Category: aid

  • Chaos at Gaza Humanitarian Foundation distribution site in Rafah. Photo: AP

    Recent reports say that US AID is considering giving $500 million to the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF)—an “aid” initiative launched at Israel’s request. At first glance, that might sound like a generous effort to help desperate Palestinians in Gaza. But peel back even one layer, and you’ll find a deadly political scheme masquerading as humanitarian relief.

    This is not about helping hungry people. It’s about controlling them, displacing them, and starving them into submission.

    Let’s start with some basics. The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is not a humanitarian organization. It’s a U.S.- and Israeli-backed scheme run by people with no track record in neutral aid work. Its first director Jake Wood, resigned on May 25, saying the organization failed to uphold humanitarian principles. Then the Boston Consulting Group, which had secretly helped design GHF’s aid operations, pulled out and apologized to staff who were furious about the firm’s complicity in a system that enabled forced displacement and sidelined trusted UN agencies.

    GHF’s brand new director is Johnnie Moore, an American evangelical PR executive best known for helping Donald Trump recognize Israeli sovereignty over Jerusalem and push the U.S. embassy move there—a move that only fanned the flames of conflict.

    GHF’s entire premise is rooted in deception. It was launched with Israeli government oversight, without transparency, without independence, and—critically—without the participation of the United Nations or any respected humanitarian agencies. In fact, the UN has refused to have anything to do with it. So have groups like Doctors Without Borders, the Red Cross, and the World Food Programme, whose leaders have warned in no uncertain terms that GHF’s model militarizes aid, violates humanitarian norms, and places Palestinian lives at even greater risk.

    GHF has never been about delivering aid. It’s about using the illusion of aid to control the population of Gaza—and to give cover to war crimes.

    People in Gaza are starving because Israel wants them to. There are thousands of aid trucks, many loaded with supplies from the United Nations, that—for months—have been blocked from entering Gaza. They contain food, water, medicine, shelter materials—the lifeblood of a besieged civilian population. But instead of letting them through, the U.S. and Israel are pushing their own version of aid: a privatized, militarized operation. Armed U.S. contractors working with the GHF are reportedly earning up to $1,100 per day, along with a $10,000 signing bonus.

    The GHF plan is to make aid available only in the south, forcibly displacing people from the north—driving them toward the Egyptian border, where many fear a permanent expulsion is being engineered.

    From the very start of GHF’s operations, with the opening of two distribution sites in southern Gaza on May 26, the chaos turned deadly, with Israeli military shooting at hungry people seeking food. In its short time of operation, nearly 100 Palestinians have been killed and hundreds more wounded. These are not tragic accidents—they are predictable outcomes of militarizing aid.

    Let’s also address the fear-mongering claim that when the UN was in charge of aid delivery, food was being stolen by Hamas. There is no credible evidence of this and Cindy McCain, head of the World Food Programme, has publicly refuted this allegation, saying that trucks have been looted by hungry, desperate people.

    The real threat to aid integrity isn’t Hamas—it’s the blockade itself, which has created an artificial scarcity and fueled black markets, desperation, and chaos..

    To truly help the people of Gaza, here’s what needs to happen:

    • Shut down GHF and reject all militarized aid schemes.

    • Restore full U.S. funding to UNRWA and the World Food Programme—trusted, experienced agencies that know how to do this work.

    • Demand that Israel end the blockade. Let aid trucks in—UN trucks, Red Cross trucks, WFP trucks. Flood the strip with food, medicines, tents.

    • Demand an immediate ceasefire to stop the killing and create space for meaningful relief and political solutions.

    The starvation in Gaza is not a logistical failure. It is Israel’s political choice. And GHF is not a lifeline. It is a lie. It is complicity. It is diabolical. And U.S. taxpayers should not be forced to fund it.

    The post Don’t Fund the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation: It’s a Genocidal Smokescreen first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Seg guest thiago

    We get an update from the Madleen, the Freedom Flotilla ship sailing to Gaza with vital humanitarian aid for Palestinians. Brazilian activist Thiago Ávila, one of 12 people on the ship, says “spirits are high” despite the constant presence of drones overhead and threats from the Israeli government. “Palestine is now the strategic place for all peoples to unite and fight against oppression, exploitation and the destruction of nature,” says Ávila. “People’s power is the ultimate power, and love and solidarity can beat any hateful, racist and supremacist ideology, like Zionism.” Earlier this week, the ship made a detour to respond to a mayday call to help dozens of migrants aboard a deflating vessel. The Madleen is expected to reach Gaza on Monday, though Israeli officials have said they will not allow it to land.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The post Israel is Fully Integrating its Gaza “Food Aid Hubs” into the Genocide first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • What a nasty thing it has turned out to be. It involved subversion – Israel’s desire to ignore international tenets of humanitarian aid in favour of expediency and security – and the naked show of violent desperation. Via the shoddy US- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation company, distribution of necessaries in the Gaza Strip through the organisation’s delivery arm, Safe Reach Solutions (SRS), has been inadequate and selective.

    SRS is a disreputable outfit, one lacking a résumé in humanitarian aid. Its prowess, rather, lies in the realm of military intelligence. A report from Ynet News describes its functions as “operating roadblocks, processing visual data from cameras, drones and satellites and using it to identify Hamas operatives and armed individuals.” In both practice and spirit, this seedy, cynical enterprise violates the four essential principles of humanitarian action: humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence.

    The four sites of distribution, located in the Tel Sultan area of Rafah and the Netzarim Corridor south of Gaza City, have been picked for reasons of control, surveillance and forced displacement. The official reason is that doing so ensures that no aid ends up in the eager hands of Hamas. “The establishment of the distribution centres,” went the first official comment on the distribution points by the IDF, “took place over the last few months, facilitated by the Israeli political echelon and in coordination with the US government.” Saliently and devastatingly, the system is intended to exclude the role of experienced aid agencies, notably that of the long abominated United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA).

    A vicious example of this new model of aid delivery was given on May 27, with thousands of starving Palestinians descending on a distribution point in Rafah. Herded and harassed, strife duly broke out. The compound was stormed. Those working for GHF retreated after claiming to have distributed 8,000 food boxes.

    Israeli troops duly opened fire. According to the enclave’s Government Media Office, the IDF “opened direct fire on hungry Palestinian civilians who had gathered to receive aid”, leaving 10 dead and 62 wounded. Locations for distribution were subsequently “transformed into death traps under the occupation’s gunfire”. While there is some dispute about the figures, the International Committee of the Red Cross confirmed that staff at its Red Cross Field Hospital did receive “a mass casualty influx of 48 patients, including women and children. All were suffering from gunshot wounds.”

    This bloody lapse was dismissed by the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as a minor blemish – there had been a “loss of control momentarily” at the distribution point. An IDF official, however, preferred to see the overall operation as a success. In keeping with standard practice, the IDF had initially denied ever firing at the desperate throng, merely letting off warning shots outside the compound.

    In remarks to reporters at the Japan National Press Club in Tokyo, the head of UNRWA, Philippe Lazzarini, expressed alarm at “the shocking images of hungry people pushing against fences, desperate for food. It was chaotic, undignified and unsafe.” Crucially, this was “a waste of resources and a distraction from atrocities”. The whole affair was particularly galling given the pre-existing networks of humanitarian aid that UNRWA has mastered over the years. The agency, at one point, had as many as 400 distribution centres in Gaza. But Israel has made the removal and elimination of the agency’s influence a vital part of its policy, one that ties in with the agenda of crushing aspirations for Palestinian statehood.

    Francesca Albanese, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in the occupied Palestinian territory, was also in no mood to accept Israel’s novel slant on providing aid. “We continue to witness a brutal humanitarian camouflage, where the red lines have led to massive atrocities.” This was part of “a deliberate strategy – aimed at masking atrocities, displacing the displaced, bombing the bombarded, burning Palestinians alive and maiming survivors.” The “language of aid” had been used to “divert international attention from legal accountability, in Israel’s attempt to dismantle the very principles upon which humanitarian law was built.”

    The latest turn of events also prompted the rapporteur to reiterate her view that nothing short of a full arms embargo and the suspension of all trade with Israel would do. “The time for sanctions is now, as Israeli politicians continue to call for the extermination of babies while over 80 percent of the Israeli society, according to Israeli media, ask for the forcible removal of Palestinians from Gaza.”

    The disgraceful deployment of select humanitarian services by GHF has already seen its head resign. In a statement, the now former executive director, Jake Wood, claimed that the Foundation had failed to adhere “to the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence, which I will not abandon.” Middle management wonks at the GHF, despite being disappointed at the resignation, expressed readiness with the boisterous assertion that “Our trucks are loaded and ready to go”. The body planned “to scale rapidly to serve the full population in the weeks ahead.” Much more humanitarian camouflage is in the offing.

    The post Humanitarian Camouflage: The Debut of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.


  • This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Western journalists – having promoted Israel’s lies for more than a year and half – have grown entirely insensible to their active collusion in genocide.

    Israel’s claim that Hamas is “stealing aid” is so preposterous no serious journalist or politician ought to give it any kind of airing – yet there it is continuously cropping up in the coverage of Gaza.

    How do I know Israel’s claim is utterly worthless? For this simple reason:

    Israel has a fleet of surveillance drones constantly hovering over the tiny strip of land that is Gaza, monitoring every inch of the territory. The incessant whine you hear every time you watch someone there being interviewed is from one of those drones. They are Israel’s eyes on the enclave. If you are outside in Gaza, you might as well be living in the Truman Show.

    Were Hamas stealing aid in Gaza, Israel would easily be able to document it. It would have the video footage from its drones. The fact that it has not provided any footage showing Hamas’ theft of aid – its ransacking of aid trucks, or its fighters smuggling themselves into aid warehouses – is confirmation enough that Israel has simply invented this claim to rationalise its plans to starve the people of Gaza to death through months of an aid blockade or force them to flee into neighbouring Sinai, whichever comes first.

    Without its disinformation campaign about “Hamas stealing aid”, Israel knows popular revulsion at its starvation campaign would grow quickly, and western governments would further struggle to keep opposition in check.

    There are lots of others reasons, of course, to reject Israel’s lies about “Hamas stealing aid”. Not least, because every single charity and aid agency dealing with Gaza says that aid is not being stolen by Hamas.

    But also because, were Hamas fighters doing so, they would be stealing from their own families: from their children and grandparents, who are much more vulnerable to Israel’s starvation campaign than they are. The idea that Hamas is stealing aid makes sense only to a racist, European colonial mindset in which Hamas fighters are viewed as bogeymen figures indifferent to the deaths of their own children, wives and parents.

    What undoubtedly is happening is that Israel is allowing the strongest extended families in Gaza – often crime families with significant private arsenals – to loot the aid. That has become a serious problem since Israel killed off Gaza’s civilian police force (in violation of international law), leaving no one to enforce public order.

    When everyone’s starving, the most powerful families mobilise their strength to grab an unfair share of the aid. That was an entirely predictable outcome of Israel’s policy to smash all of Gaza’s institutions, including its hospitals, government offices, and police stations, on the bogus pretext that they were “Hamas”.

    Note too that Israel has long cultivated close ties to Palestinian crime families, because they provide a potential alternative, and more co-optable, power base to the Palestinian national movements and are a good source of collaborators.

    The evidence suggests Israel is encouraging these crime families to loot the aid precisely to justify its dismantling of an existing aid system that works remarkably well, given the catastrophic circumstances in Gaza, and replace it with its own militarised, completely inadequate “aid distribution” system, which is designed only to herd Palestinians into the southern-most tip of Gaza, ready to be expelled into Sinai.

    No journalist ought to be repeating Israel’s transparent disinformation. To do so is to collude in the promotion of lies to justify genocide. But the western media class have been doing that now for more than a year and half. They have grown entirely insensible to their own active collusion in the genocide.

    The post Israel’s Claim that “Hamas is stealing aid” is Patently a Lie first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Lammy called Israel’s escalation of the genocide “morally unjustifiable.” But what is beyond unjustifiable is for Lammy to say this while directly arming and providing surveillance information for the genocide.

    Yesterday, after releasing a joint statement with France and Canada threatening “concrete actions” if Israel did not allow aid into Gaza, the UK government suspended talks on its upgraded free trade deal, summoned the Israeli ambassador, and imposed new sanctions on settlers in the occupied West Bank. While this might appear substantial for the goal of isolating the zionist state, it amounts to little more than face-saving measures.

    In his speech announcing these measures, Lammy couldn’t even bear to say these words without condemning the October 7th operation and maintaining Israel’s right to commit genocide. We can’t fall for these empty measures, even if they appear to be a positive push toward some justice. In reality, they are a distraction and feign action from a government supporting Israel accelerates its genocidal attacks. Each day, as Israel commits new massacres with American weapons, it is using the RAF Akrotiri, a British military base on Cyprus to conduct surveillance flights and facilitate weapons transfers.

    The government’s suspension of negotiations on its free trade agreement is misleading. This is not the existing free trade agreement in place between Britain and Israel, but a future plan to deepen relations. Known as the 2030 Roadmap, this was initiated under the previous Conservative government in 2022, and the Labour government continued them immediately after entering government in July 2024. Stopping these negotiations is a good first step, but they must end their current free trade agreement if Lammy’s words are worth their salt.

    The sanctions on a handful of people and companies in the occupied West Bank might be a generally positive step. But at a closer look, these measures are only on three people, two outposts, and two organisations. All of the 700,000 settlers occupying the West Bank in their 150 settlements and 129 outposts are illegal under international law. These very narrow sanctions then give wider justification for the illegal occupation of the West Bank, scapegoating a handful of “extreme” characters but not contending with the occupation itself. Last year, the International Court of Justice ruled that Israel’s occupation of Palestine is illegal. Once again, Britain is ignoring international law, just as it does in refusing to hand over surveillance data on Gaza to the International Criminal Court.

    Britain’s recent moves should rightly be compared with the United States, which has formed the ‘Gaza Humanitarian Foundation’, a private company of US military veteran mercenaries to run an aid distribution operation, better described as a trojan horse to occupy Gaza. As Israel accelerates its genocide in Gaza, the US and Britain are attempting to conceal their role in the violence. We might see these as necessary measures for Israel to be committing what many are referring to as the final stage in the genocide.

    Over the past few days, the Starmer government’s statements have given us the illusion of a change in course towards Israel. In five of the past six days, Britain has flown a surveillance flight over Gaza for Israel.

    Britain has made no material change in its policy of arming Israel, providing surveillance information, and using its military base on Cyprus for weapons shipments. Therefore, not only are these statements hollow and vacuous, but they are a pernicious and sly attempt to divert attention from Britain’s role as it directly participates in Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people.

    On Sunday (May 18), Britain sent an A400M Atlas plane to Israel from RAF Akrotiri, its military base on Cyprus. This aircraft can carry up to 37 tonnes of cargo, including weapons and soldiers. Two hours later, it sent a surveillance flight over Gaza. These operations have been purposefully concealed from public knowledge, but this is clearly shifting. The only reason we know about these flights is because of the work of Matt Kennard, Declassified UK, and Genocide-Free Cyprus, amongst other groups. There clearly is mounting pressure as a result of the revelations of Britain’s direct role in Israel’s genocide, and perhaps we must recognise has a role in Lammy’s face-saving attempts.

    Last week, the UK government defended its continued provision of F-35 fighter jet parts to Israel, pointing to the need for “national security.” In court, they claimed “no genocide has occurred or is occurring,” that Israel is not “deliberately targeting civilian women or children.” Britain is defending Israel legally, diplomatically, and militarily. No statement can change that fact.

    Israel stopped all aid trucks from entering Gaza on March 2. It has taken more than 11 weeks for the government to take any action at all. Every day, the Israeli occupation commits heinous massacres. They are even bragging that “the world won’t stop us.” And so far, they’re right.

    In the face of this, we cannot despair. Palestinians in Gaza remain steadfast each day, for the 18 months of this escalation in the genocide that has been ongoing for more than 77 years. Smotrich, ‘Israeli Finance Minister’, says the “world won’t stop us”. Our leaders bought by zionism will certainly not, but the people will. We must continue our demands for a full arms embargo, an end to British surveillance flights, and the total liberation of Palestine.

    The post Starmer & Lammy’s Empty Words first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • The latest phase of slaughter and seizure on the part of Israeli forces in Gaza has commenced.  Following relentless airstrikes that have left hundreds of Palestinians dead, Operation Gideon’s Chariots is now in full swing, begun even as Israel and Hamas concluded a second day of ceasefire talks in Doha.  The intention, according to the Israeli Defense Forces, is to expand “operational control” in the Strip while seeking to free the remaining Israeli hostages.  In the process, it hopes to achieve what has, to date, been much pie in the sky: defeating Hamas and seizing control of the enclave.

    The mendacious pattern of the IDF and Netanyahu government has become clearer than ever. It comes in instalments, much like a distasteful fashion show.  The opening begins with unequivocal, hot denial: famine is not taking place, and any aid to Gaza has been looted by the Hamas authorities; civilians were not targeted, let alone massacred; aid workers were not butchered but legitimately killed as they had Hamas militants among them.  And there is no ethnic cleansing and genocide to speak of.  To claim otherwise was antisemitic.

    Then comes the large dollop of corrective, inconvenient reality, be it a film, a blatant statement, or some item of damning evidence. The next stage is one of quibbles and qualifications: Gaza will receive some necessaries; there is a humanitarian crisis, because we were told by the United States, our main sponsor, that this was the case; and there might have been some cases where civilians were killed, a problem easily rectified by an internal investigation by the military.

    Just prior to the latest assault, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in leaked quotes, revealed another dark purpose of the new military operation.  “We are destroying more and more homes.  They have no nowhere to return to,” he said in testimony before the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee.  “The only inevitable outcome will be the desire of Gazans to emigrate outside the Gaza Strip.”  Here was a state official’s declaration of intent to ethnically cleanse a population.

    Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich was even blunter, something praised by Netanyahu.  Israel’s objective, he revealed in a statement on March 19, was to destroy “everything that’s left of the Gaza Strip”.  What was currently underway involved “conquering, cleansing, and remaining in Gaza until Hamas is destroyed”.

    The Netanyahu government has also added another twist to the ghastly performance.  On March 18, the provision of various “basic” forms of humanitarian aid into Gaza was announced.  The measure was approved by a security cabinet meeting pressed by concerns from military officials warning that food supplies from UN sources and other aid groups had run out.  The pressure had also come from, in Netanyahu’s words in a March 19 video address, Israel’s “greatest friends in the world”, the trying sort who claimed that there was “‘one thing we cannot stand. We cannot accept images of hunger, mass hunger. We cannot stand that.  We will not be able to support you’”.  How inconveniently squeamish of them.

    That same day, United Nations aid chief Tom Fletcher said nine aid trucks had been cleared by Israeli authorities to enter Gaza through the Karem Abu Salem crossing.  This was an absurd, ineffectual number, given the 500 trucks or more that entered Gaza prior to October 2023.

    Fanatics who subscribe to the ethnic cleansing, rid-of-Palestine school were understandably disappointed, even at this obscenely modest provision of aid.  “Any humanitarian aid that enters the Strip… will fuel Hamas and give it oxygen while our hostages languish in tunnels,” moaned National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir.  “We must crush Hamas, not simultaneously give it oxygen.”  He also wished that Netanyahu “explain to our friends in the White House the implications of this ‘aid’, which only prolongs the war and delays our victory and the return of all our hostages.”

    Israel’s Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu, also of Ben Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit party, was in a similar mood, making the farcical resumption of aid sound like criminal salvation for a savage people. “This is our tragedy with Netanyahu’s approach.  A leader who could have led to a clear victory and be remembered as the one who defeated radical Islam but who time after time let this historic opportunity slip away. Letting humanitarian aid in now directly harms the war effort to achieve victory and is another obstacle to the release of the hostages.”

    The picture emerging from Israel’s latest mission of carnage is one of murderous dysfunction.  It made little sense to Knesset member Moshe Saada, for instance, that a broader, ever more lethal offensive was in the offing with five new IDF divisions even as aid was being provided.  This was implicitly telling.  Did Palestinian civilians matter in so far as they should be fed, even as they were being butchered and encouraged into fleeing?

    The extent of the horror has now reached the point where it is being acknowledged in the capitals of Israel’s close allies.  A joint statement from the UK, France and Canada affirmed opposition to “the expansion of Israel’s military operations in Gaza.”  Israel’s permission of “a basic quantity of food into Gaza” was wholly inadequate in the face of “intolerable” human suffering.  Denying essential humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian population in the Strip “is unacceptable and risks breaching International Humanitarian Law.  We condemn the abhorrent language used recently by members of the Israeli Government, threatening that, in their despair at the destruction of Gaza, civilians will start to relocate.”

    For much time, the notion of consciously eliminating the Palestinian presence in Gaza, through starvation, massacre and displacement, was confined to the racial, ethnoreligious fringes of purist lunacy typified by Smotrich and Ben Gvir.  Their vocal presence and frank advocacy have now made that ambition a grotesque, ongoing reality.

    The post Israel’s Operation Gideon’s Chariots first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • As Israel unveils its final genocide push, and mass death from starvation looms in Gaza, western media and politicians are tentatively starting to speak up.

    Who could have imagined 19 months ago that it would take more than a year and a half of Israel slaughtering and starving Gaza’s children for the first cracks to appear in what has been a rock-solid wall of support for Israel from western establishments.

    Finally, something looks like it may be about to give.

    The British establishment’s financial daily, the Financial Times, was first to break ranks last week to condemn “the West’s shameful silence” in the face of Israel’s murderous assault on the tiny enclave.

    In an editorial – effectively the paper’s voice – the FT accused the United States and Europe of being increasingly “complicit” as Israel made Gaza “uninhabitable”, an allusion to genocide, and noted that the goal was to “drive Palestinians from their land”, an allusion to ethnic cleansing.

    Of course, both of these grave crimes by Israel have been evidently true not only since Hamas’ violent, single-day breakout from Gaza on 7 October 2023, but for decades.

    So parlous is the state of western reporting, from a media no less complicit than the governments berated by the FT, that we need to seize on any small signs of progress.

    Next, the Economist chimed in, warning that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers were driven by a “dream of emptying Gaza and rebuilding Jewish settlements there”.

    At the weekend, the Independent decided the “deafening silence on Gaza” had to end. It was “time for the world to wake up to what is happening and to demand an end to the suffering of the Palestinians trapped in the enclave.”

    Actually much of the world woke up many, many months ago. It has been the western press corps and western politicians slumbering through the past 19 months of genocide.

    Then on Monday, the supposedly liberal Guardian voiced in its own editorial a fear that Israel is committing “genocide”, though it only dared do so by framing the accusation as a question.

    It wrote of Israel: “Now it plans a Gaza without Palestinians. What is this, if not genocidal? When will the US and its allies act to stop the horror, if not now?”

    The paper could more properly have asked a different question: Why have Israel’s western allies – as well as media like the Guardian and FT – waited 19 months to speak up against the horror?

    And, predictably bringing up the rear, was the BBC. On Wednesday, the BBC Radio’s PM programme chose to give top billing to testimony from Tom Fletcher, the United Nation’s humanitarian affairs chief, to the Security Council. Presenter Evan Davis said the BBC had decided to “do something a little unusual”.

    Unusual indeed. It played Fletcher’s speech in full – all 12 and a half minutes of it. That included Fletcher’s comment: “For those killed and those whose voices are silenced: what more evidence do you need now? Will you act – decisively – to prevent genocide and to ensure respect for international humanitarian law?”

    We had gone in less than a week from the word “genocide” being taboo in relation to Gaza to it becoming almost mainstream.

    Growing cracks

    Cracks are evident in the British parliament too. Mark Pritchard, a Conservative MP and life-long Israel supporter, stood up from the back benches to admit he had been wrong about Israel, and condemned it “for what it is doing to the Palestinian people”.

    He was one of more than a dozen Tory MPs and peers in the House of Lords, all formerly staunch defenders of Israel, who urged British Prime Minister Keir Starmer to immediately recognise a Palestinian state.

    Their move followed an open letter published by 36 members of the Board of Deputies, a 300-member body that claims to represent British Jews, dissenting from its continuing support for the slaughter. The letter warned: “Israel’s soul is being ripped out.”

    Pritchard told fellow MPs it was time to “stand up for humanity, for us being on the right side of history, for having the moral courage to lead.”

    Sadly, there is no sign of that yet. Research published last week, based on Israeli tax authority data, showed Starmer’s government has been lying even about the highly limited restrictions on arms sales to Israel it claimed to have imposed last year.

    Despite an ostensible ban on shipments of weapons that could be used in Gaza, Britain has covertly exported more than 8,500 separate munitions to Israel since the ban.

    This week more details emerged. According to figures published by The National, the current government exported more weapons to Israel in the final three months of last year, after the ban came into effect, than the previous Conservative government did through the whole of 2020 to 2023.

    So shameful is the UK’s support for Israel in the midst of what the International Court of Justice – the World Court – has described as a “plausible genocide” that Starmer’s government needs to pretend it is doing something, even as it actually continues to arm that genocide.

    More than 40 MPs wrote to Foreign Secretary David Lammy last week calling for him to respond to allegations that he had misled the public and parliament. “The public deserves to know the full scale of the UK’s complicity in crimes against humanity,” they wrote.

    There are growing rumblings elsewhere. This week France’s President Emmanuel Macron called Israel’s complete blockade on aid into Gaza “shameful and unacceptable”. He added: “My job is to do everything I can to make it stop.”

    “Everything” seemed to amount to nothing more than mooting possible economic sanctions.

    Still, the rhetorical shift was striking. Italy’s prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, similarly denounced the blockade, calling it “unjustifiable”. She added: “I have always recalled the urgency of finding a way to end the hostilities and respect international law and international humanitarian law.”

    “International law”? Where has that been for the past 19 months?

    There was a similar change of priorities across the Atlantic. Democratic Senator Chris van Hollen, for example, recently dared to call Israel’s actions in Gaza “ethnic cleansing”.

    CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, a bellwether of the Beltway consensus, gave Israel’s deputy foreign minister, Sharren Haskel, an unusually tough grilling. Amanpour all but accused her of lying about Israel starving children.

    Meanwhile, Josep Borrell, the recently departed head of European Union foreign policy, broke another taboo last week by directly accusing Israel of preparing a genocide in Gaza.

    “Seldom have I heard the leader of a state so clearly outline a plan that fits the legal definition of genocide,” he said, adding: “We’re facing the largest ethnic cleansing operation since the end of the Second World War.”

    Borrell, of course, has no influence over EU policy at this point.

    A death camp

    This is all painfully slow progress, but it does suggest that a tipping point may be near.

    If so, there are several reasons. One – the most evident in the mix – is US President Donald Trump.

    It was easier for the Guardian, the FT and old-school Tory MPs to watch the extermination of Gaza’s Palestinians in silence when it was kindly Uncle Joe Biden and the US military industrial complex behind it.

    Unlike his predecessor, Trump too often forgets the bit where he is supposed to put a gloss on Israeli crimes, or distance the US from them, even as Washington ships the weapons to carry out those crimes.

    But also, there are plenty of indications that Trump – with his constant craving to be seen as the top dog – is increasingly annoyed at being publicly outfoxed by Netanyahu.

    This week, as Trump headed to the Middle East, his administration secured the release of Israeli soldier Edan Alexander, the last living US citizen in captivity in Gaza, by bypassing Israel and negotiating directly with Hamas.

    In his comments on the release, Trump insisted it was time to “put an end to this very brutal war” – a remark he had very obviously not coordinated with Netanyahu.

    Notably, Israel is not on Trump’s Middle East schedule.

    Right now seems a relatively safe moment to adopt a more critical stance towards Israel, as presumably the FT and Guardian appreciate.

    Then there is the fact that Israel’s genocide is reaching its endpoint. No food, water or medicines have entered Gaza for more than two months. Everyone is malnourished. It is unclear, given Israel’s destruction of Gaza’s health system, how many have already died from hunger.

    But the pictures of skin-and-bones children emerging from Gaza are uncomfortably reminiscent of 80-year-old images of skeletal Jewish children imprisoned in Nazi camps.

    It is a reminder that Gaza – strictly blockaded by Israel for 16 years before Hamas’ 7 October 2023 breakout – has been transformed over the past 19 months from a concentration camp into a death camp.

    Parts of the media and political class know mass death in Gaza cannot be obscured for much longer, not even after Israel has barred foreign journalists from the enclave and murdered most of the Palestinian journalists trying to record the genocide.

    Cynical political and media actors are trying to get in their excuses before it is too late to show remorse.

    The ‘Gaza war’ myth

    And finally there is the fact that Israel has declared its readiness to take hands-on responsibility for the extermination in Gaza by, in its words, “capturing” the tiny territory.

    The long-anticipated “day after” looks like it is about to arrive.

    For 20 years, Israel and western capitals have conspired in the lie that Gaza’s occupation ended in 2005, when Israel’s then prime minister, Ariel Sharon, pulled out a few thousand Jewish settlers and withdrew Israeli soldiers to a highly fortified perimeter encaging the enclave.

    In a ruling last year, the World Court gave this claim short shrift, emphasising that Gaza, as well as the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, had never stopped being under Israeli occupation, and that the occupation must end immediately.

    The truth is that, even before the 2023 Hamas attacks, Israel had been besieging Gaza by land, sea and air for many, many years. Nothing – people or trade – went in or out without the Israeli military’s say-so.

    Israeli officials instituted a secret policy of putting the population there on a strict “diet” – a war crime then as now – one that ensured most of Gaza’s young became progressively more malnourished.

    Drones whined constantly overhead, as they do now, watching the population from the skies 24 hours a day and occasionally raining down death. Fishermen were shot and their boats sunk for trying to fish their own waters. Farmers’ crops were destroyed by herbicides sprayed from Israeli planes.

    And when the mood took it, Israel sent in fighter jets to bomb the enclave or sent soldiers in on military operations, killing hundreds of civilians at a time.

    When Palestinians in Gaza went out week after week to stage protests close to the perimeter fence of their concentration camp, Israeli snipers shot them, killing some 200 and crippling many thousands more.

    Yet, despite all this, Israel and western capitals insisted on the story that Hamas “ruled” Gaza, and that it alone was responsible for what went on there.

    That fiction was very important to the western powers. It allowed Israel to evade accountability for the crimes against humanity committed in Gaza over the past two decades – and it allowed the West to avoid complicity charges for arming the criminals.

    Instead, the political and media class perpetuated the myth that Israel was engaged in a “conflict” with Hamas – as well as intermittent “wars” in Gaza – even as Israel’s own military termed its operations to destroy whole neighbourhoods and kill their residents “mowing the lawn”.

    Israel, of course, viewed Gaza as its lawn to mow. And that is precisely because it never stopped occupying the enclave.

    Even today western media outlets collude in the fiction that Gaza is free from Israeli occupation by casting the slaughter there – and the starvation of the population – as a “war”.

    Loss of cover story

    But the “day after” – signalled by Israel’s promised “capture” and “reoccupation” of Gaza – brings a conundrum for Israel and its western sponsors.

    Till now Israel’s every atrocity has been justified by Hamas’ violent breakout on 7 October 2023.

    Israel and its supporters have insisted that Hamas must return the Israelis it took captive before there can be some undefined “peace”. At the same time, Israel has also maintained that Gaza must be destroyed at all costs to root out Hamas and eliminate it.

    These two goals never looked consistent – not least because the more Palestinian civilians Israel killed “rooting out” Hamas, the more young men Hamas recruited seeking vengeance.

    The constant stream of genocidal rhetoric from Israeli leaders made clear that they believed there were no civilians in Gaza – no “uninvolved” – and that the enclave should be levelled and the population treated like “human animals”, punished with “no food, water or fuel”.

    Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich reiterated that approach last week, vowing that “Gaza will be entirely destroyed” and that its people would be ethnically cleansed – or, as he put it, forced to “leave in great numbers to third countries”.

    Israeli officials have echoed him, threatening to “flatten” Gaza if the hostages are not released. But in truth, the captives held by Hamas are just a convenient pretext.

    Smotrich was more honest in observing that the hostages’ release was “not the most important thing”. His view is apparently shared by the Israeli military, which has reportedly put that aim last in a list of six “war” objectives.

    More important to the military are “operational control” of Gaza, “demilitarization of the territory” and “concentration and movement of the population”.

    With Israel about to be indisputably, visibly in direct charge of Gaza again – with the cover stories stripped away of a “war”, of the need to eliminate of Hamas, of civilian casualties as “collateral damage” – Israel’s responsibility for the genocide will be incontestable too, as will the West’s active collusion.

    That was why more than 250 former officials with Mossad, Israel’s spy agency – including three of its former heads – signed a letter this week decrying Israel’s breaking of the ceasefire in early March and its return to “war”.

    The letter called Israel’s official objectives “unattainable”.

    Similarly, the Israeli media reports large numbers of Israel’s military reservists are no longer showing up when called for a return to duty in Gaza.

    Ethnic cleansing

    Israel’s western patrons must now grapple with Israel’s “plan” for the ruined territory. Its outline has been coming more sharply into focus in recent days.

    In January Israel formally outlawed the United Nations refugee agency UNRWA that feeds and cares for the large proportion of the Palestinian population driven off their historic lands by Israel in earlier phases of its decades-long colonisation of historic Palestine.

    Gaza is packed with such refugees – the outcome of Israel’s biggest ethnic cleansing programme in 1948, at its creation as a “Jewish state”.

    Removing UNRWA had been a long-held ambition, a move by Israel designed to help rid it of the yoke of aid agencies that have been caring for Palestinians – and thereby helping them to resist Israel’s efforts at ethnic cleansing – as well as monitoring Israel’s adherence, or rather lack of it, to international law.

    For the ethnic cleansing and genocide programmes in Gaza to be completed, Israel has needed to produce an alternative system to UNRWA’s.

    Last week, it approved a scheme in which it intends to use private contractors, not the UN, to deliver small quantities of food and water to Palestinians. Israel will allow in 60 trucks a day – barely a tenth of the absolute minimum required, according to the UN.

    There are several catches. To stand any hope of qualifying for this very limited aid, Palestinians will need to collect it from military distribution points located in a small area at the southern tip of the Gaza strip.

    In other words, some two million Palestinians will have to crowd into a location that has no chance of accommodating them all, and even then will have only a tenth of the aid they need.

    They will have to relocate too without any guarantee from Israel that it won’t continue bombing the “humanitarian zones” they have been herded into.

    These military distribution zones just so happen to be right next to Gaza’s sole, short border with Egypt – exactly where Israel has been seeking to drive the Palestinians over the past 19 months in the hope of forcing Egypt to open the border so the people of Gaza can be ethnically cleansed into Sinai.

    Under Israel’s scheme, Palestinians will be screened in these military hubs using biometric data before they stand any hope of receiving minimum calorie-controlled handouts of food.

    Once inside the hubs, they can be arrested and shipped off to one of Israel’s torture camps.

    Just last week Israel’s Haaretz newspaper published testimony from an Israeli soldier turned whistleblower – confirming accounts from doctors and other guards – that torture and abuse are rife against Palestinians, including civilians, at Sde Teiman, the most notorious of the camps.

    War on aid

    Last Friday, shortly after Israel announced its “aid” plan, it fired a missile into an UNRWA centre in Jabaliya camp, destroying its food distribution centre and warehouse.

    Then on Saturday, Israel bombed tents used for preparing food in Khan Younis and Gaza City. It has been targeting charity kitchens and bakeries to close them down, in an echo of its campaign of destruction against Gaza’s hospitals and health system.

    In recent days, a third of UN-supported community kitchens – the population’s last life line – have closed because their stores of food are depleted, as is their access to fuel.

    According to the UN agency OCHA, that number is rising “by the day”, leading to “widespread” hunger.

    The UN reported this week that nearly half a million people in Gaza – a fifth of the population – faced “catastrophic hunger”.

    Predictably, Israel and its ghoulish apologists are making light of this sea of immense suffering. Jonathan Turner, chief executive of UK Lawyers for Israel, argued that critics were unfairly condemning Israel for starving Gaza’s population, and ignoring the health benefits of reducing “obesity” among Palestinians.

    In a joint statement last week, 15 UN agencies and more than 200 charities and humanitarian groups denounced Israel’s “aid” plan. The UN children’s fund UNICEF warned that Israel was forcing Palestinians to choose between “displacement and death”.

    But worse, Israel is setting up its stall once again to turn reality on its head.

    Those Palestinians who refuse to cooperate with its “aid” plan will be blamed for their own starvation. And international agencies who refuse to go along with Israeli criminality will be smeared both as “antisemitic” and as responsible for the mounting toll of starvation on Gaza’s population.

    There is a way to stop these crimes degenerating further. But it will require western politicians and journalists to find far more courage than they have dared muster so far. It will need more than rhetorical flourishes. It will need more than public handwringing.

    Are they capable of more? Don’t hold your breath.

  • Middle East Eye
  • The post Why the Wall of Silence on the Genocide of Gazans is Finally Starting to Crack first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Myanmar’s ousted civilian government called for international intervention, accusing the military regime of committing “war crimes” by killing nearly 400 people within a month, despite the junta’s declaration of a ceasefire on April 2.

    From April 3 to May 13, junta airstrikes across 11 of Myanmar’s 14 territories have killed a total of 182 people and injured 298, said the National League for Democracy, or NLD, the party that won a landslide in the 2020 election but was ousted in a coup the following year.

    The majority of attacks have targeted those affected by the earthquake-affected areas of Sagaing and Mandalay region, it added.

    “We’re sending this appeal directly to the United Nations and to ASEAN,” said a member of the NLD central work committee Kyaw Htwe. “We have confirmed this information with media outlets, party members and the public on the ground.”

    On March 28, 2025, Myanmar experienced a devastating 7.7 magnitude earthquake centered near Mandalay, resulting in over 5,400 deaths, more than 11,000 injuries, and widespread destruction across six regions, including the capital Naypyidaw.

    In response to the disaster, Myanmar’s military junta and various rebel groups declared temporary ceasefires in early April to facilitate humanitarian aid and recovery efforts. The junta extended its ceasefire until May 31. However, despite these declarations, hostilities have continued, with reports indicating that the military has persisted with airstrikes and artillery attacks.

    On Monday, an airstrike on a school in rebel militia-controlled Tabayin township in Sagaing region killed 22 students and two teachers. On the same day, junta soldiers raiding Lel Ma village in Magway region’s Gangaw township shot 11 people and arrested eight others.

    An attack on Arakan Army-controlled Rathedaung township in Rakhine the following day killed 13 civilians, including children and their parents.

    Similarly, attacks with heavy artillery between April 3 and May 13 across five territories killed 14 people and injured 43. Another 166, including infants, were killed by junta raids on villages, when soldiers set fire to civilian homes.

    Junta spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun has not responded to Radio Free Asia’s inquiries.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese.

    Myanmar residents forced to flee their homes for camps across the border in Thailand are facing growing hardship amid cuts to international aid, with more than 108,000 people now struggling to access stable food supplies, civil society organizations told Radio Free Asia on Wednesday.

    Predominantly ethnic Karen from eastern Myanmar’s Kayin state, facing brutal village burnings and airstrikes by the junta, have fled en masse to camps in Thailand, where many have lived for years seeking refugee status with no access to jobs or legal documents.

    The difficult life of residents in the camps escalated when the U.S. government slashed the budget of the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID.

    The United States, through USAID, has been the largest donor, contributing about 69% of the camps’ funding as of early 2025. This significant support facilitated essential services including healthcare, food distribution, and sanitation, often implemented by NGOs like the International Rescue Committee and The Border Consortium, according to the Organization for World Peace.

    “Because aid donations have continued not to arrive, the refugees’ situations will become worse than before, because they have no documents,” said Karen Peace Support Network spokesperson Cherry, who only gave one name.

    “They have no permission to come and go from the camp without identification, passport or Thai citizenship documents, they have a lot of difficulty in searching for jobs.”

    Children five years old and under have had their food budget slashed to just five U.S. cents per day, while those over five will receive eight cents a day in allocated food, according to a statement co-published by 20 Karen groups on Wednesday, adding that over one million people in Kayin state and neighboring areas alone are affected by aid cuts.

    “Even before these drastic reductions, food provisions were already below the minimum required for survival,” the groups said in their statement, attributing it to not only U.S. budget cuts, but steadily declining international support for displaced Karen.

    “These aid reductions could not come at a worse time. The Burmese military continues to target homes, schools, plantations, religious sites and medical centers with airstrikes and artillery.”

    The groups called for a reversal of long-term aid cuts for Myanmar residents of Thailand, existing donors to increase their funding, for Bangkok to grant them the right to work and for the country to lift restrictions on cross-border aid delivery to areas not controlled by the Myanmar military.

    While USAID was the primary donor, other countries such as Australia also contributed to funding the camps, though to a lesser extent.

    Following the dissolution of much of USAID’s programming in Myanmar and Thailand, civil society organizations dependent on their funding have been forced to reduce programming and lay off staff, while others have sounded alarms about the potential rise in HIV, tuberculosis, malaria and vaccine-preventable diseases.

    Despite a ceasefire extended to May 31 by the military junta that seized power in a 2021 coup, airstrikes have continued, killing over 200 people and displacing tens of thousands. The ceasefire was declared following the March 28 earthquake that claimed the lives of over 3,700 people in Myanmar.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • In conflict-hit zones on the eastern and western border regions of Myanmar, health workers are reporting rising cases of tuberculosis and other diseases amid global aid cuts from the U.S and other international donors.

    Myanmar had meager investment in the health sector, even before the military seized power in a coup four years ago, triggering widespread fighting. Strain on the system has intensified with a 7.7 magnitude earthquake on March 28 that killed more than 3,800 people.

    Drastic cutbacks by the Trump administration at the Agency for International Development, or USAID, are impacting local health organizations that vulnerable populations rely on, particularly in border regions.

    A worker packs medicine delivered into the country by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in Yangon, March 7, 2013.
    A worker packs medicine delivered into the country by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in Yangon, March 7, 2013.
    (Soe Than Win/AFP)

    The Mon State Federal Council of Humanitarian and Rescue Department does public health reporting and provides medication and malaria testing kits to parts of eastern Myanmar’s Mon and Kayin states. They say their capacity has been slashed to a fraction of what it once was.

    “I think thousands of people may have a lack of access in this area out of our 300,000 [population] before,” said department head Mi Soa Ta Jo, adding that they can only provide 30% of the malaria testing kits and medication they previously could to communities requesting it. Delayed testing and medication for malaria can have serious consequences like brain damage, impacting already overburdened caregivers, she said.

    The group, one of many receiving USAID funding through intermediary organizations, says the cuts coincide with a rise in diseases like tuberculosis and HIV.

    An HIV-infected woman in Yangon, Nov. 29, 2014
    An HIV-infected woman in Yangon, Nov. 29, 2014
    (Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images)

    It‘s not just the U.S. that is scaling back its aid. The United Kingdom and France have also announced decreases in global development spending, with France cutting its overseas development assistance by 35% in February and launching a commission to investigate the funding’s impact.

    “If there are consequences of the funding cuts from the U.S, from Europe, from everywhere — it’s not only the U.S., it’s everybody who’s cutting funding – we will see them first on things like tuberculosis and vaccine-preventable diseases,” said Dr. Francois Nosten, director of the Shoklo Malaria Research Unit working on the Thai-Myanmar border. “That’s what we are concerned about.”

    The four years of fighting, which has displaced 3 million people and killed thousands, has already disrupted vaccinations. From 2021 to 2023 in Myanmar, the World Health Organization reported an increase in cases of diphtheria, measles, Japanese encephalitis and a significant rise in acute flaccid paralysis, an indicator for polio.

    Cuts to programming

    In Myanmar’s northwestern region of Chin state, conflict between ethnic armed groups and junta forces has led to mass displacement.

    Dr. Biak Cung Lian, the program manager for health and protection at the Chin Human Rights Organization, said that medical supply chains from cities have been disrupted. Health problems are being exacerbated by malnutrition and poor immunity.

    A makeshift hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    A makeshift hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    The cuts in USAID funding have affected his group’s efforts to treat tuberculosis, or TB, which spreads easily in crowded conditions. It has two mobile health programs focusing on TB screening, gender-based violence and psycho-social support. They have already laid off 60 staff.

    The doctor also worries that HIV may spread more easily than before. Recently, many young people tested positive in a camp for displaced people on the border between the region of Sagaing and Chin state.

    “Recently we heard that anti-retroviral therapy [for HIV] would be withheld because of the funding disruption. I’m not sure whether we will be able to procure (anti-retroviral therapy) drugs with our network,” he said, referencing medication taken by HIV patients to reduce the risk of transmission and slow the progression of the virus into AIDS.

    “So we are in a state where we can’t do anything yet, but hopefully there will be something we can figure out,” Biak Cung Lian said.

    A post-surgery recovery ward at a makeshift hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    A post-surgery recovery ward at a makeshift hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Lack of support for those displaced will also make it harder for other groups to treat illnesses compounded by malnutrition and poor immunity, health workers say.

    “There is a certain level of difficulty in providing nutritional services to children under five years of age,” said Thitsar, a doctor from the Karenni Loyalty Mobile team, a nonprofit medical group in northeastern Myanmar’s Kayah state.

    The group is helping to treat common illnesses like malaria and tuberculosis with limited medicine. The mobile clinic, set up by medical personnel participating in the protest for civil servants against Myanmar’s military, the Civil Disobedience Movement, is one of the few groups providing regular healthcare to internally displaced people in the region for communicable and non-communicable diseases.

    Patients in a tent opened after the March 28  earthquake in Naypyidaw, Myanmar, Friday, April 4, 2025.
    Patients in a tent opened after the March 28 earthquake in Naypyidaw, Myanmar, Friday, April 4, 2025.
    (AP)

    “There is malaria, and it’s expected to increase during the upcoming monsoon season. There is a limited amount of medicine available. We could not tell the exact numbers, the situation on the ground is quite challenging,” Thitsar, who goes by one name, said.

    The U.S. State Department responded to RFA’s request for information about its ongoing commitment to public health funding in Myanmar by emphasizing its continued support for Myanmar following the recent earthquake.

    But it made no mention of any ongoing commitments to assist public health programs in Myanmar.

    RFA Burmese journalist Khin Khin Ei contributed reporting. Edited by Ginny Stein and Mat Pennington.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Kiana Duncan for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

  • Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese.

    Some families have waited as long as one month to receive critical aid in the aftermath of Myanmar’s earthquake, which killed over 3,700 people, victims and aid groups told Radio Free Asia.

    Myanmar’s military has been accused of hampering aid efforts by preventing international and local rescue groups from entering earthquake-stricken areas and demanding that groups distribute essential items like food and temporary shelter through junta officials.

    One resident in Mandalay, the country’s second-largest city and close to the epicenter of the earthquake, said he hadn’t received any aid since his house collapsed.

    “Because of the aftershocks, we can’t go back. Up until today, we’ve been sleeping on the side of the road. Yesterday, there were more aftershocks and we’ve been on edge,” he said, declining to be named for fear of reprisals.

    “I want to say especially that we have not gotten any type of help listed from officials at the ward, township or district level. We haven’t gotten even one bottle of water or one wafer of biscuit – that’s the honest truth.”

    Recovery from the March 28 earthquake has been hampered still further by hundreds of airstrikes by Myanmar’s military, which have killed over 160 people across the country, according to data compiled by Radio Free Asia..

    Residents sleeping outdoors have also been subject to monsoon rains, extreme heat and unpredictable weather, adding to the predicted public health crisis.

    In crowded areas, aid groups who have been permitted entry don’t have enough food for all the victims, said the Mandalay resident.

    Aid organizations from 29 countries were operating in Myanmar until April 20, providing more than 3,700 tons of relief supplies, said junta spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun on state-owned broadcaster MRTV.

    All available supplies, except for “a few shelters and raincoats” had been distributed in earthquake-affected areas of Naypyidaw, the country’s capital, as well as in Mandalay region, Sagaing region and Shan state, he said on Wednesday.

    On the ground, victims have only been able to receive aid from the United Nations Development Programme, or UNDP, said one volunteer who was himself affected by the earthquake in Mandalay region’s Pyawbwe town.

    “UNDP is the only one who arrived with household items, shelters, power banks, solar lights, canned fish, red beans, clothing, women’s items and medical kits,” he said, refusing to be named for security reasons.

    He said the junta collected lists of the dead and those affected by the earthquake, but victims haven’t received any help. Rescue teams reported at least 300 people died in Pyawbwe town alone.

    Residents in other areas of Mandalay region and Sagaing region, as well as parts of the country with a strong junta presence, like Shan state’s Inle region and the capital of Naypyidaw, also say they have faced limited aid as a result of poor systematic distribution, rescue committee volunteers said.

    But the junta denied claims of mismanagement.

    “For those who have faced destruction, the amount must be assessed and aid will be apportioned based on what’s decided by government organizations,” said Lay Shwe Zin Oo, director of the Disaster Management Department of the military’s Ministry of Social Welfare.

    “If they haven’t gotten it yet, they should contact their general administrators and negotiate an amount of aid,” she said, adding that many victims had not registered for aid yet.

    Over 5,100 people were injured in the earthquake and more than 100 are still missing, according to the latest data from Myanmar’s military. As of April 24, nearly 64,000 houses were destroyed, affecting some 629,000 people.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Taejun Kang and Mike Firn.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Palestinians pushed into new misery as supplies of food, fuel and medicine run out in seven-week siege

    Gaza has been pushed to new depths of despair, civilians, medics and humanitarian workers say, by the unprecedented seven-week-long Israeli military blockade that has cut off all aid to the strip.

    The siege has left the Palestinian territory facing conditions unmatched in severity since the beginning of the war as residents grapple with sweeping new evacuation orders, the renewed bombing of civilian infrastructure such as hospitals, and the exhaustion of food, fuel for generators and medical supplies.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • English-speaking minority refugees caught up in clashes between the military and separatists are stranded in neighbouring country

    Amid the sound of children excitedly practising a drama for a forthcoming performance, a yam seller calls to passers by with discounts for their wares. Outside a closed graphic design shop overlooking them from a small hill, Solange Ndonga Tibesa tells the story of being uprooted from her homeland in north-west Cameroon.

    In June 2019 she and other travellers were abducted with her three-month-old baby by secessionists, who accused them of supporting the military. Their captors repeatedly hit them with butts of their guns, keeping them in a forest without food or water.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese.

    Junta restrictions on aid activities following central Myanmar’s devastating 7.7 earthquake have driven some to postpone aid efforts, despite many communities being in critical need of support, volunteers told Radio Free Asia.

    Junta authorities have been accused of blocking search and rescue teams and aid groups from entering affected areas in Sagaing and Mandalay regions, as well as Shan state, by using security checkpoints and strict registration requirements.

    “They [aid groups] can’t do anything. We’re very upset that those who could help are being treated like this. Now, it’s just the public looking out for each other,” said an official from a volunteer group in Mandalay assisting in earthquake recovery, declining to be named for fear of reprisals.

    “This isn’t working for us, so we want to say that we have stopped.”

    Myanmar’s March 28 earthquake killed more than 3,600 people and injured another 5,000, with 148 people still missing, the junta said in a statement published on Tuesday evening.

    The earthquake coincided with violent clashes between insurgent groups and junta battalions that escalated in the years following the 2021 coup, causing the military to implement stricter policies around growing insurgent hotspots nationwide.

    Another Mandalay-based group said they were being blocked from working by regional authorities after the junta’s Deputy Chairperson Maj. Gen. Soe Win announced that aid organizations needed to submit requests for prior approval.

    Charity organizations are also required to deliver basic supplies through regional junta authorities, the junta’s Ministry of Public Health said in a statement published on Sunday, to the criticism of volunteers.

    “If they want us to give it under them like they said, we can’t give anything at all. We’ll only donate if we can do it ourselves,” said an official from another volunteer organization, declining to be named for fear of reprisals.

    More than 10 aid groups across Sagaing and Mandalay regions and Shan state told RFA that they would be forced to temporarily stop their relief efforts.

    One Mandalay resident raised his concern that junta actions may undermine aid groups and cause international organizations to rescind their support for earthquake victims if supplies can’t make it to affected areas.

    “My house collapsed. If I go to the community center for basic items I need, I can’t get them like normal because the officers stole them,” he said.

    “The government hasn’t been supporting us at all, and I don’t know if any more charity will continue to come from them.”

    The junta has not released any additional information on the restrictions.

    It said on Saturday that it would prevent groups from entering the country for “negative purposes by exploiting the earthquake.”

    International groups have urged the junta to loosen restrictions on entering earthquake-stricken areas to allow greater distribution of aid.

    RFA called junta spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for more information on the restrictions, but he did not answer by the time of publication.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Taejun Kang.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Read RFA coverage of these topics in Burmese.

    International aid groups who want to provide assistance to earthquake-hit areas of Myanmar must gain prior approval from junta authorities, said the military’s top official, as the death toll surpassed 3,500.

    The 7.7 magnitude quake, which struck between Sagaing town and Mandalay city on March 28, left many people without food, clean water and shelter in Naypyidaw, Bago and Magway regions as well as Shan state.

    Residents and international human rights groups have accused the junta, which seized power from the democratically-elected civilian administration in 2021, of hampering aid efforts and of exacerbating disaster by launching aerial attacks nationwide.

    “Relief teams are not permitted to operate independently, regardless of other organizations,” the junta’s deputy prime minister Gen. Soe Win said in a speech published by the junta’s Office of the Commander-in-Chief of Armed Forces.

    “They must be entities that have obtained prior authorization, and a policy will be implemented to ensure that permission is granted only in cooperation with relevant officials,” he said adding the policy was necessary, as some organizations may “enter the country for negative purposes by exploiting the earthquake.”

    At least 3,514 people are dead and another 4,809 injured, with 210 people still missing, junta authorities reported on Sunday night.

    Junta soldiers have also enforced strict checks for groups entering Sagaing town in central Myanmar, which may cause the deaths of those desperately in need of urgent assistance, aid workers told Radio Free Asia.

    “If the junta allows it, people are going to die, of course,” he said, adding that if international organizations, including the United Nations, are going to help, they need to be allowed entry on humanitarian grounds as fast as possible.

    “It’s like us just sitting around and watching as people are being killed while they are still alive.”

    Airstrikes continue

    Residents across Magway, Sagaing and Mandalay region, as well as Shan state, have also reported attacks with heavy weapons on communities, which have killed seven people and injured seven more despite ceasefire agreements from both junta authorities and insurgent groups.

    Junta soldiers attacked parts of Rakhine state, Bago and Ayeyarwady region from April 2 to 7 by land, sea and sky, the Arakan Army, or AA, said in a statement published on Saturday.

    The AA controls 14 of 17 townships in Rakhine state, and has launched attacks in Chin state and into Ayeyarwady region, but has not seized junta strongholds in Rakhine’s capital of Sittwe or Kyaukpyu township with heavy Chinese infrastructure and investment.

    In Kyaukpyu on April 2, junta troops fired near villages on the border of Pauktaw township with drone-operated bombs nearly 90 times, and fired up to 60 times with heavy weapons, the AA said.

    In the following days, junta forces fired on villages in the township with fighter jets and ships dozens more times and bombed Sittwe township on Saturday, it said, adding that there was damage in the capital township but did provide further details.

    The junta accused insurgent groups such as the AA of violating the ceasefire first.

    “The AA arrived with soldiers in areas near Ayeyarwady and began shooting,” junta spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun said in a speech broadcast on a state-owned television channel.

    Junta authorities previously stated that they would respond in kind to any shots fired by insurgent groups, he added, but did not comment on casualties or damage across Sittwe, Kyaukpyu or Pauktaw townships.

    The AA and allied groups said they would continue to honor the ceasefire to assist those affected by the earthquake, but also stated that the group had captured a strategic base in western Bago region’s Nyaung Kyoe village on April 2.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Teajun Kang and Mike Firn.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Read coverage of this topic in Burmese.

    Junta soldiers opened fire at a Chinese convoy of passenger vehicles carrying emergency supplies in northern Myanmar, the military chief admitted on Wednesday.

    A nine-vehicle convoy with the Red Cross Society of China was travelling with supplies on Tuesday near Shan state’s Nawnghkio township when soldiers shot at them, said the junta spokesperson Zaw Min Tun, as cited by Myanmar’s state-owned media.

    The convoy was part of international rescue and aid efforts in response to the devastating 7.7-magnitude earthquake that struck Myanmar on Friday, which has claimed more than 2,800 lives and left 4.600 injured, with figures expected to rise.

    “There’s a security group near Ohmati village that was blocking the convoy,” he said. “From a distance of 100 meters, he pointed toward the sky and fired three shots.”

    There were no injuries to the passengers or damage to their supplies, the spokesperson said, adding that the soldiers had not been informed about the convoy and that further investigations would be conducted.

    The Chinese embassy in Yangon has not responded to Radio Free Asia’s request for comment.

    Ming Aung Hlaing’s remarks came after the anti-junta force Ta’ang National Liberation Army, or TNLA, reported the incident, saying that the envoy would be escorted to Mandalay by their soldiers from that point forward.

    Separately, TNLA, alongside three other allied groups, including the Arakan Army, declared a unilateral ceasefire to facilitate international humanitarian efforts.

    The ceasefire, announced on Tuesday, is set to last for one month, during which the alliance pledged to refrain from offensive operations, engaging only in self-defense if necessary.

    Similarly, the exiled civilian National Unity Government, comprised of members of the civilian administration ousted in a 2021 coup, declared a ceasefire shortly after the disaster.

    But the junta rejected these proposals, with its chief accusing ethnic armed organizations of using the pause to regroup and conduct military training.

    Responding to reports and witness accounts that the military continued operations – including airstrikes – that disrupted rescue efforts, the junta chief claimed they were only targeting “terrorist activities” by armed groups.

    “Tatmadaw has not launched any attacks on the camps of ethnic armed groups but has only responded when attacked,” Min Aung Hlaing said, referring to the junta’s military. “The government has continuously kept the door open to meet and discuss with all ethnic armed organizations to make effective peace efforts.”

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Taejun Kang.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Read this story on BenarNews

    DHAKA, Bangladesh — The United Nations food agency said it managed to avoid drastic food aid cuts to Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh in the face of concerns that their monthly rations would be reduced by more than half.

    Earlier this month, the U.N.’s World Food Program, or WFP, said it might be forced to reduce the monthly rations for the over 1 million Rohingya refugees from Myanmar, from US$12.50 per person to $6, beginning in April.

    Instead, the ration for Rohingya living in camps in and around Cox’s Bazar is to be set at $12, while the ration for those living in Bhashan Char, an island in the Bay of Bengal, would be adjusted to $13, a WFP official told BenarNews on Thursday.

    The Bangladesh government has encouraged Rohingya to relocate to Bhashan Char, in a bid to alleviate overcrowded conditions at the 33 camps in the Cox’ s Bazar region. Since 2021, about 35,000 refugees have relocated to the island, according to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.

    On Thursday, the United States announced it would give millions in fresh funding through the WFP.

    RELATED STORIES

    ‘Deeper into hunger’: UN to halve food aid for Rohingya in Bangladesh

    UN chief Guterres breaks Ramadan fast with 100,000 Rohingya in Bangladesh

    UN to cut food rations again for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh

    “The United States is providing $73 million in new assistance for Rohingya refugees,” U.S. State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce said in a post on X. “This food and nutrition support through @WFP will provide critically needed food and nutrition assistance for more than 1 million people.

    “It is important that our international partners engage with sharing the burden with life-saving assistance such as this.”

    Since 2017, Washington has been the biggest aid donor to the Rohingya refugees, contributing nearly $2.4 billion, according to the State Department.

    The administration of interim Bangladesh leader Muhammad Yunus thanked the American government for the influx of funds.

    More is needed

    The latest plight of the Rohingya came to light two weeks ago when the head of the United Nations appealed to the international community for help after the WFP had announced the planned food rations cuts.

    “I can promise that we’ll do everything to avoid it [a humanitarian crisis], and I will be talking to all the countries in the world that can support us in order to make sure that funds are made available,” U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres said during his first trip to the refugee camps in southeastern Bangladesh in nearly seven years.

    A WFP official welcomed the news on Friday while warning that more was needed.

    “While April ration cuts are averted, given the immense needs, we still need continued funding support or we will soon run out of funds again,” said Kun Li, WFP’s head of communication and advocacy in Asia and the Pacific.

    Human rights advocates also expressed concerns about the ongoing plight of the Rohingya, a stateless Muslim minority group, many of whom were forced from their homes in Myanmar’s Rakhine state following the August 2017 crackdown by government forces.

    A Rohingya leaves the United Nations World Food Program center in Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, March 14, 2025.
    A Rohingya leaves the United Nations World Food Program center in Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, March 14, 2025.
    (Abdur Rahman/BenarNews)

    Last-minute support from donors had prevented “a worst-case scenario,” said Daniel Sullivan, the director for Africa, Asia and the Middle East at Refugees International.

    “Renewed donor funds, including $73 million for WFP announced by the United States, will maintain rations at near the same levels,” he said in a statement. “However, broader aid cuts are already negatively affecting refugees and we remain deeply concerned that failure to renew more than minimal aid will lead to increased hunger, disease and avoidable deaths.”

    A human rights advocate who lived in a Rohingya camp for six years spoke out about the plight of the refugees.

    “I appreciate and thank the United States for stepping in to respond to the food reduction crisis and request other donor countries to continue funding the much-needed lifesaving assistance programs in the camps,” Refugees International Fellow Lucky Karim said in a statement.

    “As past smaller cuts have shown, the drastic cut in rations would have accelerated malnutrition, disease, and negative coping mechanisms, including child marriage and human smuggling,” she said.

    Back in Cox’s Bazar, a Rohingya expressed relief.

    “We were worried, but now relieved,” Mohammad Nur, a leader of the Jadimura camp in the Teknaf sub-district, told BenarNews. “How can a person live with only $6?”

    BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Kamran Reza Chowdhury for BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • SYDNEY – Tonga and the Federated States of Micronesia will receive notable increases in Australian foreign aid this year, as analysts say there are indications that Canberra is stepping in to fill a regional void left by a U.S. freeze on development assistance.

    Overall, Australia announced A$5.1 billion (US$3.2 billion) for foreign aid in the 2025-26 budget released Tuesday, a 2.7% increase on the previous year, but about flat in real terms.

    Pacific island nations were allocated A$2.157 billion, up from A$2.05 billion for the 2024-25 financial year, budget documents show.

    The region now accounts for about 42% of Australian aid, almost doubling from a decade ago and making it the Pacific’s biggest donor, partly in response to China’s inroads with Pacific island states.

    In a statement Tuesday, Foreign Minister Penny Wong said in “uncertain times” Australian aid was going to the Pacific and Southeast Asia, “where Australia’s interests are most at stake.”

    Australian defense force, emergency services personnel and relief supplies onboard an Australian Air Force C-17A Globemaster cargo plane en route Port Vila, Vanuatu, March 16, 2015.
    Australian defense force, emergency services personnel and relief supplies onboard an Australian Air Force C-17A Globemaster cargo plane en route Port Vila, Vanuatu, March 16, 2015.
    (Dave Hunt/Reuters)

    In the Pacific, the largest aid increases are directed towards the Federated States of Micronesia and Tonga, the latter of which will receive A$85 million over the next four years to support its economy.

    Tonga’s small and fragile economy is under strain amid looming debt repayment obligations to China of about US$120 million, which is roughly a quarter of its gross domestic product, according to a Lowy Institute analysis.

    Assistance to Tonga is part of a broader A$296 million package for Pacific island nations to respond to shocks and bolster economic resilience. A total of A$355 million will also be provided over four years for climate resilience projects in Pacific and Southeast Asian countries.

    Australia will spend about A$81 million over three years on health in the Pacific and Southeast Asia to continue services for HIV and tuberculosis, maternal and child health, family planning and sexual and reproductive health.

    The announcement comes amid widespread fears that U.S. President Donald Trump’s executive order in January to freeze almost all U.S. foreign aid would wind back progress made in containing deadly diseases such as tuberculosis and HIV.

    “TB and HIV programs in PNG and Fiji might be affected by the U.S. cuts,” said Cameron Hill, a senior research officer at Australian National University’s Development Policy Center.

    “That is an area where I think the government is concentrating some effort and also some civil society programs in the Pacific … which aren’t big in dollar terms, but the U.S. has traditionally played a big role in those,” he said at a panel Wednesday on the budget’s aid component.

    The Solomon Islands Red Cross receives an Australian Aid shipment delivered for the Pacific Games in Honiara, Nov. 4, 2023.
    The Solomon Islands Red Cross receives an Australian Aid shipment delivered for the Pacific Games in Honiara, Nov. 4, 2023.
    (LSIS Jarrod Mulvihill/Australian Defence Force)

    Hill said about A$120 million, or about 2.3% of aid spending, had been reprioritized in 2025-26 away from multilateral and global programs.

    The “unprecedented divergence between defense and development spending is still growing” and will likely rise to a ratio of about 13:1 by the end of the decade, he said.

    Canberra announced last year it will spend an additional A$50.3 billion on defense over the next decade.

    Australia’s aid budget has held relatively steady amid a global retreat in foreign development assistance, led by the Trump administration’s dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development. Trump on Jan. 20 ordered a 90-day program-by-program review of which foreign assistance programs deserved to continue.

    Robin Davies, an honorary professor at the Development Policy Center, said about 10 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries –including the three largest the U.S., Germany and Britain — have announced significant cuts to foreign aid over the past year.

    He estimated that anywhere from a third to a half of existing aid from OECD sources might disappear within the next few years.

    “I think the real impact in our region of the U.S. cuts will be through the weakening of multilateral organisations that we really want to remain in places like Suva, Port Moresby or Jakarta,” he said at the panel discussion.

    An Australian Army CH-47 Chinook helicopter delivers aid to Futuna Island in Vanuatu, March 21, 2023, following destructive cyclones.
    An Australian Army CH-47 Chinook helicopter delivers aid to Futuna Island in Vanuatu, March 21, 2023, following destructive cyclones.
    (LSIS Daniel Goodman/Australian Department of Defence)

    Total American aid spending reached US$3.4 billion in the Pacific between 2008-22, according to the Lowy Institute, with most money directed towards the Marshall Islands, Micronesia and Palau.

    The three Pacific Island countries give the U.S. exclusive military authority in their territories in exchange for economic assistance under compacts of free association.

    “About 80% of American aid to the Pacific goes to those three countries, and it is still unclear what shape that compact assistance will take in the future,” said Hill.

    “The Biden administration signed last year new 20-year compact agreements, but it’s not clear whether the Trump administration will honor those or the new congress will honor those.”

    BenarNews is an online news outlet affiliated with Radio Free Asia.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Harry Pearl for BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • By Alex Willemyns for Radio Free Asia

    The Trump administration might let hundreds of millions of dollars in aid pledged to Pacific island nations during former President Joe Biden’s time in office stand, says New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters.

    The Biden administration pledged about $1 billion in aid to the Pacific to help counter China’s influence in the strategic region.

    However, Trump last month froze all disbursements of aid by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), for 90 days pending a “review” of all aid spending under his “America First” policy.

    Peters told reporters on Monday after meetings with Trump’s USAID acting head, Peter Marocco, and his national security adviser, Mike Waltz, “more confident” about the prospects of the aid being left alone than he was before.

    Peters said he had a “very frank and open discussion” with American officials about how important the aid was for the Pacific, and insisted that they “get our point of view in terms of how essential it is”.

    TVNZ's 1News and Kiribati
    NZ Foreign Minister Winson Peters . . . . “We are looking ahead with more confidence than when we arrived.” Image: TVNZ 1News screenshot RNZ

    “In our business, it’s wise to find out the results before you open your mouth, but we are looking ahead with more confidence than when we arrived,” Peters said, pushing back against claims that the Trump administration would be “pulling back” from the Pacific region.

    “We don’t know that yet. Let’s find out in April, when that full review is done on USAID,” he said. “But we came away more confident than some of the alarmists might have been before we arrived.”

    Frenzied diplomatic battle
    The Biden administration sought to rapidly expand US engagement with the small island nations of the Pacific after the Solomon Islands signed a controversial security pact with China three years ago.

    The deal by the Solomon Islands sparked a frenzied diplomatic battle between Washington and Beijing for influence in the strategic region.

    Biden subsequently hosted Pacific island leaders at back-to-back summits in Washington in September 2022 and 2023, the first two of their kind. He pledged hundreds of millions of dollars at both meets, appearing to tilt the region back toward Washington.

    The first summit included announcements of some $800 billion in aid for the Pacific, while the second added about $200 billion.

    But the region has since been rocked by the Trump administration’s decision to freeze all aid pending its ongoing review. The concerns have not been helped by a claim from Elon Musk, who Trump tasked with cutting government waste, that USAID would be shut down.

    “You’ve got to basically get rid of the whole thing. It’s beyond repair. We’re shutting it down,” Musk said in a February 3 livestreamed video.

    However, the New Zealand foreign minister, who also met with Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Tuesday, said he held out hope that Washington would not turn back on its fight for influence in the Pacific.

    “The first Trump administration turned more powerfully towards the Pacific . . .  than any previous administration,” he said, “and now they’ve got Trump back again, and we hope for the same into the future.”

    Radio Free Asia is an online news service affiliated with BenarNews. Republished from BenarNews with permission.

    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.