{"id":4384,"date":"2020-12-31T17:28:10","date_gmt":"2020-12-31T17:28:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.radiofree.org\/?p=145070"},"modified":"2020-12-31T17:28:10","modified_gmt":"2020-12-31T17:28:10","slug":"the-week-in-russia-new-year-new-era-new-exile","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/radiofree.asia\/2020\/12\/31\/the-week-in-russia-new-year-new-era-new-exile\/","title":{"rendered":"The Week In Russia: New Year, New Era, New Exile?"},"content":{"rendered":"
To receive Steve Gutterman’s Week In Russia each week via e-mail, subscribe by clicking here<\/a><\/strong>.<\/em><\/p>\n In the Soviet era, and particularly during dictator Josef Stalin\u2019s purges, one of the many fears was of a knock on the door when no guests were expected. Night or day, it could mean that agents of the state had come for you — and that you could be arrested, condemned in a cursory trial, and sent to the gulag.<\/p>\n In a bizarre reversal of sorts, one that may be emblematic of this particular moment in the long era of President Vladimir Putin, a Kremlin opponent was arrested after knocking on a door — or ringing a doorbell, to be precise.<\/p>\n Lyubov Sobol, a lawyer and ally of Putin\u2019s most prominent foe, Aleksei Navalny, was detained after ringing the bell at the apartment of a man whom a report by the open-source research group Bellingcat and its partners identified<\/a> as a Federal Security Service (FSB) officer allegedly involved in Navalny\u2019s poisoning with a nerve agent in the Siberian city of Omsk in August.<\/p>\n Sobol was fined and released — two associates who were at Konstantin Kudryavtsev\u2019s door with her on December 21 were jailed for a week — but was detained again on December 25. This time, she was held for 48 hours and accused of trespassing “with the use or threat of violence\u201d — and could be sentenced to five years in prison if tried and convicted.<\/p>\n Sobol says there was no violence or threat of violence, and there is no public evidence of any.<\/p>\n Her own apartment was subjected to more than a knock on the door: Black-clad, helmeted law enforcement officers broke an outer door and searched her apartment<\/a> shortly after 7 a.m., seizing computers and phones, she and an associate said.<\/p>\n The prospect of a prison term for ringing a doorbell was far from the only outlandish development in a busy, bizarre few weeks of the continuing showdown between Navalny and Putin, which started more than a decade ago.<\/p>\n Sobol probably wouldn\u2019t have been at that door had Navalny not managed to reach a man he says was Kudryavtsev in a phone call from Berlin, where the opposition politician is recuperating after the August 20 poisoning with what German and other authorities say was a variant of the Soviet-developed nerve agent Novichok, and — by posing as a superior in the Russian law enforcement hierarchy — elicited an apparent confession of involvement.<\/p>\n That phone call and the Bellingcat report were among several developments that have embarrassed the Kremlin<\/a> — or seemingly should have, given that they have exposed alleged corruption among people close to Putin or revealed other information that, for many audiences, appears to cast him in an unenviable light.<\/p>\n The case against Sobol is also far from the only sign of what Kremlin critics, rights groups, and foreign governments suspect is a stepped-up Kremlin effort to silence dissent and quash civil society ahead of parliamentary elections in 2021 and later a decision by Putin — or the announcement of a decision already made — to secure reelection in 2024 or not.<\/p>\n The authoritarian moves come at a time when the economy is struggling, Putin\u2019s popularity is weaker than it once was, and the coronavirus continues to hit hard amid resistance among Russians to a vaunted vaccine<\/a>. The government all but admitted<\/a> this week that the real death toll from COVID-19 is more than three times higher than the official figure of about 57,000<\/a>.<\/p>\n The measures include a slew of new laws strengthening Putin<\/a> and tightening the Kremlin\u2019s control over politics, further restricting public gatherings, and broadening the state\u2019s ability to target journalists, activists, and others — pretty much anyone, in fact — by branding them \u201cforeign agents,\u201d<\/a> a term that has echoes of the Soviet-era concept of \u201cenemies of the people.\u201d<\/p>\n While 2020 has been trashed worldwide as terrible year, a grim meme<\/a> making the rounds suggests that the next one may not be better, at least in terms of rights and freedoms in Russia.<\/p>\n \u201cDon\u2019t buy a 2021 calendar — just get out your old one from 1937,\u201d it goes, referring to the darkest year of Stalin\u2019s Great Terror. \u201cThey\u2019re exactly the same.\u201d<\/p>\n Reaching back to the same era for an analogy, Russian political analyst Andrei Kolesnikov said that Navalny — despite Putin\u2019s refusal to utter his name<\/a> — is clearly being cast by the Kremlin as Public Enemy No. 1 some 80 years later.<\/p>\n \u201cNavalny is the main foe, of course,\u201d Kolesnikov, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center, told RFE\/RL’s Russian Service<\/a> on December 28.<\/p>\n \u201cNavalny for Putin is like [Leon] Trotsky was for Stalin,\u201d he said, referring to the fellow revolutionary and rival for power who was expelled from the Soviet Union after Stalin\u2019s rise and assassinated in exile in Mexico City, in 1940, by an agent of Stalin\u2019s NKVD secret police — a precursor of the FSB.<\/p>\n‘Enemies’ And ‘Agents’<\/big><\/strong><\/h3>\n
‘Like Trotsky For Stalin’<\/big><\/strong><\/h3>\n