

    Corporate media’s eagerness to peddle narratives favorable to the propertied class is to be expected, since many establishment outlets have a vested interest in the continued growth of housing prices.

    NYT: Blackstone expands further into rental housing in the United States.

    The New York Times (2/16/22) presents “investments in rental housing” as “a key way to offset the pressure of inflation”—because landlords have been raising rents “at two to three times the rate of inflation.”

    BlackRock—the world’s largest asset manager—owns 8.3% of the New York Times Company, making it the Times’ second-biggest institutional investor. BlackRock also holds around $68 billion in real estate assets, including an 8.5% share in Invitation Homes—a $24 billion publicly traded company that owns around 80,000 single-family rental units around the United States.

    Invitation was created by another private equity firm, Blackstone, the largest corporate landlord in history, with real estate assets amounting to $320 billion. Shortly after Invitation launched in 2012, it proceeded to buy nearly 90% of the homes for sale in one Atlanta zip code. Such buying sprees are facilitated by the fact that institutional investors can secure loans at much lower interest rates than those offered to individual borrowers.

    In a business section piece (2/16/22) covering Blackstone’s gargantuan real estate footprint, the Times did not mention the people that the asset manager—armed with massive stores of capital and low-interest loans—pushes out of the housing market by consistently buying up properties at well-above market rates. Instead, the article concluded: “Blackstone’s shares have been on a run lately. Its stock is up roughly 80% over the past 12 months.”

    Another Times article, headlined “The New Financial Supermarkets” (3/10/22), did reference Blackstone’s predatory buying strategy, but presented it in a favorable light. Blackstone president Jonathan Gray was given ample space to extol his company’s prospects:

    As the real estate industry teetered after the mortgage crisis, Blackstone used its capital to buy up and rent housing and other real estate, amassing $280 billion in assets, which produce nearly half of the firm’s profits. As interest rates rise, Mr. Gray predicted, real estate will continue to help its performance. Rents in the United States, he noted, have recently risen at two to three times the rate of inflation.

    The Times presented rents rising at “two to three times the rate of inflation” as a precious opportunity, rather than a source of misery for millions of people. It’s not too different from the viewpoint of a “paid post”—that is, an ad designed to deceptively resemble Times copy—lauding Blackstone’s role in “shaping the future.”

    ‘Wall Street isn’t to blame’

    Vox: Wall Street isn’t to blame for the chaotic housing market

    Vox (6/11/21) tells us not to blame institutional investors for housing woes–like BlackRock and Vanguard, which together own nearly 16% of Vox parent company Comcast.

    Meanwhile, after a Twitter thread (6/8/21) that outlined the predatory home-buying practices of institutional investors went viral, corporate media were eager to defend their sources of capital. Vox (6/11/21) assured the public that “Wall Street Isn’t to Blame for the Chaotic Housing Market.” The article’s subheading chided readers that “the boogeyman isn’t who you want it to be.”

    The Atlantic (6/17/21), using strikingly similar language, published an article headlined “BlackRock Is Not Ruining the US Housing Market,” along with a subhead that read: “The real villain isn’t a faceless Wall Street Goliath; it’s your neighbors and local governments stopping the construction of new units.” Like Vox, the Atlantic admonished the masses:

    If we have any chance of fixing the completely messed-up, unaffordable US housing market, we should direct our ire toward real culprits rather than boogeymen.

    According to this narrative, the true architects of the housing crisis are those standing in the way of private developers from building more units—all of whom are tarred as NIMBYs. While NIMBYism is oftentimes motivated by racist and classist interests, many communities have also opposed new development out of legitimate concerns over gentrification and displacement.

    More than enough vacancies

    This defense of developers and institutional landlords mounted by corporate media is undergirded by the false assumption that there is an acute shortage of housing units. In fact, in many US cities, there are more than enough vacant units to provide homes for every individual and family currently living without permanent housing.

    One recent report found that, “With more than 36,000 unhoused residents, Los Angeles simultaneously has over 93,000 units sitting vacant, nearly half of which are withheld from the housing market.” In New York, the quantity of vacant rent-stabilized units alone—estimated at around 70,000—is larger than the total population of individuals that currently reside within the city’s network of shelters.

    These apartments remain unoccupied because many landlords have calculated that it is more profitable to keep rent-regulated units off the market than to refurbish or maintain—even to a minimum standard—homes rented out to tenants at below market rates.

    At least 100,000 more New York apartments sit empty because their owners hold them for “seasonal, recreational or occasional use,” or simply use them as long-term investment chips that they never intend to occupy. This dynamic also exists in other cities around the country, particularly in the most expensive housing markets.

    Corporate media’s sympathetic treatment of landlords, combined with its reflexive defense of developers and institutional real estate investors, is indicative of the fact that many establishment outlets have a financial stake in the real estate business.

    The Atlantic, which like Vox jumped to defend the honor of institutional landlords, is majority owned by Emerson Collective—a venture capital firm whose founder and president is Laurene Powell Jobs, the widow of Apple co-founder Steve Jobs. Powell Jobs, who possesses a fortune of over $16 billion, has invested large sums in real estate over the past five years.

    Vox’s largest shareholder is Comcast, which owns nearly a third of Vox Media, Inc. The top two institutional investors in Comcast are, in turn, the aforementioned BlackRock (at 6.9%) and the Vanguard Group (at 8.7%). Vanguard has over $38 billion invested in real estate assets, and is also the largest institutional investor in the New York Times Company, owning 9.5% of its shares.

     

     

    The post Media Narratives Shield Landlords From a Crisis of Their Own Making appeared first on FAIR.

  •  

     

    Guardian image of voting stickers

    Guardian (10/20/22)

    This week on CounterSpin: This midterm is a big-picture election. It’s not just about the laws and policies and priorities governing our lives, not merely about whether we can control our own bodies or the environment has a future, the possibility of racial justice, or whether you can make rent with a full-time job. It’s about all of that, plus how we’re positioned to fight for the system that’s supposed to give each of us a say in those decisions.

    OK, but here are the elite media headlines:

    What’s happening here? What’s not happening here? FAIR always says that news media work in election season should be judged not by how reporters “treat” Democrats or Republicans, but about how they inform and engage the public—including vast numbers of people who don’t even vote, because they can’t, or because they don’t see the connection between pulling that lever and their day-to-day life. Is it too much to say it’s journalism’s job to make those connections, and to err on the side of reflecting public needs to politicians, rather than presenting politicians as celebrities for people to muse about from a distance?

    CounterSpin talks about midterm election coverage with FAIR editor Jim Naureckas and FAIR managing editor Julie Hollar.

          CounterSpin221021HollarNaureckas.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at recent press coverage of Haiti.

          CounterSpin221021Banter.mp3

     

    The post Julie Hollar and Jim Naureckas on 2022 Midterms appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    The announcement by former Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard that she was leaving a Democratic Party driven by “cowardly wokeness,” under the “control of an elitist cabal” which is stoking “anti-white racism,” was met with mixed media enthusiasm. While the New York Times and Washington Post passed on the story, other major centrist media (NPR, 10/12/22; CNN, 10/11/22; USA Today, 10/11/22; Guardian, 10/11/22; LA Times, 10/11/22) thought it worth a headline.

    Market Watch: Tulsi Gabbard is leaving the Democratic Party over ‘cowardly wokeness’

    Attacking “wokeness” is a good way to draw attention to an otherwise unremarkable political move (Market Watch, 10/13/22).

    For right-wing media, Gabbard’s leave-taking was a more significant story. Fox News, where Gabbard has appeared as pundit and occasional fill-in host (HuffPost, 8/13/22), celebrated her departure with coverage painting the Democratic Party as an out-of-touch social justice machine (10/11/22, 10/12/22, 10/13/22), while promising that Gabbard would actively support Republican election efforts (10/12/22) and attack the Biden administration (10/12/22).

    Other conservative outlets likewise trumpeted her announcement (National Review, 10/14/22), even talking of (another) presidential run to challenge the Democrats from the right (New York Post, 10/14/22). An op-ed at The Hill (10/16/22) propped her up as a voice of reason against “socialism.”

    Because Gabbard had supported Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ bid for the presidency in 2016 (Washington Post, 2/28/16), and eventually endorsed Joe Biden in 2020 (NBC, 3/19/20), the right-wing press found in useful to present her as a disillusioned progressive who, as Ronald Reagan claimed, didn’t leave the Democratic Party, but rather was ideologically left behind by an increasingly socially liberal party platform.

    Echoing the right

    But for many of her critics on the left, Gabbard’s leaving the party, and the anti-“woke” rhetoric she used to announce it, was hardly a surprise. She has sponsored anti-trans legislation (Hill, 12/11/20), and said Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” law didn’t go far enough (Advocate, 4/5/22).

    After she introduced anti-abortion legislation (Yahoo, 12/16/20), an op-ed in the Mormon Deseret News (12/20/20) said Gabbard could “build a bridge between the two major parties on abortion.”

    Lately she has tried to make friends in the Donald Trump camp, echoing right-wing talking points about the FBI raid on Mar-a-Lago (National Review, 8/13/22) and comparing Biden to Hitler (Daily Beast, 10/17/22). Previously, she voted “present,” a kind of non-vote, in the first impeachment of Trump—the only Democrat to do so (Politico, 12/20/19).

     

    Advocate:Tulsi Gabbard Thinks Fla.'s 'Don’t Say Gay' Law Doesn’t Go Far Enough

    To those who have been paying attention to her, Gabbard’s alliance with the right comes as little surprise (Advocate, 4/5/22).

    The Nation (1/17/19) noted that her “hawkishness on Islamic terrorism has led in strange directions for someone perceived to be on the left,” noting that “she has engaged with brutal authoritarians such as Syria’s Bashar al-Assad and Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in the name of countering ‘terrorism.’”

    FAIR (10/24/19) extensively covered this last point three years ago, showing how her political rhetoric has been influenced by the far-right Hindu nationalist movement that governs India today. The Intercept (1/5/19) wrote:

    Dozens of Gabbard’s donors have either expressed strong sympathy with or have ties to the Sangh Parivar—a network of religious, political, paramilitary and student groups that subscribe to the Hindu-supremacist, exclusionary ideology known as Hindutva, according to an Intercept analysis of Gabbard’s financial disclosures from 2011 until October 2018….

    According to our analysis, at least 105 current and former officers and members of US Sangh affiliates, and their families, have donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to Gabbard’s campaigns since 2011. Gabbard’s ties to Hindu nationalists in the United States run so deep that the progressive newspaper Telegraph India in 2015 christened her the Sangh’s American mascot.

    Boosting her brand

    Fox: Tulsi Gabbard scorches 'woke' Dems, takes aim at Kamala Harris: 'Perfect example of everything wrong' with DC

    Gabbard’s multiple appearance on Fox News (10/12/22) showed off her Murdoch-ready rhetoric.

    This isn’t the first time Gabbard has used resignation to boost her image. In 2016, she resigned as vice chair of the Democratic National Committee in order to support the Sanders campaign (NPR, 2/28/16), but even her highly produced ad on the subject (YouTube, 3/24/16), featuring her surfing in gorgeous Pacific water and crying as she remembers her military experience, left questions of whether she was promoting Sanders or herself.

    But given that Gabbard no longer has any position or particular role in the party to resign from, why is her change of party registration newsworthy at all? Her presidential run in 2020 was forgettable, winning two delegates and 0.8% of the popular vote (New York Times, 9/14/20). Her legislative accomplishments were thin; former Hawaii Gov. Neil Abercrombie called on Gabbard to resign her House seat because “her missed votes and absence from her district amid her bid for the presidency were unacceptable” (Honolulu Star-Advertiser, 12/23/19).

    Having been out of office since January 2021, nearly two years ago, her departure doesn’t signify a change in the overall political orientation of Hawaii, which is reliably Democratic.

    Compared to other party defectors, her move doesn’t matter in the grand scheme of things. Vermont Sen. Jim Jeffords’ break from the Republican Party in 2001 was not just a symbolic blow to the administration of George W. Bush, but shifted the balance of power to Democrats in the Senate (Washington Post, 8/18/14). Then-Democratic Georgia Sen. Zell Miller’s speech at the Republican National Convention in favor of Bush (CBS, 9/1/04) empowered Republicans in the short term at a critical election moment, and in the long run emboldened the position that Democrats had lost touch with the conservative South.

    There is simply no evidence that Gabbard’s exit moves the dial on the upcoming midterm elections in any significant way.

    Gabbard is getting lots of attention at right-wing Fox News, for a fairly obvious reason. In addition to already being a contributor, as a military veteran she brings a patriotic veneer to a political rhetoric that shifts focus away from the Republicans’ rapaciously cruel economic agenda and toward moral panic against the idea that children might be learning that LGBTQ people exist and have rights.

    But as FAIR (11/17/21) has shown before, much of the mainstream media are drawn like moths to a flame to any rhetoric against “wokeness”—originally an African-American expression meaning socially aware. By pointing to “wokeness” as a catalyst for her exodus, Gabbard ensured that her stunt would attract attention.

    Not only did centrist coverage forward the dubious idea that Democrats have gone overboard with anti-racism and LGBTQ advocacy, it also served to boost her brand as a right-wing talking head. As a pundit, she might have more influence, and will surely make more money, than she did as a politician.

     

    The post If a Democrat Fails Into Fox News, Should It Make a Sound? appeared first on FAIR.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed Jacobin‘s John Logan about Amazon and Starbucks organizing for the October 7, 2022, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin221007Logan.mp3

     

    Janine Jackson: Between well-paid people telling you that the solution to high prices is unemployment, and the news of the latest weather catastrophe separated by several pages from the news about how fossil fuel profits are doing really well, and then the story of the latest outright violation of basic human rights by police or by the courts—it is very meaningful to see news about how another group of Starbucks baristas or of Amazon warehouse workers has got together and decided to fight for better working conditions and dignity for themselves, and to encourage, by extension, all who witness their example.

    Worker organizing—inside or outside of unions—is the counter-narrative, and the counter-reality, to the corporate control and co-optation we see everywhere around us. It matters very much how these efforts are portrayed in the press.

    Joining us now to talk about that is John Logan. He’s professor and director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University, and he’s been writing about organizing within the corporate world for Jacobin. He joins us now by phone. Welcome to CounterSpin, John Logan.

    John Logan: Hi, very glad to be on. Thank you for inviting me.

    Jacobin: In Their Zeal to Destroy Unions, Starbucks and Amazon Aren’t Worried About Breaking the Law

    Jacobin (9/28/22)

    JJ: Listeners probably know that organizing has been happening, but we hear maybe less about the lengths—or depths, we might say—that super-powerful, successful company owners are going to to resist workers getting together to represent themselves.

    Meanwhile, we do see publicity for those companies all day and all night, in ads and social media promotions and supposedly “earned news” by outlets that present a “secret menu” or a “hidden deal” as a news event.

    So maybe let’s start with your recent piece for Jacobin on this. Starbucks and Amazon have been violating actual law, according to the National Labor Relations Board, in their fight against workplace organizing, yes? It’s not just distasteful, they’re actually violating the law.

    JL: Right. You know, an important thing to say straight off is the law itself is very weak, so there is so much that Starbucks and Amazon can do to fight unions that is legal under the National Labor Relations Act. All sorts of things that would not be legal in other advanced democracies, but are legal in the US.

    But they’re not just doing that. They’re doing things, and doing them again and again, that are clearly unlawful. And in the case of Starbucks, the National Labor Relations Board currently has over 350 open unfair labor practice charges against Starbucks.

    And that’s truly a stunning number within a relatively short period of time. We’re talking about a campaign that really only started in August of last year, in Buffalo and upstate New York, and for the first few months, really until December, January, was only in Buffalo, and then subsequently spread nationwide.

    The only comparable thing that I can think of is the UAW dispute with Caterpillar in the 1990s, where eventually there were over 400 unfair labor practice allegations against Caterpillar. But that campaign took place over a seven- or eight-year period. So Starbucks is really just operating as if the law does not apply to it.

    What happens is that Starbucks violates the law. The regional director in Buffalo issued a complaint against Starbucks in May, saying that Starbucks had committed almost 300 individual violations of federal labor law in Buffalo alone, in a three-month period leading up to the first elections in December.

    The company is alleged to have fired over 100 pro-union baristas. It has closed union stores in Buffalo and Ithaca, New York; in Seattle, in Portland and unionizing stores in other places.

    This is a remarkable union campaign that’s now spread to over 240 Starbucks stores around the country, [which] have voted to unionize. But there’s no question, if it were not for these rampant, unlawful union-busting practices, it would be 2,000 or 3,000. It would be far, far more stores.

    NYT: Starbucks Illegally Denied Raises to Union Members, Labor Board Says

    New York Times (8/25/22)

    The one thing that Starbucks did that had the greatest impact is in April, it announced that it was going to increase wages and benefits, but only for non-union stores. If you had voted to unionize or if you were engaged in organizing, you would not be getting these new benefits and wages. And finally it implemented these in August.

    Later in August, the NLRB said this was unlawful. This was clearly designed to create a chilling atmosphere and to discourage workers from becoming involved in the nationwide organizing campaign.

    What did Starbucks do? It said, we think that is wrong, we’re going to fight it. And then in September, it announced yet another wave of increased benefits that apply only to non-union workers.

    And with Amazon, Amazon is still contesting the result of the historic victory of the Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island on April 1. Amazon is still not accepting that result. The NLRB recommended that Amazon‘s election objections be dismissed in their entirety. They were the most frivolous objections, many of them. They were all thoroughly investigated, they were all dismissed. Amazon has said, we don’t accept that.

    It now goes to the regional director. Regional director will undoubtedly agree with the hearing officer. Amazon will then appeal it to the full board in Washington, DC. Because it’s objections and not a complaint, they can’t appeal to the federal courts immediately, but they can simply refuse to bargain on the basis of, they don’t accept the election result.

    Then the union has to make a complaint. The NLRB would come out with a bargaining order. Amazon can say, “We’re still not bargaining, because we don’t accept the election was fair.” And so the board would have to go to the courts to enforce the bargaining order. All of this will take months, if not years.

    And Amazon and Starbucks know that time is on their side. Time is not on the side of pro-union workers.

    Amazon: Amazon’s CEO Says Bid to Overturn Union Victory Will Be Protracted

    Bloomberg (9/7/22)

    So Andy Jassy, the new CEO of Amazon, has already said, this is going to be a really long fight over the election result, not over anything else, but over accepting the election result, where workers very clearly voted to support the Amazon Labor Union.

    And he said, the NLRB is not going to rule against itself, meaning they’re going to take this all the way to the courts.

    And so what that means, and I apologize for going on….

    JJ: I appreciate it.

    JL: What it means is that Amazon and Starbucks can win by losing at the NLRB,  simply because of their resources, because of their determination to fight to the death, because of their ability to appeal and delay at every stage.

    Even if every decision goes against them, which almost certainly it will, they can still undermine these union campaigns, simply by using months and months and years of delay.

    JJ: It’s exactly as you’ve reported: Momentum is an important force for folks who are doing any kind of social activism—organizing momentum, feeling that you’ve got the wind at your back.

    And so these deep pockets, this is where that money comes in, to just delay and delay and delay. And there’s an expression that we hear from corporations sometimes, or their lobbyists, that they talk about “skating where the puck’s going to be.”

    In other words, the law is not on their side and they know it, but they are confident in their ability to either draw it out long enough, or to actually get their legislative arms at work in bending the law.

    So in other words, they can just de facto live the conditions that they want to live while workers are really on the edge and are really, in the example of Amazon that you cite, they’ve won this election and yet they still have to go to work, knowing that management hates them, and is trying to take away what they’ve won.

    I just, to bring it to media, I feel like if media would tell the story from a different perspective, it would change a lot.

    John Logan

    John Logan: “Their retaliation against the union doesn’t get better after the union wins; the union-busting actually gets worse after the union wins.”

    JL: Yes. And, you know, there has been some good media coverage of these stories. The problem is it’s all very fragmented. We need stories that explain the Amazon Labor Union story and the Starbucks Workers United story in their entirety, and the myriad of unfair labor practice charges of unlawful behavior that they have been subjected to by these companies, and how that makes it virtually impossible for pro-union workers to get a fair choice, as the law demands that they get when they’re up against these companies.

    As you said, Amazon has a 150% turnover rate in many of its warehouses, and an entirely new workforce every nine months or so. It’s deliberately trying to drive pro-union workers out of the workplace.

    Starbucks is doing the same. It’s firing them, it’s reducing their hours. It’s introducing new scheduling policies that are targeted in a way that pro-union workers will be driven out of the workplace.

    So they’re delaying recognizing unions, they’re delaying bargaining with unions, and all the time, their retaliation against the union doesn’t get better after the union wins; the union-busting actually gets worse after the union wins.

    So it’s just a very clear indication that they think the choice on whether or not a union comes into Amazon or Starbucks should be made by them, should be made by Howard Schultz, the interim CEO of Starbucks, or Andy Jassy, CEO of Amazon.

    The law says it is the workers who are supposed to decide, but they don’t accept that, they think they should ultimately make the decision.

    And they have even said so explicitly. In an interview with the New York Times, Howard Schultz said that he would never engage—”never,” that was his word—he would never engage with the union, because the customer experience would be undermined if a “third party,” as he sees it, were to come into the stores.

    But the law doesn’t say—I don’t accept that the customer experience would be undermined in any way, but even if that were true, which it’s not, the law says that’s not the point.

    The point is it’s the workers’ choice whether they want union representation. It’s not his choice. It’s not to do with the customer experience. It’s to do with what the workers want.

    And a lot of these Amazon workers and Starbucks workers have stood up for their right to unionize heroically. But you shouldn’t have to be a hero in order to exercise what is supposed to be a federally protected right.

    Andrew Ross Sorkin interviews Howard Schultz

    The New York Times‘ Andrew Ross Sorkin interviews Starbucks’ Howard Schultz (YouTube, 6/10/22).

    JJ: Absolutely. Let’s get into Howard Schultz’s rhetoric just for a minute, because these companies, they have image-management as a fully funded department, right? So you would hope that reporters would have their guard up, recognizing that.

    So you hear workers described as “partners,” and why would you bring in “outside agents” to “disrupt our relationship”? Never mind that the unionbusters never come from the place where the organizing drive is. They’re always brought in on a plane, but, you know, OK.

    It’s all such horse hockey. It’s such gaslighting about what the actual worker/owner relationship is about, and my feeling is that corporate media propagate that line, frankly, when they not just report earnestly on owner rhetoric about “partners,” but also when they report these issues as though workers and consumers were different populations with different interests. That seems to me a fundamental failure of reporting here.

    JL: Yeah, no, I totally agree. And if you look at Starbucks, Starbucks is spending tens of millions of dollars in this anti-union campaign. It’s using the country’s largest, and in fact the world’s largest so-called union avoidance law firm, Littler Mendelson—scores of Littler attorneys all over the country are trying to undermine workers’ right to choose a union.

    It’s also using the world’s largest PR firm, Edelman, to help with this anti-union messaging.

    Vox: How a bunch of Starbucks baristas built a labor movement

    Vox (4/8/22)

    And as you say, to talk about these unions as third parties—of course, we know that’s never true, it’s just always the line anti-union corporations use. But in these particular campaigns, it could not be more clearly nonsense.

    I mean, Amazon Labor Union didn’t exist two years ago. It was formed by Chris Smalls, who was sacked for protesting inadequate Covid safety precautions. The lead organizers were all Amazon workers inside the JFK8 Staten Island facility. The workers are the union in a very, very real sense. The union is not an outside party.

    Same thing with Starbucks Workers United. That union is affiliated with an established union, Workers United, but the only reason it’s had such incredible success is because of the dynamism of its intrepid worker organizers, Starbucks workers who are organizing their own stores all across the country.

    And so you could not have clearer cases where you have these multi-billion dollar corporations spending tens of millions of dollars on trying to prevent workers from exercising what’s supposed to be a federally protected right.

    Whereas, on the other side, you have workers inside warehouses, inside coffee shops, talking to each other and talking about the benefits of having an independent voice, and how that’s necessary to get respect and dignity at work.

    But as you said, to have any stories in which you give Starbucks and Amazon any kind of credibility in their anti-union statements, in these cases, is just truly ridiculous, because we know what’s happening here.

    We know that these are grassroots organizing campaigns. Workers who earn $15, $17, $18 an hour, maybe, at Amazon, against multi-billion-dollar corporations who will spend whatever is necessary and who have unbelievable expertise, sophistication and a total disregard for the law. They will do anything they can.

    If they can break the union legally, they would probably do so, but they don’t care. Their only objective is to keep the union out. And so if it takes committing, in the case of Starbucks, hundreds and hundreds of violations of federal labor law, the penalties for doing so are absolutely meaningless. So they will do that. That is so clearly the case with these campaigns.

    JJ: And yet in the face of that, and that’s where I want to go to, because it seems to me that more and more people are just not falling for that bluff.

    I wish media would take seriously this kind of, “Nice job you got there. Shame if anything were to happen to it.” But in the face of that, and in the face of the news coverage that says Amazon, for example, is a genius company, that’s capitalism doing what it should. And that separated, as you call out, from a story that they might also do about how Amazon workers have to pee in a jar, you know?

    But it’s still a separate story from, “Isn’t Amazon a fantastic example of what we want from companies?”

    Nevertheless, support for labor unions is growing. Union election petitions are growing. Strikes are growing. People are ceasing to fall for it.

    So let’s maybe end with that, just like, it’s happening anyway. And then maybe your thoughts about how journalism could help rather than hinder.

    Gallup: U.S. Approval of Labor Unions at Highest Point Since 1965

    Gallup (8/30/22)

    JL: We don’t even need journalism that’s cheerleading for the unions. We just need journalism that explains what happens, the incredible pressures that American workers are subjected to when they try to exercise their legal right to form a union at companies like Starbucks and like Amazon.

    And the entire labor movement does owe a great debt of gratitude to these workers involved in these two campaigns, because, as you said, it has spread, to Trader Joe’s, to REI, to Apple retail stores, to Chipotle, to other places; to Home Depot, we heard most recently.

    But what it does is, it gives people an education in how our labor laws don’t work. More people are engaged with the issues than has been true for decades. As you said, in the most recent Gallup poll on this, 71% of the American public approve of unions, even higher numbers among young workers.

    And that despite the organizational weakness of unions, despite the fact that unions only represent 6.1% in the private sector. The last time unions had that level of public approval was 1965, but unions represented almost 30% of the workforce back then.

    And so we see it very clearly among young workers. Overwhelmingly young workers approve of unions. But they have really, really low rates of union membership, and that’s because young workers work overwhelmingly in what I would call young workplaces, places like Starbucks, places like REI, places like Trader Joe’s, and those workplaces are overwhelmingly non-union.

    And because of the weak laws, and particularly because of the incredibly strong employer corporate opposition, it is very difficult for them to form unions in those workplaces.

    But as you said, despite that, we now have a wave of organizing throughout the country. People are taking inspiration from the union victories at Amazon and at Starbucks.

    They’re thinking, “We should do that in our own workplace. We don’t just have to quit. We can stick around and organize, and try to win respect and dignity at work.”

    CNN: Amazon Labor Union faces next showdown in upstate New York

    CNN (10/12/22)

    And so a lot of these campaigns will not be successful, because they’re all David versus Goliath stories. There’s another Amazon Labor Union election in Albany next week. I’m hopeful, but we don’t know what the outcome will be. But it would be a remarkable win again if they were to win in Albany.

    But despite that, something historic is changing. You have, as you said, the growing number of people talking union: Amazon workers, Starbucks workers, museum workers, nonprofit workers, gallery workers, tech and online media workers. It’s growing.

    More people are paying attention to labor issues. Something has changed as a result of the pandemic. We don’t know what the legacy of these particular campaigns is going to be. But I think there’s very good reason to believe that the labor movement, as a process by which people get together collectively to win dignity and respect at the workplace, these movements at Starbucks and Amazon have shown there’s still a great deal of life left in that process.

    JJ: All right, we’re going to end on that note.

    We’ve been speaking with John Logan. He’s professor and director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University. You can find his work on 21st century organizing at Jacobin.org.

    John Logan, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    JL: Thank you for having me on. It was a pleasure.

     

    The post ‘People Are Taking Inspiration From Union Victories at Amazon and Starbucks’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    The notorious incident in Del Rio, Texas, where US border patrol agents on horseback were photographed apparently wielding long reins as whips against Haitian migrants, prompted widespread public outrage. But where Ukrainians seeking refuge in this country found a strong advocate in the Washington Post editorial board, their Haitian counterparts have received notably different treatment.

    It’s a fair comparison: Migrants from both countries seek protection in the United States because they fear for their lives in their home country. While Ukraine is actively at war, Haiti’s violence and instability have ebbed and flowed for decades, a result largely of foreign exploitation and intervention, compounded in recent years by devastating earthquakes and hurricanes; neither can provide a basic level of safety for their citizens today.

    All have the right under international and US law to seek that protection, including at the US border, where they are required to be given a chance to apply for asylum. Under Title 42—an obscure and “scientifically baseless” public health directive invoked under Donald Trump at the start of the Covid pandemic, and largely extended under Joe Biden’s administration (FAIR.org, 4/22/22)—that right has been violated, as Haitian (and Central American) asylum seekers have been summarily expelled without being screened for asylum eligibility.

    One might imagine that this trampling of rights, more actively nefarious than the foot-dragging on resettling Ukrainian refugees, would prompt more, not less, outrage among media opinion makers. Yet the opposite is true for the Post editorial board, which has written about both situations repeatedly.

    ‘These could be your children’

    WaPo: Why isn’t Biden taking in refugees from Ukraine?

    A Washington Post editorial (3/4/22) in support of Ukrainian refugees calls attention to the fact that “these could be your children.”

    When the Russian invasion of Ukraine sparked a mass exodus of refugees, the board (3/4/22) quickly and passionately urged the Biden administration to “welcome Ukrainians with open arms”:

    The images linger in your mind: Ukrainian children pressed against the windows of a bus or train sobbing or waving goodbye to their fathers and other relatives who remain behind to try to fight off an unjustified Russian war on Ukraine. It’s easy to imagine this could be your family broken apart. These could be your children joining the more than 1 million refugees trying to flee Ukraine in the past week.

    The board argued that accepting Ukrainian refugees would be a “way to truly stand with the brave and industrious Ukrainian people and our allies around the world”—and “also provide more workers for the US economy.”

    Less than two weeks later, the Post (3/16/22) returned to the issue, forcefully demanding that Biden’s inaction on bringing Ukrainian refugees to the US “must change” and suggesting that the Department of Homeland Security “step up” and grant them entry under a humanitarian parole system. “At the moment, it’s hard to think of a cohort of refugees whose reasons are more urgent,” the board wrote.

    A few weeks after Biden’s March 24 announcement that the US would admit 100,000 Ukrainian refugees, the Post (4/19/22) found the idea “heartening,” but called the lack of implementation “an embarrassment to this country.” This was at a time when, as the board noted, most Ukrainians who managed to make it to the US/Mexico border were being allowed entry under the parole system the Post had favored.

    Later, the Post (6/22/22) celebrated that its exhortations had been followed: “The US Door Swings Open to Ukrainian Refugees.” In that editorial, the board explicitly highlighted that the Ukrainians who had thus far entered the US had done so “in nearly all cases legally.” They wrote:

    That tens of thousands of them have successfully sought refuge in this country over about three months, with relatively little fanfare—and even less controversy, considering the toxicity that attends most migration issues—is a reaffirmation of America’s commitment to its values as a beacon to the world’s most desperate people. That commitment must be sustained as the war in Ukraine drags on, which seems likely.

    But the Post board doesn’t want that beacon to shine too brightly for all the world’s most desperate people—such as Haitian asylum seekers.

    ‘Inhumane to incentivize migrants’

    WaPo: Biden’s mixed messaging on immigration brings a surge of Haitian migrants to the Texas border

    A Washington Post editorial (9/20/21) on Haitian refugees takes President Joe Biden to task for suggesting he would “relax the previous administration’s draconian policies” toward Latin American asylum seekers.

    After the Del Rio incident, the board (9/20/21) expressed umbrage that “Haitian migrants, virtually all Black, are being subjected to expulsion on a scale that has not been directed at lighter-skinned Central Americans.”

    Yet this was quickly balanced by the Post‘s indignation at Biden’s “on-the-ground leniency” toward migrants that “led many or most of [the Haitians at Del Rio] toward the border.” The board wrote that Biden had suggested he would “relax the previous administration’s draconian policies” for “others, especially Central American families with children, tens of thousands of whom have been admitted to the United States this year,” thereby encouraging Haitians to come but then expelling them by the thousands. “The policy is inhumane,” the board lamented; “equally, it is inhumane to incentivize migrants to risk the perilous, expensive journey across Central America and Mexico.”

    To be clear, the Biden administration expelled migrants under Title 42 in more than a million encounters in 2021; however, a change in Mexican policy meant the US could no longer expel Central American families with young children (American Immigration Council, 3/4/22). What the board is suggesting here is that the policy of sending away migrants who have a right to seek asylum in the US, and will almost certainly face a dire situation upon arrival in their home country, is equal in its inhumanity to reducing the use of that policy—because that incentivizes more people to exercise their right to seek asylum.

    So what’s the answer to this conundrum? Ultimately the board pinned the blame on “partisanship in Congress” that has “doomed” attempts at comprehensive immigration reform. Setting aside the absurdity of the idea that both parties are equally at fault in stymying immigration reform, that analysis implies that any sort of immediate relief for actual Haitians is not a priority for the Post editorial board, regardless of their suffering.

    After the Del Rio incident, the Biden administration cleared out the migrant camp the Haitians were staying in, and most were flown to Haiti or fled to Mexico to avoid that fate. Many Democrats criticized Biden for the treatment of the Haitian migrants, but the Post (10/13/21), in its next editorial on the subject, argued that those critics “fail[ed] to acknowledge the political, logistical and humanitarian risks of lax border enforcement.”

    The headline of that editorial, “How the Biden Administration Can Help Haitian Migrants Without Sending the Wrong Message,” clearly signaled the board’s priorities; when advocating for helping Ukrainians, the Post never betrayed any concern that such help might send the wrong message.

    While it’s “easy to sympathize with the impulse behind” calls to end Title 42, and to grant Haitian refugees asylum if they are judged to have a “reasonable possibility of fear,” the board wrote, “the trouble is that it would swiftly incentivize huge numbers of new migrants to make the perilous trek toward the southern border.”

    They argued that their concern wasn’t theoretical; it was “proved” by the “surge” of Haitian asylum seekers “driven in large part by the administration’s increasingly sparing use of Title 42″—implying that the human rights of Haitian migrants must be judiciously balanced against the supposed threat of a “surge” of them at the border. The board members concluded that “Americans broadly sympathize with the admission of refugees and asylum seekers, but a precondition of that support is a modicum of order in admissions.” First comes order, then come the Post‘s sympathies.

    Two months later (12/30/21), they argued that the mass expulsion of Haitian migrants was “deeply troubling,” quoting a UN report that Haitians are “living in hell.” And yet they found themselves unable to forcefully condemn the Biden administration’s continued use of Title 42 to prevent Haitians from exercising their right to seek asylum, arguing that the policy is “politically defensible,” since “Americans do not want to encourage a chaotic torrent of illegal immigration.” The strongest umbrage they could muster was to call the situation “worth a policy review, to say the least.”

    ‘Main export is asylum seekers’

    WaPo: As chaos mounts in Haiti, the U.S. takes a tepid stance

    The Washington Post (5/7/22) calls for a “vigorous US policy” to oppose Haiti “chaos.”

    The Post editorial board is clearly very aware of the plight of Haitian refugees. As they pointed out in an editorial (5/7/22) calling for a “concerted, muscular diplomatic push” to address the Haitian government’s lack of legitimacy, they wrote that for those deported to Haiti, their “chances of finding work are abysmal, but the possibility that they will be victimized amid the pervasive criminality is all too real.”

    The board has been vocal (7/7/22) about calling for US policy change toward Haiti to reduce the “human misery”—and the “outflow of refugees”—arguing that “deportation is a poor substitute for policy.” Recently, it has ramped up its rhetoric, even suggesting (8/6/22) the idea of a military intervention in Haiti; in its most recent call for intervention, the board (10/11/22) argued:

    It is unconscionable for the Western Hemisphere’s richest country to saddle the poorest with a stream of migrants amid an economic, humanitarian and security meltdown.

    But it’s the country, not its people, at the center of concern here. At no point in the piece are those people, or the impact of US policy on them, described. (Certainly it’s never suggested that “these could be your children.”) Worse, the board calls Haiti a “failed state whose main export is asylum seekers,” reducing those asylum seekers to objects. (One might add that comparing Black human beings to “exports” shows a callous disregard for Haitian—and US—history.)

    The board wants intervention in Haiti in part to relieve the “humanitarian suffering” in the country (9/22/22)—but it’s not ashamed to put “death and despair” in the same sentence as “a steady or swelling tide of refugees” as the two things the Biden administration should be seeking to prevent via such an intervention.

    The source of the discrepancy between its position on Ukrainian and Haitian refugees seems to be that the Post editorial board sees them as fundamentally different problems. Ukrainians fleeing violence and instability are themselves at risk and need help; Haitians fleeing violence and instability are a risk to the US.

    That framing of the problem was perhaps most clear in their editorial (2/10/21) condemning Biden’s support for Haiti’s “corrupt, autocratic and brutal” then-President Jovenel Moïse:

    As with Central American migrants, the problem of illegal immigrants from Haiti can be mitigated only by a concerted US push to address problems at the source.

    Haitian migrants are, to the Post, more a problem for the US than human beings with problems of their own.

    And the editorial board’s use of the term “illegal immigrant”—a dehumanizing and inaccurate slur the widely-used AP style guide nixed ten years ago—is also telling. The board repeatedly refers in its editorials on Haiti to “illegal border crossings” and “surges.” But as mentioned previously, Haitians, like Ukrainians—and the Central American migrants the Post dreads in the same breath as Haitians—are legally entitled to come to the US border and seek asylum. In fact, to request asylum, migrants are required to present themselves on US soil. The only thing that makes their crossings “illegal” is Title 42, which itself is clearly illegal, despite judicial contortions to keep it in place. Yet it seems the moral (and legal) imperative to offer the opportunity to seek asylum must always be balanced, in the Post‘s view, with their fears of an unruly mob at the border.

    ‘An enduring gift to their new country’

    Early in the Ukraine War, some journalists came under criticism for singling out Ukrainian refugees for sympathy, in either explicit or implicit contrast to refugees from non-white countries (FAIR.org, 3/18/22). CBS‘s Charlie D’Agata (2/25/22), for instance, told viewers that Ukraine

    isn’t a place, with all due respect, like Iraq or Afghanistan, that has seen conflict raging for decades. This is a relatively civilized, relatively European—I have to choose those words carefully, too—city, one where you wouldn’t expect that, or hope that, it’s going to happen.

    “They seem so like us,” wrote Daniel Hannan in the Telegraph (2/26/22). “That is what makes it so shocking.”

    Both journalists were white; it is perhaps worth noting that nine of the ten members of the Washington Post editorial board are likewise white. (Post opinion columnist Jonathan Capehart, who is Black, is the sole exception.)

    WaPo: Don’t forget the Afghan refugees who need America’s support

    The Washington Post (4/28/22) shows no fear of a “surge” of Afghan refugees.

    And yet the differential treatment it accords migrant groups may go beyond racism or classism for the Post; in April, the board (4/28/22) published an editorial headlined, “Don’t Forget the Afghan Refugees Who Need America’s Support.” In it, the board asked, “Why can’t the administration stand up a program for US-based individuals and groups to sponsor Afghan refugees to come here, as it has done for Ukrainians?”

    Earlier, the board (8/31/21) had argued that Afghan refugees “​​will become as thoroughly American as their native-born peers, and their energy, ambition and pluck will be an enduring gift to their new country.”

    The Afghanistan case illustrates that the Washington Post doles out its sympathy on political, not just racial, terms: Afghans, like Ukrainians, are presented as victims of enemies the Post has devoted considerable energy to vilifying—the Taliban on the one hand, Russia on the other. The plights of Haitians (and Central Americans), by contrast, can in no small part be traced back to US intervention—something the Post has little appetite for castigating.

    And Afghans, for the most part, have not been arriving at the US/Mexico border, which is clearly a site of anxiety for the board, with its fear of “surges” and lawlessness.

    The humanization and sympathy the board offers to both Afghans, and especially the Ukrainians that “could be your children,” is never offered to Haitians. Their circumstances are described, sometimes in dire language, but they themselves—their “pluck,” their “children pressed against the windows of a bus or train sobbing or waving goodbye to their fathers and other relatives who remain behind”—remain invisible and, ultimately, unworthy.


    ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to the Washington Post at letters@washpost.com, or via Twitter @washingtonpost.

    Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your message in the comments thread here.

    The post WaPo Wants US ‘Beacon’ for Ukraine Refugees—but Not for Haitians appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    This week on CounterSpin: Media watchers may know that Katie Halper was fired from her job at Hill TV because she did a thing you can’t do in elite US news media, which is make a statement critical of the state of Israel. Halper described Israel as an apartheid state—a designation supported by the Israeli human rights group B’tselem, as well as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.

    Classroom memorial for Rayyan Sulaiman

    Classroom memorial for Rayyan Suleiman (Middle East Eye, 10/3/22; photo: Shatha Hammad).

    Her firing, along with others who’ve crossed the same policed line, is a loss for curious US viewers who want to hear a range of not just views on Israel and Palestine, but news: That would include stories like that of Rayyan Suleiman, a 7-year-old boy who died September 29 from a heart attack after Israeli occupation forces chased him home from school, because, they said, some of the group of kids he was with threw stones at them.

    Dialogue around Palestine and Israel is among the most formulaic that elite media maintain, but growing numbers of people have concerns, not just about uncritical US support for Israel, but also about the shutdown of critics and the conflation of debate with the real problem of antisemitism. CounterSpin talked about these questions in August with Ahmad Abuznaid,  executive director at the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights. We hear that conversation again this week.

          CounterSpin221014Abuznaid.mp3

     

    Cryptocurrency Crash

    Also on the show: Apparently cryptocurrency is going through a rough patch. Who would’ve guessed the thing that presented itself as a way for the little guy to go big in wheelin’ and dealin’ was not exactly as presented? CounterSpin spoke back in February with Chicago-based writer Sohale Mortazavi whose article, “Cryptocurrency Is a Giant Ponzi Scheme,” appeared at JacobinMag.com. We revisit that this week as well.

          CounterSpin221014Mortazavi.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at press coverage of the Nord Stream sabotage.

          CounterSpin221014Banter.mp3

     

    The post Ahmad Abuznaid on Israeli Human Rights Crackdown, Sohale Mortazavi on Cryptocurrency appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    After turning in the draft of an op-ed monologue critical of Israel, journalist Katie Halper was fired from her new post at the Hill TV’s political commentary show Rising (Daily Beast, 10/4/22).  The monologue, known as a “Radar” on Rising, was called “Israel IS an Apartheid State.”

    Katie Halper on Israel: Separate and Unequal

    In documenting Israel’s status as an apartheid state, Kate Halper crossed one of corporate media’s most policed red lines.

    Halper (who has written for FAIR) used CNN’s Jake Tapper (9/21/22) and Anti-Defamation League CEO Jonathan Greenblatt’s condemnation of applying the term “apartheid” to Israel, and their suggestion that Palestinian-American Rep. Rashida Tlaib was antisemitic for saying support for Israel was incompatible with progressivism, as a jumping point to examine Israel’s ethnonationalist violence.

    In her commentary, Halper laid out the case that has been made by major human rights organizations like Amnesty International (2/1/22) and Human Rights Watch (4/27/21), and the Israeli human rights group B’tselem (1/12/22), that Israel is in fact an apartheid state. Along with substantial documentation, Halper contributed a personal perspective as well:

    I was born in New York City. My great-grandparents…were from Eastern Europe. I could move to Israel today, buy a house, get a job, travel around with no problem. So could Jake Tapper and Jonathan Greenblatt. But a Palestinian like Rashida Tlaib can’t even visit her family home in what is now Israel.

    The monologue was going to be Halper’s first as a permanent co-host, after having been a contributor for three years. Rising frames itself as a forum where “anti-establishment” or “populist” views from both the left and the right can be freely exchanged and debated. Former co-host Ryan Grim, who personally delivered more than 150 monologues for Rising, noted there is “no approval process” for hosts’ commentaries (Intercept, 9/29/22). Despite this, executives at Hill TV and/or its new parent company Nexstar Media saw Halper’s criticism of Israel as a bridge too far.

    First Halper’s superiors put the commentary under review. Then they told her that it would be nixed altogether, because of a brand-new policy barring opinion pieces on Israel, which even the producer was unaware of. Finally, they fired her (Daily Beast, 10/4/22).

    ‘A systematic effort’

    Halper wasn’t the first journalist silenced for criticizing Israel, and she won’t be the last. In her response to the firing and in subsequent tweets, Halper pointed to several other recent examples:

    • CNN’s firing of Marc Lamont Hill for calling for a free Palestine “from the river to the sea” (FAIR.org, 12/11/18).
    • The Guardian’s firing of Nathan J. Robinson for satirically claiming on Twitter that Congress cannot authorize new spending without a portion of it going to Israel (FAIR.org, 2/22/21).
    • AP’s firing of Emily Wilder after she was targeted by a right-wing smear campaign for her pro-Palestinian activism as a college student (Democracy Now!, 5/25/21; FAIR.org, 5/22/21).
    • Journalist Abby Martin being banned from the University of Georgia for refusing to sign a pledge that she would not participate in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement against Israel (Mint Press, 2/10/20). (Numerous academics, like Angela Davis and Norman Finkelstein, have also faced retaliation for their critical views of Israel.)
    Twitter: After years of covering the Gaza Strip as a freelance photojournalist for the New York Times...

    Photojournalist Hosam Salem (Twitter, 10/5/22) disclosed being banned by the New York Times for his pro-Palestinian views.

    Just this week, New York Times freelance photojournalist Hosam Salem reported that the Times fired him after the “Israel lobby organization Honest Reporting, which exists to attack the Palestinian narrative in the West” (Mondoweiss, 10/5/22), accused him of antisemitism for voicing support for Palestinian resistance to Israeli occupation forces. Salem discussed his firing on Twitter:

    What is taking place is a systematic effort to distort the image of Palestinian journalists as being incapable of trustworthiness and integrity, simply because we cover the human rights violations that the Palestinian people undergo on a daily basis at hands of the Israeli army.

    ‘The best defense is a good offense’

    The firing of journalists like Salem, Wilder and Hill wasn’t in response to their violating any clear policy of their respective outlets. Instead, well-funded pressure groups are able to get pro-Palestinian journalists fired, especially when they can appeal to pro-Israel sympathies in media management.

    In Halper’s case, her firing may be connected to Nexstar Media‘s August 2021 purchase of The Hill, including its TV outlet. Jacobin’s Branko Marcetic (10/1/22) wrote of “signs of a possible tilt in The Hill’s editorial line on Israel”:

    In late August, Nexstar filled the position of deputy managing editor of NewsNation, its cable channel, with Jake Novak, a journalist who spent the preceding year and a half as the media director of the Israeli consulate general in New York….

    Six days before the announcement of his hiring, Novak led a presentation at Bar-Ilan University titled, “Defending Israel Against Media Bias—How to Fight News Media and Social Media Bias Against Israel: The Best Defense Is a Good Offense.” It was an update of a talk he had given in 2016 about defending Israel’s reputation, which the host described as “an absolute master class in public relations and diplomacy.”

    As Marcetic noted, a pro-Israel bias in Nexstar should be of grave concern: Following its purchase of Tribune Media, it is now the largest local broadcast TV owner in the US.

    Lethal censorship

    Graphic depicting the fact that Israeli occupation forces committed 479 violations and crimes against journalists in the first half of 2022.

    For journalists operating in Palestine, censorship takes on violent and deadly forms.

    Getting fired is hardly the worst form of retribution experienced by journalists who expose Israeli crimes. The Palestinian Journalists Syndicate reports 479 violations and crimes against Palestinian journalists by Israeli forces and settlers in just the first half of 2022. These include two killings, 35 shootings, and numerous assaults and arrests. On Wednesday, two Palestinian journalists were shot by Israeli occupying forces while covering an Israeli raid in the West Bank (Al Jazeera, 10/5/22). Over 50 journalists have been killed by Israeli forces since 2001, including Al Jazeera reporter Shireen Abu Akleh, who was an American citizen (Vox, 5/13/22; FAIR.org, 5/20/22, 7/2/22).

    Washington’s supply of weapons and aid to Israel is critical to Israel’s capacity to uphold apartheid (Al Jazeera, 6/4/21; Belfer Center, 2/7/17), so maintaining a positive opinion of Israel in the US public is of extreme importance to Israel. By censoring critical journalists like Katie Halper, US corporate media are thus playing a key role in supporting a system that has seen journalists killed, assaulted and detained in Israel/Palestine.


    ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to the The Hill at https://thehill.com/contact/ or on Twitter: @HillTVLive. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.

    The post Katie Halper Violated Media Taboo Against Israel Criticism appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Multiple explosions last week off the coast of Poland damaged both the Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2 pipelines, shutting down one and preventing the other from going online. The pipelines, intended to carry natural gas from Russia to Germany, are critical infrastructure for Europe’s energy markets.

    The explosions triggered a lopsided “whodunnit” in US media, with commentators almost universally fingering Russia as the culprit, despite the lack of a plausible motive. Official US opposition to the pipeline has been well-established over the years, giving Washington ample motive to destroy the pipelines, but most newsrooms uniformly suppressed this history, and attacked those who raised it.

    WaPo: European leaders blame Russian ‘sabotage’ after Nord Stream explosions

    “Only Russia had the motivation,” the Washington Post (9/27/22) claimed—even as it reported that the pipelines “deepened Europe’s dependence on Russian natural gas,” which “many [presumably Western] officials now say was a grave strategic mistake.”

    After the explosions, much of the press dutifully parroted the Western official line. The Washington Post (9/27/22) quickly produced an account: “European Leaders Blame Russian ‘Sabotage’ After Nord Stream Explosions,” citing nothing but EU officials who claimed that while they had no evidence of Russian involvement, “only Russia had the motivation, the submersible equipment and the capability.”

    Much of the media cast their suspicions towards Russia, including Bloomberg (9/27/22), Vox (9/29/22), Associated Press (9/30/22) and much of cable news. With few exceptions, speculation on US involvement has seemingly been deemed an intellectual no-fly-zone.

    The idea that only Russia had the means and motivation is clearly false on both counts. Washington has made it clear for years that it doesn’t want the pipeline, and has taken active measures to stop it from coming online. As for the means, it’s patently absurd to suggest that the US doesn’t have the capability to lay explosives in 200 feet of water.

    Even Max Boot, who agreed in his Washington Post column (9/29/22) that only Russia had the means and motive, contradictorily acknowledged that “the means are easy.”

    A long history of opposition

    Any serious coverage of the Nord Stream attack should acknowledge that opposition to the pipeline has been a centerpiece of the US grand strategy in Europe. The long-term goal has been to keep Russia isolated and disjointed from Europe, and to keep the countries of Europe tied to US markets. Ever since German and Russian energy companies signed a deal to begin development on Nord Stream 2, the entire machinery of Washington has been working overtime to scuttle it.

    RAND: Extending Russia

    The RAND report (2019) that recommended “Reduc[ing] [Russian] Natural Gas Exports and Hinder[ing] Pipeline Expansions” now comes with a warning saying it’s been “mischaracterized” by “Russian entities and individuals sympathetic to Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine.”

    A 2019 Pentagon-funded study from the RAND Corporation on how best to exploit “Russia’s economic, political and military vulnerabilities and anxieties” included a recommendation to “Reduce [Russian] Natural Gas Exports and Hinder Pipeline Expansions.” The study noted that a “first step would involve stopping Nord Stream 2,” and that natural gas “from the United States and Australia could provide a substitute.”

    This RAND study also prophetically recommended “providing more US military equipment and advice” to Ukraine in order to “lead Russia to increase its direct involvement in the conflict and the price it pays for it,” even though it acknowledged that “Russia might respond by mounting a new offensive and seizing more Ukrainian territory.”

    The Obama administration opposed the pipeline. As part of the major sanctions package against Russia in 2017, the Trump administration began sanctioning any company doing work on the pipeline. The move generated outrage in Germany, where many saw it as an attempt to meddle with European markets. In 2019, the US implemented more sanctions on the project.

    Upon coming into office, President Joe Biden made opposition to the pipeline one of his administration’s top priorities. During his confirmation hearings in 2021, Secretary of State Anthony Blinken told Congress he was “determined to do whatever I can to prevent” Nord Stream 2 from being completed. Months later, the State Department reiterated that “any entity involved in the Nord Stream 2 pipeline risks US sanctions and should immediately abandon work on the pipeline.”

    In July 2021, the sanctions were relaxed only after contentious negotiations with the German government. The New York Times (7/21/21) reported that the administration and Germany still had “profound disagreements” about the project.

    As Russia was gathering troops at Ukraine’s border at the beginning of this year, US administration officials issued threats against the pipeline’s operation in the event of a Russian invasion. In January, Undersecretary of State Victoria Nuland — one of the main players during the 2014 Maidan Coup in Ukraine and wife of Robert Kagan, the founder of the neoconservative Project for a New American Century — issued a stern warning against the pipeline. “If Russia invades, one way or another, Nord Stream 2 Will. Not. Move. Forward.”

    In February, Joe Biden himself told reporters, “If Russia invades…then there will be no longer a Nord Stream 2. We will bring an end to it.” After a reporter asked how the US planned to end a project that was under German control, Biden responded, “I promise you, we will be able to do that.”

    On February 22, after Russian troops were given orders to enter the Donbas region in eastern Ukraine, Germany suspended the pipeline, in a move that was called “remarkable” at the time (New York Times, 2/22/22).

    In sharp contrast to the US’s antagonism, Russia has taken the opposite approach to the pipeline it spent billions of dollars to complete. As recently as three weeks ago, Putin expressed willingness to supply more gas if the EU would lift the sanctions against the newer pipeline. He said: “If things are so bad, just go ahead and lift sanctions against Nord Stream 2, with its 55 billion cubic meters per year — all they have to do is press the button and they will get going.” Diplomatic sources told the Cradle (9/29/22) that Russia and Germany were in talks about both NS1 and NS2 on the day of the explosion.

    The day after the attack, German government sources leaked to the German daily Der Spiegel (9/28/22) that weeks earlier, the CIA warned Germany of a potential attack on the pipeline. However, sources told CNN (9/29/22) that the warnings were “vague” and that “it was not clear from the warnings who might be responsible for any attacks on the pipelines, or when they might occur.” A high-level source in German intelligence told the Cradle (9/29/22) that they were “furious” because “they were not in the loop.”

    After the attack, Blinken called the bombing a “tremendous opportunity to once and for all remove the dependence on Russian energy,” and said that this “offers tremendous strategic opportunity for years to come.” On the other hand, Russia has already announced plans to begin repairing the pipeline.

    So contrary to what nearly the US entire media establishment has presented, the US has had ample motive to destroy the pipeline, and is actively celebrating its demise.

    ‘Thank you, USA’

    One event that fueled speculation of US involvement was a tweet from a Polish member of the European Parliament, Radek Sikorski—a one-time Polish Defense minister as well as a former American Enterprise Institute fellow, who was named one of the “Top 100 Global Thinkers” in 2012 by Foreign Policy (11/26/12).

    Radosław Sikorski on Twitter: Thank You, USA

    The Washington Post (9/28/22) suggested that by thanking the United States over a picture of the pipeline explosion, Radek Sikorksi may have been “crediting the United States with rendering the pipelines moot by pressuring Europe not to take Russian natural gas.”

    Sikorski tweeted out a picture of the methane leak in the ocean, along with the caption, “As we say in Polish, a small thing, but so much joy.” He later tweeted, “Thank you, USA,” with the same picture.

    He later tweeted against the pipeline, noting that “Nord Stream’s only logic was for Putin to be able to blackmail or wage war on Eastern Europe with impunity.” An hour later he elaborated:

    Now $20 billion of scrap metal lies at the bottom of the sea, another cost to Russia of its criminal decision to invade Ukraine. Someone…did a special maintenance operation.

    The last line was a joke about how Russia classifies its invasion of Ukraine as a “special military operation.”

    After these tweets received attention from those who suspected US responsibility, Sikorski deleted them. Business Insider (9/30/22) dishonestly wrote that these latter tweets were actually an “attempt to clarify that the original tweet was a criticism of US support for the pipeline being built in the first place.” Any honest reading of the tweets demonstrates that the opposite is true; presumably this is why Insider didn’t link to any specific text.

    The Washington Post (9/28/22) also offered a twisted interpretation of Sikorski’s tweets:

    His meaning wasn’t entirely clear; it seems possible he was crediting the United States with rendering the pipelines moot by pressuring Europe not to take Russian natural gas. In later tweets, he seemed actually to point to Russian sabotage.

    For the latter claim, the Post cited Sikorski’s joke about the “special maintenance operation,” but the full tweet shows that this is a preposterous interpretation.

    While certainly not a smoking gun, such a high-profile accusation (or expression of gratitude, such as it was) raises eyebrows, especially given Poland’s strenuous opposition to the pipeline, and the recent completion of a Norway/Poland pipeline designed to “cut dependency on Russia.” The circumstances are even more suspicious, given that Sikorski is the husband of the fervently anti-Russian staff writer at The Atlantic Anne Applebaum, who has been a key media figure advancing the pro-NATO narrative in the West.

    Applebaum even sits on the board of the National Endowment for Democracy (a position she once shared with Victoria Nuland before Nuland moved into the Biden administration), a government-funded conduit for US regime change and destabilization projects that was an important driving force behind the 2014 coup that replaced Ukraine’s pro-Russian government with a Pro-Western one. Since then, the NED has funded English-language Ukrainian media like the Kyiv Independent, which, along with commentators like Applebaum herself, are now shaping coverage of the current war for Western audiences.

    The fact that someone as connected as Sikorski would find it appropriate to publicly thank the US for the attack certainly deserves scrutiny. Some US media brought up the tweet, but dismissed it as unimportant (The Hill, 9/30/22).

    ‘A reminder from Moscow’

    Business Insider: The sabotage of gas pipelines were a 'warning shot' from Putin to the West, and should brace for more subterfuge, Russia experts warn

    Business Insider (10/4/22): If Putin is willing to blow up his own pipelines, just think what he might do to yours!

    US media have all but ignored the critical context above. If a case like that existed for the Russia-did-it theory, you can be sure that it would have been spelled out in detail by everyone. But instead, US media direct attention away from the obvious and are left to grasp at straws to find a potential Russian motive. In fact, many outlets readily acknowledged that there was no obvious motive for Russia to bomb its own pipeline. For example, the New York Times (9/28/22) wrote:

    It is unclear why Moscow would seek to damage installations that cost Gazprom billions of dollars to build and maintain. The leaks are expected to delay any possibility of receiving revenue from fuel going through the pipes.

    Vox (9/28/22) reported thatexperts emphasized…it may be hard to fully know Moscow’s motivation.” NPR (9/28/22) also couldn’t readily answer “the question as to why Russia would attack its own pipelines.”

    Having admitted that Russia has no readily apparent motive, establishment media are left to stretch. They presented a couple of theories for Putin’s potential motivation, but neither holds up to scrutiny. One, per the Times (9/28/22), is that the leaks “may help Russia by pushing energy prices higher,” since “the natural gas market is spooked.” But this logic makes little sense, as Russia has been pushing for Europe to open the Nord Stream 2 pipeline since it was completed. Higher natural gas prices do Russia little good if it’s unable to deliver its gas to market.

    The Times (9/28/22) put forth another theory: that Putin is just teaching the West some kind of lesson:

    The ruptures could also be a reminder from Moscow that if European countries keep up their support for Ukraine, they risk sabotage to vital energy infrastructure.

    The Washington Post (9/27/22), speaking to “security officials,” cited similar theories:

    One official said it might have been a message to NATO: “We are close.” Another said that it could be a threat to other, non-Russian energy infrastructure.

    Business Insider (10/4/22) published a piece hysterically titled: “The Sabotage of Gas Pipelines Were a ‘Warning Shot’ From Putin to the West, and Should Brace for More Subterfuge, Russia Experts Warn.”

    CNN (9/29/22) also found a US official to tell them that “Moscow would likely view [attacking the pipeline] as worth the price if it helped raise the costs of supporting Ukraine for Europe,” and that “sabotaging the pipelines could ‘show what Russia is capable of.’” Vox (9/28/22) found some “experts” to tell them the same story.

    But the reality is that Russia has done its utmost to discourage NATO from further involvement in the war. A Russian attack on the pipeline would all but guarantee greater NATO involvement in Ukraine. Antagonizing Germany to teach the rest of Europe a lesson—which would only work if Russia was understood to be behind the sabotage—would be the opposite of Russia’s interests. This argument amounts to little more than “Putin is evil and hates Europe.”

    As FAIR (3/30/22) has previously written, this cartoon narrative of Putin as Hitler allows for all logic and reasoning to fall by the wayside. The US behavior with regards to the pipeline is objectively more compelling than the case against Russia, yet the media have dismissed it out of hand.

    A crack in the facade

    One of the cracks in the uniform coverage was a segment on Bloomberg TV (10/3/22). Host Tom Keene brought on Columbia University economist Jeffrey Sachs, who was recently the head of the Lancet’s investigation (9/14/22) into the origin of Covid-19. During the interview, Sachs stated that he “would bet [the attack] was a US action, perhaps US and Poland.”

    Bloomberg host Tom Keene interviewing Jeffrey Sachs

    Bloomberg TV host Tom Keene (10/3/22) takes Jeffrey Sachs to task for questioning the official Nord Stream narrative.

    Keene immediately stopped him and demanded that he lay out evidence for the claim. Sachs cited radar evidence that US helicopters, normally based in Gdansk, had been hovering within the area of the explosion shortly before the attack. This is certainly not a smoking gun, given Western intelligence claims that Russian ships were observed in the area during this same timeframe, though it does add to the case for US responsibility. He also cited the threatening statements from Biden and Blinken as reasons for his suspicion.

    Sachs acknowledged the propaganda system in which he was operating:

    I know it runs counter to our narrative, you‘re not allowed to say these things in the West, but the fact of the matter is, all over the world when I talk to people, they think the US did it…. Even reporters on our papers that are involved tell me, “Of course [the US is responsible],” but it doesn’t show up in our media.

    This was the only time FAIR saw an anchor push back and ask for evidence for guests’ speculation of responsibility—speculation that was usually pointed toward Russia.

    The broken clock

    As illustration of the weirdness that is the US elite’s opportunistic relationship with Russia, Fox News’ Tucker Carlson (9/27/22), the white nationalist who hosts the most popular evening talk show in America, was one of the only media figures to go against the dominant narrative. Carlson certainly overstated the case for US involvement in the pipeline attack, but he asked questions no one else in corporate media would touch.

    WaPo: Russian TV is very excited about Такер Карлсон’s Nord Stream theory

    The Washington Post (9/29/22) printed Tucker Carlson’s name in Cyrillic—implying that only a Russian agent would express doubts about the US’s innocence.

    But rather than dissect Carlson’s case factually, most other media relied purely on redbaiting. The Washington Post (9/29/22) wrote Carlson’s name in Cyrillic —”Russian TV Is Very Excited About Такер Карлсон’s Nord Stream Theory”—to play into the McCarthyite fearmongering of the New Cold War.

    The Post brought up the threatening statements from Nuland and Biden, and even the tweet from Sikorski, but only to dismiss them, because they weren’t a “smoking gun.” Of course, the Post refused to acknowledge that the quotes from administration officials demonstrated a clear opposition to the pipeline, and thus an obvious motive for the attack.

    Despite the fact that Carlson repeatedly claimed that “we don’t know what happened,” the Post declared that “he delivered his speculation as if it were fact and invited his viewers to do the same.” While this is a fair assessment of the tone if not the text of the segment, the Post had nothing to say about the certainty with which others in the media accused Russia.

    The Post’s reporting was picked up by MSNBC Katie Phang (10/1/22), who, also eschewing actual investigation, asked her guest, “How dangerous is it for an American media personality with the kind of reach that Tucker Calrson has to be out there spouting a talking point that ends up on Russian state TV?”

    ‘Baseless conspiracy theory’

    ABC: Russians push baseless theory blaming US for burst pipeline

    AP (via ABC, 9/30/22) accused “Kremlin and Russian state media” of “aggressively pushing a baseless conspiracy theory” in “another effort to split the U.S. and its European allies.”

    The Associated Press (9/30/22) wrote a widely republished story, headlined “Russians Push Baseless Theory Blaming US for Burst Pipeline,” that called the idea the US was responsible for the attacks a “baseless conspiracy theory.”

    Like the other coverage, the AP didn’t evaluate any of the evidence, but called the theory “disinformation” designed to “undermine Ukraine’s allies” and, importantly, painted such speculation as beyond legitimate discussion:

    The suggestion that the US caused the damage was circulating on online forums popular with American conservatives and followers of QAnon, a conspiracy theory movement which asserts that Trump is fighting a battle against a Satanic child-trafficking sect that controls world events.

    Bloomberg (reprinted in the Washington Post, 9/27/22) acknowledged Biden’s threats against the pipeline, but writer Javier Blas dismissed them without actually explaining why:

    Conspiracy theorists always see the hand of the CIA in everything. But that’s nonsense. The clear beneficiary of shutting down the Nord Stream pipelines for good is Russian President Vladimir Putin.

    Yes, the “clear beneficiary” of the destruction of the main method Russia could sell billions of dollars worth of natural gas to Europe was…the Russian president. It doesn’t make more sense if you read the whole article.

    The US press produced an overwhelming chorus of articles (e.g., Business Insider, 9/30/22; Vox, 2/28/22; Newsweek, 10/3/22) that deployed the term “conspiracy theory” to discredit the idea of US culpability. Not one of these pieces adequately explored the credible reasons for the suspicion, simply ignoring the body of evidence presented above.

    The Brookings Institution (where Robert Kagan works) published a long article (10/3/22), complete with graphs and charts, that warned of the dangers of podcasters spreading the idea that the US was culpable in the attacks. It dismissed this possibility on the strength of a link to the New York Times (9/28/22), used to substantiate a claim that “experts broadly agree that Russia is the key suspect.” It did not do any investigation of its own.

    When is a theory a ‘conspiracy theory’?

    Caitlin Johnstone: It’s Only A ‘Conspiracy Theory’ When It Accuses The US Government

    Caitlin Johnstone (10/4/22): “If you think the United States could have any responsibility for this attack at all, you’re a crazy conspiracy theorist and no different from QAnoners who think pedophile Satan worshipers rule the world.”

    This use of the term “conspiracy theory” or “conspiracy theorist,” along with the mention of QAnon, has the effect of associating speculation of US involvement in the attack with a class of people that have largely been discredited (with good reason) in the public mind. Once this link has been made, evaluating the evidence is no longer required. It’s a lazy rhetorical trick to marginalize dissent.

    In his book Conspiracy Theory in America, scholar Lance Dehaven Smith examined the way the term is deployed in establishment media:

    What they actually have in mind are suspicions that simply deviate from conventional opinion about the norms and integrity of US officials. In practice, it is not the form or the object of conspiracy theories, or even the absence of official confirmation, that differentiates them from other (acceptable) beliefs; it is their nonconformity with prevailing opinion.

    Writer Caitlin Johnstone (10/4/22) put it succinctly in a piece on the hysteria surrounding the pipeline attacks: “It’s Only a ‘Conspiracy Theory’ When It Accuses the US Government.” She wrote:

    Over and over again we see the pejorative “conspiracy theory” applied to accusations against one nation but not the other, despite the fact that it’s the exact same accusation. They are both conspiracy theories per definition: They’re theories about an alleged conspiracy to sabotage Russian pipelines. But the Western political/media class consistently applies that label to one and never the other.

    At a meeting of the UN Security Council—hastily called by Russia in the wake of the attacks—US Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield called the Russian accusations “conspiracy theories,” then went on to accuse Russia of attacking its own pipeline. Reporting on the Security Council meeting, CNN (11/29/22) showed its own conspiratorial thinking, citing US officials who called the meeting itself “suspicious,” because “typically, the official said, Russia isn’t organized enough to move so quickly, suggesting that the maneuver was pre-planned.”

    Of course there are irresponsible, popular conspiracy theories that fail to hold up to scrutiny, and are in fact quite dangerous. The QAnon theory that the world’s elite are harvesting a substance called adrenochrome from trafficked children to gain special abilities and extend their life is absurd. The 2020 election spawned many disproven theories about a stolen Trump victory that ended up leading to the deadly riot at the Capitol on January 6. But just as the existence of websites that fabricate pseudo-news reports for profit gave Donald Trump a label to dismiss any journalism he didn’t like as “fake news,” so to are such fanciful theories based on leaps of logic used to disparage well-documented efforts to peer behind the scenes of US official policy.

    To be sure, we still don’t know for certain who was behind the pipeline bombing, but there is a solid prima facie case for US culpability. The explosion is a watershed moment in the escalation toward a direct confrontation between nuclear powers. Media malfeasance on this topic doesn’t just threaten the credibility of the press, but literally imperils the whole of human civilization.

     

    The post US Media’s Intellectual No-Fly-Zone on US Culpability in Nord Stream Attack appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed Haitian Bridge Alliance’s Guerline Jozef about Haitian refugee abuse for the September 30, 2022, episode  of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin220930Jozef.mp3

     

    Janine Jackson: Listeners will remember the pictures: US Border patrol agents on horseback, wielding reins like whips as they corralled and captured Haitian asylum seekers along the Rio Grande.

    Photo of Border Patrol agent on horseback assaulting a Haitian refugee.

    Border Patrol agent assaults a Haitian refugee near Del Rio, Texas (photo: Paul Ratje).

    The appalling images might have served as a symbol of the ill-treatment of Haitians escaping violence and desperation. Instead, elite media made them a stand-in, so that when the report came that, despite appearances, the border patrol didn’t actually whip anyone, one felt that was supposed to sweep away all of the concerns together.

    Well, there are serious problems with that report, but we should also ask why we saw controversy about photographs foregrounded over the story of Haitians’ horrific treatment at the hands of US border officials—treatment that a new Amnesty report, echoing others, describes as amounting to race-based torture. And why were media so quick to look away?

    The question is as vital a year on as reporters talk about other asylum seekers as political pawns and victims, but continue their relative disinterest in Haitians, tacitly sanctioning the harms of US policy.

    Joining us now to talk about this is Guerline Jozef. She is founder and executive director of Haitian Bridge Alliance. She joins us now by phone. Welcome to CounterSpin, Guerline Jozef.

    Guerline Jozef: Good afternoon. Thank you so much for having me.

    JJ: Customs and Border Protection Commissioner Chris Magnus, announcing the results of the agency’s internal investigation in July, said, “Not everyone’s going to like all the findings, but the investigation was comprehensive and fair.”

    He said that because the investigation said that there was no evidence that agents on horseback hit anybody with their reins. So it’s as if he’s saying, “I know you wanted there to be real cruelty here, but there wasn’t, so ha.”

    But beyond that deflecting message, that some people just want to believe in cruelty, the problems with the CPB’s report about what happened in Del Rio—those problems are deep, aren’t they?

    GJ: Absolutely. First of all, what they did with the report is that they took the lives of over 15,000 Haitians and people of African descent and Black asylum seekers, and they put that into a 30-minute period where that picture was captured.

    But the reality is, if that picture wasn’t captured, they would have told us this never happened at all. But we all saw the pictures, and we understood the reality under the bridge.

    And if you zoom into the picture, you will see the CBP officer on horseback, his hand holding and pulling the Haitian man by his shirt, and this man was only carrying food to his wife and child.

    So the report is telling us this didn’t happen, but all you have to do is zoom into the picture and you will see the intent, and you will see the fear. You will see the power that this officer had upon the person of this asylum seeker.

    Now, the report will tell you that they looked into it, and they found that he did not whip the gentleman. But you can clearly see his motion to whip him, and you can see the fear even in the face of the horse that almost trampled this man who was carrying nothing but food.

    In addition to that, the report failed to interview or speak to any of the people who were under the bridge, any of the witnesses, and any of those who were actually experiencing the abuse.

    We made available to them Haitian migrants who were under the bridge. We made available to them advocates on behalf of the people we saw in that picture, and the reality that the world finally witnessed under the bridge.

    None of them were interviewed, contacted or even reached out to.

    So in addition to that, they still had 15,000 people in their custody. Yet they didn’t even care to speak to any one of them about the treatment they received, the abuse that was witnessed. Nothing.

    JJ: The idea of producing a report about what happened at Del Rio without talking to any of the asylum seekers, I think a lot of folks would find absurd on its face.

    Mounted Border Patrol agent uses reins as a whip against Haitian refugees.

    The Customs office maintains that this Border Patrol agent was merely “twirling…reins as a distancing tactic” (photo: Paul Ratje).

    And I would just note that, in addition to the fear and the obvious violence that one can see in the picture, my understanding is that folks who were there say that there was, in fact—if this is what we’re going to talk about—in fact there was actual use of reins as whips, that that is something that actually happened, which perhaps we would know about if the report had interviewed any actual asylum seekers.

    GJ: Absolutely. If they cared enough to find the truth, if they cared enough to have a report that reflected the reality of the people who were subject to that abuse, they would’ve been able to identify what exactly happened, but they did not care enough to look or interview. They did not care to get the truth.

    What they cared about is, how do we tell the American people, the American public, how do we tell the world that what you saw never happened?

    JJ: Now, is the supposed rationale for turning away Haiti asylum seekers, is it continuing to be Title 42, this supposed public health policy, is that the reason that the administration is still giving for turning away Haitians?

    GJ: Yes. So at this present moment, the border is completely closed, due to Title 42. There is no way for people to have access. Nobody can just go to a port of entry and present themselves to ask for access to asylum.

    As we are speaking right now, the border is completely closed due to Title 42, which is a health code that was put in place by the previous administration, under President Trump, that was created by Stephen Miller as a way to completely take away any avenue for people seeking safety, people seeking protection, people seeking asylum to have access to due process at the US/Mexico border.

    JJ: Listeners will have been hearing about Republican governors flying people around and about. In that story, asylum seekers’ treatment is portrayed as obviously political. But Del Rio was just sort of official policy, if regrettably handled, you know.

    We’re not supposed to think about there being politics there, or those people being pawns or victims in the same way, somehow.

    GJ: Actually, it is, because, first of all, a lot of the people received false information that if they had gone to Del Rio, they would be given access to protection.

    So 15,000 people did not just show up overnight by themselves. Now, the source of that information, or the source of that misinformation, must be investigated. And that is another thing we also asked for the government to investigate, the source of the misinformation that then guided people to where they were under the bridge.

    I see also, that could have been a political plot; we don’t know how that happened. However, we saw the moment the people who were there were Black, were answered with violence.

    Now, is it political? I’ll say yes, because our system is rooted in anti-Black racism, is rooted in white supremacy.

    So, therefore, the moment the Black people showed up, we responded with violence and we deported them, including pregnant women and infants as young as just a couple of days old.

    JJ: And it’s just not possible to consider that treatment, that reception of Haitian asylum seekers, out of context with the reception that we’ve seen given to other people. I mean, it’s impossible not to see that context.

    Guerline Jozef

    Guerline Jozef: “The same way we are able to welcome the Ukrainians in crisis with compassion, love, dignity, humanity, it should be provided to people no matter where they are from.”

    GJ: Absolutely, Janine. The reality is, one example, clear example, is how we as a country were quick to put a system together to respond and receive people fleeing Ukraine, right, with compassion, in respect, in love and dignity.

    And what we are saying is that same system that was put together overnight to be able to receive 26,000 Ukrainians in less than two months should not be the exception to the rule, should be the norm.

    It should be that while Haiti is in the middle of what the United States government is calling the verge of a civil war, putting Haiti on a high risk, right, saying that it is very close to a war zone, we still deported 26,000 Haitians to Haiti in the middle of the crisis, at the same time received 26,000 Ukrainians.

    So what we are saying is that the same way we are able to welcome the Ukrainians in crisis with compassion, love, dignity, humanity, it should be provided to people no matter where they are from, their ethnicity, their country of origin, definitely should not matter whether they are Black or white.

    JJ: We’re going to end on that note. We’ve been speaking with Guerline Jozef, founder and executive director at Haitian Bridge Alliance. Guerline Jozef, thank you so much for joining us today on CounterSpin.

    GJ: Thank you so much for having us.

    The post ‘The Moment Black People Showed Up, We Responded With Violence’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    This week on CounterSpin: Amazon, the seemingly insatiable megacorporation, still refuses to acknowledge the union at its Staten Island facility known as JFK8, even as the National Labor Relations Board has rebuffed its attempt to overturn that union victory. Now Amazon has suspended dozens of JFK8 workers who refused to go to work after a fire that left the air smelling of chemicals and many feeling unsafe; 10 of those suspended were union workers.

    Jacobin depiction of labor protest against Jeff Bezos and Amazon

    Jacobin (9/28/22)

    The reality that workers around the country are, first of all, simply suffering too much to not feel a need to fight, however scary that is, and then many of them taking to hand the existing tool of worker organizing—through unions and outside of them—is something that corporate media can’t plausibly deny. They can, however, underplay this movement, or patronize it, or try and confuse it by presenting it as “emotional” and irrational.

    But with tens of thousands of nurses, teachers, timber workers and nursing home attendants walking out around the country, the notion that this is somehow not meaningful, not about fundamental questions of human rights, and not worthy of the most serious, sustained, thoughtful attention journalists can provide, should be hard to maintain.

    We’ll talk with John Logan; he’s been reporting on organizing in media-friendly corporate behemoths like Amazon and Starbucks for Jacobin. He’s professor and director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.

          CounterSpin221007Logan.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at recent press coverage of the Azov Battalion.

          CounterSpin221007Banter.mp3

     

    The post John Logan on Amazon & Starbucks Organizing appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    Three years ago, describing an Australian white supremacist charged with massacring 49 people in New Zealand, the New York Times (3/15/19) wrote: “On his flak jacket was a symbol commonly used by the Azov Battalion, a Ukrainian neo-Nazi paramilitary organization.”

    NYT: Released Azov commanders have an emotional reunion with family members in Turkey.

    The New York Times (10/4/22) shares a “handout photo” from a paramilitary organization that was founded to “lead the white races of the world in a final crusade…against Semite-led Untermenschen.”

    What a difference a war makes! A Times story (10/4/22) in the paper’s Ukraine War news roundup began:

    Commanders of Ukraine’s celebrated Azov Battalion have held an emotional reunion with their families in Turkey, Ukrainian officials said, honoring the fighters released from Russian confinement last month as part of the largest prisoner swap since the start of the war.

    “Celebrated” is an odd word to describe a group whose founder urged Ukraine to “lead the white races of the world in a final crusade…against Semite-led Untermenschen (subhumans)” (Guardian, 3/13/18). Its official logo features the Wolfsangel, a runic icon adopted by the SS that’s become “a symbol of choice for neo-Nazis in Europe and the United States,” according to the ADL. (To dispel any doubt about what the symbol means, Azov used to superimpose it on a Black Sun, a Nordic design beloved by Heinrich Himmler.)

    The Azov movement has linked up with other far-right groups across Europe and in the United States, including the Rise Above Movement, a violently racist group based in Southern California (New Republic, 7/9/19). Azov is “believed to have participated in training and radicalizing United States–based white supremacy organizations,” according to an FBI report (RFE/RL, 11/14/18).

    But Times reporter Enjoli Liston indeed went on to celebrate the group:

    The group’s defense of the Azovstal steel plant in Mariupol—the southern port city decimated by Russian forces in the first months of the war—has become a powerful symbol of the suffering inflicted by Russia and the resistance mounted by Ukraine.

    The story’s headline: “Released Azov Commanders Have an Emotional Reunion With Family Members in Turkey.” The accompanying photo shows the fascistic unit’s commander sharing a joyful hug with his wife.

    Not a word in the eight-paragraph story gives any hint about the ugly far-right politics of the unit, incorporated since 2014 into Ukraine’s military structure (when it was rebranded as the Azov Regiment). The Times did, however, find space to convey to the Azov fighters, from Ukrainian first lady Olena Zelenska, “Thanks from Ukraine, from the president and all the people for whom they are fighting.”

    ACTION:

    Please tell the New York Times not to treat neo-Nazis as heroes.

    CONTACT:

    Letters: letters@nytimes.com

    Readers Center: Feedback

    Twitter: @NYTimes

    Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.


    Featured image: Emblem of the 2nd SS Panzer Division (left) compared with those of the Azov Battalion (center) and Azov Regiment (right).

    The post ACTION ALERT: NYT Celebrates Neo-Nazi Azov Unit appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed Center for Popular Democracy’s Julio López Varona about Puerto Rico colonialism for the  September 30, 2022, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin220930Varona.mp3

     

    Janine Jackson: Puerto Rico is in dire need of fuel for generators as they deal with the devastation of Hurricane Fiona. But a ship carrying fuel has been idling offshore, unable to enter a port, because it’s Puerto Rico, where the Jones Act—requiring that all goods be brought in on a US-built ship, owned and crewed by US citizens, and flying the US flag—makes critical goods more expensive, or in this case, out of reach. (The White House has just announced it will temporarily waive the Jones Act.)

    Bloomberg: Jones Act Limbo Keeps US Fuel at Bay as Puerto Rico Seeks Relief

    Bloomberg (9/28/22)

    Investment firms in mainland states can’t act as advisors to the government in the issue of bonds while at the same time marketing those bonds to investors—but they can in Puerto Rico.

    In Puerto Rico, you can get tax breaks, including zero income tax on capital gains—unless, that is, you were born on the island. Only non–Puerto Ricans qualify.

    Puerto Ricans themselves are ineligible for Supplemental Security Income, even though they pay payroll taxes.

    All of which is to suggest that the story of Puerto Rico’s ability to prepare for, withstand and recover from natural disasters starts long before the storm.

    We’re joined now by Julio López Varona, co-chief of campaigns at the Center for Popular Democracy. He joins us by phone from San Juan. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Julio López Varona.

    Julio López Varona: Thank you for having me.

    JJ: There are a number of ways you could illustrate the tangle of predatory policy and political disempowerment and just exploitation that are the ongoing crisis for Puerto Rico, before and after any natural disasters.

    Center for Popular Democracy: Pharma's Failed Promise

    Center for Popular Democracy (8/22)

    But I know that you worked recently looking at how that all plays out in one very important sector: pharmaceuticals. What did that research show about how things work in Puerto Rico?

    JLV: We have been interested in looking at how the colonial economy of Puerto Rico plays out in different sectors for a while.

    We’ve been specifically interested in thinking about how pharmaceutical companies are, in many ways, doing what they said they would do with the billions of dollars that we give them every year through tax exemptions.

    This is part of a decades-old practice to give billions of dollars of tax exemptions to pharma, which have phased out, in many cases, because of changes in our economy, but still remain.

    And we were interested in thinking through how these tax exemptions were actually helping communities have a good life, how they were allowing people to actually have a dignified salary, and all those things.

    And when we dug in, we started talking to workers in the security and cleaning space, and in those cases, we found thousands of workers that, in many cases, were subcontracted by pharmaceutical companies, and were getting paid minimum wage, had the baseline of benefits that Puerto Ricans get.

    And it was really interesting for us, because the pharmaceutical company for a long time had been sold as, what I say parallels to the “American dream,” the “Puerto Rican dream”: This is how you get out of poverty. This is how you have a family. But we find these thousands of workers that are actually not doing that.

    And it brings about the question what is the economy? And why are we providing these tax exemptions when they are not benefiting Puerto Ricans? And, more importantly, who are they benefiting?

    Hemisphere Institute: The Emptying Island: Puerto Rican Expulsion in Post-Maria Time

    Emisférica (2018)

    Why are we continuing to do this, and why are we not being able to take advantage of the billions of dollars that could be put for our economy, and more in moments like this, one where we have hurricanes happening, and where we have people struggling with issues with relocation, issues with droughts and flooding.

    In the case of Hurricane Fiona specifically, we have workers that we’ve been talking to that lost their homes while working [for] these pharma companies, that say that they’ve been the first ones to step up after other hurricanes.

    So we have a really interesting moment, where pharma says it’s ready, but we have thousands of thousands of workers that are struggling in a moment of crisis.

    JJ: In some ways, it sounds very familiar to the kind of promises that companies make here on the mainland as well, that, you know, “Give us these tax breaks and we’ll create all these good jobs that will lift people out of poverty.”

    And there’s often very little follow-up to see whether they’re actually creating that many jobs to begin with, before you even get to whether their wages are actually really lifting people out of poverty.

    Politico: Fiona’s outages rekindle anger over Puerto Rico’s privatized electric grid

    Politico (9/19/22)

    JLV: Yeah. We often say that Puerto Rico has become a microcosm for the worst kind of experiment on capitalist ideas. We’ve seen those ideas be translated into extreme privatization, like what’s happening right now with the electrical grid, which still is not able to provide electricity to all Puerto Rican families, like 12 or 13 days after Hurricane Fiona.

    We’ve seen the impact of what you were referring a little bit earlier around tax exemptions for the rich, and this idea of trickle-down economics—like the rich come, and everybody’s better.

    And then we’ve seen what’s happening with all of these corporations. Pharma is a great example, but we also know that Puerto Rico has the highest density of Walmarts and Walgreens, and those companies are also displacing Puerto Rican local companies.

    So all of the things that neoliberalism has preached for a long time, that are the way in which you make capitalism flourish, are happening in Puerto Rico, and in many ways the agenda is one that has been accomplished successfully.

    It’s really good if you have money. It’s really, really bad if you’re a person that doesn’t have money, and isn’t able to take advantage of all the programs that benefit the wealthy.

    CNN: Misery, yet again, for Puerto Ricans still recovering from Maria

    CNN (9/24/22)

    JJ: And isn’t able to jet away to your second home when a hurricane comes.

    Part of the “Misery, Yet Again, for Puerto Ricans,” which was part of a CNN headline, part of that narrative is Puerto Ricans are in such a perennial hole because they can’t pay off their debt.

    Now, we can’t do the long version of this, necessarily, but I just don’t know that you could get into an elite media conversation by explaining that, in reality, Puerto Rico has paid any debt that it rightfully owed long ago, yeah?

    JLV: I would even say, if we simplified very much, there is a historical reason why Puerto Rico was in its debt crisis, and it is at the center of it because of colonialism.

    Puerto Ricans, like Puerto Rico’s economy, have been controlled by the US since the US came to Puerto Rico.

    If you look at the change in the way in which we went from our own currency to US currency, that’s benefited people from the US. When we see the changes that happen when it came to the crops that were used in the ’20s. And then when we looked at pharma and the companies that came, or the military invasion, there are many examples of how the Puerto Rican economy has been driven by the interests of the US.

    So even if we argue that the final result of this was that there was a debt crisis that was made in Puerto Rico, that would not tell the whole story.

    New York: The McKinsey Way to Save an Island

    New York (4/17/19)

    And even if you told that story, you should also account for the fact that this debt, in many cases, was illegal.

    This debt that, in many cases, as you said, was already paid. And that the people that are currently negotiating that debt are the same people that, in some cases, make money out of it.

    So it’s a very, very complex situation that at the end has to do with colonialism, economic control of Puerto Ricans’ future, and greed. Greed in the worst way possible. Greed when it comes to hedge funds that decided to come to Puerto Rico, knowing that Puerto Rico would default, and extract as much wealth as they could. And greed when it came to the people that were running Puerto Rico, and decided that they wanted to move forward with an agenda that, at the end of the day, was extremely good for those that had money—which is kind of a theme in this conversation—and really, really dire for people that live here, and in some cases have been driven out of Puerto Rico because of those economic conditions.

    JJ: Finally, when we’ve spoken before, it seems we always come around to talking about dignity, to talking about leading with the dignity of human beings in the policies that we make.

    And I just wanted to add, there is, when you learn about what’s happening in Puerto Rico, you see that there is, beyond pushback to each new indignity, there is long-term organizing and growing happening that provides a way to at least look forward. Isn’t that true?

    Julio Lopez Varona

    Julio López Varona: “What Puerto Ricans want and deserve is respect. They deserve a voice in the decisions that are made about their economy and their future.”

    JLV: Yeah. Five years ago, when Hurricane Maria happened, everybody talked about Puerto Rico se levanta, “Puerto Rico rises up.” This time, after Hurricane Fiona, people are talking about solo el pueblo salva al pueblo. So “only the people save the people.”

    People understand that what’s happening in Puerto Rico is wrong. People understand that we cannot trust the government anymore, and that we need to organize and support each other.

    We’ve also gotten to the point where “resiliency” is not a good word. “Resiliency” is actually a bad word. What Puerto Ricans want and deserve is respect. They deserve a voice in the decisions that are made about their economy and their future.

    And they deserve, in many cases, reparations. They deserve that the people that have put us in this position step up and actually allow us to have the resources we need so that we can rebuild ourself, without the oversight of anybody, but with the power of the people at the center of the conversation and the actions taken.

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with Julio López Varona, co-chief of campaigns at the Center for Popular Democracy. They’re online at PopularDemocracy.org. Julio López Varona, thank you so much for joining us today on CounterSpin.

    JLV: Thank you for having me.

     

    The post ‘Puerto Rico Has Become a Microcosm for the Worst Kind of Capitalist Ideas’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    From the way that the Anglo media are treating the October 2 Brazilian first-round presidential elections, a casual news consumer may get the impression that the Brazilian Workers Party suffered a crushing defeat. It takes an incredible amount of spin to create this impression. In order to pull this off, several important facts have to be downplayed or ignored.

    Guardian: Brazilians shocked as Bolsonaro’s strong election showing defies expectations

    The Guardian (10/3/22) turns Lula’s first-round victory into a loss to expectations.

    Workers Party candidate Luiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva beat incumbent Jair Bolsonaro by 6.2 million votes. This represents the first time since the return to democracy in 1985 that a challenger has ever beaten an incumbent in a Brazilian first-round presidential election, and no incumbent has ever lost reelection.

    There are reasons for this. The incumbent has the entire weight of the state behind them. This enables them to, for example, issue an executive order to bypass constitutionally mandated spending caps during election season to artificially lower the prices of food, cooking gas and gasoline, and dish out billions of reais in pork to fickle center-right allies in Congress, as Bolsonaro did this year.

    Political comeback for the ages

    Brazil has two-thirds the population of the US, so Lula’s win on Saturday would be the equivalent of a victory by over 9 million votes in a US presidential election—something which has not happened since 2008.

    This historic victory, which beat his previous best first-round performance by 10 million votes, is even more astounding when the fact that Lula has suffered character assassination in the national and international media on a near daily basis for nine years is taken into consideration. The media treated him as guilty before proven innocent, consistently repeating outlandish accusations made by the corrupt prosecution team, as it worked closely with the US Department of Justice and FBI, while completely ignoring the defense lawyers.

    Brasilwire: How the US Left Failed Brasil

    Brasilwire (12/12/18): “The compromises of democratic socialism that frequently win support from those [US left] publications when proposed for the Global North are unacceptable capitulations to capital when successfully implemented in the Global South.”

    An example of this is two articles that the Guardian ran during the lead-up to Lula’s arrest that falsely accused him of being involved in an “R$88 million Petrobras corruption scheme”—a charge that was dropped one week after it was used to justify the illegal forum-shopping into a friendly court run by US asset Sergio Moro. Even left press outlets like Jacobin spent years spuriously criticizing Lula and the PT during the parliamentary/judicial coup against Dilma Rousseff and the lead-up to Lula’s imprisonment. The fact that he spent 580 days as a political prisoner, specifically to remove him from the 2018 presidential elections (as demonstrated in the Vaza Jato leaks revealed by Walter Delgatti and published in the Intercept—6/9/19), and, after proving his innocence, managed to become the first challenger in modern Brazilian history to beat an incumbent in the first round, should be treated as one of the greatest political comebacks of the last century.

    Historic firsts

    The Workers Party increased its number of representatives in national Congress by 21%, from 56 to 68. This marks a comeback after a long, demoralizing period from the beginning of the illegitimate Michel Temer government through the last four years of the Bolsonaro administration, returning the PT’s representation in Congress to where it was during the Dilma Rousseff presidency. Furthermore, its two inner-circle federation allies (PCdoB and PV) picked up an additional 12 seats, raising the number of lawmakers expected to vote en bloc on every bill to 80.

    Célia Xakriabá

    Célia Xakriabá (PSOL) has become the first indigenous federal lawmaker from Minas Gerais.

    To this, you can add the 12 members of congress elected by PT’s traditional congressional ally the PSOL, which increased its number of lawmakers by 20%, thanks to a stunning performance by housing movement leader Guilherme Boulos, who received over 1 million votes in São Paulo’s statewide elections, making him the most highly voted candidate in a very conservative state. PSOL also registered two historic firsts, as two of its candidates, Célia Xakriabá and Sônia Guajajara, became the first Indigenous people elected to federal congress from the states of Minas Gerais and São Paulo.

    São Paulo state is home to around 20% of Brazil’s population and has the second-largest government in Brazil after the federal government. PT’s representation in SP State Congress increased by a whopping 80%, thanks to a stellar performance by 80-year-old Eduardo Suplicy—one of the original founders of the party—who had over three times more votes than any other candidate. In a conservative state where Bolsonaro beat Lula by around 7%, the PT will become the second-largest party in the legislature.

    MST lawmakers

    The MST’s six new federal and state lawmakers.

    Across the country, a new generation of young, left-wing labor union and social movement activists were either elected to public office for the first time or propelled to higher office. For decades, the largest poor/working-class social movement in the Western Hemisphere, the socialist Landless Rural Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra/MST), stayed out of electoral politics. There had been a few attempts to elect one or another candidate from the movement, but as the members nearly all live in agrarian reform settlements in rural areas, it was hard to get out the votes needed to elect anyone. This year, all of that changed, as the movement fielded 15 candidates and elected two national members of congress and four state legislators. Due to structural changes in the higher education system pushed through during the Lula and Rousseff years, which resulted in hundreds of thousands of MST activists’ entrance into the free public university system, the movement was able to join with other social movements like the Levante Popular da Juventude (Peoples Youth Uprising) and mobilize thousands of university students to canvas for MST candidates in cities across the country.

    27-year-old Workers Party member Thainara Faria hugs her mom after being elected into the São Paulo state congress.

    All prominent city councilors who I reported on for TeleSur and Brasilwire as they received repeated death threats from Brazilian neo-Nazi groups were elected to higher office. Carol Dartora has become the first Afro-Brazilian woman elected to federal congress in Parana state history. Fellow Afro-Brazilian Curitiba city councilor Renato Freitas, who suffered a spurious, racially motivated impeachment process that was reversed by the supreme court, was elected to Parana’s state congress. A 27-year-old Afro-Brazilian city councilor from Araraquara, São Paulo, Thainara Faria—also a victim of constant death threats from bolsonarista white supremacists—has moved into the São Paulo state legislature. Young, Afro-Brazilian communist city councilor Bruna Rodrigues, whose mother is a city street sweeper, moved up into Rio Grande do Sul’s State Congress. Workers Party city councilor Leonel Radde, also from Porto Alegre, who, as the most prominent Nazi hunter in Brazilian politics, receives death threats nearly every week, has also moved into Rio Grande do Sul’s state legislature.

    Celebration and complaint

    In short, there is plenty to celebrate. Even in the Senate, where the Brazilian left has been traditionally weak, the PT has moved its representation up from 6 to 9 since Bolsonaro took office in 2019, including two candidates who were elected this Saturday.

    There is certainly a lot to complain about. Many of the most ridiculous bolsonarista clown candidates—including former cabinet ministers like Damares Alves, who claims Jesus gave her a masters degree—were elected to Senate. Worst of all, crooked former Lava Jato judge/Bolsonaro Justice Minister Sergio Moro will now be protected by parliamentary immunity from all of the different criminal charges he is facing for the next eight years, due to his upset Senate victory in Parana.

    Lula’s historic performance placed him within the spread of nearly all polls, but Bolsonaro beat the spread by around 5 points. It is a ridiculous stretch of the imagination bordering on bad faith, however, to treat this scenario as a defeat for the victorious candidate and his party.


    Featured image: Thousands came out to Avenida Paulista in downtown São Paulo on Saturday night to celebrate Lula’s record performance in the first-round 2022 Brazilian presidential election.


    A version of this article first appeared on Brasilwire (10/4/22).

    The post Media Spin Lula Victory as Defeat appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • President Joe Biden on September 1 delivered a roughly 25-minute primetime speech from Independence Hall in Philadelphia about Trumpism’s threat to US democracy. Primetime, that is, for the two major US television networks that aired it live: MSNBC and CNN. The others—ABC, CBS, NBC and Fox—opted not to carry the address, because they deemed it “political” (Washington Post, 9/2/22).

    CNN: Biden delivers speech on "battle for the soul of the nation"

    CNN is one of two major US TV networks that aired President Joe Biden’s speech live from Philadelphia.

    Across the Atlantic just over a week later, King Charles III addressed Britain and the world about his 96-year-old mother’s death and his preparations to take over the solely symbolic role of British monarch. ABC, CBS, NBC and Fox all presumably found it more newsworthy than the President’s remarks, because they carried it live (MediaMatters, 9/9/22). (CNN and MSNBC carried both Biden’s and Charles’ speeches.)

    Biden’s speech urgently named MAGA Republican ideology as an imminent threat to democracy, rejected violence and extremism, and condemned conspiracy theories. The “political” speech took an explicitly bipartisan tone, with Biden repeatedly claiming that Trumpism doesn’t represent the majority of the Republican party, and appealing to the American public regardless of political affiliation to defend democracy.

    “I’m an American president—not the president of Red America or Blue America, but of all America,” he said.

    Charles’ speech, on the other hand, was essentially a eulogy. He waxed poetic about Queen Elizabeth II’s public and private lives, praising her “warmth” and “humor” and the “sacrifices” she made to uphold her “duty.” It was appropriately vague and inoffensive for a figurehead whose job is to be apolitical.

    Despite the President of the United States’ speech being patently more relevant to the American people than the symbolic figurehead of another country’s address, the latter had not only more networks airing it, but nearly as much analysis and coverage in the 48 hours surrounding it as the former: A Nexis database search of ABC, CNN, NBC, MSNBC, CBS and Fox transcripts the day of and the day after each of the respective speeches turned up 113 mentions of Charles’ speech and 116 of Biden’s.

    The networks varied widely in the relative amount of coverage they gave to the two speeches. ABC and NBC had roughly twice as many segments on Charles’ speech compared to Biden; Fox and MSNBC had closer to twice as many segments on Biden’s speech. CBS and CNN had roughly similar numbers of segments on each speech.

    Bar graph depicting the amount of coverage of President Biden's Sept. 1 speech vs. King Charles III's Sept. 9 speech

    ‘Politically charged’

    However much time they gave it, each of these networks characterized the president’s speech as inflammatory, ignoring much of its content, and “balancing” it with a chorus of Trump-aligned politicians.

    Fox News: Biden bashes conservatives in rage-filled speech

    Fox characterized Biden’s speech as a “dark and depressing” “diatribe.”

    Unsurprisingly, on Fox News’s Hannity (9/2/22), fill-in host Tammy Bruce whined that Biden “bashe[d]” Republicans in his “rage-filled speech” that she later described as a “dark and depressing” “diatribe.” But this same right-wing indignation could be heard across network news, regardless of their presumed political leanings.

    ABC’s World News Tonight anchor Mary Bruce (9/2/22) called the remarks “scathing,” saying the speech “slam[med]” MAGA Republicans. The segment quoted Republican former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, who served as UN ambassador for Trump: “It was one of the most unbelievable things I’ve seen in a long time. It’s unthinkable he would be so condescending and criticize half of America.”

    Putting aside that Haley’s own history of opinions about Trump are mixed—“He went down a path he shouldn’t have, and we shouldn’t have followed him, and we shouldn’t have listened to him,” she said after January 6—the segment did not bring up Biden’s repeated clarifications:

    • “Now, I want to be very clear up front: Not every Republican, not even the majority of Republicans, are MAGA Republicans. Not every Republican embraces their extreme ideology.”
    • “There are far more Americans—far more Americans from every background and belief—who reject the extreme MAGA ideology than those that accept it.”
    • “Democrats, independents, mainstream Republicans: We must be stronger, more determined, and more committed to saving American democracy than MAGA Republicans are to destroying American democracy.”

    Reporter Craig Melvin on NBC’s Today show (9/2/22) described the speech as “politically charged,” and anchor Peter Alexander called it “blistering,” including derisions from Republican California Rep. Kevin McCarthy, without including any voices of those who found Biden’s condemnation of Trumpism necessary. The segment also described the speech being delivered in front of a “military backdrop”—that is, two Marines standing behind Biden. (Marines have been present at other debatably “political” presidential speeches, including Trump’s at the RNC in 2020.)

    CBS Morning News’ Bradley Blackburn (9/2/22) chose the word “sharp.” And though CNN opted to air the remarks in primetime, they included the opinion of former Trump White House official Gavin Smith, who posited that threats to democracy are not a priority to discuss in a 25-minute speech, and that Biden should have spoken instead about rising prices (CNN New Day, 9/2/22). (To her credit, anchor Brianna Keilar pushed back against this statement.)

    MSNBC’s The Beat (9/2/22) took Biden’s speech more seriously, with anchor Katie Phang calling out the irony of the GOP labeling a speech about the GOP’s divisiveness as divisive. “There’s so many Trump supporters,” she said:

    They’re screaming about how Joe Biden now has promoted this divisiveness. But you know, the reality is, they’re not looking in the mirrors, right? There’s this hypocrisy that seems to be the currency that these Republicans are trading in.

    Believers in the ‘storm’

    Instead of engaging in handwringing over Biden’s tone, these outlets could have investigated the truth of his claims that MAGA ideology—regardless of what percentage of the Republican party subscribes to it—is a threat to democracy. Beyond the deadly January 6 insurrection itself, polling backs up Biden’s assertions that there are  widespread anti-democratic tendencies within the Republican Party.

    In February, a PRRI report found that a quarter of Republicans consider themselves believers of the QAnon conspiracy theory. When polled on the three central delusions of QAnon, 16% completely or mostly agreed that  media and economy are run by a Satan-worshiping cabal of child sex-traffickers; 22% completely or mostly agreed that a coming “storm” will wipe away these elites and restore the country to its rightful leaders; and 18% completely or mostly agreed that violence may be necessary to save the country.

    Additionally, the Washington Post (9/18/22) recently questioned 19 GOP candidates running in gubernatorial and Senate races about whether they’d accept the results of the upcoming elections. Twelve either refused to commit or declined to respond. All 19 Democratic nominees committed to accepting the results of the elections.

    Sowing distrust in legitimate democratic processes—and resorting to violence in an attempt to prevent them—is certainly dangerous to democracy.

    ‘A very significant event’

    Of course, Charles’ address the day after the queen’s death served a much different purpose than Biden’s: celebrating and remembering a figurehead, versus warning against a rising domestic threat to American democracy. While comparing the content of these two addresses would be comparing apples and oranges, networks’ attitudes toward each are telling.

    CBS: King Charles III vows 'lifelong service' in first address

    “Breaking News”: CBS had extensive live coverage from London surrounding King Charles III’s speech.

    On Chris Jansing Reports (9/9/22), MSNBC’s British historian Andrew Roberts called Charles’ speech “very significant.” CBS Evening News’ Norah O’Donnell and Charlie D’Agatta (9/9/22) called it “historic.” On CNN’s Erin Burnett Outfront (9/9/22), CNN International diplomatic editor Nic Robertson foreshadowed the upcoming ceremony that marked Charles’ official ascension to the throne, also calling it “perhaps a very significant event.”

    While the death of the 96-year-old queen and ascension of her son might be significant for royalists—and the pomp, circumstance, anachronism and celebrity of the monarchy might be entertaining and appealing to many Americans—it has almost no political implications for the world. That’s because the British monarch’s role is ceremonial, and, as the constitution dictates, apolitical.

    But the British monarch is also inextricably linked to the British Empire and is a living symbol of that imperial legacy, as well as of an extreme elitism based on nothing more than the privilege of birth (Economist, 9/15/22). Elizabeth’s death spurred significant conversations about Britain’s brutal, bloody legacy of colonialism around the world and abolishing the monarchy—all of which was left out of the above segments, and the majority of network news coverage.

    US news networks instead largely discussed the queen’s death as if everyone agreed on her legacy. “The world mourns the death of Queen Elizabeth,” said CBS Mornings’ Anne-Marie Green (9/9/22), who described the late monarch as “one of the most beloved women in the world.”

    ‘We need to examine that history’

    The entire world was not, in fact, mourning the death of Britain’s queen. On Democracy Now! (9/13/22), Amy Goodman discussed the possibility that “British Overseas Territory” (read: colony) Antigua and Barbuda might cut ties with the British monarch. When asked to respond to the queen’s death, Dorbrene O’Marde, chair of the Antigua and Barbuda Reparations Commission, said:

    I’m under no obligation, I think, to be mourning her death. And that is simply because of, I think, my understanding of history, my understanding of the relationships of the British monarchy to African people and Asian people, but to African people certainly, on the continent and here in the Caribbean. And so that my response is perhaps to recognize the role that the queen, Queen Elizabeth II, has played, how she has managed to cloak the historical brutality of empire in this veneer of grandeur and pomp and pageantry, I guess, and graciousness. But I think that at this point in time, we need to examine that history a lot more closely.

    The British Empire committed many atrocities during Elizabeth II’s reign (Liberation News, 9/9/22):

    • The “Malayan Emergency” (1948–60) was a guerilla war fought between Britain and the Communist Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) after the territory sought independence from British rule. During this 12-year-long war (of which eight years were fought under Elizabeth), British forces set fire to homes and farmland of those suspected to be affiliated with the MNLA, sent 400,000 people to concentration camps and destroyed crops with Agent Orange. 6,700 MNLA fighters and more than 3,000 civilians were killed.
    • The Mau Mau rebellion (1952–60) took place in Kenya when the Mau Mau rebels launched an uprising against colonial powers, white settlers and loyalists in the country. The British launched a counterinsurgency campaign, sending more than 100,000 people to detainment camps where they were tortured, interrogated and abused. The Kenyan Human Rights Commission estimated 90,000 Kenyans were killed, maimed or tortured, and 160,000 were detained in camps.
    • The Covert War in Yemen (1962–69) cost an estimated 200,000 lives. After the death of Yemeni King Ahmed in 1962, Arab Army nationalists backed by the Egyptian army seized power and declared the country a republic, with popular support. Britain claimed it would not intervene, but supplied fighter jets and weapons to royalist forces.
    • Bloody Sunday (January 30, 1972) was just one incident during the Northern Irish Troubles, a 30-year fight for independence from Britain. Marchers in Derry, in British-occupied Ireland, were protesting against British legislation that allowed suspected Irish nationals to be imprisoned without trial; the British military opened fire on them, killing 14.

    Even though Elizabeth II had no legislative abilities, this colonial violence was enacted to uphold the empire she helmed (Vox, 9/13/22).

    ‘They know nothing about colonialism’

    Fox specifically scolded those criticizing the monarchy, claiming colonized countries should be grateful for the image of stability Elizabeth upheld, arguing she led the decolonization process. Contributor Douglas Murry claimed on Hannity (9/9/22):

    They know nothing about colonialism. They clearly know nothing about the decolonization process. They know nothing about the late queen’s extraordinary work with the commonwealth countries. If the queen would preside over this, was it a genocidal empire? Unbelievable. There’d be nobody alive if it had been a genocidal empire. And they smear her with this total lack of knowledge.

    There are a handful of scholarly and international legal definitions of genocide. “Everyone has to be dead” is not one of them.

    Other programs may not have engaged in this kind of royalist admonishment, but they still delighted in the royal corgis (ABC’s Nightline, 9/9/22), swooned over Charles’ “emotion” (CNN Newsroom, 9/9/22), admired his handshaking with the crowd (Fox Special Report, 9/9/22) and saluted his promise of a “life of service” (NBC Nightly News, 9/9/22), with little space given to substantive critique of what the monarchy represents.

    NBC: King Charles III gives first official address after death of Queen Elizabeth II

    Outlets aired King Charles III’s speech live and spent the surrounding hours commending his life in service and glossing over Britain’s colonialism.

    As noted, none of the aforementioned TV segments that effusively memorialized the queen and relished in the pomp and circumstance of the monarchy addressed colonialism. In fact, of the total 113 segments on network TV that mentioned Charles’ speech, only 29 mentioned—even in passing—Britain’s colonial legacy or calls to abolish the monarchy. Fifteen of those were from CNN, five from MSNBC, four from NBC, three from Fox (all of which condemned criticism of the monarchy), one from ABC and one from CBS.

    CBS’s mention denied that there was any movement for change: “There is no current, no modern, serious movement to abolish the monarchy,” journalist and royal-watcher Tina Brown said on CBS Mornings (9/9/22).

    That depends on what you define as “serious.” In Australia, thousands marched for abolishment, shutting down streets in Melbourne on the country’s National Day of Mourning for the queen (Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 9/22/22). #AbolishTheMonarchy trended on social media (Forbes, 9/9/22). Pro-republican campaigns in Australia, New Zealand and Canada are expected to gain traction now (Wall Street Journal, 9/11/22).

    Many shows repeated the term “colonial past” (e.g., NBC’s Today, 9/9/22; CNN Newsroom, 9/9/22), as if British colonialism is not ongoing. Today, British companies still own $1 trillion of Africa’s gold, diamonds, gas and oil, and an area of land in the continent about four times the size of Britain itself (Guardian, 4/17/18).

    Other legacies of colonialism still reverberate: In 2013, Carribbean heads of governments established the Caricom Reparations Commission (CRC) to demand reparations for Britain’s genocide, slave trade and apartheid in the region, citing illiteracy, physical and mental health issues and generational poverty as modern-day effects of British rule and slave trade.

    Suffice it to say, worldwide opinion about the British monarchy, the death of Queen Elizabeth and the rise of King Charles is far from unanimous, despite US television news framing Charles’ speech—unlike Biden sounding the alarm over the threat to democracy—as something we all could agree on.

    The post King Mourns Mother? Breaking News. Democracy Under Threat? Not So Much. appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Many children in the United States will never meet a Palestinian in person, and if they do, they may need to overcome the negative images and stereotypes that pervade popular culture: terrorist, religious extremist, misogynist, etc. For this reason, books are a critical if underused opportunity for kids to learn about the people of Palestine.

    Palestinians are important because they are human beings, and also because they play a  central role in US foreign policy in the Middle East, and are a major focus of US financial and military resources. If US kids are to grow up to be responsible global citizens, they must understand Palestinian experiences and perspectives, among others.

    Are US kids getting good insight about Palestinians from books? My ongoing research project examining kids’ books involving Palestine has already yielded some interesting findings: Even the youngest children are subjected to narratives that erase Palestinians.

    Erasure through appropriation 

    Rah! Rah! Mujadara book cover

    The Palestinians who constitute roughly half of the people under Israeli control are dissolved into Israel’s “diverse cultures.”

    Rah! Rah! Mujadara!, for example, is a 12-page board book for ages 1–4 that has an attractive tagline: “Everybody likes hummus, but that’s just one of the great variety of foods found in Israel among its diverse cultures.”

    There’s a subtlety in that tagline that may be lost on some. While diversity is acknowledged, it is represented only within the Israeli sphere, without its own history and separate identity. This is a political position that  jibes with Israel’s intentional deployment of the term “Israeli Arabs” to refer to Palestinians with Israeli citizenship, whom Israel wants to incorporate as an Israeli minority, fragmenting them from the larger Palestinian community and from their national identity.

    Since Palestinians represent 20% of the citizens of Israel and about 50% of the people who live under Israeli control, readers should expect to see them included. And it is possible that the girl on the top left of the cover is meant to be a Muslim Arab, despite the inauthentic way her headscarf allows her bangs to show.

    Newbies to the the Israeli/Palestinian narrative war may also not realize that food is an active battleground. Palestinians consider Israel’s claiming of hummus and falafel, among other foods, to be cultural appropriation.

    Palestinians, therefore, are likely to consider both the people and the food appropriated  when the same girl is featured behind the text:

    Blow, slow.

    Taste. Whoa!

    Brown fa-LA-fel,

    big green mouthful!

    Respectful Jewish and Jewish Israeli chefs acknowledge this violence, and counter it by giving credit where credit is due. Since the state of Israel is not even 75 years old, any food with a longer pedigree must have been originated by someone else. But while Kar-Ben Publishing is surely aware of this contention, they either choose to ignore it or intentionally intend to steer readers towards the Israeli narrative—by hiding the Palestinian one.

    Israel ABCs book Cover

    B is for Bedouins, “who come from Israel’s deserts”—despite having existed for centuries before the establishment of Israel.

    Cultural appropriation is taken to a new level in Israel ABCs: A Book About the People and Places of Israel (Holly Schroeder, Picture Window Books, 2004).

    On page 5, titled “B is for Bedouin,” the text reads: “Bedouins are Arab people who come from Israel’s deserts.” In fact, Bedouins lived on and cultivated land that is now in the State of Israel for hundreds of years prior to the establishment of the state, and have been systematically discriminated against since. The book’s use of the words “Israel’s deserts” imply that the land belonged to Israel before Arab Bedouins arrived. This is an easy-to-miss example of text that implies that not only does the land belong to Israel, but so do the indigenous Bedouins.

    Erasure through deception

    All Around the World Israel book cover

    Both All Around the World Israel

    Unfortunately, the erasure of Palestinian reality continues in books for older children. I looked at introductory books about Israel for ages 7–11 years, including All Around the World Israel (Kristine Spanier, Jump!, 2019) and Travel to Israel (Matt Doeden, Lerner Publishing, 2022).

    These books share a shocking but easily overlooked flaw: Their covers feature a photo of East Jerusalem alongside the title “Israel.” East Jerusalem is the Palestinian side of the city, previously administered by Jordan and illegally annexed by Israel following its occupation in the 1967 War.

    Again, the uninitiated may not realize the significance of linking the state of Israel to East Jerusalem in the minds of readers, and might even think it positive that Israel is making Palestinian areas visible.

    However, Israel’s widely condemned annexation of East Jerusalem is illegal under international law. In 1980, Israel declared the “unified” Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, but until Donald Trump moved the US embassy to Jerusalem, not a single country in the world followed suit.

    Travel to Israel book cover

    …and Travel to Israel use a picture of occupied East Jerusalem to symbolize “Israel.”

    Moreover, Israel has used every possible administrative and military tool available to make East Jerusalem unlivable for Palestinians, in an effort to get them to leave so their land can be repurposed for Jewish use. These cover photos not only fail to acknowledge the reality of life for Palestinian Jerusalemites, they deceptively cover it up.

    Putting East Jerusalem on the cover of books about Israel jibes with Israel’s narrative that Jerusalem belongs to Israel, and not to Palestine or the Palestinians, and helps preempt fair and open negotiations about the final status of Jerusalem as promised in the 1993 Oslo Accords.

    Erasure through both-sidesism

    Welcome to Israel With Sesame Street book cover

    For Sesame Street, Palestinian East Jerusalem and a Tel Aviv beach combine to represent “Israel.”

    Welcome to Israel With Sesame Street (Christy Peterson, Lerner Publishing, 2021) also has a problematic cover, but, consistent with the rest of the book, it is a type of distortion/erasure that can be called “both-sidesism.” The cover is split, with half showing Palestinian East Jerusalem (though a less iconic photo than the Dome of the Rock) and the other half showing an Israeli beach.

    Inside, the book continues with this “both sides” approach, starting by teaching children how to say hello in both Hebrew and Arabic (pages 4–5).  This “both sides” approach makes a nice visual while hiding Israel’s disrespect for Arabic and Arabic speakers, which is clear in the fact that Arabic had been an official language of Israel until it was officially downgraded in the 2018 Jewish Nation State Law.

    Presenting “both sides” is a device used to appear neutral, which conjures a sense of objectivity and truth. It is also a way to stake a claim to antiracism and respect. For example, page 11 says that Jerusalem is “special to people of many religions,” over a  photo of Palestinian school girls, some wearing the Muslim hijab.

    But presenting Palestinians only as linguistic and religious minorities of Israel, and not as a national group in and of itself, is an Israeli narrative tactic that dehumanizes  Palestinians and undermines readers’ ability to understand Israel. While appearing respectful of diversity, the text and photo cleverly omit that Israel is an explicitly, self-declared Jewish state, that enshrines Jewish supremacy over non-Jews (and the corresponding inequality of Palestinians) by saying, in law, that only Jews have the right to self-determination.

    Palestine literally erased

    Where in the World Is Israel?

    Where in the world is Palestine? Nowhere, according to Sesame Street‘s map.

    While maps can be controversial when presenting Israel and Palestine, there is one fact that is not controversial: The West Bank and Gaza Strip are not part of Israel. The population of the West Bank and Gaza Strip are not citizens of Israel, and the idea of Israeli annexation of the West Bank has been rejected internationally, including by United Nations officials. Despite this, page 6 of Welcome to Israel With Sesame Street incorrectly displays a map of Israel (“and Surrounding Area”) including the West Bank and Gaza Strip in the same shade of yellow. The outlines of the occupied Palestinian territory are visible but not labeled. (Notably, the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights is shown as part of Syria.)

    While Welcome to Israel With Sesame Street is not the worst of the books I reviewed, it stands out to me because of the Sesame Street branding. Librarians tell me they rely more on reviews than branding when purchasing or recommending books, but as a mom myself, I think parents—and kids—do pay attention to the stamp of credibility that the Sesame Street imprimatur gives to educational materials. Welcome to Israel With Sesame Street illustrates how branding can help to obfuscate rather than illuminate the information we need as global citizens to be constructive problem-solvers.

    The Sesame Street brand, and the nonprofit Sesame Workshop that owns it, has previously been criticized for compromises they’ve made in order to address funding shortfalls and stay in business in an increasingly difficult market. Supporters argue that licensing has long been a part of their funding model, and doesn’t necessarily contradict the educational mission that Sesame Workshop has committed to.

    Welcome to Israel With Sesame Street, however, is not harmless. It uses subtle messages to contribute to erasure and distortion of Palestinians, which should cause concern among people who care about the educational reputation of the brand. Unfortunately, Sesame Workshop failed to respond to my several inquiries about this book.

    Incorporating Palestinian voices

    US children will be lucky if they see a book or two mentioning Palestinians in their entire  educational careers—so the books they read should be good! There are a few books that offer some age-appropriate information about Palestinians, like ones referenced in Rethinking Schools and listed by the National Council for the Social Studies. These books contribute to an important educational objective—to help students of all ages understand that the world is diverse, that different groups have different experiences, that conflicts and wars hurt people, and that US taxpayers play a role in that. Publishers can do better by incorporating Palestinian voices into their commitments to center diverse voices and by taking a stand to protect and promote Palestinian children’s book writers.

    The post Palestinian Erasure Starts in Preschool—With Sesame Street’s Endorsement appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    New York: Puerto Rico to Finance Bros: ‘Go Home’

    (New York, 9/22/22)

    This week on CounterSpin: As Puerto Rico struggles under another “natural” disaster, we’re seeing some recognition of what’s unnatural about the conditions the island faces, that determine its ability to protect its people. We’re even getting some critical mumblings about “finance bros”—people from the States who go to the island to exploit tax laws designed to reward them wildly. New York magazine described “a wave of mostly white mainlanders” that “has moved to Puerto Rico, buying real estate and being accused of pushing out locals who pay their full tax burden.” Gotta get that passive voice in there. But of course, it isn’t just that these tax giveaways favoring non–Puerto Ricans are gross and unfair; you have to acknowledge in the same breath that money going to them is money not going to Puerto Rico’s energy systems, schools, hospitals, housing. We talk about the harms inflicted on Puerto Rico that have nothing to do with hurricanes, with Julio López Varona, co-chief of campaigns at the Center for Popular Democracy.

          CounterSpin220930Varona.mp3

     

    PBS: Haitians see history of racist policies in migrant treatment

    (AP via PBS, 9/24/21)

    Also on the show: Customs and Border Protection released findings from an internal investigation a few months back, declaring that no horse-riding Border Patrol agents actually hit any Haitian asylum seekers with their reins, as they chased them down on the Southern border last fall. That finding is disputed, but consider the premise: that people would need to create tales of horror about the treatment of Haitians at Del Rio, where people were shackled, left in cold cells, denied medicine, and separated from children as young as a few days old. Media subtly underscore that skepticism: AP ran a piece at the time telling readers that the appalling images shocked everyone:

    But to many Haitians and Black Americans, they’re merely confirmation of a deeply held belief: US immigration policies, they say, are and have long been anti-Black.

    The Border Patrol’s treatment of Haitian migrants, they say, is just the latest in a long history of discriminatory US policies and of indignities faced by Black people, sparking new anger among Haitian Americans, Black immigrant advocates and civil rights leaders.

    Understand, then: The racism in US immigration policy is a mere “belief,” held by Black people, and only they are upset about it. And this dismissive, divisive view is “good,” sympathetic reporting! We get another, grounded perspective from Guerline Jozef, founder and executive director of the Haitian Bridge Alliance.

          CounterSpin220930Jozef.mp3

     

    The post Julio López Varona on Puerto Rico Colonialism, Guerline Jozef on Haitian Refugee Abuse appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

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    Janine Jackson interviewed Alicia Bell and Collette Watson about media reparations for the September 23, 2022, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin220923Bell_Watson.mp3

     

    Janine Jackson: The 1968 Kerner Commission report didn’t just say that US journalists were mistelling the reality of recent civil unrest in Newark and Detroit and elsewhere. They declared that that coverage was only part of a broader media failure to “report adequately on the causes and consequences of civil disorders, and the underlying problems of race relations.”

    And the report linked that failure to the industry’s abysmal record in seeking out, hiring, training and promoting Black people.

    For those that remember Kerner, that’s where it seemed to end. But actually, the report didn’t say more Black journalists were the answer. It said that affirmative action was a necessary part of the process of de-centering US reporting’s white male view.

    It wasn’t just about making newsrooms look different. It was about changing the definition of news as being only, or primarily, about white men, and about doing that for the good of everybody.

    Black in the Newsroom

    (Image: Media 2070)

    The Kerner report’s themes resound in the experience of Elizabeth Montgomery, a former Arizona Republic reporter and the subject of the new short film Black in the Newsroom.

    The film and the actions around it are part of a project called Media 2070 that aims at acknowledging, reconciling and repairing harms the US media system has caused and continues to cause to the Black community.

    Alicia Bell is a co-creator and founding director of the Media 2070: Media Reparations Project, and also current director of the Racial Equity in Journalism Fund, housed within Borealis Philanthropy.

    Collette Watson is director of Media 2070 and vice president of cultural strategy at the group Free Press.

    Welcome, Alicia Bell and Collette Watson to CounterSpin.

    Collette Watson: Thank you.

    Alicia Bell: Thanks so much for having us, Janine.

    Elizabeth Montgomery

    Elizabeth Montgomery (photo: Arizona Republic)

    JJ: Well, to either of you, I would say obviously Elizabeth Montgomery is special—you know, we all are, but she’s really special—but what is there about her experience that made you think, this is representative enough to hold it up, to use it to highlight some things that we need to talk about? What made you want to tell her story?

    CW: I guess I’ll start us off and say that Elizabeth really was not only representative of many people’s experiences, but also very courageous in her willingness to be transparent.

    And so often one of the greatest barriers to our ability to shift these negative dynamics, these dynamics of anti-Blackness in newsrooms, is the reticence that surrounds, or the taboo that surrounds, talking about issues of compensation or representation or bias, or just experiences of anti-Blackness within newsrooms. For good reason, because we understand that there’s often the threat of retribution, or losing one’s livelihood, and other kinds of repercussions.

    But in Elizabeth’s case, she was in that tradition of brave truth tellers in our community. She was willing to be very upfront about what she was experiencing. And I felt that, for us, it was important to honor that courage, and to help amplify her story.

    JJ: What were some of the things, some of the elements of her experience, that had resonance for you, or that you thought would have resonance for other Black reporters who’ve tried to do the work within these “mainstream” institutions.

    Arizona Republic: Pam Tucker's ancestors enslaved Wanda Tucker's; together they confront the effects of slavery

    Arizona Republic (1/25/20)

    CW: Absolutely. Alicia works with a lot of media makers every day, and I’m sure will have thoughts. For me, it was the fact that she was doing such great work. And there’s a quote in the film where she says, “I’m making y’all look real good out in the street.”

    And I love the way she said it, because so much of any newspaper or media organization’s ability to exist is its relationship with its community and its reputation.

    And Elizabeth was covering these incredible stories of the Black bookstore, the only one in Arizona. We talk about that. She was covering this wonderful Black woman resident of the greater Phoenix area whose ancestors were among the first people transported to this land as enslaved African folks.

    And that’s just a tiny fraction of the coverage she was providing, and really enabling her newsroom to represent the community in a way it had not, prior to her taking on that reporter role.

    And despite that stellar work, despite that real community impact that was bringing to life what this newsroom says it wanted to be about, despite all of that, she was really being mistreated. And I think that that’s an experience that a lot of Black folks in media can identify with.

    AB: One thing I’ll add to that is that I met Elizabeth when she was a reporter working at a newsroom in Wilmington, North Carolina. And so when I met her is when she moved and went to another newsroom in Arizona, and I was able to introduce her to Collette and they were able to meet; she had similar experiences.

    And the fact that this story of her being a Black journalist who was doing excellent community-rooted reporting, answering questions that folks had, sharing stories so that people could see themselves in the coverage, and lifting up issues that were previously not being lifted up, that was something that she was doing in North Carolina, and it’s something that she was doing in Arizona.

    And the fact that in both of those places and spaces, that she was undervalued and underpaid, I think is indicative of the fact that this is not a one-newsroom fix issue. It means that it’s not a regional issue. It’s not just specific to her. And it’s something that carries across the United States, across a variety of Black experiences that folks have going into newsrooms.

    And the other thing I’ll add is that we also have data and information to contextualize this story within, right? We have some salary data that shows that Black folks, and especially Black women, are underpaid.

    We have the work that Meredith Clark was doing recently with the journalism and diversity surveying work, where folks were just not responding and sharing their demographic information, or sharing salary information, or anything like that.

    And so we also knew that this was only a microcosm of a larger issue, because we were able to situate it within data that was existing, and data that folks didn’t want to release, likely because it tells a really terrible story about how Black folks are treated and valued within journalism.

    Jill Nelson

    Jill Nelson (image: Charlie Rose)

    JJ: Back in, I guess it was 1993, Jill Nelson wrote in the book Volunteer Slavery, she talked about how, when she was at the Washington Post, she wanted to tell stories about the Black community that she suspected and worried would be done less well if somebody else did them. And then at the same time, she was irritated when anything would happen involving Black people, and everyone would kind of look at her like: “So this is you, right? You’re going to do this one, right?”

    She wanted to do right by her community, but she also wanted to do any kind of story and be a Black reporter doing it, you know? And it was about that dual or even multiple layering of work that Black journalists have to do within these organizations.

    And that’s why hiring and retention are not the same thing, right, why folks will take jobs but not stay?

    CW: Absolutely. And all of that plays into a sort of dehumanization that folks experience in newsrooms. Another reason that we honed in on Elizabeth’s story was because, around the time that she was publicly testifying about her experience, a study was released by the NewsGuild that showed that 14 different Gannett newsrooms were underpaying women and journalists of color, by as much as $27,000 annually, in comparison to their white male colleagues.

    So you’re underpaid and you’re experiencing this sort of hyper-visible hyper-invisibility in the newsroom, similar to what you were describing with Jill Nelson.

    The Typical 'Leaver'

    Source (8/26/20)

    The experience of that, and also not having the leadership that’s needed to ensure that folks’ full humanity is being recognized, that there’s care in the newsroom during those traumatic storytelling experiences—all of that becomes very dehumanizing, and therefore folks leave the field.

    And Carla Murphy has done incredible work around that, which we touch on in the film, with her “Leavers Survey.”

    And what that results in is really a lack of Black leadership, of folks of color in leadership positions, and people really leaving at the mid-career point, just when they would have been able to step into those leadership positions, and really maybe change the direction of a newsroom.

    And so when we lose folks at that mid-career point, we lose so much more. We lose the ability for these newsrooms to evolve.

    JJ: Absolutely. Well, we have seen some efforts toward what is forever being called “reckoning,” but outlets like the Philadelphia Inquirer, which has this “A More Perfect Union” project headed by Errin Haines that is examining systemic racism in, in particular, institutions that are rooted in Philly.

    But we see outlets around the country at least saying that they believe that they have a responsibility to examine their own institutional racism. I’m not exactly sure what I make of it.

    I wonder what your thoughts are about the seriousness, or even what would be the proof in the pudding, of this self-reckoning that we see some media outlets at least saying that they’re doing right now.

    Alicia Bell

    Alicia Bell: “We have so much more work to do and so much more to fight for, because we have not had anywhere near an adequate amount of accountability and restitution.”

    AB: I think that it does garner a lot of feelings and a lot of emotions. When I think about the work of media reparations, I think about something that our colleague Diamond Hardiman lifts up quite frequently, and Collette lifts this up as well, that reparations is already happening.

    It’s already been seeded and it’s already blooming. And so the way that I understand that, and the way that we understand media reparations and reparations more broadly, is that it requires at least four kinds of actions.

    It does require reckoning, and that kind of knowledge, study, publication. It requires acknowledgement, to say, “This is what we did and it was harmful, and it did this, or it had this impact.”

    But the thing that we don’t see happening right now in this journalism reckoning space, and more broadly in any sort of space and place where we see folks commissioning studies around systemic racism or racist histories or anything, we don’t see the next two pieces, which is accountability and restitution.

    So accountability being: How do I make up for this harm now? How do I heal it now? How do I stop it now?

    And then the restitution part of: How do I make sure that it doesn’t have soil to grow in in the future?

    Very often, we see folks stop after the reckoning and after the acknowledgement, and they’ll say like, “We did the thing: We published the report, we published the information. We apologized, even.”

    But if there’s none of that in conjunction with stopping the harm and disrupting the soil that the seeds grew in in the first place, to ensure that it doesn’t happen into the future, then it’s not enough.

    So I know that reparations have been seeded, and I know that reparations are already blooming and are already coming, because I see the reckoning and the acknowledgement work happening.

    But I also know that we have so much more work to do and so much more to fight for, because we have not had anywhere near an adequate amount of accountability and restitution into the future.

    And I see that in journalism, but I see that more broadly across a lot of different kinds of reparation work.

    JJ: Absolutely. Reparations are so often presented as backward-looking, instead of as a generative idea, as an idea about the future. And Alicia, I know when we spoke back in 2020, in the midst of public protest after the police murder of George Floyd, we were saying how people are talking about building relationships between police and community.

    And you were saying, “Well, what about building relationships between media and community?” That needs to also be a real relationship, with real accountability.

    And so, you’ve just done it to talk about what reparations might look like, but just the idea, if you want to say any more, either of you, about how it’s a forward-looking, generative thing. It’s about things changing, now and in the future. And it’s a very positive, joyful potential thing about dreaming, and about forging a shared future.

    The Negro in Chicago

    Chicago Commission on Race Relations (1922)

    CW: Absolutely it is. That’s why we named our project Media 2070. We understood that 50 years ago with the Kerner report, and 50 years before that was the Chicago Race Relations Commission and the report it issued after the Chicago race riots, that we were in an every-50-years cycle of unrest followed by analysis, that in each case honed in on media as a key aspect of the systemic oppression that Black folks experience in this country.

    And so we want to break that cycle, and in 50 years, we want be in a time when we have truly transformed our media, and created a future in which there is abundant resources for Black folks to be able to control our own narratives, from ideation through creation into production and even out into distribution.

    And that is a future that is not only abundant with Black narratives, power and control, but also with Black media makers having the resources and the care and support that’s needed in order to tell stories in ways that are truthful and nuanced, and really contribute to our shared truths as a society.

    And so when we look toward 2070, it’s not that we’re waiting until then. We’re starting now. As Alicia said, the seeds have been planted, and we understand reparations are inevitable, and we want to know what is the media system that gets us to that future. And that’s the journey that we’re on together.

    AB: I really appreciate when you’re lifting up that it’s a joyful thing, that there’s a lot of jubilance and healing that’s there in reparations, because we do understand that to be true. We understand it to be a practice of creating a culture and a society that is more caring for everybody, that is more nimble and responsive and accountable when harm happens, when conflicts happen.

    This is not an expectation of perfection, it is not an expectation that there will never be harm again, but it is an expectation that we do better, and that we maintain a certain level of buoyancy.

    And as someone who’s raising children, I have never met, and I’m sure these people exist, but I have never met a single parent, across races, across ethnicities, who does not want to raise caring children.

    And yet, somehow we allow, we are co-creators of, we are complicit in maintaining a society that does not care for all people.

    And so reparation is really looking at what are the infrastructures, the institutions, the policies, the practices that we need to have that care be permeable and felt by everyone.

    And what I know is that when all of our folks are cared for, and all of our folks are able to navigate things, to navigate conflict nimbly, have access to joy, to leisure, to work that is serving, work that is fulfilling, that that’s a better society for everyone.

    Black in the Newsroom Screening + Conversation

    (image: Media 2070)

    JJ: Finally, let me just say to you both, Black in the Newsroom I know is not just a film, but an opportunity, an opening, for conversation. I think that’s how you see it.

    And I wonder if you could tell us about how Phoenix went with the debut, and how you hope to use this film going forward as you travel with it around the country.

    CW: You know, thank you for asking. Phoenix was beautiful. We had such a lovely room and conversation after the film screening, we had a panel of organizers and artists and journalists who really talked in a real way with each other about the challenges of being Black in the newsroom, and also the challenges of connecting and telling Black stories, despite so many of the institutional barriers that we face in just trying to exist, much less be in community with each other.

    And I think that as we go around the country with this project—we’ve been privileged to be selected for a few film festivals and invited to a few university campuses and things like that. As we move around with this project, it is definitely an invitation, Janine, I’m so glad you put it that way, into extended conversation between community members and the journalists, who are also members of their communities, and for folks to understand that the solution we’re offering is solidarity.

    Collette Watson

    Collette Watson: “Myths of Black inferiority have been baked into our media system and its practices since the very, very beginning.”

    Because we often get asked, “What’s the solution? What’s next? How do we solve it all?” It’s solidarity between community members and organizers who are agitating for that future in which everyone has the care they need, that beautiful future Alicia just described, in solidarity with journalists and other media makers and artists.

    And for us to be co-creating this shared future and the narratives that will get us there, because we understand that narratives and myths of Black inferiority have been baked into our media system and its practices since the very, very beginning, as we outline in our Media 2070 essay.

    But the reparations framework invites us, as Alicia so beautifully laid out, to acknowledge and reckon with that history, and then to go about truly building that shared future.

    And we believe that the Black in the Newsroom conversation, and the lens of understanding the unique experiences of Black journalists, and the care that they deserve as they try to tell Black stories, brings us into a larger conversation of how we can understand our solidarity as we forge that future that’s ripe with reparations, and the just media that we deserve.

    So it’s an entry point into the world of Media 2070, into a beautiful shared future. And, really, it’s been an honor to help tell Elizabeth’s story in a way that invites us all into being in relationship and building with one another.

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with Alicia Bell and Collette Watson. For more information on Media 2070 and Black in the Newsroom, you can check out the website MediaReparations.org. Alicia Bell and Collette Watson, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    AB: Thank you.

    CW: Thank you.

     

    The post ‘There’s a Lot of Jubilance and Healing in Reparations’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    After the August 20 car-bomb assassination of Darya Dugina, the daughter of a Russian ultranationalist political philosopher, US media outlets quickly branded the 29-year-old as an agent in Russia’s “disinformation war.” Rather than treating her as a member of the civilian press, they seemed to downplay her death as a casualty of war.

    CNN: Darya Dugina’s death provides a glimpse into Russia’s vast disinformation machine – and the influential women fronting it

    CNN (8/27/22) used Darya Dugina’s assassination to talk about “Russia’s vast disinformation machine”—citing Dugina’s website, which was the 945,284th most popular site in the world in July.

    CNN (8/27/22) ran an article to this effect, failing to characterize her murder as an assassination, instead stating Dugina was “on the front lines” of Russia’s war effort, linking her to “Russia’s vast disinformation machine.” NPR (8/24/22) reported that  Dugina was a “Russian propagandist” whose killing signaled the war was coming to Russian elites in their own territory. Foreign Policy (8/26/22) called Dugina a “dead propagandist” whose “martyrdom” did more to achieve her goals in death than she could have hoped for in life.

    It is certainly true that during her life, Dugina, who espoused the philosophy of Russian Eurasianism, an expansionist political doctrine veiled as an objective analysis of Russian interests, had very little impact on Western audiences. This is true of most Russian journalists, despite the frequent warnings in US corporate media about the threat posed by Russian media messages. For instance, RT, often considered the foremost Russian outlet in the West, accounted for only 0.04% of Britain’s total viewing audience in 2017 (New Statesman, 2/25/22), and reached about 0.6% of the UK’s online population from February 2021 to the start of 2022—and this was before Western media platforms sharply restricted access to RT and other pro-Moscow outlets in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine.

    Far more prevalent for Western viewers is the constant barrage of pro-NATO, pro-Western propaganda that vastly overstates the significance of Russian disinformation. Such was the case when CNN noted that Dugina ran a “disguised English-language online platform that pushed a pro-Kremlin worldview to Western readers.” By “disguised,” CNN is suggesting that the site she worked for, United World International, engaged in outright deception by not disclosing its Russian origins—much like CNN does not describe itself as a US-based outlet, but rather as a “world leader in online news and information.”

    Whether UWI is purposefully misleading or not, CNN‘s underlying assumption is that Western audiences are so fickle that the most minimal exposure to pro-Kremlin viewpoints represents a threat to national security. It’s this stance that turns journalists with foreign ideologies into the equivalent of enemy combatants.

    If CNN thinks disclosure is what separates journalism from propaganda, it might have disclosed the biases of the sources it used to contextualize Dugina’s murder. The article mostly relied on information from the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab and the Center for European Policy Analysis, both of which are “used to promote the information interests of the US-centralized power alliance in Europe and North America” (Transcend.org, 9/5/22) and are funded by the US government, European allied nations and weapons manufacturers.

    ‘An appropriate target’

    CNN headquarters in Atlanta

    CNN personalities were fervent defenders of the US invasion of Iraq and the lies that justified it. Did that put them “on the front lines” of the war effort, negating their civilian status?

    Whether or not one agrees with what they are saying, journalists of every nationality deserve protection from those who would use violence to silence them. So when CNN or other Western media downplay the assassination of Dugina on the grounds that she spread Russian propaganda, or even disinformation, that supported a war of aggression and other war crimes, they are setting a standard that puts their own colleagues at risk. (The exceptionalism that holds that US institutions can avoid the consequences faced by others is, of course, a central pillar of US propaganda.)

    US corporate media have a long track record of advocating for illegal US aggression while knowingly parroting their government’s false pretenses. The New York Times, for instance, hasn’t opposed a US war since its tacit disapproval of Ronald Reagan’s invasion of Grenada in 1983 (FAIR.org, 8/23/17). The Times advocated for the illegal invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq (8/8/01, 2/12/03); the CIA’s attempted regime change in Syria (8/26/13); and US drone wars in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia (2/6/13). With the body count from these conflicts far surpassing that of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, how would the assassination of a New York Times editorial board member differ from Dugina’s murder? Aside, of course, from the fact that Dugina supported Washington’s geopolitical adversary.

    This isn’t the first time US journalists have been less than sympathetic about the targeting of journalists from nations adversarial to the US. During the Iraq War, human rights groups condemned the US bombing of Iraqi TV in Baghdad, emphasizing that it is not permissible to bomb a news outlet “simply because it is being used for the purposes of propaganda” (Amnesty International, 3/26/03). But prior to the bombing, Fox News‘s Bill O’Reilly argued, ““I think they should have taken out the television, the Iraqi television.” His colleague John Gibson wondered: “Should we take Iraqi TV off the air? Should we put one down the stove pipe there?” (Extra!, 5–6/03). After the bombing, New York Times reporter Michael Gordon said on CNN (3/25/03):

    Personally, I think the television, based on what I’ve seen of Iraqi television, with Saddam Hussein presenting propaganda to his people and showing off the Apache helicopter and claiming a farmer shot it down, and trying to persuade his own public that he was really in charge, when we’re trying to send the exact opposite message, I think was an appropriate target.

    On the very same day in 1999 that NATO bombed Radio TV Serbia, killing 20 journalists and other civilians (Extra!, 7–8/99), Thomas Friedman argued in the New York Times (4/23/99):

    Let’s at least have a real air war. The idea that people are still holding rock concerts in Belgrade, or going out for Sunday merry-go-round rides, while their fellow Serbs are “cleansing” Kosovo, is outrageous. It should be lights out in Belgrade: Every power grid, water pipe, bridge, road and war-related factory has to be targeted. Like it or not, we are at war with the Serbian nation (the Serbs certainly think so), and the stakes have to be very clear: Every week you ravage Kosovo is another decade we will set your country back by pulverizing you. You want 1950? We can do 1950. You want 1389? We can do 1389 too.

    Just a few weeks earlier, columnist Charles Krauthammer of the Washington Post (4/8/99) had cheered that NATO was “finally…hitting targets—power plants, fuel depots, bridges, airports, television transmitters—that may indeed kill the enemy and civilians nearby.” Do such abhorrent, pro–war crimes arguments turn these columnists from journalists into “propagandists,” unworthy of protection from assassination?

    CNN reported that Dugina’s death “has shone a light” on the inner workings of a Russian media sphere that unquestioningly parrots Kremlin talking points as if they were true. But, lacking in self-awareness, CNN and other US outlets relied heavily on Western government sources, exposing their own eagerness to toe the state line.

    When US media report on Russia’s disinformation apparatus, they are implicitly claiming that something similar does not exist in the US. But if you’re interested in how US reporting advances Washington’s “soft power” objectives, the turning of a murdered journalist into an object lesson for “Russia’s vast disinformation machine” is a fine example.

    The post US Media Held Murdered Russian Journalist to a Dangerous Standard appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

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    Runaway ad

    Newspaper ad from the Freedom on the Move database.

    This week on CounterSpin: If US news media never used the terms “wake-up call” or “racial reckoning” again, with regard to the latest instance of institutional white supremacy brought to light, that would be fine. Far better would be for them to do the work of not just acknowledging that US news media have supported and inflicted racist harms throughout this country’s history, but shedding critical light on the hows and whys of those harms—and taking seriously the idea of repairing them and replacing them with a media ecosystem that better serves us all. The Media 2070: Media Reparations Project encourages conversation and action around that vision. We’ll hear about the work from Alicia Bell, a co-creator and founding director of Media 2070 and current director of the Racial Equity in Journalism Fund, housed within Borealis Philanthropy. And from Collette Watson, director of Media 2070 and vice president of cultural strategy at the group Free Press.

          CounterSpin220923Bell&Watson.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at recent press coverage of student debt relief, China’s zero-Covid policy and Afghan sanctions.

          CounterSpin220923Banter.mp3

     

    The post Alicia Bell and Collette Watson on Media Reparations appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on CounterSpin.

  •  

    In a recent New York Times “America in Focus” opinion piece (9/13/22), the paper gathered 16 Americans to discuss their views on the economy and how it’s affecting their personal finances.

    The focus group included seven conservatives, seven “liberals and progressives,” and two moderates. Participants ranged in age from 24–65, lived in several different states, represented a handful of ethnicities (though the majority were white), and worked in occupations from food delivery to law.

    The paper ran with the headline: “Is America in a Recession? Here’s What 16 Biden and Trump Supporters Think.”

    Supporters of a losing candidate

    Vox: The 4 major criminal probes into Donald Trump, explained

    Vox (8/19/22) details the numerous criminal investigations facing Donald Trump.

    Now, asking individuals whether the US is in a recession is peculiar, given that the most widely accepted definition of a recession—“two consecutive quarters of decline in a country’s GDP”—is not subjective. You might as well convene a focus group to ask whether a heat wave was breaking temperature records.

    But most concerning is the second part of the Times’ headline. Donald Trump lost his second presidential bid nearly two years ago, and is being investigated for inciting an insurrection to retain power, removing classified documents from the National Archives, and other criminal charges. He has not officially announced any plans to run in 2024.

    When has the paper ever sought the opinions of supporters of a losing presidential candidate—let alone one under multiple criminal investigations—two years after their loss, to “balance” supporters of the elected president? We weren’t hearing from panels of “Clinton supporters” in 2018, or “McCain supporters” in 2010, or “Gore supporters” in 2002.

    An often inaccurate guess

    Frank Luntz: I want it known that the name Donald Trump was not said until now.

    Focus group director Frank Luntz comments on the near-absence of talk about Trump.

    However, it’s not clear that the headline accurately describes the participants. Trump’s name doesn’t even come up in the conversation until the very end—which moderator Frank Luntz and some of the interview subjects acknowledged. “We were this close,” Luntz joked.

    Throughout the entire piece, participants are classified by their ideologies, and the article only definitively identifies two Biden voters. Otherwise, subjects are classified as conservatives, liberals/progressives or moderates—not by whom they voted for or plan to vote for.  It’s presumptuous, irresponsible journalism to assume all conservatives are “Trump supporters” and all progressives are “Biden supporters”—especially given that recent polling averages show that 47% of Republican respondents would like a figure other than Trump to be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024.

    On the other side, the New York Times itself (7/11/22) reported that 64% of Democrats do not want Biden to run in 2024—a figure that would likely be greater if the many liberals and progressives who don’t consider themselves Democrats were included. So labeling participants chosen for their ideologies as supporters of particular politicians is a guess, and often an inaccurate one. (A real sample of US adults, of course, would include the one-third of eligible voters who don’t vote, largely because they don’t see the point.)

    The choice to nevertheless silo the participants as either Biden or Trump supporters two years after the election that Trump lost is a concrete example of how the corporate press feeds into the sensationalist circus of Trumpism, keeping him at the forefront of the news cycle, even in stories that barely involve him.

    Violent and delusional worldview

    Maga King image shared by Trump

    On his own social media platform, Truth Social (5/16/22), Donald Trump “ReTruthed” an image that linked him to the QAnon conspiracy theory and its foretold “storm.”

    Still, Trump’s chokehold on the Republican Party has 70% of its voting bloc believing the unequivocally false claim that Biden lost the 2020 election (Poynter, 6/16/22). This highlights the danger of normalizing Trump’s ideology as the counterbalance to an establishment Democrat like Biden.

    Criticism of Biden and Democrats is valid and necessary, but Trumpism is something else entirely: Thousands of his followers took part in the deadly January 6 insurrection that sought to obstruct a democratic transfer of power. A quarter of Republicans believe in the central tenets of the QAnon conspiracy theory: that a cabal of Satan-worshiping pedophiles control the government and media, and that an ever-coming “storm” helmed by Trump will destroy their power (PRII, 2/24/22).

    A politician who actively tried to manipulate election results and sow baseless distrust in electoral outcomes is a direct threat to democracy. Casually treating his political base as the natural alternative to the elected government confers legitimacy on this violent and delusional worldview.

    The issue, of course, is not whether the Times should be interviewing people who disagree with Biden—of course it should. But using “Trump supporters” as a default term for conservatives, and presenting them as the inevitable balance to the views of moderates and progressives (whose diverse political views are subsumed under the label “Biden supporters”) serves to mainstream a radical, far-right movement.

    A mention of the president’s name in a conversation about the US’s current economic position and his student debt relief plan need not be “balanced out” by a headline dropping the name of a one-term president who lost to him two years ago, and who was barely mentioned in the conversation at all. Shoehorning Trump into conversations that don’t substantially involve him implies a false equivalence between the president and a political pretender.

    Unrelenting frequency

    Frequency of Mentions in New York Times

    CJR (11/13/19) tracked how much more the New York Times talks about Trump than about any other recent president.

    The unrelenting frequency with which Trump is mentioned in the New York Times and the US media as a whole is well-documented. During his initial bid for the presidency in 2015, Trump received 327 minutes of nightly broadcast network news coverage, while Hillary Clinton received 121 and Bernie Sanders received 20 (Tyndall Report, 12/21/15). As CBS CEO Leslie Moonves (Extra!, 4/16) said in 2016, the cult of Trump “may not be good for America, but it’s damn good for CBS.”

    During his presidency, the Times mentioned Trump more than it did his predecessors during theirs. A Columbia Journalism Review study (11/13/19) found that two years after his election, “the Times talks about Trump almost three times as much as they did Obama at the same point in his term.”

    Three years later, amid criminal investigations and deadly conspiracy theories, Trump has managed to continue bullying his way into the political conversation. The threat the Trump movement poses requires media scrutiny, but when it comes time to discussing policy options, the New York Times should rule out those who reject the validity of democratic elections.


    ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to the New York Times at letters@nytimes.com (Twitter: @NYTimes). Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.


    Featured Image: Caricatures of focus group participants from the New York Times‘ “Is America in a Recession? Here’s What 16 Biden and Trump Supporters Think” (9/13/22).

     

    The post Dragging Trump Into Spotlight Feeds His Dangerous Movement appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed the Groundwork Collaborative’s Chris Becker about inflation coverage for the September 16, 2022, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin220916Becker.mp3

     

    Janine Jackson: In a section labeled “Core of the matter,” the Economist declared: “Despite rosier figures, America still has an inflation problem. Is higher unemployment the only cure?”

    Economist: America Still Has an Inflation Problem

    Economist (9/13/22)

    I guess we’re meant to find solace in the idea that the magazine thinks there might conceivably be other responses, in addition to what we are to understand is the proven one: purposely throwing people out of work, with all of the life-changing harms that come with that.

    CNBC‘s story, “Inflation Fears Spur Shoppers to Get an Early Jump on the Year-End Holidays,” encouraged us to think that “inflation is a Scrooge.”

    So—an abstraction that is somehow stealing Christmas, to which the healthy response is to make more people jobless while corporate profits soar. It makes sense to corporate media, but if it doesn’t make sense to you, you are far from alone.

    Chris Becker is the associate director of policy and research, and senior economist, at the Groundwork Collaborative. He joins us now by phone. Welcome to CounterSpin, Chris Becker.

    Chris Becker: Thank you so much for having me, and just having this very important discussion.

    JJ: I know that lots of people don’t really understand much about how the economy works, and I don’t hold it against them, frankly. I do hold it, in part, against corporate news media, who I think rely on that lack of knowledge to sell ideas that people wouldn’t buy if they understood them.

    So if you’re having a first conversation with someone who says, “Boy, prices are high, this inflation is killing us. And, you know, the paper says it’s wages,” how would you try to reorient that conversation? Where would you start?

    CB: Right. I think there is a lot of misinformation and misunderstandings floating around that are perpetuated by the media at times. And so where I would start with the conversation is to say that when we’re thinking about inflation, we need to understand that there are stark differences in how American households and consumers are experiencing the post-pandemic economy, versus how corporations are faring.

    So for consumers, what this has meant is higher prices: higher prices at the grocery store line, at the pump, even for essential goods like baby formula that are required for basic nutrition of infants. And so the bottom line for consumers is that it’s become harder and harder to make ends meet.

    But corporations have turned consumers’ pain into their own gain. So what we’ve seen corporations do is that they’ve used all these crises as an excuse to pass on higher prices to consumers, padding their pockets in the process, and then funneling the extra money back to their wealthy shareholders and investors.

    And like you mentioned, there are a lot of narratives going around that corporations were forced to raise these higher prices, that they had higher input costs, or that wage demands were simply too large, and they had to raise prices to compensate for that.

    Truthout: Corporate Profits Surge to an All-Time High of $2 Trillion

    Truthout (8/26/22)

    But what we’ve seen, actually, is that not only have corporate profits hit record highs, far exceeding what we saw prior to the pandemic, but also profit margins have hit their highest level in 70 years.

    And so what that means is that for every dollar that these corporations are earning, a larger percentage of that is going to corporate profits, rather than paying off input costs or paying wages, than what we’ve seen since the 1950s. So not only are corporations making a lot of money, they’re actually squeezing consumers for more than they have in 70 years.

    And so, yes, input costs have gone up, wages have gone up, but corporations have passed all of that onto consumers in the form of higher prices, and then a little bit more, so they’re actually making more and more profits than they used to.

    JJ: And I just want to add, the way that media framing tends to talk about workers and consumers as though they were different people is very frustrating in terms of understanding what’s going on, right? I’m the one paying at the pump and at the grocery store, and I’m also the one working for wages. So it’s very obfuscating to separate those groups rhetorically.

    CB: Yes, absolutely. And one of the biggest problems is that wages are not rising fast enough. We’ve seen that wages have gone up, but not by as much as inflation has gone up.

    So the purchasing power of these workers, in terms of what their wage actually buys them, has gone down. And so we actually need higher wages, not lower wages. We need to ensure that workers are being fairly compensated for the higher prices that they’re seeing. That’s exactly right.

    JJ: When I see outlets like the Economist toss off phrases like the “remorseless mathematics” of economic policy-making, that’s sending a message, right, to readers that choices aren’t being made. It’s as if it’s the hand of God.

    And as well as misrepresenting what you and I know is the very contested nature of economics—if you have different goals, you want different policies—it also seems to encourage a kind of passivity on the part of people. “There’s really nothing you can do about it. It’s just math, you know, it’s just math.” It’s very frustrating.

    CB: I think that’s exactly right. And when we’re thinking about corporations, they do have options. They do have other choices of how they want to go about making profits. We often frame it as if it’s this question of, should corporations be allowed to make profits or not? And, of course, in a strong economy, where everyone’s doing well and everyone’s making money, corporations will make profits too.

    The real issue is how they’ve gone about making these profits. And so, unfortunately, we’ve incentivized these corporations to really go after this price-gouging, profiteering strategy, rather than pursuing other strategies that could be good for all of us.

    So, for example, one option that corporations have is that it’s not obvious that higher prices are always better for corporations either; if corporations keep their prices low, consumers can afford to buy more from them, and they’ll make more money. But, unfortunately, they put all their eggs in this price-gouging basket instead.

    In the long run, low prices could be good for corporations. If you keep your prices low and the products are affordable, consumers will see that, and they’re more likely to keep shopping with you. They’re able to expand your customer base.

    So I think even the high prices could, in some ways, be short-sighted for corporations, too.

    Another big problem is that corporations are not investing this money. We know that corporations are making all these profits. They could be taking this extra money and saying, “Let’s actually invest it so that we can have long-term profitability, long-term sustainability. Let’s try to bring our costs down. Let’s try to expand our productive capacity, so we can produce more in the future and make more money.”

    Unfortunately, they’re not doing that either. What we’re seeing instead is that corporations are taking all those extra profits and doing share buybacks and dividends, and funneling extra money to their shareholders.

    These shareholders don’t necessarily have the best interest of the corporations in the long run, or the economy as a whole, in mind. They want to see a short-run return right now, make sure they make their money while they can. And so they’re incentivizing these corporations to go all in on price-gouging; funnel the money back rather than taking the more risky investments in the long run that could benefit all of us.

    We need to really move away from this model where corporations are so reliant on shareholders who are really prioritizing short-run profits and profiteering over far more investment.

    JJ: I was struck by a recent tweet of yours in which you said we can continue arguing about precise causes of inflation, but we have to connect it to corporate profiteering. And you said:

    Whether this profiteering is a cause of inflation or just a distributional consequence, we don’t have to accept this. We can build institutions that ensure everyday Americans get a bigger piece of that pie.

    I wonder if you could just finally talk a little bit about that. What institutions need to be grown? How do we build them? Just tell us a little bit about that positive vision.

    Groundwork Collaborative's Chris Becker

    Chris Becker: “Unfortunately, we have built a system that relies on exploitation of labor rather than building up workers’ rights and good pay.”

    CB: Sure. I think that a lot of it goes back to what you were talking about before, where the consumers are workers.

    And, unfortunately, we have built a system that relies on exploitation of labor rather than building up workers’ rights and good pay. So corporations are not paying workers well, they’re not giving them proper rights, they’re not respecting their dignity in the workplace. And we see the consequences of this.

    We’ve seen it very recently in the labor strike that we’ve seen in the railroad industry. Railroad workers are workers that our economy really depends on; they’re essential workers within our supply chains that allow consumers to access the goods and services that they need. If there’s one thing we’ve learned in this crisis, it’s how important our supply chains are.

    But railroads, instead of treating these workers well and taking care of them, have assumed that they can continue to exploit them over and over again, and those workers will always be there when we need them.

    And, finally, these railroad workers are saying enough is enough. They’re making very simple demands, just to have basic paid sick leave so that they don’t worry about losing all their income when they get sick.

    And so now we are faced with this situation where we could have a railroad strike, which will throw our economy into disruption once again, and raise prices for everyone.

    And so we should be investing in workers, investing in higher wages, investing in unions because it’s the right thing to do, but also because it will allow workers to focus on their jobs, get the essential tasks they do done without having to worry about having enough money, being able to make the right choices for their family.

    So I think a lot of it just starts with investing in workers first instead of corporate exploitation.

    JJ: We’re going to end on that note. We’ve been speaking with Chris Becker, associate director of policy and research, and senior economist, at the Groundwork Collaborative. Their work is online at GroundworkCollaborative.org. Thank you so much, Chris Becker, for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    CB: Thank you.

     

    The post ‘We’ve Incentivized Corporations to Go After This Price-Gouging Strategy’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed Muslim Advocates’ Sumayyah Waheed about CNN‘s John Miller for the September 16, 2022, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

          CounterSpin220916Waheed.mp3

     

    Janine Jackson: In March of this year, John Miller—then deputy commissioner of intelligence and counter-terrorism for the New York Police Department—told a New York City Council meeting that “there is no evidence” that the NYPD surveilled Muslim communities in the wake of September 11, 2001—”based,” he said, “on every objective study that’s been done.”

    NPR: NYPD Shuts Down Controversial Unit That Spied On Muslims

    NPR (4/15/14)

    At that point, media had extensively documented the unconstitutional discrimination of the NYPD’s so-called “Demographics Unit,” including installing police cameras outside mosques, and reporting store owners who had visible Qurans or religious calendars. And the NYPD had agreed to disband the unit in the face of multiple federal lawsuits.

    In September, CNN hired John Miller as “chief law enforcement and intelligence analyst,” part of changes attached to CNN‘s absorption by Warner Brothers Discovery, whose most powerful shareholder is libertarian billionaire John Malone, who has stated that he would like CNN to feature more “actual journalism,” citing, as an example, Fox News.

    Forget what it portends for CNN. The Miller hire is a message to Muslim communities about who it’s OK to harm under official sanction, and how eagerly some will strive to deny and erase that harm and its ongoing effects.

    We’re joined now by Sumayyah Waheed, senior policy council at Muslim Advocates. She joins us now by phone. Welcome to CounterSpin, Sumayyah Waheed.

    Sumayyah Waheed: Thank you so much for having me.

    John Miller

    CNN‘s John Miller

    JJ: I want to read just a little bit more context for the statement that John Miller made to New York City Council member Shahana Hanif, when she asked for transparency and an official apology for the NYPD surveillance and harassment of Muslims.

    Just before he said there’s no evidence, Miller said:

    Perception allowed to linger long enough becomes reality. I know from my own conversation with Muslim members of the community, and Muslim community leaders, that there are people…who will believe forever…[that] there were spies in their mosques who were trying to entrap people.

    It seems important to acknowledge that this isn’t just lying. This is gaslighting, right?

    SW: Yeah. And it’s lying under oath. He was providing testimony under oath to the City Council.

    It’s important to note he had choices in terms of how to respond to this, the request for an apology. He could have flatly refused it. He could have defended the NYPD’s program. I wouldn’t agree with that, either, but he could have done that.

    Instead, he chose to lie about something that’s well-documented. And as you said, specifically something that harms a marginalized community, the Muslims in the New York area, whose harms that they suffered from this massive surveillance echo through today.

    Pulitzer Prizes: Matt Apuzzo, Adam Goldman, Eileen Sullivan and Chris Hawley of the Associated Press

    Pulitzer Prizes (2012)

    And this was not that long ago. This program started in the aftermath of 9/11, so about 20-plus years ago, and then the AP reported on it in, I think, 2012. They won a Pulitzer Prize for their reporting on it.

    And they reported with a treasure trove of documents, internal documents from the NYPD, some of which our organization utilized in our lawsuit against the NYPD for their spying. And a federal appeals court explicitly said that our client’s allegations were plausible, that the NYPD ran a surveillance program with a facially discriminatory classification.

    So he chose to lie about something that’s well-documented. He chose to basically spit in the face of Muslim communities who were harmed by this program. And he has basically been rewarded for it, by being hired by a major news outlet with a position that, I don’t even know how much he’s going to be compensated, but he’s now got a national platform to further spread lies.

    JJ: It’s incredible, and I just want to draw you out on one piece, which is that folks, even critically thinking folks, will have heard, yes, this was a program that happened, but it was ended, despite what Miller, in his brain, which we don’t want to explore, believes. The program ended, and so therefore maybe things are better.

    Could I just ask you a little bit about the harms from something like this surveillance program, which is—cameras outside of mosques, interrogating people in stores, you know? The harms don’t disappear when the program is officially ended.

    Mapping Muslims: NYPD Spying and Its Impact on American Muslims

    CLEAR et al. (2013)

    SW: Not at all. So first of all, just from our lawsuit—and our lawsuit was specifically for New Jersey Muslims who were affected by this, and there were other lawsuits for the New York Muslims, and there were Muslims outside of the New York and New Jersey area who were affected by this. But just from our lawsuit, we knew that the NYPD spied on at least 20 mosques, 14 restaurants, 11 retail stores, two grade schools and two Muslim student associations in New Jersey.

    So every aspect of Muslims’ lives was being surveilled, and the community finding out about this pervasive surveillance, that’s not something that you can just dismiss. The community basically was traumatized by this.

    And the result—there’s a Mapping Muslims report that actually goes into all the effects, some of the impacts on the Muslim community from this notorious program of surveillance. And they found that Muslims suppressed themselves, in terms of their religious expression, their speech and political associations.

    It sowed suspicion within the community, because people found out, you know, the person sitting next to me at the mosque was an informant. How can I go to the mosque and trust everyone there? Maybe I won’t go.

    Of course, it severed trust with law enforcement, and then contributed to a pervasive fear and unwillingness to publicly engage.

    So that you can’t just flip a switch on. If the NYPD actually wanted to address those harms, that would be a really long road to repair.

    And by having John Miller in his position, and not actually censuring him or firing him for those comments, the NYPD signaled the opposite, right, that they’re going to back somebody who doesn’t care to address the harms of the department.

    And then, of course, now he’s being further validated by a national news media company.

    FAIR: To Defeat Transparency, NYPD Turns to Journalist-Turned-Cop-Turned-Journalist-Turned-Cop

    FAIR.org (6/21/17)

    JJ: And Miller does Big Lie—a term, by the way, that is now reportedly forbidden at CNN with reference to Trump’s stolen election.

    But in 2017, as Josmar Trujillo wrote for FAIR.org, Miller was on a local radio station, WNYM, saying that

    activists have in their mind this idea that police departments and cities like New York run massive surveillance programs, targeting innocent civilians for no reason. Now, that’s nutty. I mean, why would we do that? How could we do that? And how would it make sense?

    Again, this is beyond misinformation to disinformation. And it’s very clear that this is his jam, you know? And so CNN has to want him for that, and not despite that. It just, it’s breaking my brain.

    SW: Yes, because news networks should be helping us sort fact from fiction, not further destroying the line. Otherwise they’re nothing better than propaganda machines.

    And this is not just propaganda. This is specifically erasing the experiences of marginalized people —and to elevate law enforcement above any criticism, much less actually holding it accountable to ordinary people.

    And we know that law enforcement has a pattern of systemically depriving communities that are already marginalized: Black communities, Latinx communities, poor communities, Muslims, disabled communities. I mean, the list goes on.

    So, basically, CNN is signaling that this is where they’re putting their weight.

    JJ: Yeah. And you know, at that point, Josmar Trujillo was writing about how the NYC City Council was calling on the police department to be transparent about surveillance operations. That was something called the POST Act, and the police and the right-wing media came in shrieking, like this is going to be a “roadmap for terrorists” to how to attack us.

    But the point is, that hysteria pulled the goalpost to the right. So now transparency—what surveillance operations are you doing—becomes the weirdest thing that you can call for. And ending that discriminatory surveillance and harassment is pushed off the page and off the table.

    And I just wonder what your thoughts are about media and journalism, and what they could do to help, or could stop doing that hurts.

    Muslim Advocates' Sumayyah Waheed

    Sumayyah Waheed: “News networks are supposed to help us sort fact from fiction, not further destroy the line.”

    SW: Right. I think that, again, going back to my point that news networks are supposed to help us sort fact from fiction, not further destroy the line, and specifically with the powerful actors, whether they’re police departments or elected officials, to utilize that truth-telling, the investigatory process, to hold those actors accountable.

    Because that should be the role of the news, is finding the information that might not be obvious, accessing the records that should be public, because we live in a free and open society, supposedly, and enabling people to take that information and hold their elected or public officials accountable.

    So simply ceding ground because there’s a loud, screaming, radical voice out there is definitely not the answer. And to further reiterate, you know, the AP, by reporting on this, won the Pulitzer Prize. So it’s not like there’s no reward for it besides, you know, a free and well-engaged society. We should be rewarding truth-telling and proper investigations by journalists.

    But you know, this is a rightward shift at CNN under the new chairman, and it comes after the firing of Brian Stelter and John Harwood for criticizing Trump and Republicans who engage in election denials.

    So the story is already being told by these moves, right? So it’s just really alarming and disturbing for anyone who values truth, who values our democracy—and particularly for the marginalized communities, who know that this type of gaslighting, this type of elevating law enforcement above any kind of reproach is going to continue to harm us.

    JJ: And I wish I didn’t have to note that nothing about that program made anybody safer.

    SW: Yes.

    JJ: Because what we’re going to hear is, “OK, yeah, we’re harming some people’s civil liberties, but it’s all about safety.”

    And so I wish we didn’t have to say it, but the thing is that that harm didn’t make anybody safer.

    FAIR: ACTION ALERT: Crime Claims of CNN’s New Police Expert Don’t Hold Up to Facts

    FAIR.org (9/14/22)

    SW: Right, the entire massive surveillance apparatus did not lead to one investigatory lead.

    And I’ll also point out: the federal appeals court that ruled for our clients also cited the Japanese internment as a bad example of being overly deferential to the executive branch, which law enforcement is part of, and not wanting to repeat that shameful history.

    So one step towards repeating history is denying it. Another step is forgetting it. But active denial just accelerates that process. So it’s very unsettling, and CNN should really just reverse course, but I don’t know if that’s going to happen, so it’s pretty discouraging.

    JJ: Well, we’re going to encourage listeners to encourage that to happen.

    We’ve been speaking with Sumayyah Waheed, senior policy council at Muslim Advocates. You can find their work online at MuslimAdvocates.org. Thank you so much, Sumayyah Waheed, for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    SW: Thank you. Pleasure to be here.

     

    The post John Miller ‘Chose to Lie About Something That’s Well-Documented’ appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    More than a year after it froze $7 billion of Afghanistan’s central bank reserves in the wake of the Taliban’s military victory, the US has announced it will use half the money to establish a fund at a Swiss bank to help stabilize the cratering Afghan economy.

    NYT: U.S. Establishes Trust With $3.5 Billion in Frozen Afghan Central Bank Funds

    The New York Times (9/14/22) wrote that the US “explored trying to directly recapitalize the Afghan central bank”—in other words, considered giving some of Afghanistan’s money back to Afghanistan.

    President Joe Biden’s refusal over the past year to allow the Afghan central bank access to its own reserves has caused an economic crisis that has pushed most of the population into extreme poverty and malnutrition. Moreover, in February, Biden announced that he was reserving half of Afghanistan’s money for families of 9/11 victims, sparking international outrage—and yawns from TV news outlets (FAIR.org, 2/15/22).

    The establishment of the “Afghan Fund” is a half measure that, while almost certain to provide some much needed relief, continues both the unjust theft of half the funds and the hobbling of the country’s recovery by undermining the central bank. (Economist Andrés Arauz describes Biden’s plan as “starting a parallel private foundation ‘central bank’ from scratch,” and argues that it’s a “terrible idea”—CEPR, 9/15/22.)

    When a government invades a country, occupies it for 20 years, and then sends it into a humanitarian crisis by appropriating most of its money, you’d expect good journalists from that country to follow the story closely and vigorously hold their government to account. In the US, instead, you get largely shrugs and government talking points.

    Obscuring US responsibility

    The story of Biden’s reallocation of Afghanistan’s reserves wasn’t mentioned by a single TV news outlet, according to a search of the Nexis news database. That failure is sadly unsurprising, given their overwhelming lack of interest in the Afghan people once the US military withdrawal was complete—after incessant wailing about the fate of those people during the withdrawal itself (FAIR.org, 12/21/21).

    LA Times: U.S. sets up Afghan relief fund with frozen central bank money

    The AP story the LA Times (9/15/22) ran on the Biden administration’s reallocation of Afghanistan’s banking reserves didn’t quote any Afghans.

    The Los Angeles Times (9/15/22) ran an AP report on the funds on its front page. That report—which also ran in major papers like the Chicago Tribune and Baltimore Sun—obscured the US responsibility for the situation, using passive language to explain that “international funding to Afghanistan was suspended” and “billions of dollars of the county’s assets abroad, mostly in the United States, were frozen” after the US withdrawal.

    That Biden had unilaterally announced that half the money would be effectively stolen from the Afghan people, who had nothing to do with 9/11, and reserved for families of 9/11 victims, was likewise reported with passive language and no hint of controversy: “The other $3.5 billion will stay in the US to finance payments from lawsuits by US victims of terrorism.”

    The only quotes the AP offered were from US officials and the Swiss bank.

    CNN.com (9/14/22) also quoted only US officials, and offered the rather credulous assessment: “By setting up this mechanism, the US is making it clear that they intend to get the frozen funds to the Afghan people”—which is hard to square with the earmarking of fully half the funds for US citizens, not the Afghan people.

    ‘Unusual dilemma’

    WaPo: U.S. to redirect Afghanistan’s frozen assets after Taliban rejects deal

    The Washington Post headline (9/14/22) reflects the framing that Afghanistan is to blame for the theft of its reserves: “US officials say the Taliban has refused to do what is necessary for the funds to be returned.”

    The New York Times and Washington Post at least included a human rights critic each, but still included language downplaying US culpability. At the Times (9/14/22), reporter Charlie Savage told readers the crisis is “a highly unusual dilemma”:

    Afghanistan’s economy went into a free fall when its government collapsed amid the Taliban’s takeover in August 2021. Financial aid and international spending dried up, in part because the Taliban are a designated terrorist group subject to US and international sanctions that make it a crime to transfer money that could reach them.

    In this framing, it’s not US sanctions that are to blame, but rather the fact that the “Taliban are a designated terrorist group” and thus subject to sanctions. Designated by whom? By not answering this question, the Times deflects attention from US decision-making and its catastrophic impact on the Afghan people.

    The only unalloyed criticism appearing in any US news outlet we could find came from Mark Weisbrot of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, who told the Washington Post (9/14/22), “This move can’t possibly compensate for the harm to the Afghan economy and millions of people who are starving, in large part because of the US confiscation of Afghanistan’s central bank reserves.”

    The Post‘s Jeff Stein also was nearly alone in including criticism from a spokesperson for the Afghan central bank. (The only other major US news outlet we found that included a quote from a Taliban spokesperson was the Wall Street Journal9/14/22).

    Even so, the Post couldn’t help tucking an old-fashioned both-sidesing into the story:

    Economists say the freezing of these funds has fueled the collapse of Afghanistan’s economy and its hunger crisis, but the Biden administration and other analysts have said the Taliban cannot be trusted to administer such substantial amounts of money.

    Urging release of funds

    Intercept: 9/11 Families and Others Call on Biden to Confront Afghan Humanitarian Crisis

    The Intercept report (6/6/22) frankly refers to “the humanitarian disaster triggered by the Biden administration’s decision to seize Afghanistan’s $7 billion in banking reserves.”

    The US isn’t alone in its concerns about the Taliban, but Washington’s argument is disingenuous. Central bank funds are not the property of the country’s government, and that government cannot simply withdraw them for its own purposes; the vast majority—some 90%—of the bank’s holdings in fact belong to Afghan citizens and businesses (CEPR.net, 9/15/22).

    That’s why a wide range of individuals and groups around the world, including human rights groups, economists and the UN secretary general, have urged the release of the entirety of the funds to the central bank.

    The earmarking of half the funds for 9/11 families—which a group of economists including Joseph Stiglitz called “arbitrary and unjustified”—is particularly galling. Kelly Campbell, co-founder of 9/11 Families for Peaceful Tomorrows, told the Intercept (6/6/22):

    The fact of the matter is that these reserves are the Afghan people’s money. The idea that they are on the brink of famine and that we would be holding on to their money for any purpose is just wrong. The Afghan people are not responsible for 9/11, they’re victims of 9/11 the same way our families are. To take their money and watch them literally starve—I can’t think of anything more sad.

    Missing: women’s voices

    Al Jazeera: Aid cut-off may kill more Afghans than war

    Al Jazeera (12/4/21): “The Afghan people should not be denied vital healthcare and be abandoned without food because the international community sees economic starvation as the only available tool to influence the Taliban regime. “

    Even those the West most professes concern for, Afghan women, have deeply criticized Biden’s handling of the funds. In March, the US canceled talks in Doha with the Taliban about the funds, ostensibly because the Taliban reversed its decision to allow girls to attend high school (Reuters, 3/27/22). But as Jamila Afghani, founder and president of the Afghan chapter of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, pointedly argued (Al Jazeera, 12/4/21): “We are not supporting Afghan women by starving them.”

    In an op-ed for Foreign Policy (1/31/22) several months into the freeze, Jamila Afghani and Yifat Susskind of the global women’s human rights group MADRE argued that US policymakers’ framing of the situation offers a false choice between economic relief and women’s rights—which, they point out, is “grounded in historical hypocrisy,” as the US used women’s rights to justify their war, despite spending nearly 1,000 times more on military operations than promoting women’s rights. (See FAIR.org, 8/23/21.)

    “In reality,” Afghani and Susskind wrote, “the best way for policymakers to ensure their actions promote an effective economic recovery is to center the voices of Afghan women leaders and heed their recommendations.”

    US journalists’ over-reliance on official sources means that the false choice between economic relief and women’s rights is not just the dominant policymaker narrative, but the dominant media narrative as well. In not a single story in the latest round of coverage was an Afghan woman’s voice heard—let alone centered. Nor were any civilian male voices heard, for that matter. In a story fundamentally about the fate of the Afghan people, to US journalists, those people are little more than silent pawns.

    The post Biden’s Afghan Shell Game Prompts Media Shrugs and Stenography appeared first on FAIR.

  •  

    Both the US and British governments supported the rise of Brazil’s far-right President Jair Bolsonaro. Future Prime Minister Liz Truss had secret meetings with the future president in 2018 to discuss “free trade, free markets and post-Brexit opportunities”  (BrasilWire, 3/25/20).

    The US Department of Justice was a crucial partner in the Lava Jato (“Car Wash”) investigation, which resulted in the prosecution and jailing of Brazil’s left-leaning former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva. The politically motivated legal campaign against Lula served to prevent his participation in the 2018 presidential election, in what Gaspard Estrada calls “the biggest judicial scandal in Brazilian history.”

    Because of this history, and because Brazil is a hard country to explain concisely, I was weary to learn that the British and US state-affiliated media outlets BBC and PBS had co-released a documentary about Jair Bolsonaro only a few weeks before this year’s Brazilian presidential election (10/2–30/22). It didn’t fail to disappoint.

    Rise of the Bolsonaros was released on August 28 on PBS, and is airing as a three-part series in Britain on BBC2.  It tells the story of Brazil’s far-right president through the words of people like Steve Bannon, Bolsonaro’s son Flavio, journalists, and current or former allies of the president, including a far-right lawmaker who is merely introduced as an “anti-corruption crusader.”

    Feigned objectivity

    Maria de Rosario

    The only time a member of the Brazilian Workers Party got to speak was when Rep. Maria do Rosario was asked to describe her reaction to a misogynistic taunt from Bolsonaro.

    With over 20 interviewees, the producers feign objectivity by granting a small proportion of airtime to progressive politicians. Two of the three progressive interviewees, however, are from the relatively tiny PSOL party—a nonthreatening source, given that the party is not even running a presidential candidate this year. The single representative of Lula’s Workers Party, Rep. Maria do Rosario, is given around 30 seconds to answer the following aggressively uncomfortable question: “How did you feel when Bolsonaro told you you didn’t deserve to be raped?”

    The cast of journalists included some of the biggest cheerleaders for Lava Jato and Lula’s politically motivated imprisonment. Given the most airtime among the journalist interviewees was Brian Winter, who was introduced as a former Reuters chief in Brazil. The fact that Winter’s current job was not mentioned is indicative of the documentary’s editorial bias.

    Winter is vice president of policy at Americas Society/Council of the Americas, the think tank founded by David Rockefeller in 1963 that was a key player in the 1973 coup against Chilean President Salvador Allende. Since then, AS/COA has worked, most recently  through its media arm, Americas Quarterly—of which Winter is editor-in-chief—to promote nearly every other far-right US intervention in Latin America, including the recent regime-change efforts in Venezuela and Bolivia.

    AS/COA held a closed-door meeting in New York in 2017 with US business leaders and Bolsonaro—then a presidential hopeful—evidently prompting Americas Quarterly to lend increasingly favorable coverage to the far-right demagogue. The think tank’s current list of donors reads like a who’s who of mining and agribusiness corporations, many of which have benefited immensely from the massive privatization and environmental deregulation campaigns that followed the 2016 legislative coup against President Dilma Rousseff.

    Desertification = development

    During the Rise of the Bolsonaros opening montage, as footage of a burning rainforest appeared on screen, Winter said, “Jair Bolsonaro believes that the Brazilian Amazon is the magical path to economic prosperity.” There was no mention of Winter’s prominent role within AS/COA, which counts the agribusiness giant Cargill as one of its “elite corporate members.” This omission is especially glaring, since Cargill has been repeatedly cited as one of the main culprits in the destruction of the Amazon rainforest.

    This set the tone for the film’s treatment of one of the only Bolsonaro policies that was criticized in the nearly three-hour production: illegal deforestation. Every time footage related to this issue appeared, a journalist or Bolsonaro ally arrived on screen to water it down, usually by a ratio of at least two to one.

    Camila Azevedo: "We don't want to be walking around naked all our lives."

    Bolsonaro meme designer Camila Azevedo describes how deforestation is helping the Indigenous.

    One example came nearly an hour in, when the issue of deforestation was first given in-depth treatment. “From the very beginning, Bolsonaro wanted to develop the Amazon economically,” BBC‘s Katy Watson said—as if it were a given that the desertification of former rain forests, the poisoning of rivers with mercury and the destruction of renewable commodity chains is good for the economy.

    Similar treatment was given to Bolsanaro’s systematic persecution and dispossession of Brazil’s Indigenous communities, some of which still live with little or no contact with outsiders. APIB—a coalition of Indigenous associations from across Brazil—has already called on the International Criminal Court to investigate Bolsonaro for genocide and crimes against humanity. After Indigenous leader Maial Kayapó explained how Bolsonaro encourages violence against her people, Camila Azevedo, the Bolsonaro family’s young meme designer, pops on the screen and says: “Most Indigenous, they want land to till…. They don’t want to walk around naked for the rest of their lives.”

    Rags to riches

     

    Jair Bolsonaro

    Jair Bolsonaro gives PBS viewers a tour of his childhood home.

    Bolsonaro’s early years are framed as a rags-to-riches story of rugged individualism. The story begins with the laughable claim that Bolsonaro grew up in the “badlands” of Brazil. In fact, Bolsonaro was born in Campinas, a relatively wealthy city with a metro area population of 3.7 million.

    The banana-farming town of Eldorado, where they moved when he was 11, while located in one of the poorest regions of Brazil’s richest state of Sao Paulo, could hardly be called a “badlands.” Brazil’s badlands are the semi-arid back country of the Northeast, where gangs of Wild West–style outlaws called cangaceiros roamed on horseback until the 1940s.

    In introducing Brazil’s sub-fascist military dictatorship (1964–85), corporate PR flack Brian Winter tells us that it was Bolsonaro’s “golden age.” Brazilian studies professor Anthony Perreira says:

    If you were in one of the armed left groups, if you were a member of the Communist Party, if you were a student, and if you were engaged politically, it was a very dangerous time. But for a lot of people, it was a period of growth.

    For the last 500 years, Brazil’s export commodity–based economy has been characterized by cyclical boom and bust periods. During the 21-year dictatorship, there was indeed a five-year boom period between 1968–73, but due to the government’s repression of organized labor and its efforts to suppress wages, it was accompanied by a drastic increase in income inequality. By the time the dictatorship ended, Brazil had become one of the most unequal countries in the world.

    This inequality was exacerbated by the military government’s lack of commitment to public education, and its eagerness to take out massive loans from the World Bank to fund unsuccessful, environmentally devastating projects in the Amazon rainforest. Such failures led to the economic stagnation, hyperinflation and crippling foreign debt of what is now referred to as the “lost decade” of the 1980s.  When Perreira says, “For a lot of people it was a period of growth,” he is clearly referring to the elites who currently finance Bolsonaro rather than the Brazilian working class, which this documentary misrepresents as constituting the president’s primary base of support.

    Man of the people

    Bolsonaro’s petit bourgeois origins, glossed over in the film, are revealed in the story of his military career. Agulhas Negras, the elite Brazilian army academy where Bolsonaro studied after attending the Preparatory School of the Brazilian Army, has an extremely competitive admissions process.  It’s not the type of place where someone who grew up in “rags” would get into, but a traditional pathway of social ascension for members of the lower-middle class.

    The documentary also relates how, in September 1986, then-Captain Bolsonaro wrote an article that appeared in Veja (9/3/86), a national news magazine, complaining about military officer salaries. A journalist says Bolsonaro “couldn’t afford to buy a house,” without mentioning that he was arrested for breaking army regulations by publishing the article. The documentary frames Bolsonaro as being broke and unable to support his family, but at the time of the article, Brazilian army captains earned 10,433 cruzados per month—over 12 times the country’s minimum salary of 804 cruzados.

    Brian Winter

    Brian Winter: “I was there when a reporter asked….” Where was he? At AS/COA. What was he doing there? Introducing Bolsonaro to his corporate sponsors in the mining, petroleum and agribusiness industries.

    The salary may have been lower than what Bolsonaro felt he deserved, but it placed him among the roughly 10% of the national population in the upper-middle class.  Accurately portraying Bolsonaro as a Brazilian elite, however, doesn’t fit with the director’s attempt to portray Lula, who grew up in a mud shack and started working in a factory at age 14, as a liberal elite, and Bolsonaro as a man of the people, the same way Fox NewsTucker Carlson recently did during his one-week stay in Brazil running electoral propaganda for the president (FAIR.org, 7/25/22).

    Bolsonaro’s 2017 visit to New York is presented as a brilliant strategy to validate his future candidacy to the Brazilian public, to show that “important people in the US wanted to listen to what he had to say.” Interviewee Brian Winter’s role in introducing Bolsonaro to US business elites is not mentioned at all, only alluded to by his anecdote about how cleverly Bolsonaro answered a question from a US reporter at the time about his rape comments directed at Maria do Rosario.

    US-style culture war

    Meanwhile, Steve Bannon and his far-right allies like Jason Miller have maintained communications with the Brazilian president’s family for years. In fact, the relationship between Bolsonaro’s sons and the American far right is so good that one of them attended the January 5, 2021, “war council” in Washington, DC, prior to the invasion of Capitol Hill. Bannon’s claim in the documentary that he reached out to the Bolsonaros to learn about their social media strategy seems like a blatant lie, since many of the tactics employed by Bolsonaro were clearly based on the Trump campaign’s culture war rhetoric.

    The idea that Lula and Bolsonaro are at opposite ends of a US-style culture war is given disproportionate emphasis in the documentary. For example, at certain times when Lula is discussed, footage of men kissing at a pride parade appears on screen, as does an image of the former president holding a rainbow flag.

    Such exaggerated treatment of Lula’s role in the cultural sphere ignores the fact that his popularity was largely driven by massive increases in spending on public health and education and successful poverty-reduction policies. Although, unlike Bolsonaro, Lula is not openly homophobic, he has faced criticism from the LGBT community for not going far enough to advance LGBT rights, and from feminists for not legalizing abortion.

    Flavio Bolsonaro

    Showcasing Flavio Bolsonaro’s sensitive side.

    Nevertheless, the largest protests of Brazil’s working class since Bolsonaro took office had nothing to do with culture wars. The 2019 Education Tsunami protests, organized by student groups and teachers unions, brought over 2 million people into the streets of dozens of cities, and effectively stalled the Bolsonaro administration’s attempts to charge tuition at public universities.

    Rio de Janeiro city councilor and anti–police violence crusader Marielle Franco, who is introduced only as an LGBT activist, was not a member of Lula’s Workers Party. Her assassination at the hands of members of a Rio de Janeiro militia, whose leader Adriano da Nobrega’s wife and mother both worked as “ghost employees” in Flavio Bolsonaro’s state congressional cabinet, is another scandal involving the Bolsonaro family that the documentary glosses over.

    Instead, Flavio Bolsonaro, who appears several times in the documentary, shares humorous anecdotes about his childhood, and cries to the camera while remembering the 2018 stabbing incident involving his father, which far-right forces falsely tried to blame on Communists.

    Missing Moro

    Sergio Moro and Jair Bolsonaro

    Conspicuously absent: Sergio Moro, who broke the law to remove Lula from the 2018 presidential elections then went on work as Bolsonaro’s minister of justice, is not mentioned once in the documentary.

    The most glaring problem in the deeply flawed Rise of the Bolsonaros is the omission of arguably the single most important player in Bolsonaro’s rise to the presidency: former Lava Jato investigation judge Sergio Moro. During a period in which the Lava Jato task force was having frequent meetings with the US Department of Justice and the FBI, Moro repeatedly broke the law by collaborating with prosecutors to discredit the Workers Party and help Bolsonaro.

    The documentary doesn’t mention that Lula’s election-season arrest, on charges of committing “undetermined acts of corruption,” was made after the Brazilian supreme court, under threats from the Army, opened an exception to the Constitution to enable his imprisonment while his appeals were ongoing. Instead, it brings up frivolous charges that were dropped before his trial even started, such as “receiving 1 million euros in bribes.” The fact that Lula was ultimately released from prison after the election is written off as a “technicality.” There is also no acknowledgment  that this delay was only made possible by the political bias of a crooked judge who illegally colluded with prosecutors throughout the trial.

    While stating that the supreme court ruled that Lula could run for public office, the documentary omits the fact that he was fully exonerated on all charges, while the judge who imprisoned him, Sergio Moro, was found by that same court to have been tainted by judicial bias. An especially relevant piece of information left out of Rise of the Bolsonaros is the supreme court’s charge that Moro leaked fraudulent audio tapes to media in order to damage the reputation of Workers Party candidate Fernando Haddad just one week before the presidential elections, and then, in a clear conflict of interest,  accepted a cabinet position in the Bolsonaro government.

    Not even mentioning Moro, let alone describing the crimes he committed to empower Bolsonaro, discredits the entire documentary. Without Moro, a false impression is left that Jair Bolsonaro’s rise to power was based entirely on his family’s cunning.

    Steve Bannon

    Steve Bannon gets the last word.

    The program ends, laying any doubts about its lack of objectivity to rest once and for all, with the narrator saying, “The fate of Brazil is in the hands of its people,” followed by a 40-second pep talk by Steve Bannon—giving the last word on the upcoming Brazilian election to one of the main advocates for overturning the last US election.

    The fact that US and British state-affiliated media outlets would promote misleading narratives less than a month before the most complicated Brazilian presidential election in modern history is another sad example of the long tradition of Western media facilitating imperialist meddling in Latin American elections.


    Featured image: Jair Bolsonaro and sons, pictured in Rise of the Bolsonaros.


    Messages to PBS can be sent to viewer@pbs.org (or via Twitter: @PBS). Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective.

    The post PBS and BBC Team Up to Misinform About Brazil’s Bolsonaro appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.