Category: health care

  • A small team of Texas researchers is being hailed for developing an unpatented Covid-19 vaccine to share with the world without personal profit, with some advocates asking, if they can do it, why can’t Big Pharma? Dubbed “the World’s Covid vaccine,” the inoculation—formally called Cobervax—is an open-source alternative to Big Pharma’s patent-protected vaccines. Instead of being produced for profit, this shot could ultimately be manufactured around the world and made cheaply available to all without governmental or private legal retribution.

    The post Texas Team Applauded For Giving What Big Pharma Refuses: A Patent-Free Vaccine To The World appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • The Global Migration Indicators report by the International Organization for Migration is here, with an update on how COVID-19 affected migration around the world. The report says more than 2,300 migrants died while trying to get into Europe or within Europe in 2020. While the pandemic restricted mobility and reduced international migration, still, there were two hundred and eighty-one million international migrants in the middle of 2020. That is close to four per cent of the world’s population.

    The post Global Migration Indicators Report Summarizes 2020 For Migrants Across The World appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Calls are mounting for President Joe Biden to terminate an under-the-radar Trump-era pilot program that—if allowed to run its course—could result in the complete privatization of traditional Medicare by the end of the decade.

    A petition recently launched by Physicians for a National Program (PNHP) has garnered more than 10,000 signatures as doctors and other advocates work to raise public awareness of the Medicare Direct Contracting program, which the Trump administration rolled out during its final months in power.

    The post Pressure Grows On Biden To Shut Down Trump-Era Medicare Privatization Scheme appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • After all this time, the complete lack of a public health-based approach to this pandemic is criminal. The Biden administration has instead chosen to lay all responsibility on the individual decision to vaccinate or not, implicitly blaming the unvaccinated for the ongoing ills resulting from the pandemic. After facing heavy criticism for his administration’s incompetent management of the Omicron surge, Biden recently addressed the status of the pandemic, doubling down hard on this narrative. He said, “If you’re vaccinated, you’ve done the right thing, celebrate holidays as you’ve planned them.”

    The post Ending The Pandemic Is Not An “Individual Responsibility” appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • ]

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    By the time Cheryl Cosey learned she had COVID-19, she had gone three days without dialysis — a day and a half more than she usually waited between appointments. She worried how much longer she could wait before going without her life-saving treatments would kill her.

    The 58-year-old Cosey was a dialysis technician for years before she herself was diagnosed with end-stage renal disease. After that, she usually took a medical transport van to a dialysis facility three days a week. There, she sat with other patients for hours in the same kind of cushioned chairs where she’d prepped her own patients, connected to machines that drew out their blood, filtered it for toxins, then pumped it back into their fatigued bodies.

    Never miss the most important reporting from ProPublica’s newsroom. Subscribe to the Big Story newsletter.

    Her COVID-19 diagnosis in the pandemic’s first weeks, after she’d been turned away from a dialysis facility because of a fever, meant Cosey was battling two potentially fatal diseases. But even she didn’t know how dangerous the novel coronavirus was to her weakened immune system.

    Had she realized the risks, she would have had her daughter Shardae Lovelady move in. Just the two of them in Cosey’s red brick home on Chicago’s West Side, looking out at the world through the sliding glass door in the living room, leaving only for her dialysis.

    Cheryl Cosey (Courtesy of Shardae Lovelady)

    After Cosey’s positive test in April 2020, Lovelady had to take her mother to a facility that treated patients with suspected or confirmed COVID-19. The facility fit her in for one of its last appointments the next day.

    At that point, Cosey had gone more than four days without dialysis.

    Four hours later, after Cosey completed her treatment, Lovelady returned to the nearly deserted building to bring her mother home, the sun having long disappeared from the sky. Cosey, dressed in a sweater and a green spring jacket, was disoriented, her breathing sporadic.

    Alone with her mother on the sidewalk, Lovelady ran inside to ask workers for help getting Cosey out of her wheelchair and into her car.

    “They offered no assistance,” Lovelady said. “They treated her as though she was an infection.”

    (A spokesperson for the facility said employees aren’t allowed to help patients once they leave, for safety reasons.)

    As Lovelady waited for paramedics to arrive, she grabbed a blanket from her car to wrap around her mother.

    “My mother has COVID. I know she has COVID, but I didn’t care,” Lovelady said. “I hugged her and just held on until the ambulance came.”

    Then she followed the flashing lights to the hospital.

    In the three decades before the pandemic, the number of Americans with end-stage renal disease had more than quadrupled, from about 180,000 in 1990 to about 810,000 in 2019, according to the United States Renal Data System, a national data registry. About 70% of these patients relied on dialysis in 2019; the other 30% received kidney transplants.

    The Midwest stood out as the region with the highest rate of patients with the disease, and Illinois had the nation’s third highest prevalence after Washington, D.C., and South Dakota, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

    A rare bright spot was the downturn in the death rate. Although diagnoses have been going up, death rates for patients who are on dialysis have declined since the early 2000s.

    Then COVID-19 struck. Nearly 18,000 more dialysis patients died in 2020 than would have been expected based on previous years. That staggering toll represents an increase of nearly 20% from 2019, when more than 96,000 patients on dialysis died, according to federal data released this month.

    The loss led to an unprecedented outcome: The nation’s dialysis population shrank, the first decline since the U.S. began keeping detailed numbers nearly a half century ago.

    They were COVID-19’s perfect victims.

    “It can’t help but feel like a massive failure when we have such a catastrophic loss of patients,” said Dr. Michael Heung, a clinical professor of nephrology at the University of Michigan. “It speaks to just how bad this pandemic has been and how bad this disease is.”

    Before most patients reach advanced kidney failure, they are diagnosed with diabetes, hypertension or a host of other underlying conditions. Their immune systems are severely compromised, meaning they are essentially powerless to survive the most dangerous infections.

    Many are old and poor. They also are disproportionately Black, as was Cosey. A 2017 study called end-stage renal disease “one of the starkest examples of racial/ethnic disparities in health.” Those inequities carried through to the pandemic. Dialysis patients who were Black or Latino, according to federal data, suffered higher rates of COVID-19 by every metric: infection, hospitalization, death.

    Their deaths went largely unnoticed.

    To get their treatments, the majority of dialysis patients in the U.S. must leave the relative safety of their homes and travel to a facility, often with strangers on public or medical transportation. Once at the dialysis center, they typically gather together in a large room for three to four hours.

    The fear of contracting the virus was enough to keep many from venturing out for medical care, including those already on dialysis and those set to get the treatment for the first time. Exactly how long patients can go without dialysis depends on a number of factors, but doctors generally begin to worry if they miss two of their thrice-weekly sessions.

    Dr. Kirsten Johansen, director of the United States Renal Data System, said the rates of people starting dialysis had been relatively stable until the pandemic. “Then the floor fell out,” she said in an interview.

    COVID-19’s collateral damage played out in other ways as well. It meant that people delayed going to the hospital for everything from heart disease to cancer. For dialysis patients, whose life expectancy in some cases is three decades shorter than the general population, the results were calamitous. Hospitalizations of dialysis patients for reasons unrelated to COVID-19 dropped 33% between late March and April of 2020, federal data shows.

    Dr. Delphine Tuot, a nephrologist and associate professor at University of California San Francisco and Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital and Trauma Center who focuses on vulnerable populations, found herself pleading with some of her patients to come in for their regular dialysis appointments.

    One of them was a 60-year-old man whose shortness of breath landed him in the hospital in February. Doctors scheduled dialysis three times a week, and though he was initially resistant, Tuot said, he came around once he realized he would die without it.

    Still, he missed appointments. When Tuot followed up, he told her he was afraid to leave the house because he was caring for his wife who had cancer, and he didn’t want to contract COVID and bring it home to her. Soon a cycle began. He skipped treatments, fluid built up in his body and an ambulance rushed him to the hospital because he couldn’t breathe. He got dialysis, was sent home and got back on track.

    When cases surged and the delta variant took hold this summer, the cycle restarted — until he skipped dialysis for three weeks in a row, so long that his heart couldn’t recover, according to Tuot. He died last month.

    Despite early efforts to mask and isolate patients at dialysis facilities, one study found the rate of COVID-19 hospitalizations of dialysis patients from March to April 2020 was 40 times higher than the general population.

    Even with skyrocketing hospitalizations, it took three months after vaccines were approved before federal officials provided vaccinations to dialysis clinics, despite advocacy groups urging that this high-risk population be prioritized.

    Although dialysis centers were swift to implement safety protocols in the pandemic’s early days, some facilities didn’t follow their own infection control policies, including washing hands properly, keeping workers home when sick or disinfecting equipment, federal inspection records show.

    And home dialysis, which has been shown to be safer for patients during the pandemic, is out of reach for many, especially Black and Latino patients. Nephrologists had pushed for greater access to home dialysis before the pandemic; that need is more apparent now than ever, Tuot said.

    “The fact that individuals had to go to a center with other individuals who are equally immunocompromised and had to get to that center, whether that was by public transportation or by van transportation, it’s clearly additional risks,” Tuot said. “Bottom line, they are very vulnerable. They’re very sick.”

    The ambulance took Cosey to Chicago’s Rush University Medical Center. Lovelady filled in the staff on her mother’s medical history of end-stage renal disease, high blood pressure and asthma. The next day, Cosey called her daughter from her hospital bed. Lovelady noticed marked improvement from the night before.

    “She sounded like herself,” Lovelady said. “We joked around a little bit. I asked her what kind of medicine she was on. She said they started her on dialysis.”

    One by one, Lovelady added her sister, cousin and brother to the call. They told Cosey she had scared them, but now that she was doing better, they teased that they needed her to come home to bake her famous cheesecake. Her grandchildren hadn’t stopped asking about her either. They missed movie nights at Cosey’s house, when she made them popcorn and covered the floor with blankets.

    Cosey’s boisterous laugh reassured them.

    When Lovelady sensed her mother tiring, she told her she’d call her back the next day.

    “Go ahead and get some rest,” she said.

    Dialysis Patient Deaths Spiked in Early 2020 (Source: The United States Renal Data System)

    While the arrival of the pandemic rocked the health care system as a whole, the effect on dialysis facilities has received little attention.

    The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services typically monitor the facilities through routine inspections and surprise visits to investigate specific complaints. But federal officials are two years overdue on more than 5,000 inspections at dialysis facilities across the country, Medicare data shows, and three years behind on more than 3,000 of them. Since the start of 2020, the number of inspections to dialysis facilities by government officials fell by more than 30% from the previous two years, ProPublica found. Complaints made up a larger portion of investigations. In 2019, 35% of total visits were in response to complaints. Last year, it jumped to 51%.

    A spokesperson for the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services said in a statement that the pandemic forced the agency to temporarily suspend or delay inspections for non-urgent complaints and routine inspections to focus on infection control and critical concerns that placed patients in immediate jeopardy. The agency is working with states, which act on behalf of federal officials, to address the resulting backlog, the spokesperson said, but “nearly all state agencies report insufficient resources to complete the required, ongoing federal workload.”

    The spokesperson said “the COVID-19 pandemic has presented a unique challenge unlike any other in history and has impacted our routine oversight work,” adding that “complaint investigations remain our first priority to ensure we address the immediate needs of patients receiving care in dialysis facilities.”

    Insufficient funding has compounded those challenges. The budget for inspections has “been flatlined” since fiscal year 2015, while the number of dialysis facilities has increased by 21% to nearly 8,000 today, according to the agency. After several years of requesting more money, the centers were approved to receive an increase for fiscal year 2022.

    When investigators did inspect dialysis facilities, they found some violations specific to COVID-19 and others that involved general safety lapses, according to federal records from March 2020 to July 2021.

    A dialysis patient who started treatment just before the pandemic died after a nurse at a Kentucky facility failed to properly dilute an antibiotic, according to inspection reports. Minutes after the medicine began dripping through an IV, the patient said: “My body is on fire! It’s going through my whole body,” records show.

    At a New York facility, another patient died after losing more than 1 1/2 pints of blood when their catheter became disconnected, according to federal records. That same facility underreported its number of deaths in the first 11 months of the pandemic by 16 people.

    Federal officials issued their most serious citation to an Indiana facility for refusing to provide dialysis to a patient suspected of having COVID-19. The patient’s previous dialysis had also been cut short because their assisted living facility did not provide them transportation after 9:15 p.m. So they did not receive a complete treatment.

    An estimated 5% to 10% of end-stage renal patients live in congregate settings, such as nursing homes or assisted living facilities. The same factors that led to nursing home populations being decimated — age, health, difficulty isolating — applied to those dialysis patients. In the first months of the pandemic, they contracted the virus at a rate more than 17 times higher than those who lived independently, according to one study.

    Workers at those facilities weren’t immune either. Oluwayemisi Ogunnubi, 59, worked as a nurse administering dialysis to patients inside a nursing home on Chicago’s South Side. A Nigerian immigrant, she had sent money home to pay for her children’s schooling until she was able to bring them to the U.S. Her smile and supportive nature made her popular among her coworkers, according to an official at Concerto Renal Services, the dialysis company where she worked.

    On April 21, 2020, Ogunnubi’s body began to ache, and she was sent home early from work. She was later taken to a hospital, where she tested positive for COVID-19. She died three days later, federal and county records show.

    Occupational Safety and Health Administration officials cited Concerto, and levied a penalty of $12,145. The company provided employees who performed dialysis on patients with N95 respirators, but investigators found that Concerto’s written procedures weren’t complete and that the company had failed to provide medical evaluations that ensured employees knew how to use the respirators.

    Two other Concerto employees, including one who fell ill the same day as Ogunnubi, contracted COVID-19 at the time but survived. Within two weeks of Ogunnubi’s death, 10 residents at the nursing home died of complications related to COVID-19, according to Cook County Medical Examiner records. Half had kidney failure.

    Kyle Stone, Concerto’s executive vice president and general counsel, said the first and only COVID-related death of an employee shook the company. Stone said Concerto “made a difficult choice” to use respirator masks without providing medical evaluations to employees, but it “was clearly the correct choice under the circumstances.”

    If Concerto had been required to fulfill every aspect of OSHA requirements for a written policy that early in the pandemic, he said, the company would not have been able to provide the respirator masks, “almost certainly resulting in greater risk of harm and death.”

    OSHA’s failure to “see and appreciate” the trying circumstances at the time, Stone said, “was “baffling and disappointing.” Concerto eventually settled with OSHA, which downgraded the violation and reduced the penalty to $9,000.

    “We are quite proud of our work in 2020 during the eye of the COVID storm,” Stone said.

    As devastating as the pandemic has been, many experts say it could have been worse. Dr. Alan Kliger, a clinical professor of medicine at Yale School of Medicine, co-chaired the American Society of Nephrology COVID-19 Response Team that held weekly calls with chief medical officers from 30 or so dialysis companies, including the largest two, DaVita and Fresenius. The facilities, Kliger said, implemented universal masking and patient screenings before the CDC recommended them. They also treated COVID-19 patients in separate shifts or at specifically designated isolation clinics.

    “There’s been a tremendous amount of collaboration and sharing of information and uptake of best practices in this group of competitive companies,” Kliger said. “They really rallied together to protect patients.”

    Epidemiologist Eric Weinhandl said that there’s another battle on the horizon with the omicron variant spreading rapidly, which he finds especially worrisome given how federal officials failed by not distributing vaccines to dialysis facilities in December 2020.

    “It’s heartbreaking because you look at this, and much like nursing home residents, these patients are completely vulnerable. But they still have to go to a dialysis facility three times a week,” Weinhandl said. “Why wouldn’t you prioritize this population?”

    The CDC said in a statement that “demand exceeded supply” when vaccines were first authorized and “as supply increased and states adopted CDC’s recommendations, older adults and those with underlying health conditions began being prioritized.”

    It wasn’t until March 25 that the Biden administration announced it was partnering with dialysis facilities to send vaccines to patients at the centers.

    Now, Weinhandl wonders if dialysis patients will be a priority if the federal government approves a second round of boosters for high-risk patients.

    “Is there a plan? Because I think that there should be,” he said. “I think this is getting pretty predictable. Every time COVID surges, you see the dialysis population’s excess mortality surge with it.”

    Sometimes the frailty of dialysis patients is no match for COVID-19’s brutality.

    Oscar and Donna Perez were the kind of siblings who loved each other without judgment or condition. After Oscar began dialysis in 2018, Donna picked him up from his appointments three nights a week. She cut his toenails when his feet were too swollen for him to reach and massaged them when the pain woke him up at night.

    He was her son’s godfather, her best friend who shared his love of music with her — especially the 1960s R&B singer Billy Stewart — and annoyed her in the way only brothers can, swatting her feet off chairs just as she got comfortable and pestering her with questions when she was deep into Instagram.

    Oscar Perez and his daughter Jasmin (Courtesy of Donna Perez)

    But Oscar Perez was sick. In addition to his failing kidneys, the 38-year-old Latino father struggled with hypertension, diabetes and congestive heart failure. In early January, doctors performed coronary bypass surgery. He was not yet eligible for the vaccine, but the hospital tested him for COVID-19 when he was admitted. He was negative.

    He went home on Jan. 18, the same day as the wake for his uncle, who, his family said, died after he missed too many dialysis appointments. But the next day, Oscar collapsed at home, confused and mumbling in pain, with signs that the coronavirus was flourishing in his lungs. He was rushed back to the hospital. A doctor called to tell Donna Perez that her brother had tested positive and needed to be intubated.

    On Jan. 31, doctors called Donna again and told her that her brother’s condition was declining fast. She picked up her parents, another brother and his girlfriend, and headed to the hospital to visit Oscar from outside the glass door of his room. They told doctors to try to resuscitate him if his heart stopped.

    That night, after they returned home, Donna Perez’s phone rang one more time. Oscar’s doctor said he probably wasn’t going to make it through the night. This time, they could visit him in his hospital room in PPE.

    Seeing her brother up close, swollen and helpless, she leaned in, hugged him, and said, “I can tell you’re tired. You can go.” Donna promised to take care of his daughter.

    Her family pushed back and said she had to tell him to be strong.

    Donna told them they needed to let Oscar go. He died a few hours later.

    “This disaster is one that befalls dialysis patients, with diabetes especially, regularly,” Dr. David Goldfarb, clinical director of the nephrology division at NYU Langone Health in New York City, who reviewed Oscar Perez’s medical records for ProPublica.

    “Of course, it’s possible to do better,” he continued. “Given his age, it’s really tragic.”

    The advent of technology to filter a patient’s blood revolutionized kidney care in the 1950s, and people lined up to get access to the limited number of machines. In 1960, one hospital created its own admissions panel, later nicknamed the “God committee,” to review cases to decide who would receive the groundbreaking treatment.

    Twelve years later, Congress approved legislation that created the Medicare End Stage Renal Disease program, which guaranteed coverage of medical care, including dialysis and kidney transplants. It remains the only disease-specific Medicare entitlement program, credited by some as possibly saving more lives than any other federal government program. Generally, Medicare only covers those over age 65 and the disabled, but this program is available to people of all ages with end-stage renal disease.

    Total Medicare-related spending in 2019 on end-stage renal disease patients topped $50 billion. Even with that budget, the agency hasn’t been able to fix persistent health disparities. That year, Black patients were more than four times more likely than their white counterparts to have the disease.

    Black patients also progressed from chronic kidney disease to end-stage renal disease three times as often as white patients. Yet they are less likely to start off their dialysis treatments on a waiting list for a transplant — or eventually receive one from a living donor — than white patients.

    In a statement, Medicare said it is working to address the disparities and said it is “committed to ensuring the health and safety” of all its dialysis patients.

    Another area of concern is home dialysis, which research has shown is cheaper than in-center dialysis and offers similar or better survival rates, enhanced quality of life and greater flexibility. Barriers to home dialysis affect all patients, but the percentages of Black and Hispanic patients receiving home dialysis in 2019 were 10% and 11% respectively, compared with white and Asian patients at 17% each.

    The push for closing that gap has gained traction, bolstered by federal data that found COVID-19 hospitalizations rates of patients who underwent home dialysis from late March to June 2020 were between one-quarter and one-third those of patients traveling to dialysis facilities.

    “We do have to figure out a way to do better because we’re really, in essence, causing harm, when we’re not able to divert proper resources to patients who most require them,” said Dr. Kirk Campbell, a nephrology professor and vice chair of medicine for diversity, equity and inclusion at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai in New York City.

    Some patients don’t have the space to store the supplies needed for home dialysis. Others are overwhelmed by the prospect of having to keep the area around the catheter clean to prevent infection. But, Campbell said, that’s where patient education comes in. The most common type of home dialysis, called peritoneal dialysis, often is done at night while the patient is sleeping and does not involve blood flowing outside the body.

    While home dialysis isn’t possible for all patients, some doctors are hesitant to recommend it at all, in part because the clinicians lack the training, experience or a certain comfort level with it. That’s especially true, Campbell said, for patients of color and those from disadvantaged backgrounds. There’s often an unconscious bias that those patients won’t be able to handle it, he said.

    Campbell and others said it’s critical that clinicians receive additional training in home dialysis. He leads one of the few nephrology fellowship programs in the country where doctors can spend an extra year specializing in home dialysis. The results have been so promising, he said, that they hope to expand.

    In July 2019, the Trump administration issued an executive order aimed at revamping kidney care in the United States through the Department of Health and Human Services’ Advancing American Kidney Health initiative. The goals of the initiative were lofty — some say unrealistic — and included having 80% of new end-stage renal disease patients in the U.S. receive in-home dialysis or transplants by 2025. In 1972, the year the Medicare program passed, 40% of patients were on home dialysis. Currently, about 13% of patients are receiving dialysis at home.

    Starting January, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services will offer facilities greater reimbursement for improving their home dialysis rates for low-income patients.

    Some observers say the change doesn’t go far enough. In September, U.S. Rep. Bobby Rush, an Illinois Democrat, and Rep. Jason Smith, a Republican from Missouri, proposed legislation that would require Medicare to pay for workers to assist patients who need additional help with home dialysis. The measure, which was introduced without much fanfare, also calls for greater patient education around the treatment and a federal study analyzing racial disparities.

    Hong Kong, where about three in four patients are on peritoneal dialysis, is a global leader in home treatment. Patients there receive peritoneal dialysis first unless there is a medical reason that would preclude it.

    Dr. Isaac Teitelbaum, a nephrologist who has been the medical director of the home dialysis unit at the University of Colorado School of Medicine since 1986, said expanded training for clinicians and incentives for patients, including a reduced co-pay or a tax credit, could encourage more patients to dialyze at home.

    “You don’t live just so you can do dialysis. You do dialysis so that you can enjoy life,” he said. “You do dialysis so that you can watch your children and grandchildren grow up and so that you can participate in family events and go on vacations.”

    Cheryl Cosey was not offered home dialysis, her family said. Shardae Lovelady said it might have made all the difference for her mother.

    Cosey’s health deteriorated quickly after the call from her hospital bed. Doctors transferred Cosey to the intensive care unit, put her on a ventilator and gave her medication to push the oxygen from her lungs into her bloodstream, according to hospital records.

    The family braced themselves. Lovelady drove to Minnesota to pick up her sister. She gathered everyone for a big dinner the way her mother used to do.

    Lovelady and her sister stayed up late talking, finally dozing off when the house quieted.

    When the phone rang at three in the morning, Lovelady recognized the hospital’s 312 area code.

    Everything she had done to prepare for that moment suddenly vanished, and she allowed herself to hope.

    The call was short. She never even flipped on the bedroom light. She turned to her sister, who was asleep next to her, and nudged her awake.

    “Mama gone.”

    We Want to Talk to People Working, Living and Grieving on the Front Lines of the Coronavirus. Help Us Report.

    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.

  • As the first wave of Covid-19 hit the United States, Jen, a 53-year-old nurse struggling to pay her bills, received an intriguing message. “THE TIME HAS COME TO DEPLOY AT INCREDIBLY HIGH RATES,” read the mass text from Krucial Staffing, sent to nurses nationwide in March 2020 and forwarded to Jen by a colleague. Jen (a pseudonym used to protect her from retaliation from employers) could barely believe the wages promised by the Kansas-based healthcare staffing firm. As part of its massive recruitment drive during the first wave of Covid-19, Krucial was paying $10,000 a week to nurses willing to travel — or “deploy,” in the company’s lingo — to the frontlines in New York City.

    The post The Big Business Behind Travel Nursing appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Retail pharmacy workers conducted a nationwide walkout on Monday in the US, organized on social media, to protest worsening work conditions at large retail chains such as CVS, Walgreens and Walmart. As the hyper-infectious Omicron variant continues to spread throughout the country, this much overlooked section of the health care industry is making its own demands for better working conditions, including patient safety, and an overdue increase in wages.

    The post Pharmacy Workers Describe Conditions That Sparked US Walkouts appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • A small child looks at a tablet screen while in a hospital

    In April 2008, Jonathan Agin’s 27-month-old daughter, Alexis, was diagnosed with DIPG, a rare brain tumor. Agin, then a civil defense lawyer in Washington, D.C., was dislodged from his comfortable life and dragged into the surreal world of a young cancer victim’s parent: the sleepless nights in the din of a hospital, the grueling clinical trials.

    “I always had hope,” Agin said in a recent interview, though he knew most DIPG patients survive no more than two years after diagnosis.

    Alexis lived for 33 months after her tumor was found. Toward the end of her life, she was unable to walk or speak. She died at 3:03 p.m. on Jan. 14, 2011.

    “My knowledge back then of children with cancer was watching St. Jude and Ronald McDonald House commercials,” Agin said. The image of a “smiling, bald-headed kid living happily ever after” was cruelly misleading, he learned, when it came to intractable cancers like DIPG, short for Diffuse Intrinsic Pontine Glioma.

    While children with a diagnosis like Alexis’ face almost insurmountable odds, death rates for many childhood cancers have gone down, thanks to advances in treatment. But incidence rates — the number of cancer cases per 100,000 children — increased 43 percent from 1975 to 2018. While there’s no clear explanation, some experts suspect environmental contamination has played a major role.

    “These increases are too rapid to be due to genetic change,” pediatrician Philip Landrigan wrote in a report last year for the Childhood Cancer Prevention Initiative, a collaborative that includes the Children’s Environmental Health Network, the American Sustainable Business Council and other organizations.

    “They cannot be explained by increased access to medical care or by improvements in diagnosis,” wrote Landrigan, director of the Program for Global Public Health and the Common Good at Boston College. His theory is that exposure in the womb or early childhood to chemicals is driving the trend. “Recognition is growing that hazardous exposures in the environment are powerful causes of cancer in children,” he wrote.

    When it comes to drug development, children with cancer — defined as people under the age of 20 — have long been at the back of the line. There simply aren’t enough of them to inspire massive investment. In 2018, the most recent year for which complete data is available, 15,178 children in the United States were diagnosed with cancer and 1,841 died, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. By comparison, 1.7 million adults were stricken and 599,265 died.

    Now comes the realization that some or many of the 86,000 chemicals used at one time or another in the U.S. may be having an outsize effect on the very young. Few of those chemicals have been tested for safety.

    “The American public loves treatments, loves magic fixes,” Landrigan said in an interview. “The rising incidence is not a good-news story. There are no heroes.”

    In April 2010, the President’s Cancer Panel, an advisory group created by Richard Nixon in 1971, issued a groundbreaking report highlighting what it called the “growing body of evidence linking environmental exposures to cancer.”

    The panel concluded that “the true burden of environmentally induced cancer has been grossly underestimated. With nearly 80,000 chemicals on the market in the United States, many of which are used by millions of Americans in their daily lives and are un- or understudied and largely unregulated, exposure to potential environmental carcinogens is widespread …. The American people — even before they are born — are bombarded continually with myriad combinations of these dangerous exposures.”

    A co-author of the report was Dr. Margaret Kripke, who founded and chaired the Department of Immunology at The University of Texas M.D. Anderson Cancer Center in Houston. The panel had already looked at lifestyle factors, such as nutrition and smoking, and turned its attention to the environment because of public interest in the topic, Kripke, now retired, said in an interview.

    “I was not that enthusiastic about this in the beginning,” she said. “It was controversial, unclear what we’d advise the public to do.”

    Kripke’s opinion changed as she worked on the report in 2008 and 2009. “It was truly the most eye-opening experience for me,” she said. “I learned how little attention had been paid to this issue for a very long time.”

    That inattention comes in part because “childhood cancers still make up only 1 percent of the cancer diagnoses in the U.S.,” said Dr. Philip Lupo, an associate professor at Baylor College of Medicine in Houston and a genetic epidemiologist at Texas Children’s Cancer and Hematology Center. “That creates a challenge for epidemiologists, who often need large sample sizes.”

    Lupo and a colleague at Baylor, Dr. Michael Scheurer, have begun collecting biological specimens, such as saliva samples and primary teeth, from newly diagnosed patients and administering questionnaires to their parents in hopes of identifying novel risk factors for cancer development.

    “As we see this explosion in environmental chemicals in human populations, it’s entirely likely they’re playing an important role in the increased incidence of childhood cancer,” Lupo said. Some, such as benzene, a solvent and an ingredient in gasoline, have been shown by occupational and/or animal studies to cause DNA damage, a precursor to the disease.

    It’s unlikely genetics are behind the rising numbers, Lupo said, “because genetics don’t work that quickly.”

    Congress created a body to investigate possible connections between chemical exposures and illness as part of the Superfund legislation in 1980. But the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry, part of the CDC, has never achieved widespread credibility.

    In 1992, the Environmental Health Network and the National Toxics Campaign Fund released a report accusing the agency of conducting poorly designed studies “used by polluters and government officials to mislead local citizens into believing that further measures to prevent toxic exposures are unnecessary.”

    That criticism is still valid, said Stephen Lester, science director at the Center for Health, Environment and Justice, a research and advocacy organization in suburban Washington, D.C. The disease registry, known as the ATSDR, relies on existing data — generated, for example, by a state environmental agency — that is often incomplete and of little value for assessing health risks.

    “The conclusions are always limited by the data,” Lester said. “Even if the agency could determine that a health cluster exists — and I’ve seen them do that maybe two times out of hundreds of cases — they cannot determine what’s causing the cluster.”

    In an emailed statement to Public Health Watch and the Investigative Reporting Workshop, the CDC said, “While we know that chemical exposures can contribute to a variety of health issues and we continue to learn more about these pathways, determining a causal relationship from community-based chemical exposures to specific cases of cancer is rare.”

    The ATSDR is being stretched thin, having seen its “purchasing power eroded by relatively flat funding levels despite increasing demand for support in responding to environmental exposures,” the statement said.

    The agency received $4.5 million from Congress in recent years to update its guidelines for investigating cancer clusters. The money came from the Strengthening Protections for Children and Communities from Disease Clusters Act — better known as Trevor’s Law, after Trevor Schaefer, who was diagnosed with medulloblastoma, a form of brain cancer, when he was 13 and living in McCall, Idaho, a small town north of Boise.

    Schaefer and his mother, Charlie Smith, believe his illness was triggered by waste from an abandoned mine that wound up in the lake that supplied McCall’s drinking water. Five children in the town of 1,700 developed brain cancer within nine months of Schaefer’s diagnosis in 2002, but state health authorities said they found no evidence of a cluster.

    Smith won the ear of then-Senator Barbara Boxer, D-California, who introduced Trevor’s Law in 2011. The bill languished and was finally signed into law by President Barack Obama in 2016. Schaefer said he’s grown increasingly impatient with the ATSDR’s failure to finish updating the guidelines in the five years since.

    “While the federal government drags its feet and fritters away essential funding, our children are dying,” he wrote in an email to Public Health Watch.

    The CDC said it has been using the funds to review the scientific literature, convene an expert scientific panel to discuss best practices and meet with community members and organizations to hear their concerns.

    “Concurrent with efforts to update the guidelines are projects aimed at making county-level cancer rate data more readily available and a pilot effort to determine the utility of electronic health records to provide more timely cancer surveillance data,” the agency said.

    In an interview, Schaefer, who runs the Trevor’s Trek Foundation, said, “We’re frustrated. When we talk to parents around the country, they’re getting frustrated. It doesn’t seem like it should take this long.”

    Chemicals Uncontrolled

    In 1942, the Industrial Hygiene Foundation of America presciently advised, “Every new chemical or product should be investigated as to its toxicity before it is prepared in large amounts and released to the public.” Twenty years later, in her book Silent Spring, biologist Rachel Carson warned about the overuse of DDT and other pesticides. “If we are going to live so intimately with these chemicals, eating and drinking them, taking them into the very marrow of our bones — we had better know something about their nature and their power,” she wrote.

    President John F. Kennedy read excerpts of the book in The New Yorker and was so shaken he established a special panel to investigate Carson’s dire predictions. The panel’s report in May 1963 validated Carson’s findings and bolstered her credibility, which had come under fierce attack by the chemical industry.

    “Silent Spring” generated momentum for the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency in 1970 and the phaseout of DDT. But the chemicals kept coming. By 1976, the year Congress passed the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) in an attempt to require safety testing, more than 60,000 of them were on the market. They were grandfathered in — assumed to be safe unless the EPA could demonstrate otherwise.

    This proved to be too great a burden. The EPA has restricted only a handful of chemicals that were in commerce before 1976, including certain forms of asbestos, hexavalent chromium, dioxin-contaminated wastes and the paint-stripper methylene chloride.

    Congress amended the control act in 2016 in part to shift the burden of proof from the EPA to chemical manufacturers to demonstrate new chemicals are unlikely to present “unreasonable” risks to human health or the environment before being allowed onto the market. During the Trump administration, however, new-chemical reviews by the agency were undermined by unrealistic assumptions that made substances appear safer than they probably were.

    “Reviews of existing chemicals were also undermined by tenuous assumptions and illegal exclusions of certain sources of exposure, including environmental releases — of particular relevance to fenceline communities,” said Dr. Jennifer McPartland, a senior scientist with the Environmental Defense Fund.

    The Biden EPA has worked to repair the damage but is still way behind. As of August, the agency’s TSCA inventory had climbed to 86,607 chemicals, 41,953 of which were considered “active” — manufactured or processed in recent years.

    “EPA has to assess the risk of each and every one of those (active) chemicals, but it’s doing so at about 20-something a year,” McPartland said. Each risk evaluation is supposed to take 3 to 3½ years.

    The math — nearly 42,000 chemicals and only 20 reviews a year — doesn’t bode well for public health.

    “It’s the reality of a lack of regulation for decades,” McPartland said.

    On top of all this, the EPA must assess new chemicals before they go on the market. The agency says it has finished 3,394 of these assessments since TSCA was amended, though not every assessment results in a requirement to test. McPartland said this program is also flawed. It’s needlessly opaque, she said, and its managers accede too often to companies’ demands for quick decisions.

    In a June press release, the EPA said it had taken steps to bolster risk evaluations under way on 10 high-priority existing chemicals, including methylene chloride and 1,4-dioxane, a solvent found in paints, cosmetics, detergents and other products that has contaminated drinking water in some parts of the country. The agency said it would take into consideration “exposure pathways,” such as air and water, that had been disregarded by the Trump administration. The aim is to “restore public trust, provide regulatory certainty, and, most importantly, ensure that all populations that may be exposed to these chemicals are protected,” the EPA’s assistant administrator for the Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, Michal Freedhoff, was quoted as saying.

    In a written statement responding to questions from Public Health Watch and the Investigative Reporting Workshop, the EPA said it found “risks across many uses of these chemicals and will be proposing rules to protect against these risks beginning in 2022.” The agency said it has begun working on the next 20 evaluations.

    The health impacts of cancer-causing chemicals land heaviest on low-income communities and communities of color, said Nsedu Obot Witherspoon, executive director of the Children’s Environmental Health Network. In such places “people who are doing all the right things — you know, taking care of their children the best they can and sending them to school and working hard” — face carcinogenic exposures from industrial facilities, heavily traveled highways and other polluting sources.

    Witherspoon was born in 1975, the year childhood cancer incidence began rising. “That shows you right there it’s not genetics only,” she said. “There’s something else happening that is making young, young children predisposed. Childhood leukemia and certain brain cancers and tumors and whatnot are very much, sadly, related to certain levels of exposure. When you look at young children, they’re not smoking, they’re not drinking.”

    Some in the private sector aren’t waiting for government intervention. In 2013, two students at the Helen R. Walton Children’s Enrichment Center in Bentonville, Arkansas, were diagnosed with cancer. The illnesses were determined to be non-hereditary, and suspicion fell on chemicals the children might have ingested, inhaled or absorbed in their daily lives.

    “It made us think twice about what we could be doing better,” said the center’s executive director, Michelle Barnes. “I was just horrified to hear about what is in our furnishings and carpets and things like sealants and non-stick cookware.”

    The campus, which opened in 1982, was already marked for replacement. After the students’ cancer diagnoses, Barnes, other members of the center’s leadership team and its board of directors were determined to do things differently. New York-based LTL Architects was deemed to have the right sensibility and was hired in 2016. The new, $18 million campus opened in May 2019 with a 50,000-square-foot building that houses 244 students ages 5 and younger.

    “We eliminated or significantly reduced exposures to six major classes of chemicals,” Barnes said, including a group of “forever chemicals” known as PFAS. Food is no longer stored in plastic bowls covered with plastic wrap, which can leach hormone-disrupting phthalates and bisphenol-A. Instead, it’s kept in stainless-steel bowls with lids made of medical-grade silicone. Teethers are natural rubber, not plastic.

    Twelve million children 5 or younger are in some form of child care in the United States. Barnes said she’s heard from parents, school administrators and developers interested in replicating what the Children’s Enrichment Center created.

    “We want to use this as a model for the early-childhood industry as a whole,” she said.

    Children “Fall Through the Cracks”

    For the foreseeable future, thousands of children will continue to be diagnosed with cancer each year and require treatment. But unless the drug-development process undergoes a significant transformation, they will remain a lower priority than adults.

    Promising therapeutics for children have a difficult time moving from concept to commercial viability, said Vickie Buenger, president emeritus of the Coalition Against Childhood Cancer and mother of Erin Buenger, who died of neuroblastoma at age 11 in 2009.

    “The children fall through the cracks because it’s tough to develop drugs for very small markets,” said Buenger, a business professor at Texas A&M University. The Food and Drug Administration has approved hundreds of cancer drugs, she said, but only six were developed with children in mind.

    This disparity forces children to endure a “blast furnace of toxicity” during treatment with drugs designed for adults, she said. “They have to live with the side effects of such harsh treatment for decades.”

    Uplifting survival stories create a sense of complacency, said Agin, who left his law practice after Alexis died to lead the nonprofit Max Cure Foundation and later start his own organization, Prep4 Gold. “When the messaging is, ‘Look how great we’re doing,’ that drives the lack of haste in developing new therapies,” he said.

    And survival doesn’t guarantee a normal life. Many childhood cancer victims develop new strains of the disease or suffer other health problems, some related to the treatments themselves. Trevor Schaefer said he suffers from tinnitus in his right ear, double vision, hearing loss, post-traumatic stress disorder and depression almost two decades after his brain-cancer diagnosis.

    A National Cancer Institute spokesman did not respond to written questions intended for one of its pediatric cancer experts. Instead, he referenced a September blog post by institute director Dr. Norman Sharpless, who touted the progress that has been made. Treatments have become more precise, leading to better outcomes, Sharpless wrote. Today, for example, roughly 90% of children diagnosed with acute lymphoblastic leukemia are cured; a half-century ago the disease was almost always fatal.

    Responding to lobbying by the Coalition Against Childhood Cancer and other groups and individuals, Congress has tried to improve the odds for children with hard-to-treat tumors, passing the Pediatric Research Equity Act in 2003, the Creating Hope Act in 2011 and the Research to Accelerate Cures and Equity for Children Act in 2017. The bills incentivized, to varying degrees, drug development for pediatric cancers, though one big loophole had to be closed.

    The legislation has shown “the beginnings of value,” Buenger said. All six of the child-focused oncology drugs approved by the FDA came into use after the bills were passed.

    Gregory Reaman, a pediatric oncologist and associate director for oncology sciences at the FDA’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research, cautioned that there are still “major challenges to cancer drug development in children because many of the cancers that are most difficult to treat and that remain as major problems from the standpoint of not having effective therapies are driven by molecular abnormalities that are very, very different from the molecular abnormalities that cause adult cancers.

    “I think kids are at the back of the line because the laws have not allowed them to be at the front of the line, where they belong,” Reaman said. “So, that is now changing, and we’ll have to see if the change in the laws actually does live up to the promises.”

    Peter Adamson, who leads cancer drug development at Sanofi, a global pharmaceutical company, said researchers’ understanding of childhood cancer has advanced, especially over the past decade, “and that understanding is now helping to drive research.”

    Still, he said, cancer remains “the leading cause of death from disease” in children.

    “I think the community continues to look for the right balance of requirements and incentives to help catalyze drug development,” Adamson said.

    Buenger acknowledged the work of “good actors” in the private sector. In November, for example, a firm called Oncoheroes Biosciences Inc. announced it had agreed to license a drug called volasertib, which shows promise in treating acute myeloid leukemia and rhabdomyosarcoma, a type of soft-tissue cancer, to Notable Labs Inc. The former will have the right to commercialize the drug for use on children, the latter for use on adults.

    But Buenger isn’t ready to declare victory.

    “It’s a process, and we don’t want it to be just performative,” she said. “We’re not going to be satisfied by people saying, ‘We’re trying.’”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • ]

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    When COVID-19 started sweeping across America in the spring of 2020, Irene Bosch knew she was in a unique position to help.

    The Harvard-trained scientist had just developed quick, inexpensive tests for several tropical diseases, and her method could be adapted for the novel coronavirus. So Bosch and the company she had co-founded two years earlier seemed well-suited to address an enormous testing shortage.

    Never miss the most important reporting from ProPublica’s newsroom. Subscribe to the Big Story newsletter.

    E25Bio — named after the massive red brick building at MIT that houses the lab where Bosch worked — already had support from the National Institutes of Health, along with a consortium of investors led by MIT.

    Within a few weeks, Bosch and her colleagues had a test that would detect coronavirus in 15 minutes and produce a red line on a little chemical strip. The factory where they were planning to make tests for dengue fever could quickly retool to produce at least 100,000 COVID-19 tests per week, she said, priced at less than $10 apiece, or cheaper at a higher scale.

    Bosch’s prototype attracted a top Silicon Valley venture capital firm, which pitched in $2 million.

    “We are excited about what E25Bio is capable of shipping in a short amount of time: a test that is significantly cheaper, more affordable, and available at-home,” said firm founder Vinod Khosla. (Disclosure: Khosla’s daughter Anu Khosla is on ProPublica’s board.)

    On March 21 — when the U.S. had recorded only a few hundred COVID-19 deaths Bosch submitted the test for emergency authorization, a process the Food and Drug Administration uses to expedite tests and treatments.

    A green light from the FDA could have made a big difference for the many Americans who were then frantically trying to find doctors to swab their noses, with results, if they were lucky, coming back only days later.

    But the go-ahead never came.

    In the months that followed, Bosch responded to repeated requests from FDA reviewers for data and studies. When the agency finally put out guidance that summer about the performance over-the-counter home tests needed to meet, officials required that such tests be nearly as sensitive as the lab tests used to definitively determine whether a patient has COVID-19.

    That standard proved difficult to meet. Rapid tests are usually sensitive enough to detect viral antigens when someone has enough of them to be able to spread the disease. Such tests are not as good at picking up cases in either earlier or later stages of infection, when viral loads are lower.

    Bosch’s tests missed the FDA’s high bar. It wasn’t until the spring of 2021 that much larger companies were able to design similar tests — relatively inexpensive, over-the-counter rapid tests — that the agency found acceptable.

    “You could have antigen tests saving lives since the beginning of the pandemic,” said Bosch, sitting in her lab at MIT. “That’s the sad story.”

    As ProPublica recently detailed, many companies with at-home tests have been stymied by an FDA review process that has flummoxed experts and even caused one agency reviewer to quit in frustration.

    While E25Bio’s test didn’t catch quite as many cases as those now on the market, it could have been used to catch superspreaders, with warnings that a negative result wouldn’t rule out infection. Experts told us that the test could have been a vital public health tool had it been produced in the millions in 2020 just as COVID-19 was racing across the country undetected.

    “Since we didn’t have other options, it would have been a very good test,” said Michael Mina, an epidemiologist who followed E25Bio’s early progress. “If we were going to war, and somebody was invading us, and we had a bunch of revolver pistols, and we didn’t yet have the shipment of machine guns, hell yeah, you’re going to pick up the revolver pistol. You do what you can when you need to in an emergency.”

    Three other experts reviewed Bosch’s submissions at ProPublica’s request and agreed that her test approached what is now considered acceptable for over-the-counter tests.

    Mina and others have been calling for an embrace of rapid testing since the pandemic’s early days, saying that tests should be ubiquitous and cheap enough that people could stock them in their medicine cabinet, like aspirin or Band-Aids. Although not a panacea, rapid tests can slow the spread of COVID-19 when used repeatedly and when the infected follow instructions to isolate, many studies suggest.

    After not showing urgency on the issue for much of the past year, the Biden administration has moved recently to boost production and lower prices. Facing a huge new wave of cases and an increasing outcry about shortages of tests, Biden announced Tuesday that 500 million more at-home tests would be distributed by mail, starting in January.

    David Paltiel, a professor at the Yale School of Public Health, said a significant part of the problem is that the FDA created a detailed roadmap for tests that give patients a close-to-definitive answer on whether they have COVID-19, but never created a separate framework for rapid tests that serve a different purpose: helping people get frequent, fast evidence of whether they may be contagious.

    “The former are tests of infection; the latter are tests of infectiousness,” Paltiel said. “They both share the same regulatory pathway — a pathway that was designed with diagnostic testing in mind and is littered with requirements that make no sense for the purpose they serve.”

    He added, “It’s an outrage that rapid tests aren’t dirt cheap and plentiful on grocery store shelves.”

    The FDA declined to comment on individual test submissions, but said in a statement that it has worked to authorize “accurate and reliable” home tests since the beginning of the pandemic.

    “Unfortunately, many submissions the FDA has received for home tests include incomplete or poor data, and it is the FDA’s responsibility to protect the public health by declining to authorize poorly performing tests or those without complete data,” the agency said. “We have also worked interactively with many developers to resolve concerns when data was incomplete or unclear, or to find solutions to issues that arose during review. If the FDA received a home test that the data and science supported in early-to-mid 2020, we would have quickly authorized it.”

    Bosch has since moved on to start a new venture focused on helping other test developers conduct trials that meet the FDA’s standards. This winter, she’s working with the housing authority in the high-poverty Boston suburb of Chelsea to conduct a trial using several tests that have been authorized in other countries, but not America. The goal: to demonstrate that such tests can be effective when deployed for free, in conjunction with education and outreach.

    “The next thing is frequent testing for communities that need it,” Bosch said. “How do we flood the market with a $2 test that is as good as a $20? We’re doing it in Chelsea. We should be an example for the whole country.”

    American medical device regulators have never been enthusiastic about letting people test themselves.

    In the 1980s, the FDA banned home tests for HIV on the grounds that people who tested positive might do harm to themselves if they did not receive simultaneous counseling. In the 2010s, the agency cracked down on home genetic testing kits, concerned that people might make rash medical decisions as a result.

    But the FDA wasn’t an obstacle to Bosch’s work on tropical diseases, since the tests were mostly needed in places like the Brazilian Amazon, where infected mosquitoes are hard to escape. The National Institutes of Health thought Bosch’s tests had enough potential to give E25Bio $1.8 million for the project.

    So when the pandemic struck, the small company decided to use its expertise for the new threat. Within a few weeks, Bosch and her colleagues developed antibodies that could detect the presence of proteins attached to the new coronavirus.

    In her previous work, Bosch had found that tests of this type could be validated in the lab, so she ordered up some samples of the SARS-CoV-2 virus and ran two different types of antigen tests on them. She found that both worked fairly well, and packaged up all her evidence and sent it to the FDA, with little guidance on what would pass muster.

    Shortly after, an FDA reviewer told her she’d need to conduct a clinical trial, which would take months. “My first huge surprise was when they said, ‘Nope, none of your validations are going to pass for an EUA,’” Bosch said.

    The next challenge was that the accuracy of antigen tests would be measured by how they compared to a different type of diagnostic: the polymerase chain reaction, or PCR, test, which is considered the “gold standard” for finding coronaviruses. Many see that as an unproductive comparison, given the fact that PCR detects remnants of the virus, which may persist for many days after the infection ceases to be a threat.

    “When you’re PCR testing, you’re testing for the presence of the virus itself,” said Hannah Mamuszka, the CEO of Alva10, a company that helps diagnostics manufacturers prove their value for insurers. “When you’re antigen testing you’re testing for presence of a protein on the surface of the virus, indicative of an immune response. Those are obviously not the same thing. So it’s really confounding that the FDA has had such a hard time communicating what they need, and defining what a test would need to look like to be used at home.”

    Nevertheless, by April 2020, E25Bio had lined up a trial with three hospitals in Florida. They found the test identified 80% of the swabs that a PCR test had shown to be positive (known as sensitivity) and 94% of the negatives (known as specificity).

    The FDA wanted to see fewer false positives, even though people who test positive on an antigen test are usually advised to confirm it with a PCR. And while the overall sensitivity of E25Bio’s test was lower than other tests would later demonstrate, it measured 100% for people with higher viral loads — those most likely to be infectious.

    Bosch was in frequent contact with her assigned reviewer at the FDA, and even talked to Tim Stenzel, the head of the agency’s office that vets diagnostic tests. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation gave E25Bio another $500,000 to continue research and development.

    But at the end of July 2020, the FDA came out with a template that laid out the expectation that tests available for home use without a prescription would reach 90% overall sensitivity — that is, antigen tests would pick up nine out of ten positive tests that a PCR identified. Bosch knew her tests couldn’t meet that standard. And without an EUA for home use, they wouldn’t be able to serve their intended function.

    Already, plenty of models had illustrated the importance of frequent testing, including one co-authored last year by Yale’s Paltiel with Rochelle Walensky, now head of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. In September 2020, as chief of infectious diseases at Massachusetts General Hospital, Walensky argued that antigen tests were actually most useful for pinpointing people at their most infectious.

    In fact, the utility of that approach was being tested at Bosch’s own former workplace. Beginning in the late summer of 2020, a coworking lab space in Cambridge where E25Bio had launched started a trial with 257 of its users who agreed to take both the antigen rapid test at home and a PCR test twice a week. (This was also closer to a home use scenario than the Florida hospitals study, in which COVID-19 was more prevalent and tests were administered by medical professionals.)

    An E25Bio trial (Lindsey Crockett/LabCentral)

    A peer-reviewed paper based on the results showed overall sensitivity of 79%, and that the rapid test picked up nearly all of the positives later detected by a PCR in the first few days after symptoms appeared, allowing infected people to stay out of the office as soon as they knew.

    But the FDA does not consider test performance data broken out by how much virus the subjects have in their systems, saying the typical method for measuring it is inconsistent. Nor did the agency initially authorize tests on the condition that they be sold in packs of more than one, with instructions to use them sequentially to catch any fast-moving infections.

    Bosch wasn’t the only one to be tripped up by the new standard. In mid-September 2020, Stenzel said on his weekly town hall call with test developers that his office had received zero applications for home use tests, a month and a half after putting out the template, despite his insistence that the agency was willing to be “flexible.”

    Meanwhile, a $666 million NIH program to accelerate the approval and production of new COVID-19 tests funded mostly PCR tests in 2020.

    The antigen tests that did make it into the NIH program in the first three funding rounds — including one made by Quidel, a public company that multiplied its profits by tenfold in 2020 over the previous year — generally had to be processed in labs or required expensive analyzers.

    One of few simple antigen tests to win government support, made by Maxim Biomedical, still hasn’t submitted an EUA application, according to chief operating officer Jonathan Maa. Another grantee, Ellume, was authorized for nonprescription home use in December 2020. But it took months to go into widespread production, and still costs $39, if you can find it.

    Toward the end of October 2020, Bosch received a 48-hour ultimatum from the FDA for a response to a request for additional data. She had answers to the agency’s questions, but didn’t quite make that deadline.

    By the time she replied, the FDA had already closed her application. “You call and they say, ‘Oh sorry, the clock started and we can’t stop it,’” she said.

    Soon after, the company’s leadership asked her to resign. The company continues to operate, but hasn’t obtained FDA authorization for any tests. “As we commercialize our COVID-19 rapid tests internationally, we are also focused on developing the next generation of rapid tests for consumer diagnostics,” an E25Bio spokesperson said, while declining to comment on Bosch’s departure or its current product pipeline.

    “All our life, day in and day out, went to make antigen tests,” Bosch said. “It was tragic, because it was all because the FDA decided to be so harsh in their responses that investors said, ‘Oh, there’s no way she will pull it out.’”

    E25Bio’s travails with the FDA didn’t stop Bosch from putting her expertise to use.

    In early 2021, she started talking to the city of Chelsea about running a trial that could show how rapid antigen testing — even with the types of tests that the FDA had rejected — could be rolled out in a high-risk community. In the spring, when infection rates in Chelsea were among the highest in the nation, many residents had had a difficult time accessing PCR tests, because the places administering them often dissuaded immigrants by requiring identification.

    Chelsea officials agreed, and Bosch secured donations of tests from five manufacturers that had been authorized in Britain, Germany, India or Korea, but none yet in the U.S. (They can still be used here for research purposes.) She said she has validated them in her lab and found them to be about as accurate as BinaxNOW, the FDA-authorized home test made by medical device giant Abbott Laboratories.

    “If they have a budget for next year to do frequent testing, this will be an accomplishment,” Bosch said. “I wanted to show to the world that an experimental device is just as good as any other already-approved FDA test.”

    Left: A study participant looks on as Bosch, right, and another evaluator go over the project consent form. Right: A Chelsea resident self-administers a rapid COVID-19 test while members of the project guide her through the process. (Kayana Szymczak for ProPublica)

    So for the past few months, Bosch has canvassed three buildings owned by the local housing authority. Bosch, who is from Venezuela, puts on salsa music and explains in Spanish how the program will work.

    The trial began in earnest last week, with study administrators walking newly enrolled subjects through using the tests. In a building reserved for elderly and disabled people, residents entered with walkers and in flip-flops to learn how to swab their noses, put the swabs in a vial of solution, squeeze a few drops onto a pad and wait anxiously for the single line to appear that would indicate a negative result.

    A Chelsea resident is guided through entering his test information. (Kayana Szymczak for ProPublica)

    Most were able to take a picture of the results with their phones and upload them using a special app, which they’ll continue to do in their homes each week.

    The FDA frowns upon this kind of instruction in trials for at-home tests — users are supposed to be able to execute the test without training. But in reality, many need support.

    For the nonprofit that helped launch the effort, the Center of Complex Interventions, the important part is demonstrating that rapid tests can work when used as part of a coordinated testing regime to address specific situations: right before people gather indoors or after an exposure to an infected person, for anyone in a high-risk job, for people in crowded living situations, or for those who have health risk factors. People in all of those situations are concentrated in Chelsea’s housing authority buildings.

    “It’s a lot different than saying, ‘Let’s roll it out to everybody,’” said Karthik Dinakar, who is leading the project. “It all has to be connected in a way that makes people feel like they’re participating. The goal for us is to make the community safer, and also shift the mindset to a new equilibrium.”

    Amelia Valesquez and other Buckley Apartment housing project residents self-administer COVID-19 tests. Valesquez checks on her results. (Kayana Szymczak for ProPublica)

    Joshua Sharfstein, a vice dean at Johns Hopkins University’s Bloomberg School of Public Health who used to be principal deputy commissioner of the FDA, said that rapid tests could have been authorized earlier with these kinds of protocols in mind.

    “There was no testing strategy,” Sharfstein said, outlining the opportunity that America missed to use a variety of tests for the purposes to which they were best suited. “What they could have done is to say, ‘Here are the six uses of tests. You’re sick, you’re exposed, you’re trying to maintain people on a campus. What’s the performance of test that you would need?’“Just think how amazingly helpful that would be,” he finished, wistfully.

    Meanwhile, the CDC and NIH have been studying similar programs in a handful of communities using Quidel’s at-home test. Governors have been catching on to the utility of rapid tests too. Last week, the state of Massachusetts bought millions of rapid test kits made by iHealth laboratories. The company’s chief operating officer, Jack Feng, told National Public Radio that the price was higher in the U.S. because of the expense of clinical trials that aren’t required elsewhere.

    And since rejecting Bosch’s submissions, the FDA has been coming around to her way of thinking. In March, the agency published a template for tests that would be used serially and sold in packages of two or more, allowing the kind of frequent testing she had advocated for. And last month, it published a new template that lowered the sensitivity standard for over-the-counter tests to 80%.

    Bosch had tests a year and a half ago that missed that bar by 1%.

    Do You Have a Tip for ProPublica? Help Us Do Journalism.

    If you have tips about America’s pandemic response, or anything else, reach Lydia DePIllis via email at lydia.depillis@propublica.org or Signal at 202-913-3717.

    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.

  • World Health Organization (WHO) Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus attends a press conference on December 20, 2021, at the WHO headquarters in Geneva.

    The head of the World Health Organization delivered a stark warning Monday about the state of the coronavirus pandemic as the highly transmissible Omicron strain continued to rip through large swaths of the global population, posing the greatest threat to poor countries that have been denied access to vaccines.

    “There is now consistent evidence that Omicron is spreading significantly faster than the Delta variant,” WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said during a media briefing, referring to the previously dominant Covid-19 strain. “And it is more likely that people who have been vaccinated or have recovered from Covid-19 could be infected or reinfected.”

    Tedros voiced particular concern about the collision of Omicron and crowded holiday celebrations, which he said “will lead to increased cases, overwhelmed health systems, and more deaths.”

    “More than 3.3 million people have lost their lives to Covid-19 this year — more deaths than from HIV, malaria, and tuberculosis combined in 2020,” Tedros noted. “And still, Covid-19 continues to claim around 50 000 lives every week. That’s not to mention the unreported deaths and the millions of excess deaths caused by disruptions to essential health services.”

    “All of us are sick of this pandemic. All of us want to spend time with friends and family. All of us want to get back to normal,” he continued. “The fastest way to do that is for all of us — leaders and individuals — to make the difficult decisions that must be made to protect ourselves and others. In some cases, that will mean canceling or delaying events… But an event canceled is better than a life canceled.”

    The Omicron strain now accounts for nearly three-quarters of all new coronavirus cases in the United States, and recorded infections stemming from the variant are doubling every two to three days in the dozens of countries where its presence has been detected.

    “Africa is now facing a steep wave of infections, driven largely by the Omicron variant,” Tedros observed Monday. “Just a month ago, Africa was reporting its lowest number of cases in 18 months. Last week, it reported the fourth-highest number of cases in a single week so far.”

    Reiterating his condemnation of vaccine apartheid — which has left billions without access to lifesaving shots as rich nations swallow up much of the world’s supply — Tedros said that “if we are to end the pandemic in the coming year, we must end inequity by ensuring 70% of the population of every country is vaccinated by the middle of next year.”

    The WHO warned last week that, over a year and a half into the pandemic, more than 40 countries have been unable to vaccinate at least 10% of their populations and nearly 100 countries have not reached the 40% threshold.

    Overall, according to Our World in Data, just 7.6% of people in low-income nations have received at least one coronavirus vaccine dose.

    Omicron’s rapid spread in the month since it was first detected by South African scientists has led some European countries to impose new public health restrictions to stem surging cases.

    In the U.S., the Biden administration is planning to distribute 500 million free at-home coronavirus testing kits to households and send federal medical personnel to overwhelmed hospitals as part of its efforts to combat Omicron. President Joe Biden officially announced those new components of his Omicron plan in a speech Tuesday.

    “This is not a speech about locking the country down,” White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki, who previously dismissed the idea of mass-mailing free Covid-19 tests to U.S. households, told reporters Monday. “This is a speech outlining and being direct and clear with the American people about the benefits of being vaccinated, the steps we’re going to take to increase access and to increase testing, and the risks posed to unvaccinated individuals.”

    While early data out of South Africa has sparked some cautious optimism that Omicron causes less severe disease than other coronavirus variants, public health experts have warned that a massive spike in infections could swamp hospitals that are already at capacity, particularly in developing nations.

    “It is probably unwise to sit back and think this is a mild variant, it’s not going to cause severe disease, because I think with the numbers going up all health systems are going to be under strain,” Soumya Swaminathan, the WHO’s chief scientist, told journalists Monday.

    Additionally, though preliminary research indicates that existing coronavirus vaccines are effective at preventing serious illness or death from Omicron, lack of vaccine access in poor countries could allow the strain to run rampant across much of the world, causing more deaths and potentially spawning new variants.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Today, a fledgling independent union of pharmacists is launching the first-ever nationwide walkout of these critical health care workers.

    After being forced to work on the pandemic front lines distributing medicines to millions of sick COVID patients, including hundreds of millions of vaccines, pharmacists have had enough, and are fighting back in unprecedented ways.

    The post Pharmacists Stage Walkout In Early Unionization Effort appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • A activist speaks passionately as people behind him display signs decrying the NYPD's handling of the opoid crisis

    Quána Madison is diagnosed with multiple conditions that send pain coursing through her entire body on a daily basis. Madison is also a Black woman, and medical professionals don’t always believe her.

    The pain became too much to bear on a summer day in 2017. Madison felt new pain and was unable to walk, so she checked into an emergency room near her home in Denver, Colorado. Before the visit was over, Madison says, she was assaulted, accused of “drug-seeking” and made to fear being arrested.

    Madison has lived with chronic pain for years, but her pain worsened after she suffered a life-threatening complication from a preventive hysterectomy and oophorectomy performed after she was found to be at risk for cancer. By 2017, Madison was diagnosed with several chronic pain syndromes, including fibromyalgia and peripheral neuropathy, along with autoimmune diseases, depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder. Madison says she left a doctoral program after the school failed to provide accommodations. She often woke up screaming from pain in the middle of the night.

    At the emergency room, a nurse arrived to draw a blood sample. Madison’s medical conditions make having blood drawn painful and, following the advice of a doctor she’d previously seen, Madison explained to the nurse that she may cry out. She requested a warm compress to ease the pain, but the nurse refused. The nurse tried multiple times to draw blood and failed. Madison was in tears, but she says the nurse was frustrated, gripping her arm tightly. Madison asked to see another nurse. The nurse, who was white, accused Madison of exaggerating her pain in order to get painkillers, an all-too-common experience among Black people seeking medical care. Madison took out her phone to record a video.

    Two people sit in an outdoor garden, one white and the other Black
    Quána Madison and her partner, Zachariah White, near their home in Colorado. Madison suffers from multiple painful conditions, but medical providers have withheld painkillers and accused her of “drug seeking” amid a nationwide crackdown on opioid prescribing.

    “I’ve learned as a Black woman that if I don’t record something or have a witness, I am not believed until I show the recording, and I’ve had to use that strategy multiple times to get basic care,” Madison said in an interview.

    The nurse lunged for the phone as Madison began to record. Alarmed, Madison’s partner, who is white, attempted to calm the nurse down. The nurse announced that she was calling the police and left. A police officer arrived and began asking questions and Madison feared she was going to jail. The nurse told the officer that Madison was looking for drugs.

    “All I could think of think was: I have to logically explain this step by step so I don’t get arrested. I was terrified that I was about to get arrested if [the officer] doesn’t believe me,” Madison said, adding that she never asked the nurse for painkillers. “I hadn’t even made it to, how are we going to manage my pain?

    Finally, a supervising doctor intervened and drew Madison’s blood himself. The police officer eventually left. Still in overwhelming pain that rendered her nearly immobile, Madison was told to find treatment somewhere else.

    It wasn’t the first time Madison experienced racism in the medical system. After the hysterectomy and oophorectomy surgery, which involve the removal of the uterus and ovaries, Madison was left in extreme pain without receiving a painkiller for nearly two hours until she finally called a family member and begged them to contact the hospital. Afterwards, she was prescribed far fewer painkillers than white people she knows who underwent the same procedure, and she is routinely denied referrals to pain specialists.

    Stories like Madison’s receive little attention in the media despite well-documented racism and bias against patients of color across the health care system, especially against Black, Latino and Indigenous patients. Years of research shows that Black (as well Latino and Asian) patients are far less likely to receive pain medication than white patients and are systematically undertreated for pain, often because providers wrongly believe Black people have a higher pain tolerance or suspect they are “drug seekers” abusing or selling painkillers. The latter racist bias, of course, is rooted in the war on drugs that has targeted Black communities for decades.

    Black Overdose Deaths Spike

    Around the same time that a nurse called the police on Madison, a team of researchers published a study comparing rates of fatal drug overdose between the white and Black populations. Starting in the early 1990s, painkiller prescribing became more liberal for white patients thanks to changes in medical thinking and marketing by pharmaceutical companies, the team reported, but prescribing remained low among Black patients. By 2010, the rate of fatal overdose involving opioids was twice as high among whites than Black people. Critics of “overprescribing” concluded that discrimination had spared an estimated 14,000 Black lives, even if Black patients were more likely to be left in agony by racist prescribers.

    However, the federal data analyzed in this study is probably inaccurate and clearly does not tell the whole story. Overdoses are often the result of a combination of drugs, including alcohol, and errors on death certificate are very common. In 2018, analysts revealed that tens of thousands of deaths involving black market synthetics such as fentanyl and its analogues had been attributed to prescription drugs by the Centers for Disease Control (CDC). Last year, researchers concluded that the public was “misled” for more than a decade to believe that, as one White House report put it, “opiate overdoses, once almost always due to heroin use, are now increasingly due to abuse of prescription painkillers.”

    While experts say pain pills did shape the crisis early on, particularly in whiter communities, rapid reductions in prescribing and the availability of crushable pills pushed users toward an increasing volatile heroin supply. Other measures were also taken. Oxycontin, for example, was reformulated to deter injection drug users. After 2010, rates of fatal overdose among Black and white people converged and continued to climb.

    By 2018, as patients on long-term opioid therapy struggled to obtain medication or even see a doctor, many experts agreed that painkiller “overprescribing” was not causing the overdose crisis. The American Medical Association declared a “multi-factorial” crisis that could no longer be viewed through “a prescription opioid-myopic lens.” Overdose death rates among Black people more than doubled from 2011 to 2015, researchers noted, but the increase could not be explained by the “shift” from prescription painkillers to heroin seen in white communities.

    Deep racial disparities in health care and a lopsided response to the overdose crisis are now associated with an alarming spike in death. The estimated number of fatal drug overdoses in the U.S. hit a record over the past year, surpassing 100,000 deaths — roughly a 30 percent increase over 2018-2019. Experts say the current approach to the crisis is not working, especially in communities of color.

    A National Institutes of Health study released in September found that fatal overdoses among Black people across four states increased by 38 percent between 2018 and 2019 while there was little change among white people and other groups. In New York, overdose deaths declined by 18 percent for white people but stayed stable among the Black population, suggesting that Black patients did not benefit equally from addiction treatment and overdose prevention efforts.

    “We must explicitly examine and address how structural racism affects health and leads to drug use and overdose deaths,” concluded Nora Volkow, director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, said in a statement.

    “Whitewashing” the Overdose Crisis

    Over the past two decades, media outlets ran sensational stories about young people from whiter communities who were prescribed opioids and later became addicted to heroin. Although this is a real problem, and untreated trauma and mental illness have emerged as key indicators of addiction risk, research now shows that prescriptions are not the major drivers of addiction or overdose. Today, studies show the vast majority of people prescribed opioids under medical supervision do not overdose or become addicted, and most of today’s overdose victims are not yesterday’s patients.

    Meanwhile, throughout the 2000s and beyond, media observers often drew a distinction between rural and suburban white people falling victim to pain pills and Black and Brown people injecting heroin in urban areas where a legitimate prescription is more difficult to obtain. The death of actor Philip Seymore Hoffman in 2014 “crystalized a decade of media fascination with the white prescription opioid cum heroin user,” according to a 2017 analysis by the Drug Policy Alliance. The narrative about innocent white people duped by the pharmaceutical industry is just the latest “whitewashing” of opioid-related issues.

    The history of opioid consumption in the United States is cyclical; periodic increases in prescribing and use are followed by crackdowns and outcry. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, white people who could afford medical care were considered “victims” if they became addicted to painkillers, according to a 2020 paper co-authored by Sarah Wakeman, a professor of medicine at Harvard. In the 1950s and 1960s, access to family doctors allowed the upper middle class to shift from opioids to sedative and stimulant pills that carried less stigma. Meanwhile, lower-income people, immigrants and people of color who informally accessed opioids for pain and other ailments were demonized and criminalized, a type of racism that escalated when President Nixon declared the “war on drugs” in 1970.

    With white faces painted on the latest opioid scare, cops and lawmakers touted a more compassionate approach to addiction and began investing in treatment as an alternative to jail time, which leaves anyone dependent on opioids at extreme risk for overdose. President Obama tentatively embraced a “public health” approach. The Trump administration deployed similar rhetoric as law enforcement continued reducing the opioid supply. While programs remain limited and underfunded, and criminalization persists (and has even been heightened on some fronts), some policymakers began embracing harm reduction strategies such as improving access to medications that treat addiction and reverse overdoses. New York City recently announced the nation’s first legally sanctioned overdose prevention center, where people can use drugs under medical supervision and connect with services — a strategy proven to save lives.

    Black activists saw a double standard. In the 1980s and 1990s, the media fixated on the “crack epidemic” in Black communities, and the escalating criminalization that followed filled streets with police and helped make the U.S. the most incarcerated nation on the planet. By 1995, one-third of young Black men in cities were entrapped in the criminal legal system and urban neighborhoods were cast as the epicenters of addiction. Harm reduction would not enter the mainstream conversation until authorities declared an “opioid epidemic” as the media covered prescription drug abuse in white communities.

    Harm reduction and efforts to expand addiction treatment appeared to be helping in 2017 and 2018, when overdose deaths began to decline in some regions for the first time in years. Yet overdose death rates in Black and Latinx communities continued to rise across the country. Then the pandemic hit, isolating users from health supports, friends and family; 2020 would be the deadliest year on record.

    The New Victims: Pain Patients

    The opioid overdose wave has prompted a police crackdown, although its nature has been somewhat different from that of the “crack era. Law enforcement fixates on “diversion,” the idea that prescription drugs are falling into the wrong hands — perhaps drug dealers or the “opioid naïve” white people portrayed in news stories. Thanks to a mix of regulation, electronic surveillance and old-fashioned drug raids on clinics and pharmacies that have terrified providers and put hundreds in prison, opioid prescribing plummeted by 60 percent over the last decade. The outgoing Trump administration declared that the “prescription opioid epidemic” is over, but the total number of drug overdose deaths more than doubled since 2011.

    Prescription pills are much safer than street drugs, as potency is measured down to the milligram, making it easier for users to know how much they’re taking. Yet pharmacies in Black communities are less likely to carry painkillers than pharmacies in whiter areas, and discrimination in the job market has left Black patients with fewer insurance options to cover pain management and addiction treatment. Across the country, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) has suspended or revoked pharmacy licenses for dispensing painkillers, and Black pharmacists say they are unfairly targeted.

    “They treated me exactly like a criminal,” said Aaron Howard, a Black pharmacist in Florida who was raided by the DEA in 2018, in an interview.

    The DEA claimed Howard failed to “resolve” so-called “red flags” for diversion when a handful of patients were prescribed more than one controlled substance and chose his small pharmacy over others located closer to their homes. The DEA regularly tracks the distance between a patient’s address and the pharmacy where they fill prescriptions, according to multiple DEA search warrants reviewed by Truthout, but most patients are unaware of this surveillance. Howard said he’s known the patients for years, and to his knowledge, they are still taking the medications as prescribed by their doctors.

    Counterfeit pills are now common in the informal market, where people facing barriers to health care are known to seek relief. As police have aggressively pursued illegal heroin, traffickers have turned to potent synthetics that mimic heroin’s effects but can be transported in smaller packages. In some areas, low-level sellers improvise by mixing drugs into dangerous combinations when the supply of opioids runs short. At the same time, some drug dealers practice harm reduction to protect their clients by warning clients about strong batches, testing drugs for adulterants, and distributing test strips and other safety supplies. Experts say drug sellers are an under-utilized resource for preventing overdose.

    We now know that today’s overdose crisis does not stem from prescriptions. People are dying from large and often combined doses of powerful synthetic opioids in the heroin and cocaine supply, as well as drugs ranging from alcohol to stimulants and benzodiazepines. In 2019, a study in Massachusetts found that only 1.3 percent of overdose victims had an active painkiller prescription. The study was small but became the latest source of vindication for pain patients who say they face discrimination and have lost access to painkillers because doctors and pharmacists operate in fear of law enforcement. Some say they can no longer function; others commit suicide.

    The “don’t punish pain” movement is growing louder as policymakers reconsider controversial limits on prescribing and courts become increasingly skeptical of the myriad lawsuits accusing drug makers of creating the crisis with misleading advertising. (Other lawsuits were successful, of course, including the class-action case against Purdue Pharma, which aggressively pushed Oxycontin two decades ago and saw a judge overturn a $4.5 billion bankruptcy settlement protecting the Sackler family last week.) Many white pain patients are experiencing the impacts of drug policing for the first time, and they are angry about barriers to pain relief. According to the statistics, Black patients have always faced these barriers.

    A Drug War Inside the Health System

    There are no hard and fast rules in the overdose crisis; every drug user’s interactions (or lack thereof) with the medical and criminal legal systems are different. However, like Madison, Black and Brown people are more likely to be viewed as “addicts” or “criminals” rather than “patients.” A recent investigation across 21 states found that Black people were arrested for cocaine far more often than white people were arrested for opioids in 2016, and Black people were three to four times more likely to be arrested for opioids and all other drugs, despite similar rates of drug use across racial groups. Low-income people and pregnant people in particular also face intense stigma.

    The drug war is now deeply embedded in the medical system. There are huge racial disparities in access to buprenorphine, a drug used to treat opioid addiction that can be obtained from a pharmacy. Studies show that buprenorphine, a gold standard for treating opioid addiction and preventing overdose, is most often prescribed to white patients with private health insurance. White patients diagnosed with substance use disorders are more than three times as likely to receive a buprenorphine prescription during a visit to the doctor than Black patients diagnosed with substance use disorders, according to the American Medical Association. Patients of color are more likely to receive methadone, the other gold standard, which is subject to intense state surveillance.

    Before the pandemic, most methadone patients were required to show up in person to receive medication, creating barriers for low-income people and anyone without reliable transportation or a busy schedule. Emergency pandemic rule changes increased access to telehealth services and allowed patients to take medication home, and advocates are pushing to make these changes permanent. Still, methadone patients face red tape that most pain patients prescribed opioids do not, if they are lucky enough to have found a provider in the first place. Both methadone and buprenorphine are heavily scrutinized by police because they are also opioids, and doctors and pharmacies that provide buprenorphine have been shut down with no thought given to where patients will go next. Even as overdose deaths soar, doctors and pharmacies are wary of prescribing and dispensing life-saving medication.

    Recently, states have set up databases tracking controlled-substance prescriptions from the doctor’s office to the patient’s home address. Bamboo Health, a company formerly known as Appriss, combined Prescription Drug Monitoring Databases (PDMPs) with a plethora of personal health data to develop Narxcare, an artificial intelligence system designed to alert doctors to “drug seeking” patients and those at risk of overdose. Reporting for Wired, journalist Maia Szalavitz revealed how Narxcare’s algorithms have a “disparate impact” on women and people of color, singling out those with complex health needs and histories of trauma and even sexual abuse.

    According to the algorithm, trauma puts patients at higher risk of addiction, but advocates say prescribing decisions should be made by doctors and patients, not AI. Bamboo Health says its algorithms are not discriminatory, and the company clashed with Szalavitz after she reported that Appriss controls criminal records data that may be built into Narxcare, which could implicate people of color who are more likely to be targeted by police.

    Regardless, experts say the effects of prescription surveillance are mixed. While PDMPs are associated with fewer prescription opioid-related overdoses in some states, the decrease is offset by an increase in deaths from heroin, according to Wakeman and other researchers. PDMPs do not address the “underlying social and political forces” that contribute to addiction and overdose, Wakeman wrote, and could push patients into the illicit drug market.

    “It seems to target underprovided people who don’t have access or means in this country, and just hone in on them and punish them for it,” said Bev Schechtman, a researcher with The Doctor Patient Forum who worked with Szalavitz. “These are people who don’t have a lot of access to health care to begin with.”

    The policing of pain follows drug war logic: If there’s a drug problem (i.e., overdoses), then attack the supply. If the number of overdoses is any metric, then this strategy is failing disastrously, advocates say, and its failures are falling hardest on Black communities. A close look at the data reveals that bias against prescribing opioids to Black patients, resulting in fewer prescriptions, did not spare Black lives in the long run. Instead, Black drug users — including those with untreated pain or addiction — were quickly exposed when the supply of Oxycontin and Percocet dried up and the heroin supply became cheaper and increasingly adulterated.

    As current policies continue to fail, harm reduction efforts are calling for a “safe supply” of opioids, including prescription heroin for those at high risk of overdose.

    “To address societal biases towards those with addiction, society needs to stop viewing addiction through a divided lens,” Wakeman’s team wrote. “Clinicians need to better frame addiction as a chronic illness that can affect all people, rather than as a chronic illness when it happens among socially privileged groups and a moral failing when it occurs among minorities and other marginalized groups.”

    Without this necessary reframe, advocates say, the prescribing crackdown will continue to push doctors to discontinue chronic opioid therapy regardless of an individual patient’s needs — particularly in the case of Black patients and others on the margins. This puts patients at high risk for overdose.

    “To be able to be monitored by a [doctor] … and work together, that makes it a lot easier to prevent problems, whether it be overdose or other complications,” Madison says. “But not being able to get pain management or treatment around it means that people will go to the black market, or have mental health crises that come into play.”

    To combat racist practices in health care, Madison says individual providers must think carefully about their own racism and work to address it — but the work doesn’t stop there. Health care organizations must examine the history of medical racism and invest time and resources into understanding the lived experience of patients of color, activists emphasize. This process will take time.

    “It’s not just checking off a checklist and saying, ‘OK now we’re done,’” Madison said.

    Madison says she is lucky to live in Colorado, where medical cannabis is legal and can be used for pain, although cannabis is not as effective as opioids. Untold numbers of other people are struggling to survive with chronic pain and addiction. The overdose crisis is raging, and the assumptions of the past are not holding up. Experts say we must confront these twin realities, along with the racism within them, in order to truly move toward a public health approach and save lives.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • ]

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    For the roughly 2,000 Americans who rely on it to keep their hearts going, the implanted pump is impossible to ignore.

    They feel it pressing inside their ribs when they lean over. Or they ache from the weight of its controller strapped to their shoulders. Some can even hear the device’s whirring hum deep inside their chests.

    Most of all, they now live with the stress of knowing the HeartWare Ventricular Assist Device has such serious issues — a higher rate of deaths and strokes than an alternative pump and a history of unexplained malfunctions — that the Food and Drug Administration and the device’s maker agreed this summer it should be taken off the market.

    Those who already have the heart pump, also known as the HVAD, can’t simply get it removed or replaced. The required surgery is typically considered more dangerous than leaving it in.

    They are now stuck in a medical dilemma that could have been prevented.

    Buffy Shaw, left, an HVAD patient, with her daughter, who found the recall online. (Rachel Bujalski for ProPublica)

    As we detailed in August, the FDA and HVAD maker Medtronic allowed the device to be implanted into thousands of people for years, even as federal inspectors found serious manufacturing problems, the company issued many high-risk safety alerts and people died after their implants malfunctioned. The FDA and Medtronic said they believed the benefits outweighed the risks for HVAD patients with severe heart failure, until this year when data was published showing a higher frequency of deaths and strokes compared to patients with a competing device.

    The company has pledged to do everything it can to support the remaining HVAD users. Medtronic said it would provide patients with educational materials, financial assistance and technical support. “The wellbeing and experiences of patients are vitally important to us, which is why we’ve set up patient support programs, services, and feedback mechanisms,” a company spokesperson said in a written statement.

    The FDA said it would “actively provide oversight of Medtronic to monitor their recall of the device and ensure that patient care remains a top priority.”

    But when we spoke to people across the country who are living with HVADs, they said they’d experienced little of the promised support and had encountered financial and emotional hardships.

    Here, in their own words, is what they told us.

    (These interviews below have been edited for clarity.)

    The purse where Shaw carries her HVAD equipment (Rachel Bujalski for ProPublica)

    I haven’t gotten a letter to this day from anybody saying anything about that recall.

    —Alicia Warren, a 44-year-old from Madison, Georgia, raised her two daughters alone while having heart failure. She has had the device since April 2018.

    Alicia Warren started experiencing symptoms of heart failure at age 22, shortly after giving birth to her first daughter. “They said it came from the stress on my heart from pregnancy,” she said. “I went to the hospital one night telling them, ‘I’m not feeling good, something’s wrong.’ The emergency room doctor told me, ‘Your heart rate is racing, have you smoked crack or anything like that?’ You’ve got to be kidding me. My daughter was 1 month old.

    “I did pretty well at keeping my health up and everything until around October of 2017. I was in end-stage heart failure and didn’t even know it. My kidneys were failing and my digestive system was shutting down. I’ll never say again in my life that I’m tired. Because I really know what tired is. My brothers were calling me and texting me asking what was going on, and I didn’t even have the strength to lift my finger to text back.

    “The doctor acted like he was just gonna let me die. He was like, ‘I think we’ve reached the end of your life.’ I was 40 at the time. He told my kids that and everything.” Warren’s family had her moved to another hospital. Doctors there told her she only had about a month to live unless she got a left ventricular assist device, or LVAD.

    LVAD is the general name for these heart pumps. Before June, there were two companies that sold LVADs in the United States, Medtronic with the HVAD and Abbott Laboratories with the HeartMate. The FDA found serious problems at the HVAD’s manufacturing plant in 2014 and labeled the device “adulterated.” But it continued to be implanted in patients for seven more years, even though dangerous issues persisted. In response, Medtronic said this month: “In 2014, the benefits of using the HVAD System for these patients significantly outweighed the known risks. Lives were saved and others extended.”

    Warren and 13 other HVAD users said they weren’t told about those problems. Warren and many of the others also said they weren’t given a choice between the two devices. Sometimes that was because they had had an emergency implant with little time to research the options, or, as with Warren, their doctors only offered one device.

    “I just think they should’ve went about it a different way, told the truth, and if people still want to get it, then fine. But don’t hold back the truth. Because people have died,” Warren said. “I was not informed about the issues, deaths or even the recall of the pump.”

    Never miss the most important reporting from ProPublica’s newsroom. Subscribe to the Big Story newsletter.

    Three years after she received the HVAD, Warren was surprised to find out it had been suddenly removed from the market. “Someone in the LVAD friends group posted a link, and I went and read it. And then I was like, ‘What?’ I’m sure if this was true, my doctors would’ve told me. They should’ve been straightforward with us about what was going on.

    “I haven’t gotten a letter to this day from anybody saying anything about that recall.

    “Now here I am with this thing in me, and there’s nothing I can do. It’s in me now. The only thing I can do is pray and hope I never have any issues with this thing until they get it out of me. I’m mad, but I’m still alive.”

    Five other people who still have the HeartWare pump told us they first found out about the device discontinuation from social media or news reports. Some only received a letter from Medtronic after they contacted their doctors or after we reached out to the company.

    The FDA said that Medtronic is required to inform every patient in writing and that the federal agency published a public notice of this. Medtronic wrote in December, “We sent letters to patients and set up a patient website and hotline. We’ve confirmed 90 percent of patients in the United States received our letter and we will continue to work with clinician offices to reach the remaining 10 percent who either declined delivery or for whom we had outdated contact information.”

    Pretty much everything they said could go wrong with it has gone wrong with it, except for the death part.

    —Kelly Sanchez, 54, is a former meat cutter from Beulah, Michigan, who was forced to retire early because of his heart condition. He’s been an HVAD patient since August 2016. Kelly Sanchez outside his home in Beulah, Michigan (Brittany Greeson, special to ProPublica)

    When Kelly Sanchez first got the letter announcing Medtronic’s discontinuation of the HVAD, he assumed it was nothing serious. “I thought they were sending me another card in the mail for carrying in my wallet,” he said. Then he read closer. “I was in shock. And then, of course, I’m worried. Because how much are they telling me? And how much are they not telling? Yeah, they sent me this letter. But if they’re doing all this, there’s got to be more to it.

    “Pretty much everything they said could go wrong with it has gone wrong with it, except for the death part. Neurological issues, the strokes, the clotting. The pump exchange.”

    A pump exchange is a surgery to replace the implanted heart pump with a new one if it stops working properly and the benefits of the operation now outweigh the risks. Sanchez had the operation after a clot got stuck in the device in 2017. “It sounded like a cement mixer,” he said.

    Then, in July 2019, he went golfing with his stepson Tyler Schmidt. He never got past the first hole. “I teed off, I turned around, took a step and then all of a sudden I got, they called it, stacked double vision. I was seeing a head on top of a head. Tyler rushed me up with the car and we took off to the hospital.”

    Sanchez plays pool with his HVAD external controller in a backpack. The cable connects the controller to the internal pump through a small incision in his waist. (Brittany Greeson, special to ProPublica)

    Sanchez was taken in for brain scans and doctors found that not only did he have a stroke, but he had also had four or five earlier undiagnosed ones based on the damage in his brain. Much of the damage was in the optical center. “My cardiologist flat-out told me, if you have a major stroke you can lose your vision permanently,” he recalled.

    When Medtronic discontinued the HVAD in June, the company said: “A growing body of observational clinical comparisons demonstrate a higher frequency of neurological adverse events and mortality.”

    A study published in July found that HVAD patients experienced strokes and other neurological injuries more than twice as often as those with the competing HeartMate device. Medtronic said, “This study re-confirms our reasons for stopping sales and distribution of the HVAD device.” The company also noted the study compared the HVAD to the HeartMate 3, a newer version of the competing device. That device was approved by the FDA in 2017.

    “I’m not gonna lie, we’ve been through so much stress after that first letter,” Sanchez said. “I love playing pool. I play pool three nights a week in leagues. It used to be a stress reliever. But it’s everywhere now. I mean, I can’t get away from it. With me, there’s no stress relief right now at all.”

    Kelly Sanchez’s wife, Kim, points to a sheet listing his medications and their costs. (Brittany Greeson, special to ProPublica) Kelly Sanchez shows a bucket list of places he wants to visit with his family after he receives a heart transplant. (Brittany Greeson, special to ProPublica)

    “I have diabetes and I can’t get my sugar under control because of the stress,” his wife, Kim Sanchez, said. “Every day, that thing is in his chest. And I’m always waiting. I always have my phone, right by me. When my phone rings, and it’s his number, I’m scared to death that something else has happened.”

    Sanchez’s cardiologist said they needed to get him a heart transplant as soon as possible, Kim Sanchez said. Patients no longer need HVADs once they receive heart transplants, but they need to be eligible and wait for a donor heart to become available. People who aren’t transplant candidates could have the HVAD for the rest of their lives.

    “Right now, my entire thought process is to get this thing out of my chest as quick as I can,” Kelly Sanchez said. In June, he underwent bariatric surgery to lose weight to meet transplant requirements. He lost 56 pounds by November and thought he was finally below the BMI limits. Then he learned the medical staff measured his height an inch shorter than before, pushing his BMI higher.

    “I’m frustrated, I’m angry and I’m scared because I still have this thing in my chest,” he said. “As long as I’ve lost 8 pounds by the 23rd of December, they’ll go back to the board. Now our hope is, I lose the 8 pounds, I get down to 225. And hopefully by the new year I’ll be on the list. That’s all we got right now.”

    Sanchez and his wife with their grandson Cassius at their home (Brittany Greeson, special to ProPublica)

    Those costs all add up. If we did have to pay mortgage or rent, I wouldn’t make it with my disability payments.

    —Dennis Partner, 65, is a former sales representative and truck driver from Lafayette, Indiana. He’s had his device since November 2017. He and his wife rely on disability insurance for income.

    Dennis Partner had his first heart attack at 32, while playing softball. He’d go on to have about five more, each further damaging his heart. His doctor eventually recommended the HVAD, saying it could extend his life and give him more energy.

    “I really thought the LVAD would bring back more and more movement. It never has,” he said. “I walk half a block and have to sit down and lean against something and rest. My legs just give out.”

    After the HVAD was discontinued in June, doctors increased the frequency of his checkups. The additional attention also meant additional medical costs. Partner has to drive 125 miles round-trip to get to and from his doctors’ office, and each visit requires a co-pay. “Those costs all add up,” he said. Partner is thankful that his family downsized their home and paid off their purchase. “If we did have to pay mortgage or rent, I wouldn’t make it with my disability payments.”

    Dennis Partner at his home in Lafayette, Indiana (Taylor Glascock for ProPublica)

    Then, Partner’s device controller displayed a critical alert.

    Before June, users were able to swap out their external device controllers at home if there was ever an issue. Patients told us that, after the recall, these controller exchanges are now done in hospitals. “They need to have a surgical suite and surgeon on call in case the pump wouldn’t start, to try to save me,” Partner said.

    “It was a pretty nerve-wracking drive up there. I spent the night every five minutes having to quiet my alarm. My coordinator and her helper or trainee came into the hospital room and said, ‘You ready to change it out?’ And five minutes later it was done. Luckily mine started up just fine.”

    When Medtronic discontinued the device, the company admitted there has been an issue since 2009 with the pump failing to start up. Medtronic said there had been 106 complaints related to the problem. Fourteen cases led to patients dying, and 13 others required emergency surgery to remove the devices. Medtronic said in June it still hadn’t been able to figure out the root cause of the malfunctions. The company said it was a rare problem, affecting only a small portion of devices based on the complaints submitted.

    Linda Partner, Dennis’ wife, changes the bandage on the incision that connects his HVAD pump to its external controller. (Taylor Glascock for ProPublica)

    Partner received a bill for about $47,000 for the two days he spent in the hospital for the exchange. Medicare negotiated the bill down to $29,000 and covered most of the cost, but Partner still has to pay $2,556 — a significant amount for his family, which relies on disability income.

    “I never even thought there was going to be a bill. I’m still having a hard time — I can’t get an explanation of why they installed this model when they knew there were tons of problems with it. I just don’t feel that’s my responsibility.”

    After we recently told Medtronic about patients who are struggling with new medical costs, a company spokesperson said in an email, “We anticipated patients might have concerns about medical costs, so we expanded the HVAD System warranty and are encouraging patients to contact us (1-800-635-3930) for potential coverage of non-reimbursed medical costs.”

    The expanded financial support is news to patients. The people we spoke to said they weren’t informed of it. When asked, Medtronic didn’t provide evidence that it had told patients about the expanded assistance. Days later, the company updated its patient support website, which now says it can help patients with newly incurred medical expenses.

    Medtronic told us last week it had heard from four patients in total and covered costs for two of them since June.

    Partner said he contacted the company more than two months ago to see if it could help with his medical bills. A representative said they would “see what they could do,” he said.

    The company finally reached back out to him last week, asking for more information.

    Lottery tickets pile up at Partner’s home. (Taylor Glascock for ProPublica)

    You guys messed up. You need to do something to correct this. We don’t really have a voice.

    —Buffy Shaw, 47, has had the device since 2019. She’s from Oroville, California, but spends much of her time traveling around the world as an international flight nanny for American Bully dogs.

    “It’s a nonstop lifestyle,” Buffy Shaw said about her job as an in-flight nanny for American Bully dogs. “I’ve built a bunch of clientele all over the world. It’s like I don’t ever stop.” So, when she learned she needed an LVAD, it was devastating.

    “The first six weeks were extremely difficult. Very emotional. Very everything. Just learning how to do everything again. I couldn’t walk from the chair to the front door. I’d literally go to pass out. I couldn’t hold anything down as far as food. I got sick from everything. I couldn’t take a shower by myself. I couldn’t do anything by myself.”

    Batteries for Shaw’s HVAD controller in a charger at her daughter’s home (Rachel Bujalski for ProPublica)

    Shaw said it took almost six months to adapt to having the device. She began carrying the external controller in a purse to avoid questions and was able to continue taking dogs around the world.

    Then, her daughter found the recall online. “Once I started learning exactly what it entailed, it was very depressing,” Shaw said. “I feel like they’ve used us as guinea pigs.”

    Shaw said she feels powerless as only one person — or even one of 2,000 people — up against Medtronic, a multibillion-dollar company, and the federal government. “You guys messed up,” she said. “You need to do something to correct this. We don’t really have a voice. That’s what I feel like. We don’t have a voice to make something happen. There are people that have died because of this machine.”

    Another HVAD patient, who Shaw met on Facebook, started having problems with his device in October. He needed emergency surgery to replace the pump, but he never fully recovered. He died three weeks ago. “Death. Literally all you can think about is death,” she said.

    Shaw looks at photos from her travels for work. (Rachel Bujalski for ProPublica)

    “I don’t sleep a lot as it is, which is a side effect of having heart failure, you know, sleep issues. So now it’s just stress about the recall and them not really offering any solutions to it. There’s certain things you can do, certain things you can’t do. It’s a lot of stress, like, extreme stress.

    “They should have offered something for that as far as counseling. I feel like right now, we have zero resources. My doctors always say that I’m a high functioning patient as far as this goes. I’m just super high functioning because I don’t feel like I ever want to — I’m not going to — sit home and die. I’m not going to be one of those people that just sits online and reads about people dying and all the stuff that goes on and I just have to get out of that space.”

    Shaw has visited Hawaii, France and Ireland for her job since September. “To me, that’s ideal in my situation, because I literally could drop dead tomorrow,” she said. “Right now I’m just thankful that I am able to do what I’m doing. Until I get to where I can’t anymore. It’s a very fine line. That’s for sure. It’s a very fine line.”

    Shaw with her granddaughter at her daughter’s home (Rachel Bujalski for ProPublica)

    Tell Us About Your Experience With Life-Sustaining Medical Devices

    Maya Miller contributed reporting.

    This post was originally published on Articles and Investigations – ProPublica.

  • Workers employed with the United Jewish Council (UJC) home care agency rallied to end the 24-hour work day and demand their stolen wages on the morning of December 16. While home care workers in New York are being forced to work 24-hour shifts for poverty wages, 11 hours worth of that pay is stolen by their employers. A coalition of worker’s rights organizations including the Ain’t I A Woman Campaign and the National Mobilization Against Sweatshops (NMASS) have been organizing alongside home care workers for years against these unjust labor practices.

    The post Home Care Workers Protest 24-Hour Work Day In NYC appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Are you searching for a way to highlight the negative consequences of racism? Try this: Justin M. Feldman and Mary T. Basset, in a recently published study, found that if everyone living in the United States, aged 25 years or older, died of COVID-19 at the same rate as college-educated non-Hispanic white people did in 2020, 48 percent fewer people would have died, 71 percent fewer people of color would have died, and 89 percent fewer people of color aged 25-64 would have died.

    The post The U.S. experience: racism and COVID-19 mortality appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • In the early 1970s, Senator Ted Kennedy and Congresswoman Martha Griffiths introduced Medicare for All legislation in the Congress.

    It could have passed but for the efforts of a doctor from Minnesota by the name of Paul Elwood.

    Elwood believed that unless the Republicans did something to control health care costs, Medicare for All single payer would soon become the law of the land.

    So in February 1970, Elwood traveled to Washington, D.C. and met with officials in Richard Nixon’s administration to present his proposal for what he called health maintenance organizations (HMOs).

    The seeds for a managed care theology that would upend the American health care over the next fifty years were planted.

    The post The Creeping Privatization Of Medicare appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Workers at Allegheny Health Network affiliate Warren General Hospital voted Saturday to strike, straining already fragile medical resources in rural northwest Pennsylvania. The 114 nurses and health care workers, who are members of the Pennsylvania Association of Staff Nurses and Allied Professionals, issued a 10-day strike notice at the 87-bed hospital — the only acute care facility in the county. The labor agreement with workers expired in September, and negotiations were scheduled to continue Monday, hospital CEO Rick Allen said.

    The post Workers at AHN Affiliate Warren General Hospital Vote to Strike appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Nurses care for COVID-19 patients in a makeshift intensive care unit at Harbor-UCLA Medical Center on January 21, 2021, in Torrance, California.

    The largest survey of its kind since the start of the Covid-19 crisis found that 38% of respondents — representing around 100 million Americans — characterized the for-profit U.S. healthcare system as either “expensive” or “broken,” an indication that the pandemic has markedly shifted public opinion.

    Gallup and West Health, the two organizations behind the new survey out Tuesday, began the polling process by asking respondents to concisely describe the U.S. healthcare system in their own words. Nearly 40% used the word “expensive” and 13% said the system is “broken” — the two most common descriptors offered by respondents.

    “The results stand in stark contrast to findings from just two years ago,” the groups note in their detailed summary of the findings. “In 2019, West Health and Gallup conducted a major survey on U.S. healthcare costs and found that close to half of Americans (48%) believed the quality of care found in the U.S. was either ‘the best in the world’ (13%) or ‘among the very best’ (36%). This was two-and-a-half times the 18% who reported that the quality of care was either ‘the worst in the world’ (3%) or ‘among the worst’ (16%).”

    According to the survey, nearly half of Americans say the coronavirus pandemic soured their view of the U.S. healthcare system, which is dominated by large insurance companies and pharmaceutical corporations and imposes some of the highest costs in the world — while achieving some of the worst outcomes.

    West Health chief strategy officer Tim Lash stressed that “negative public sentiment” surrounding the healthcare system “did not form overnight or begin with Covid-19.”

    “It’s been decades in the making after failed promises by elected officials to do something to help Americans suffering at the hand of high prices for healthcare and prescription drugs,” Lash said. “However, public opinion plays an important role in the policy process, and if policymakers are listening, they have no choice but to act.”

    While far from the sole catalyst behind Americans’ changing views, the coronavirus pandemic — which has killed nearly 800,000 people in the U.S., including one in 100 older Americans — has thrown into sharp relief the massive inefficiencies and cruelties of a healthcare system whose primary objective is maximizing profit, not delivering high-quality care to all.

    “I think that Covid really illustrated just how dysfunctional the system actually is,” said one survey respondent.

    Because a majority of Americans receive health insurance through their employers, the pandemic and resulting economic calamity produced what one study characterized as the “greatest health insurance losses in American history,” with millions being dropped from their plans and forced to seek refuge in badly underfunded public programs or the hard-to-navigate Affordable Care Act exchanges.

    Additionally, hospitals have hit Covid-19 patients with massive charges throughout the pandemic, potentially discouraging many from seeking lifesaving treatments.

    Gallup and West Health’s new poll, a nationally representative survey of more than 6,600 U.S. adults, found that the percentage of Americans who reported forgoing care due to cost concerns — 30% — tripled in the three months prior to September and October, when the survey was conducted.

    Nearly a third of U.S. adults report that they could not afford quality healthcare if they needed it today, up from 18% in February. One in 20 respondents — representing around 12.7 million people — told Gallup and West Health that a friend or family member died over the past year after not receiving treatment because they couldn’t afford it.

    Overall, 94% of Americans believe the cost of healthcare in the U.S. is “higher than it should be,” the survey showed.

    “Americans have reached their breaking point,” said Shelley Lyford, president and CEO of West Health. “Between March and October, the percentage of people reporting trouble paying for healthcare, skipping treatments, and not filling their prescriptions spiked to their highest levels since the pandemic began, exacerbating another public health threat borne out of cost rather than illness.”

    Dan Witters, a senior researcher for Gallup, said in a statement Tuesday that “the sharp worsening in public opinion regarding the affordability of care and medicine is startling, and likely a result of myriad factors related directly and indirectly to the Covid-19 pandemic.”

    “From rapidly rising inflation, to deferred care pushed into 2021, to more people having to pay for Covid-19 care itself,” Witters added, “the U.S. healthcare cost crisis is now coming to a head.”

    The new survey was published as congressional Democrats continued working to finalize their $1.75 trillion reconciliation package, which includes a patchwork of healthcare provisions including expanded ACA subsidies and a prescription drug plan that was badly weakened by industry-friendly lawmakers. Other popular proposals, including a plan to add dental and vision benefits to Medicare, were dropped during negotiations.

    “At a time when one out of four Americans cannot afford their prescription drugs, maybe, just maybe, it’s time we take on the greed of the pharmaceutical industry,” said Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who is pushing for a more ambitious plan to slash skyrocketing medicine costs.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Protesters display cardboard cutouts of the faces of the United States Supreme Court justices

    The current fight for abortion rights is more than a domestic battle over state’s rights and individual decision making. It is a battle that fits within the broader context of self-determination and human rights. Eroding or outright eliminating the protections stemming from the landmark cases Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey will have tragic consequences for women and pregnant people around the country, as the protected privacy interest in personal decision-making extends beyond abortion.

    Recent reports have documented the disproportionate impact of severe abortion restrictions on people of color and low-income women and pregnant people. According to Planned Parenthood’s “Red Alert” report, 90 abortion restrictions were passed nationwide in 2021, more than any single year since Roe was passed. Written in partnership with In Our Own Voice: National Black Women’s Reproductive Justice Agenda, a collective of eight Black women-led reproductive justice organizations, the “Red Alert” estimates that close to half of cisgender women of reproductive age (18-49) could lose abortion access if and when Roe is overturned.

    The number increases when expanded to include all people who can become pregnant.

    In addition to affirming the necessity of recognizing abortion rights as fundamental in and of themselves, advocates connect the right to abortion and bodily autonomy to the Constitution’s broader protection of liberty. In 2018, the Center for Reproductive Rights released a report exploring the connection between the rights established in the landmark abortion cases and related rights of bodily integrity, medical decision making, marriage, contraception and sexual rights.

    “Any erosion of our right to liberty would mean losing much more than the right to abortion,” the report reads, noting the established right to liberty depends on a collection of rights without which liberty would not exist. The Supreme Court’s prior recognition of the right to abortion is grounded in rights to make medical decisions and privacy.

    Given the deep threats to both abortion rights and broader freedoms, a group of leading Mississippi reproductive health and justice organizations formed the Mississippi Abortion Access Coalition to coordinate response during the ensuing legal battle and provide resources to residents. In a press conference ahead of the Supreme Court oral argument in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the group contextualized the current battle in terms of the impact of communities across the Magnolia state.

    “People [who] are forced to carry pregnancies not only have their bodily autonomy taken away from them, they face the economic burden of raising children when they may not be able to afford [them] making families more likely to experience food and housing insecurity,” said Valencia Robinson, executive director of Mississippi in Action. Founded in 2009, Mississippi in Action approaches sexual and reproductive health advocacy through a holistic approach merging advocacy with community health.

    While Dobbs originally centered around the constitutionality of Mississippi’s 15-week abortion ban, the state’s legal team has made it clear it seeks to overturn abortion at the highest level.

    “Mississippi is one of 12 states with trigger bans, laws designated to ban abortion immediately if Roe is overturned,” Cassandra Welchlin, lead organizer/co-convener of the Mississippi Black Women’s Roundtable, said. “Without Roe, even more people across the south and the Midwest regions of the U.S. will be without critical access to abortion care. The autonomy to make decisions about their own bodies, lives, futures and families will be taken away.”

    A project from the Center for Reproductive Rights evaluated state reproductive health priorities, finding that states with more abortion restrictions had fewer supportive measures for overall reproductive health, such as improving the Medicaid income limit for pregnant people and restrictions on shackling incarcerated pregnant people. Mississippi was in the bottom five states along with Texas, Arizona, Missouri and Oklahoma.

    “We need to make access and information to all forms of abortion care more available so that people can safely make their own health care decisions in their communities. Abortion restrictions are medically unnecessary, based on false assumptions and have deeply racist origins,” said Michelle Colon, executive director of SHERo. “Protecting abortion access is essential to reproductive justice, the human right to maintain personal autonomy, have children, not to have children, [and] parent the children we have in safe and sustainable communities.”

    As Colon explains, broadening the scope beyond fighting simply for abortion access addresses long-standing disparities in health and well-being that impact marginalized communities. Abortion is health care, and the decision of whether to have one is among the many personal medical decisions people make every day.

    Mississippi is not only at the forefront of limiting abortion access, but it lags in equal access to necessary sexual and reproductive health-related services compared to other states.

    “A lot of counties don’t have health departments and places where they can access birth control services, STI testing and things like that,” explained Tyler Harden, Mississippi’s state director for Planned Parenthood Southeast. “Our state has yet to expand access to Medicaid. And we know that when people are given the opportunity to take control of their health and to have access to the things that they need, then they are able to make decisions that are best for them and their families.”

    Recognizing the disparate impact on rural communities, Welchlin said Medicaid expansion is key to expanding reproductive health care. Failing to expand Medicaid creates a broader crisis of care across the state. According to Mississippi State University, more than half of the state’s population lives in rural areas and either all or a portion of the 82 counties are considered “medically underserved.” Combined with the crisis of rural hospital closures, Mississippi officials disregard people’s basic health needs.

    “Mississippi is so rural and those folks don’t have access to clinics where they can go and just get the basic care that they need in order to be whole and healed,” Welchlin said. “If the state of Mississippi and our decision makers expanded Medicaid then we’ll be able to have a robust health care infrastructure across the state where people can access contraceptive care and just even taking care of a woman who is pregnant.”

    Colon agreed, noting that marginalized communities face discriminatory obstacles to reproductive health care across the South and Midwest.

    “Mississippians [should] have the right to get the health care they need without shame, unnecessary obstacles and restrictions and government interference in our decisions,” Colon said.

    During an August interview, Colon said there were new restrictions in the state every year since she moved to Mississippi. Colon, who has been in the state since 1997, said Mississippi had been fighting issues often overlooked until a wealthier state gets slammed with a similar fight.

    She recounted the big fight in Texas in 2013 when former state Sen. Wendy Davis filibustered a bill that would have banned abortion after 20 weeks and required abortion clinics to be licensed ambulatory surgery centers. Colon said that the momentum and organizing in Texas was great, but people in Mississippi had been fighting the same fight and it barely received any coverage.

    “I wasn’t overreacting when I talked about this, you know, 20 years ago,” began Colon. “I wasn’t overreacting five years ago. And we were damn sure not overreacting last year.”

    With only three judges guaranteed to uphold Roe, Colon said this isn’t some dystopian film or book. It’s real life.

    “What people have learned now over the last 10 years, you don’t necessarily have to ‘overturn Roe,’ you just continue fucking with the existing abortion rights and hurting women and girls and people trying to get an abortion,” Colon continued. “The entire country is Mississippi, baby, whether they want to admit it or not. And so, nobody is really safe.”

    Calling Mississippi “an abortion desert,” Colon said that in addition to having only one clinic, the state has some of the most stringent anti-abortion laws in the country. Mandatory wait times, multiple clinic visits and laws targeting abortion providers that go beyond what is necessary to ensure patient safety, such as hospital-admitting privileges, all contribute to the burden on abortion access.

    Despite the so-called “culture of life” that Mississippi Gov. Tate Reeves and other anti-abortion officials claim to espouse, their narrow concern for so-called life runs counter to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights adopted by the United States, which strive “toward preventing maternal mortality and morbidity, to secure women’s and girls’ right to equality and non-discrimination, and to ensure their right to life.”

    While federal legislative interventions are important to protecting people’s right to personal liberty and bodily autonomy, Mississippi organizers are not waiting for national saviors.

    “Our priority should be making sure that people have access to the health care that they want [and] need,” Colon said. “That means ensuring that people who want to get an abortion at a clinic or doctor’s office can do so without restrictions or barriers.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Louisville, KY – On Saturday, December 11 at 11:00 a.m. EST, Kentuckians for Single Payer Health Care and others will gather outside the headquarters of Humana, 500 W. Main St., Louisville, KY 40202 where they will demand an end to Medicare Direct Contracting, a program that could fully privatize Traditional fee-for-service Medicare without a vote by Congress.

    The protest with feature Steven Katz in full costume as the Grinch with the reading and performance of “How the Grinch Stole Medicare,” an original poem from National Single Payer.   Jill Harmer and the Single Payer Singers, Stephen Bartlett and his band, and singer, songwriter John Gage will perform holiday and health care music.

    The post How The Grinch Stole Medicare Protest At Humana appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Sen. Joe Manchin makes a statement in the Senate TV Studio on Capitol Hill on November 1, 2021, in Washington, D.C.

    Sharon Marchio misses having teeth for eating, speaking and smiling.

    For the past few years, after the last of her teeth were extracted, she’s used dentures. “My dentist calls them my floating teeth because no matter how much adhesive you use, if you eat something hot or warm, they loosen up and it is a pain,” said Marchio, 73, of Clarksburg, West Virginia.

    Marchio believes that losing her teeth was merely part of getting older. It’s quite common in West Virginia, where a quarter of people 65 and older have no natural teeth, the highest rate of any state in the country, according to federal data.

    Like half of Medicare enrollees nationally, Marchio has no dental insurance. Worries about the costs led her to skip regular cleanings and exams, crucial steps for preventing infections and tooth loss.

    Medicare doesn’t cover most dental care, but consumer advocates had hoped that would change this year after Democrats took control of the White House and Congress. President Joe Biden and progressives, led by Sen. Bernie Sanders, sought to add the benefit to a major domestic spending package, the Build Back Better Act, that Democrats are seeking to pass.

    But those chances are looking slim because at least one Democratic senator — Joe Manchin of, yes, West Virginia — opposes adding dental and other benefits for Medicare beneficiaries. He says it will cost the federal government too much.

    In a Senate split evenly between Republicans and Democrats, losing Manchin's vote would likely sink the proposal, which is unlikely to get any Republican votes.

    Last month, the House passed the roughly $2 trillion package of Democrats’ domestic priorities that include health measures, free preschool, affordable housing programs and initiatives to fight climate change. It added hearing services coverage to Medicare but no dental benefit. The package is expected to undergo revisions in the Senate, and Democratic leaders hope a vote will happen in the chamber before the end of the year.

    In West Virginia, one of the most heavily Republican states in the country, oral health advocates and progressives say it’s disappointing that Manchin would stand in the way of adding dental coverage for Medicare recipients — particularly given the state’s poor oral health record.

    “It is unfortunate that our senator — who I respect and agree with on a lot of things — is going to draw the line on this issue,” said Fotinos Panagakos, associate dean for research at the West Virginia University School of Dentistry and a member of the Santa Fe Group, a think tank made up of scholars, industry executives and former government officials pushing for a Medicare dental benefit. “It would be a huge benefit.”

    West Virginia has the third-highest share of people 65 and older, behind only Florida and Maine. Panagakos said that nearly 300,000 West Virginia Medicare recipients would gain dental benefits under the bill. Yet, Manchin’s efforts aren’t likely to cost him politically. He is not up for reelection until 2024.

    “What political price do you pay when four other Republicans vote ‘no’ against everything?” Ryan Frankenberry, state director of the progressive Working Families Party in West Virginia, said, referring to the state’s three House members and Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, who all oppose the bill. “It’s a difficult argument to blame one person for not passing the benefit when every other Republican vote went against it.”

    Manchin’s opposition, Frankenberry said, stems from the need to respond to the political pressures of representing an increasingly conservative state — and arguments from conservative commentators that Medicare is becoming insolvent and increasing the federal deficit.

    Manchin, who did not respond to requests for an interview, has raised concerns about adding new Medicare spending when the Medicare Part A hospital trust fund is slated to become insolvent in 2026 if Congress takes no action. But that fund would not cover the proposed dental benefit; it would become part of Medicare Part B, which covers outpatient services such as doctor visits.

    Manchin has also suggested that new social programs being advanced by the Democrats in the Build Back Better Act should be means-tested — in essence, offering the coverage only to people with lower incomes.

    Dentists are concerned that Medicare — like Medicaid — would pay less than what they normally charge, said Richard Stevens, executive director of the West Virginia Dental Association.

    The American Dental Association has also called for limiting any new Medicare dental benefit through means testing. ADA officials say a means test would ensure the benefit is helping those who really need it and save money for the Medicare program.

    But critics say the ADA’s position is an effort by the powerful dental lobby to kill the benefit — because it knows Congress has little appetite to turn to means testing in Medicare. The program remains popular largely because everyone 65 and older is entitled to all its benefits.

    “On the surface, their position sounds altruistic,” said Michael Alfano, who is a former dean of the New York University College of Dentistry and helped found the Santa Fe Group. “But there is no interest in Congress to make it a means-tested benefit.”

    While adding a Medicare benefit would increase demand for dental services, it would also reduce what are considered dentists’ most lucrative patients, those who pay out-of-pocket and don’t benefit from insurer-discounted fees, Alfano said. “In my mind, the ADA did not have public interest at heart — they put the financial returns of dentists at the top of the ledger when developing this approach,” he said.

    Alfano said there is still hope for an eleventh-hour change in the bill. “It’s not dead, but I would be lying if I said I was not disappointed,” he said.

    West Virginia seniors have other options for getting dental coverage.

    Many get some benefits when they enroll in private Medicare Advantage plans. And in January, West Virginia added an adult dental benefit to Medicaid, the federal-state health insurance program for people with low incomes, giving enrollees an annual maximum benefit of $1,000. Previously, West Virginia was one of about a dozen states that either provided no adult dental benefit to Medicaid recipients or only covered emergencies.

    Through September, about 53,000 of the nearly 390,000 adult enrollees in West Virginia’s Medicaid program had used the benefit.

    Stevens of the West Virginia Dental Association said he could not explain why so few Medicaid enrollees had used the benefit, though he noted that the $1,000 maximum might not be enough to persuade some to seek care. “For people with more serious oral health conditions, $1,000 does not go very far,” Stevens said. “It’s hardly worth the time for the patient and not worth the time for the dentist.”

    Craig Glover, CEO of FamilyCare Health Centers in Charleston, West Virginia, said a Medicare benefit would help the many older patients who come to his dental clinic. He said some patients don’t return for needed follow-up care because of concerns about costs.

    Without dental coverage, older adults in West Virginia rely on community health centers — which offer a sliding fee scale based on income — and free health clinics for care. But they can still face higher costs than they can afford or long waits for care.

    The dental appointments at the Susan Dew Hoff Memorial Clinic in West Milford, where Marchio has been treated, are booked several months in advance, said office manager Gail Marsh.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • In a groundbreaking move, in 2020, Oregon voters approved the decriminalization of personal use amounts of all illicit drugs, with Measure 110 passing with a healthy 59 percent of the vote. That made Oregon the first state in the U.S. to make this dramatic break after decades of the war on drugs. Now, as other states are pondering a similar move and are looking for evidence to bolster their case for drug decriminalization, some of the initial results in Oregon are looking pretty impressive and promising.

    The post How Oregon Is Turning The Page On America’s Disastrous Drug War appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • One of the recent roles of the Parliamentary Healthcare Committee has been to reassure the British public that any claims regarding the ‘Americanization’ of the National Health Service (NHS) were wildly overstated, “creating a climate that risks blocking the joining up of services in the interests of patients.”

    In fact, the penetration of the healthcare system by the giant U.S. insurer UnitedHealth reveals the opposite to be true, with the full extent of its influence capable of surprising even seasoned NHS watchers.

    The Health and Care Bill making its way through official channels simply reinforces this, with the bill’s centerpiece, the 42 regional-scale Integrated Care Systems (ICSs), aimed at bringing together GPs, hospitals, mental healthcare and council services. It is being effectively designed and fast-tracked by the private UnitedHealth.

    The U.S. healthcare system is of course a thing of nightmares. Insurance payments extract almost half the income of an average family, in return for which the nation consistently ranks last for access, equity, and outcomes of care in periodic studies by the Commonwealth Fund.

    The post US Empire Seizes UK’s National Health Service appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Dealing with tons of trash isn't out of the ordinary for the City of New Orleans. By the end of Carnival season, city clean-up crews and paid volunteers collect about 900 tons of garbage on average each year. Onlookers have called the efforts "mesmerizing" to watch. More than a century of Mardi Gras celebrations have refined the city's approach to bulk garbage collection down to a science. A "parade" of sanitation workers, tractors, trucks, and street sweepers mobilize to collect the trash and clean the city after Fat Tuesday.

    The post New Orleans Has A Trash Problem. Thanks To Climate Change, Your City Probably Will, Too. appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • In the face of massive support for Medicare for All and the failure of the U.S.’s for-profit health care system, the inevitable fall of the medical-industrial complex can be predicted, if not with precision, with certainty. Everyone is aware of the impending demise, none more so than those in charge of the for-profit health care system and their supporters in Congress, as evidenced by the frenetic activity at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) to transfer the traditional Medicare program to the insurance industry as fast as humanly possible. Given this urgency, physicians representing Physicians for a National Health Program delivered a petition signed by 13,000 individuals, including 1,500 physicians, to Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra this week demanding the end to the privatization of Medicare.

    The post An Obscure Agency Is Threatening To Hand Medicare Over To Wall Street appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Aduhelm, approved by the FDA in June despite much pushback from medical experts, is expected to be a huge burden on the health care system.

    When Biogen’s new Alzheimer’s drug, Aduhelm, was officially approved for use by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) back in June, it was a decision that flouted overwhelming pushback from doctors in the field, dozens of whom argued that Biogen had failed to demonstrate whether the drug had any clinical value. Since then, only about a hundred Americans have been prescribed the medication — a vanishingly small amount for a disease that afflicts 5.8 million. But even as the scope of Aduhelm’s use remains limited, critics are now warning that its fiscal implications could spell disaster for American healthcare as we know it.

    Aduhelm alone, priced at a whopping $56,000 a year, has already contributed to an approximate $10 spike in monthly Medicare Part B premiums, according to a recent CNN report. Comprising about half of this year’s price increase, Aduhelm will bring the monthly cost of Medicare up from $148.50 to $170.10 — the biggest jump in dollar terms throughout the program’s entire history, according to NBC15. It should be noted that the $10 upcharge applies to all Medicare enrollees — that is, over 62 million Americans — most of whom will never directly benefit from Aduhelm. And for the drug’s actual recipients, the $10 add-on is just the tip of the iceberg.

    First, there are co-payments. Because Medicare recipients are typically required to cover 20% of Part B treatments as part of the program’s co-insurance policy, Aduhelm patients have to cough up an extra $11,600 out of pocket annually. An $11,600 copayment is already cost-prohibitive for the vast majority of Americans. But when it comes to Medicare enrollees — whose median income is roughly $30,000 a year — it’s easy to see how just a year’s worth of treatment is completely out of the question.

    Then there’s the cost of routine screening. In order to monitor the risk of brain bleeding and swelling — side-effects which occurred in about 41% of clinical patients from 2019 and may have led to the recent death of a 75-year-old woman — Aduhelm patients will also have to cover 20% of the cost of PET or MRI scans. To put this into context, the average national price range for brain MRI scans is $1,600 to $8,400. PET scans can be as pricey as $10,700. And Medicare does not guarantee coverage for either, at times leaving patients to pay for them in full.

    Unsurprisingly, Aduhelm is expected to be a massive burden on the American healthcare system.

    According to a conservative estimate by the Kaiser Family Foundation, if Medicare covered the drug for 1 million Americans, spending on Aduhelm would exceed $57 billion in a single year — $20 billion more than was spent on all Part B drugs in 2019 combined.

    Judging by the numbers alone, the U.S. healthcare system cannot afford to absorb Aduhelm, David Mitchell, founder of Patients For Affordable Drugs, told Salon. “It’s a back-breaking drug for Medicare and for Medicare beneficiaries,” Mitchell explained in an interview. “We’re going to have to confront the fact that we can’t keep paying whatever [Big Pharma] demands, because it’ll just break the bank.”

    Matthew E. Shepard, Communications Director at the Center for Medicare Advocacy, echoed Mitchell in an email exchange, expressing concerns about the “palpable impact the very possibility of this drug being covered under Medicare has already had on Medicare premiums.”

    Asked whether it found the drug’s effect on Medicare concerning, a Biogen spokesperson emphasized that “Alzheimer’s care pathway is complex and underdeveloped.”

    “We anticipate that adoption of ADUHELM, like other novel treatments, will be gradual over many years, as system-readiness and diagnosis will take time, and we expect that only a fraction of the total eligible population will be treated with ADUHELM in 2022,” Allison Parks, the Biogen representative, added.

    Aduhelm’s approval comes at a political moment in which outrage over high drug prices — and Congress’ apparent unwillingness to lower them — has reached a fever pitch.

    As it currently stands, Medicare is not legally allowed to negotiate Part B and Part D drug prices with drugmakers. That is why House Democrats have for the past two years touted the “Lower Drug Costs Now Act,” which sets out to allow for Medicare negotiation and establish price caps based on international reference points. But because the bill lacks adequate support from Congress — even though 83% of the American public supports Medicare price negotiation — companies like Biogen have near-complete authority to charge whatever they wish for their drugs, even when their actual value to society is abysmal.

    And abysmal it might very well be, critics say, in the case of Aduhelm.

    According to a comprehensive report released by the Institute for Clinical and Economic Review (ICER), which specializes in assessing the clinical value of pharmaceuticals as compared to their market prices, Aduhelm should actually be priced no higher than $8,300 per year — nearly seven times less than what Biogen is charging.

    David Whitrap, ICER’s Vice President of Communications and Outreach, told Salon that the group’s analysis of Aduhelm was “very unique” because ICER had “strong concerns just about the effectiveness of the drug” from the outset. “Usually, we’re looking at an FDA-approved drug that has some sort of efficacy. And it’s just more of a discussion around what a fair price is,” Whitrap said in an interview. “Ultimately, we concluded that the clinical evidence was insufficient to show whether Aduhelm provides a net health benefit for patients. And that’s an unusual evidence rating from ICER.”

    The group’s poor evidence rating was largely rooted in Biogen’s controversial use of “surrogate endpoints,” proxy measures that are assumed to correlate with actual clinical endpoints. For Aduhelm, this meant measuring the presence of beta-amyloid plaque as a surrogate for cognitive decline — an approach that typifies just one of many in dementia research.

    “Aduhelm was approved based on its demonstrated clinical effect in reducing amyloid plaque in the brain and the reasonable likelihood that removal of this plaque slows disease progression,” company spokesperson Allison Parks told Salon.

    In Biogen’s first 2019 study, called “EMERGE,” the company found that Aduhelm reduced the rate of cognitive decline (i.e., the presence of amyloid plaque) by 23%. In its second study, “ENGAGE,” these results failed to re-emerge.

    But critics say that even if administering Aduhelm causes a reduction in plaque, that doesn’t necessarily mean the drug is preventing cognitive decline.

    “I think all the evidence shows that when you reduce amyloid plaque, you don’t see a clinical benefit,” Harvard lecturer Dr. John Abramson, whose forthcoming book “Sickening” tackles Big Pharma and corruption, told Salon. “It’s a very good hypothesis — when you find that people who have Alzheimer’s disease are far more likely to have amyloid deposits — I think that’s established. But that doesn’t establish causation.”

    On a broader level, Abramson also noted that the existing relationship between the FDA and Big Pharma presents several inherent conflicts of interest — and these conflicts might raise eyebrows with respect to Aduhelm. For instance, the FDA receives a large portion of its funding from user fees, which are paid out by pharmaceutical companies to help cover the agency’s regulatory overhead as part of the 1992 Prescription Drug User Fee Act (PDUFA).

    According to an FDA fact sheet from November of last year, users fees comprised roughly 45% of the FDA’s total budget. For human drugs like Aduhelm, that number is as high as 65%, which critics say can open the door for problematic back-scratching.

    “[The FDA’s] primary client is industry and their time targets,” Abramson explained. “And there’s a lot of pressure to meet the targets that have been agreed upon to receive that PDUFA money.”

    But the full extent to which Biogen may have pressured the FDA, if at all, remains shrouded in mystery.

    According to a New York Times analysis, Biogen reportedly fostered a spirit of “close collaboration” with the FDA officials spanning back to 2019. STAT further found evidence that Biogen executives apparently leveraged backchannels with the agency months before the drug was pushed past the finish line.

    Now, two House committees are looking into the matter. And, in July, the Department of Health and Human Services launched an internal probe into whether there was any impropriety following calls for an investigation by FDA Acting Commissioner Janet Woodcock.

    It’s unclear how long Aduhelm’s development will be under federal scrutiny. But in the meantime, the drug is already forcing companies and government agencies to make tough decisions. In the private insurance industry, Bloomberg reported, numerous companies are refusing to cover the Aduhelm until more data is presented, deeming the drug as largely experimental. The Department of Veterans Affairs has likewise shot the drug down entirely, citing the “the risk of significant adverse drug events and to the lack of evidence of a positive impact on cognition.”

    For its part, Medicare is still weighing a final determination as to whether — and how much — it will cover, even though the agency has already raised its premiums to build up cash reserves for coverage, according to CNN. “It’s important to note that the Part B Premium reflects our actuaries’ best estimates of future Medicare spending and the necessary reserves to ensure we can pay claims,” a Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) spokesperson told Salon.

    “CMS will post a proposed NCD and decision memorandum within six months from the initiation of this NCD analysis,” they added.

    But if CMS ultimately agrees to cover the drug, Abramson said, it will run the risk of “pulling money out of our healthcare system for the kinds of things that we know are going to be more cost effective.”

    “The big picture here is that the biotech whiz-bang takes money away from basic healthcare,” he added. “And in my opinion, that’s why the United States — despite spending an excess of $1.5 trillion a year — is losing ground rapidly in terms of population health, compared not just to the other wealthy nations, but to all the nations.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • On November 26, as news of the new Omicron variant of Covid-19 stoked alarm around the world, the White House released a statement calling on countries to support an intellectual property waiver for Covid-19 vaccines. However, this public statement, which garnered numerous headlines, stands in stark contrast with what the Biden administration did — or did not do — behind closed doors at the WTO on November 29.

    The post Documents Reveal Biden Admin Not Fighting For A Covid Vaccine Patent Waiver appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Little legislative movement in Maryland over the past two years has left people who use drugs more vulnerable and even less safe. Overdoses have been increasing for years now because the drug supply has been poisoned with fentanyl, a synthetic opioid that has leaked into street drugs, making them unpredictable and lethal. You just don’t know what you’re getting. For the most part, the response to this lethal phenomenon has amounted to the all-too-typical declaration of an “opioid crisis,” which has catalyzed a combination of moral panic and a severely limited plea for “understanding” that mostly focuses on addiction and treatment.

    The post Another Year Of Devastating Overdoses In Baltimore appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Xavier Becerra, Secretary of Health and Human Services, takes notes during a Senate Appropriations Subcommittee hearing on June 9, 2021, at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C.

    A Trump-era pilot program that could result in the complete privatization of traditional Medicare in a matter of years is moving ahead under the Biden administration, a development that — despite its potentially massive implications for patients across the U.S. — has received scant attention from the national press or Congress.

    On Tuesday, a group of physicians from around the nation will try to grab the notice of lawmakers, the Biden White House, and the public by traveling to Washington, D.C. and demanding that the Health and Human Services Department (HHS) immediately stop the Medicare experiment, which is known as Direct Contracting (DC).

    The doctors plan to present HHS with a petition signed by more than 1,500 physicians who believe the DC pilot threatens “the future of Medicare as we know it.”

    Advocates have been publicly sounding the alarm about the DC program for months, warning that it could fully hand traditional Medicare over to Wall Street investors and other profit-seekers, resulting in higher costs for patients and lower-quality care.

    “Everything we know about Direct Contracting should be cause to halt the pilot,” Diane Archer, the founder of Just Care USA and the senior adviser on Medicare at Social Security Works, told Common Dreams in an email. “Direct Contracting effectively eliminates the more cost-effective traditional Medicare program designed to ensure that people with complex health conditions get the care they need.”

    “The Direct Contracting experiment is likely to be both a healthcare policy and a political nightmare,” Archer argued. “We already know from the Medicare Advantage experiment that Direct Contracting won’t save money, nor will it be able to show improved quality.”

    But healthcare campaigners’ concerns have fallen largely on deaf ears in Congress and the Biden administration, which has allowed much of the pilot program to proceed as planned.

    In a phone interview with Common Dreams ahead of Tuesday’s demonstration at HHS headquarters, Dr. Ed Weisbart — chair of the Missouri chapter of Physicians for a National Health Program (PNHP) — said that Congress is largely “asleep at the switch” as Wall Street-backed startups and private insurance giants close in on traditional Medicare, a 56-year-old program that covers tens of millions of U.S. seniors.

    “People don’t know that it’s happening,” Weisbart, one of the physicians traveling to the nation’s capital, said of the DC experiment. “Most people in Congress don’t know that it’s happening. We’ve started having some of these conversations with congressional staff, and we’re hoping to have many more of them next week when we’re there, but it’s not on their radar either.”

    “That’s the disturbing part,” he added. “How radical the transformation of Medicare is becoming under this new model, how widespread it will be — it’ll be the entire book of business — and yet that’s occurring with neither the awareness nor consent of Congress.”

    The DC program was established by the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation (CMMI) during the waning months of the Trump administration, which included former pharmaceutical industry executives, Wall Street bankers, and right-wing policy consultants notorious for gashing public health programs.

    Under the DC model, so-called Direct Contracting Entities (DCEs) are paid monthly by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) to cover a specified portion of a patient’s medical care — a significant shift from traditional Medicare’s direct reimbursement of providers.

    DCEs are allowed to pocket the funding they don’t spend on care, an arrangement that critics believe will incentivize the private middlemen to skimp on Medicare patients — many of whom could be auto-enrolled into DCEs without their knowledge or permission.

    According to a policy brief released by PNHP, “Virtually any company can apply to be a DCE, including investor-backed startups that include primary care physicians, [Medicare Advantage] plans and other commercial insurers, accountable care organizations (ACOs) or ACO-like organizations, and for-profit hospital systems.”

    “Applicants are approved by CMS without input from Congress or other elected officials,” the group notes.

    At present, the pilot includes 53 DCEs in 38 states, Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico. Drs. Richard Gilfillan and Donald Berwick pointed out in a September article for Health Affairs that 28 of the current DCEs are controlled by investors, not healthcare providers. A second tranche of DCEs is expected to debut in January 2022.

    Dr. Ana Malinow, a physician from San Francisco who is taking part in Tuesday’s petition delivery, said in a statement that “Medicare Advantage — the first wave of Medicare privatization — showed us that inserting a profit-seeking middleman into public coverage does not save money for taxpayers, but rather costs more money while also taking away care choices from seniors.”

    “If left unchecked, the Direct Contracting program will hand traditional Medicare off to Wall Street investors, without input from seniors, doctors, or even members of Congress,” said Malinow. “Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra has the power to stop this Trump-era program in its tracks, and must do so now.”

    The DC experiment was launched by the Trump administration but actually has its roots in the Affordable Care Act (ACA), which established CMMI with the stated goal of identifying “ways to improve healthcare quality and reduce costs in the Medicare, Medicaid, and Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) programs.”

    The ACA granted CMMI, also known as the Innovation Center, the authority to test alternative payment and service delivery models on a national scale without congressional approval — latitude that, in the hands of the Trump administration, ultimately spawned the DC pilot program.

    CMMI is currently headed by Elizabeth Fowler, who previously served as vice president of public policy and external affairs for WellPoint, Inc. — a health insurance giant that later became Anthem. Fowler also worked as chief health counsel to former Senate Finance Committee Chair Max Baucus, a right-wing Democrat who infamously had single-payer proponents arrested in 2009 and helped ensure that the ACA did not include a public option.

    Weisbart told Common Dreams that while the creation of CMMI may have been well-intentioned, the body’s ability to “so fundamentally and radically transform a public health program that so many Americans rely on” without congressional approval or oversight is a real danger that lawmakers must take seriously.

    “Someplace there needs to be congressional oversight,” Weisbart said. “When the public does finally find out that [lawmakers] were asleep at the switch, they’re not going to be happy. This is your chance to do what democracy is intended to do.”

    The Biden administration paused the most extreme form of Direct Contracting — known as the Geographic (GEO) model — in March, but it is allowing the Global and Professional Direct Contracting (GPDC) pilot to move forward. According to CMS, the GPDC pilot is expected to play out over a six-year period.

    While lawmakers have largely been quiet about the Medicare experiment, a handful of Democratic members of Congress have echoed grassroots demands for an immediate end to the DC program in recent months.

    “We appreciate that you paused implementation of the Geographic model,” Reps. Lloyd Doggett (D-Texas.) Bill Pascrell (D-N.J.), and Mark Pocan (D-Wis.) wrote in a May letter to Becerra and then-Acting CMS Administrator Elizabeth Richter. “However, we remain worried that the 53 DCEs participating in the GPDC model, a policy launched under the Trump administration, lacks oversight to protect Medicare beneficiaries’ care.”

    “As members of Congress committed to protecting Medicare beneficiaries,” the lawmakers continued, “we ask that CMS immediately freeze the harmful CMMI DCE pilot program including the Geographic model and the Global and Professional Direct Contracting Model and evaluate the impact to beneficiaries.”

    In September, Porter took part in a PNHP-hosted webinar that spotlighted the potentially far-reaching harms of the DC pilot.

    “This program was supposed to make Medicare more efficient,” said Porter. “But actually it does just the opposite. Rather than allowing patients to go to providers directly under traditional Medicare, DCEs invite insurers and investors to step in and interfere with the care that Americans get.”

    “This Direct Contracting Entity model is just one more example of the Trump administration’s many attempts to wreck a functioning, successful, popular government program for the sake of lining the pockets of its corporate donors,” Porter added. “The bottom line for Direct Contracting Entities is not to improve the quality of care. They drive up costs for patients to maximize their profits.”

    In a column earlier this month, the Houston Chronicle’s Chris Tomlinson argued that the Biden administration’s decision to allow the DC program to continue “reflects for-profit health companies and investors’ power over both political parties.”

    “Direct Contracting is also likely to kill any chance for progressive Democrats to make Medicare an option for any American who wants to enroll,” Tomlinson added. “If the government puts private companies in charge of all Medicare patients, it will eliminate any opportunity to overhaul our healthcare system truly.”

    “Next year,” he added, “millions more Americans will find themselves in privatized Medicare, and most will never know what happened.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • As we enter the third year of the Covid-19 crisis, two battles are underway. One is led by the carers of the world in overcrowded hospitals, fighting to end the pandemic. Another is by corporate executives in closed boardrooms, fighting to prolong it. The question at the very center of both is this — who will control medical recipes worth billions of dollars, and millions of lives? The Progressive International is mobilizing nurses unions around the world to take on Big Pharma and the governments they have captured.

    The post Carers Of The World Vs. Covid-19 Criminals appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.