{"id":13788,"date":"2021-01-26T07:57:36","date_gmt":"2021-01-26T07:57:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.radiofree.org\/?p=154538"},"modified":"2021-01-26T07:57:36","modified_gmt":"2021-01-26T07:57:36","slug":"the-insurrection-and-its-discontents-american-exceptionalism-revisited-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/radiofree.asia\/2021\/01\/26\/the-insurrection-and-its-discontents-american-exceptionalism-revisited-2\/","title":{"rendered":"The \u2018Insurrection\u2019 and Its Discontents: \u2018American Exceptionalism\u2019 Revisited\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"
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History is being written in the United States today. Even the most pessimistic about the prospects of American democracy have rarely ventured out this far while offering a bleak analysis of America\u2019s future, whether in terms of political polarization at home or global standing abroad.<\/p>\n

As shocking and, certainly, telling as the images of thousands of American protesters taking over<\/a> the symbols of America\u2019s federal, representative democracy in Washington DC on January 6, it was only a facet in a far more complex and devastating political trajectory that has been in the making for years.<\/p>\n

While mainstream US media has conveniently attributed<\/a> all of America\u2019s ills to the unruly character of outgoing President Donald Trump, the truth is not quite so convenient. The US has been experiencing an unprecedented political influx at every level of society for years, leading us to believe that the rowdy years of Trump\u2019s Presidency were a mere symptom, not the cause, of America\u2019s political instability.<\/p>\n

Even the storming of the congressional halls by angry pro-Trump crowds did not fundamentally alter the make-up of America\u2019s political affiliations. Not only did Democrats remain firmly Democrats, but Republicans also remained entrenched in their republicanism and their allegiance to President Trump.<\/p>\n

The House of Representatives\u2019 vote on impeaching Trump, which was held<\/a> on January 13, hardly registered a significant shift even among establishment Republicans. Only ten Republican members of Congress voted<\/a> to impeach Trump. But how about ordinary people \u2013 have they changed their views on Trump following the congressional insurrection? Hardly.<\/p>\n

According to an Economist\/YouGov poll<\/a> published on January 13, 69% of all Republicans surveyed said that activists from the anti-fascist, leftist group, Antifa, are to be blamed for the takeover of the Capitol. While 22% said they are \u2018unsure\u2019, a meager 9% agreed that Trump\u2019s supporters instigated the violent events which, even then, should not automatically be understood to be an admission of guilt.<\/p>\n

These results should not come as a surprise. The mistrust in the government and media in the US is so widespread to the extent that the country is experiencing two parallel political realities, each committed to a fundamentally different set of aspirations. Each side perceives the other as the enemy, and while still believing in its own version of \u2018democracy\u2019, it no longer agrees to any functional definition of the term.<\/p>\n

This has not always been the case.<\/p>\n

In their seminal book, \u201cManufacturing Consent<\/a>\u201d, Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman provided a most comprehensive analysis of how the \u2018system\u2019 \u2013 the government\/ruling classes, big business and mainstream media \u2013 has invented the most effective mechanism which allowed the US to ensure two naturally contradicting realities: persistent popular consent within a seemingly democratic governance.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe beauty of the system \u2026 is that \u2026 dissent and inconvenient information are kept within bounds and at the margins so that, while their presence shows that the system is not monolithic, they are not large enough to interfere unduly with the domination of the official agenda,\u201d Chomsky and Herman argued.<\/p>\n

Years later, Chomsky contested that, underneath this facade of democracy, the US is, in actuality, a plutocracy<\/a>, a country that is dedicated to serving the interests of the powerful few. He also argued that, while the US does operate based on formal democratic structures, these are largely dysfunctional. In an interview with Global Policy Journal<\/a> in 2019, the famed linguist and historian further asserted that the \u201cUS Constitution was framed to thwart the democratic aspirations of most of the public.\u201d<\/p>\n

While these realizations have served as the core of the US Left\u2019s ideology, it was most interesting to see American Right constituencies leading what they call the \u2018revolution\u2019, referred to by mainstream media as \u2018insurrection\u2019. Equally interesting, many of Trump\u2019s supporters actually come<\/a> from working-class and lower-middle-class America, itself a fascinating subject in its own right.<\/p>\n

Regardless of what may transpire in the official investigation of the Capitol\u2019s upheaval, US political polarization, the breakdown of trust<\/a> between the public and the ruling elites, along with their media allies, will continue unabated. Undoubtedly, the consequences will be dire.<\/p>\n

But there is another consequential crisis that is also brewing, \u2018American exceptionalism\u2019, a rare meeting point between Democrats and Republicans, is facing its greatest challenge since its coinage sometime in the mid-17th century.<\/p>\n

Historically, the US has defined and redefined its mission in the world based on lofty spiritual, moral and political maxims, starting with \u2018Manifest Destiny\u2019, to fighting communism, to eventually serving as the defender of human rights and democracy around the world, using violence whenever necessary. In truth, \u2018protecting human rights\u2019 or \u2018restoring democracy\u2019 were mere pretenses often used to provide a moral cover that allows the US to reorder the world for the sake of expanding its market and ensuring its economic dominance.<\/p>\n

The late American historian, Howard Zinn, explained<\/a> in his essay entitled \u2018The Power and the Glory\u2019, the functional meaning of American exceptionalism as such: \u201c\u2026 that the United States alone has the right, whether by divine sanction or moral obligation, to bring civilization, or democracy, or liberty to the rest of the world, by violence if necessary \u2026\u201d<\/p>\n

Many examples and numerous violent images can be immediately summoned when Zinn\u2019s definition is translated into historical precedents. From the genocide of the Native Americans, to the enslaving of millions of Africans, to the never-ending interventions in South America \u2013 starting with the Monroe doctrine<\/a> of 1823 \u2013 all the way to the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, American exceptionalism has always served the purpose of reinforcing the notion that America possesses a moral, divine right to do as it pleases for the betterment of mankind.<\/p>\n

When former US President George W. Bush took it upon himself to \u2018restore democracy\u2019 in Iraq as part of the US-championed \u2018war on terror\u2019, his ultimatum to the United Nations reflected both American entitlement and its rooted sense of exceptionalism. \u201cYou are either with us or with the terrorists,\u201d he said<\/a> on September 21, 2001. According to that maxim, the world was divided into categories, of \u2018moderates\u2019 and \u2018extremists\u2019,  \u2018with us\u2019 or \u2018against us\u2019, \u2018Old Europe\u2019 and \u2018New Europe\u2019\u2019, and so on. Despite the palpable irrationality \u2013 let alone arrogance \u2013 of that logic, US \u2018democratic\u2019 institutions and mainstream media cheered Bush on. The \u2018war president\u2019s\u2019 ratings<\/a> seemed to increase as his rhetoric and actions grew more violent.<\/p>\n

But the orchestrated \u2018popular consent\u2019 is finally breaking down, raising an unprecedented challenge to the notion of American exceptionalism, a banner under which America\u2019s ruling elites have long united. The more political chaos and societal division widen, the more the notion of exceptionalism will be exposed as bizarre, selfish and unsustainable.<\/p>\n

Surely, the storming of the US Congress will have global repercussions, not least among them the collective rejection of the outdated notion of American exceptionalism. But with that, there is also an opportunity: first for Americans to swap their \u2018manufactured consent\u2019 with real dialogue; to salvage and, eventually, renew trust in their democratic institutions and second, for the world to challenge America\u2019s hegemonic discourse of fraudulent democracy and other self-serving fables.<\/p>\n

(This article was first published in Politics Today \u2013 www.politicstoday.org<\/a>).<\/em><\/p>\n\n

This post was originally published on Radio Free<\/a>. <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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