This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.
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This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.
This post was originally published on Radio Free.
You published over 300 books over the course of your career, which is no small feat. What is your process? How do you plan out your work?
I’m not sure whether or not I had a plan to begin with. It was sort of by accident that I realized my 100th book was the first thing that ever got noticed by a film producer and got optioned. And then my 200th book came out, I looked around and said, “I have to move to a different country.” And then, as I was approaching 40, I realized I had 260 some books. So I thought “Okay, 300’s an obvious goal. I can say 300 books by 40 and we’ll just see what happens.” Of course, I miscounted and it ended up being 311 books by 40. I think that the real goal with making comics for me has always been make the right kind of comics so that I have total freedom to continue making whatever the fuck I want to make.
Last year, in November, I announced for the sake of accountability, that I’d be putting out 17 books and I think here we are in August and I’ve put out four of those 17. But I’ve also put out seven other things that I hadn’t had any idea were coming. I’m the sort of a mix between incredibly ADHD where I have to be doing something new every four to seven minutes, but also a fast enough worker that all those things end up getting done.
You mentioned 17 books being planned for this year, only doing four of the planned ones, but doing seven different unplanned things. How much of that do you contribute to getting burnt out and needing to pivot to something maybe more rejuvenating?
People keep warning me about burnout and I have this pretty high level of oppositional defiant disorder where someone tells me something’s going to happen and I say, “Absolutely not, that’s some dumb human bullshit for other people.”
I can remember one time where I was starting to feel drained and I was on a call with some other comic creators. One of them gave me really helpful advice about how when he’s well-rested, he makes better work and he can work faster if he’s taken a break. My brain went and said, “That’s not for Richard, though.” And I made entirely new these little 100-page horror shows that day.
This is just what happens. The more people tell me that I’m going to fall apart, the more I say, “let’s see.” Because the truth is if it all comes crashing down, then I’ll have the answer to the ultimate question, which is, “How many comics can I make before I die?”
Speaking of your 100-page horror comics, I know that you’ve published several on Kickstarter, each of which explores a specific kind of focus. I know there’s one about exploring obsession. There’s one about literally being seen and what that means. What do you like about that more limited format specifically for horror?
I think that I don’t want to dwell on things that scare me. And with these books, usually just a little idea will pop into my head and I’ll spend five or 10 minutes letting my mind run with it and seeing what I can come up with.
These books, they’re less like comics and more like illustrated poems, honestly. What I’m able to do with the 100-page format is essentially explore one core thread throughout. The rule for those is when I have the idea, I give myself 10 minutes to see if it has legs. If I think it has legs, I just put aside whatever else I’m doing and I’ll do non-stop 24-hour work day and finish the book.
It means that I don’t have to take too much time out from anything else. It refreshes me to come back to my other thing the next day. It means that I’ve got a set amount of time that I can delve into every single possible version of why that thing is scary. For instance, with Crooked Little Town, it was what if there’s an entire town turned physically crooked by the weight of generational guilt and then it just became this like a man wandering through a space bent over by physical weight through crooked trees smoking a crooked cigarette, reflecting on what has turned the town this way. And any single sentence in that book could be implying 30 other things. It allows me to just get that out of the way.
Horror is such a popular genre on the platform and in comics in general. Are there any other genres that you’re interested in exploring?
I have done a lot of memoir stuff, as you know. With comics, a lot of it comes down to how far can I push the comic medium. That’s the thing that always holds my interest because I think it’s such an unexplored language. I’ve said many times, but comics became codified so quickly by superheroes and then we went digital.
I know we can get into the argument that comics have existed since the days of cave paintings, but I’m talking about comics as we understand them as the modern American art form. They went digital so quickly and I think that we left behind a lot of the potential of what physical could still do. There is a language there that is complex and there are so many pieces fitting together. Every page of a comic is some amount of time that begins and ends at the top left and bottom right. The freedom within that is limitless.
So, in terms of genre, horror is a great genre to explore with comics because it’s a genre that can rely on suspense and dense detail or empty space or the haunting nature of seeing nothingness. It’s a genre that relies on you imagining other things. And so having the space of the gutter between panels really like highlights like here’s one beat, here’s another. You put together what happened in between. I want to explore everything in comics. I spend a lot of time thinking about romance, a lot of time thinking about comedy is one of the hardest things to do in comics, straight comedy because of course, comedy relies on movement so often. It’s very hard to show a funny bear in a suit falling on his bottom if you have to show him standing up and then sitting down and expect people to guess what happened in between.
You’re legally blind, and yet you’ve chosen comics, this very visual medium as your central medium, as your art. How does limited vision play a role in what you choose to put on the page?
It’s less that it’s a visual medium and more that it’s a completely flat medium. A big part of my eyesight deficiency is that I only have one eye. Well, I have two eyes that both work a tiny little bit, but the one on my left eye is so poor that my brain doesn’t process any images coming in through it in the same way that it does with the eye on the right. So I cannot see anything out of my left eye, or if I do, it’s all subconscious, which means I don’t really have depth perception or at least I have real trouble perceiving it properly.
My right eye wobbles all over the place to kind of try and form a focal point, but essentially the world to me looks much flatter than it does to the rest of you. And drawing has always been a way for me to make sense.
My parents were very insistent that I had to know how to read and write before I started kindergarten. So I made my first book when I was just about to turn four. It was about Donald Duck going to a haunted house and Mickey doesn’t show up to go with him. So he goes out on his own and he meets a ghost in the attic who has no friends. And Donald realizes he has no friends either. So he shoots himself in the face so he can stay with the ghost forever. I don’t know if I’ll ever get to publish that because of some trademark issues, but we’ll see.
I just started drawing the world and it was a very easy way to put things into my own perspective. Visually I try to lead people with the way that my eye would see the world. I try to say here’s the panel, here’s the thing that I’m noticing. I’m very aware there’s other stuff going on around me, but I have a very limited field of vision and so I’ll draw that stuff afterwards. There’s a strange focus to everything I do but I think it’s also why there’s an inherent clarity because I’ve had to strip away all of the distractions that other people are dealing with.
I love hearing that you’ve been writing books since you were a kid as I have two young kids myself. I think it’s great to be creating from such a young age. How much do you feel like your work has evolved and changed over the years? Do you feel like there are different acts or different seasons of what you’ve been exploring?
I think that I was incredibly unhappy in my life growing up. I was living in New Zealand. It’s a very small country. At least the suburb that I lived in had a real mindset of why would anyone try to do anything more? These are the things you are expected to like and that really kind of just put me in a place of always feeling very outside. I think you can really see in all the stuff that I did as a child very little of which is available in the world.
The stuff that I have shown people is very much about someone who is unhappy, someone who is looking for something more magical and pretty consistently stories about my desire to become a ghost at some point because that’s absolute freedom. Then I’d get into the complicated nature of being a ghost…one of my favorite activities is playing on a slide and you really can’t do that as a ghost because there’s just no tension there.
A lot of that time it’s about looking at what is the world missing or what would I have wanted my younger self to have. I spent about 10 years working almost exclusively in children’s books, picture books, and all ages horror comics. During that time, I was very clearly writing books for 8 to 12 year-old Richard. You look at the work I’m doing now and these books are more for people who I want to hang out with now to enjoy.
I realize I’ve made enough stuff for a kid Richard. He can get over it and find his own shit to read. I’m going to make books for the cool grown-ups who I want to hang out with because I really don’t want to be hanging out with cool grown-ups talking about a 10-year-old’s trauma at a spooky beach.
As we talk about these different eras in my career, I have been doing the Richard Sucks stuff now for two and a half years. I think there’s 28 books in the series in that publishing line. And I was really feeling like this is a slow build. It’s a niche market. it’s weirdo shit. And then three months ago at a convention, I was at an afterparty. We were all having to sign and do remarques on posters for the show. And someone asked me to do a remarque. I said, “Sure. What do you want me to draw?” And he said, “I don’t know.” And a friend of mine leaned back in his chair and yelled loudly, “Richard’s really good at drawing dicks.” That night I drew 57 dicks on Fan Expo posters.
And so now I’m in this weird phase where I’m doing two more memoirs this year at least because they’re sort of already underway. I’ve got this sapphic teen witchcraft thing. And then, at the same time, I’m also branching out.
I got this whole new line called Dicks by Richard because I draw really good dicks for people. I’m trying to figure out if I want to do a book called The Dick Pics of Dorian Gay, which I think will come out later this year. I think a lot about when you go on any dating app and you start seeing the same profile pictures over and over again. You realize there are these people who haven’t updated their profile pictures for years and they just become invisible. I want to do the reverse of that of someone whose Grinder pics are aging while they don’t.
I’m working on a new thing called Bob Dylan Sopranos McDonald’s or BDSM for short, which is about the importance of the value of a name and how a name when it becomes linked to something more famous the original meaning gets lost. Bob Dylan is named for Dylan Thomas, but everyone named Dylan is just named after Bob Dylan. You don’t hear soprano without thinking of Tony Soprano instead of the singer. You don’t hear about McDonald without thinking of the popular burger restaurant. And my mother can’t think of me as being called Richard without being reminded that she did name me after her abusive father.
And so, how famous do I have to become as Richard before, or at least how much do I have to identify myself as a new version of Richard, before my mother stops being terrified of me on some subconscious level? So, fun light stuff.
Richard Fairgray Recommends:
The musician Victor Jones, mostly for his new single “Mother Teresa,” but also “Shoulder Song” and (the B side) “Home With You.“
“Halt and Catch Fire,” arguably the best show of this century so far.
Nando’s Peri Peri sauce on rice and tuna.
Sorry, Baby is a top 10 film for me this year.
The movie Nano Shark which I haven’t seen, but the tagline is ‘We’re gonna need a smaller boat.”
This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Sam Kusek.
This post was originally published on Radio Free.
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This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Sara Steffens.
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Photo by Ryan Moreno
One of the oldest maxims in advertising is that sex “sells.” But it turns out that race – and racial controversy – “sells,” too. Witness the sprawling controversy over an American Eagle advertising campaign to promote sales of its new line of blue jeans. The campaign features Sydney Sweeney, an aspiring actress who’s considered a rising Hollywood star in some circles. She’s not the first sexy blue-eyed blonde to be treated by advertisers as a shapely “hook” for their hot new brand, but her company’s tag line quickly raised some eyebrows. “Sydney Sweeney has great jeans” – the message in voice over – was meant to be a subtle – and deliberate – double entendre. Did the company mean “jeans,” as the ad actually reads in print, or is it implying that Sweeney also has “great genes,” a not-so-subtle riff on her racial background, and to some, a presumption of racial “privilege” – or worse, “superiority.” Sweeney herself went on to riff on the genes/jeans connection herself, seemingly amping up the racial innuendo.
Of course, the company still denies any racializing intent – but it wasn’t long before social media posters raged across the Internet.Was American Eagle promoting “White supremacy”? Weeks later, Tik Tokers and You Tubers are still avidly debating the issue. Clearly, the company’s fully aware of what it’s doing – creating buzz and stoking consumer interest in its new apparel line. There’s another old saying in advertising: “Call me anything, just spell my name right.” Indeed, American has already raked in some $400 million in new sales since the Sweeney ad campaign began. And the company’s doubling-down on its ad campaign, publicly disavowing any need to apologize for any “misunderstanding” – wink, wink – that its edgy tag line has created.
It’s not just thinly-veiled racism that’s being assailed by critics. Some are suggesting that the ads are also highly “sexualized,” with Sweeney cast in some provocative poses, suggestive of a soft-core porn shoot, perhaps. The actress is pushing 30 but she’s made up to look like a pouty and defiant nymphet, maybe even a teenager, in one spot, displaying oodles of skin. American Eagle is getting something of a two-fer here: raising the hackles of conservatives and liberals alike, and creating a feeding frenzy that in theory, could damage the company’s brand – but instead, in today’s amped up sex and often vitriolic racial culture – where every word and inflection is parsed for meaning – appears to be stoking it to new heights. If few people knew who American Eagle the company was a month ago, virtually the entire country knows now.
And America Eagle’s competitors are pouncing. Levi’s, one of the largest and most established denim brands, has since expanded its own ad campaign, this one featuring a proud African-American woman at the center. And not just any Black woman, but Beyonce, or Bey, as she’s known to her adoring fans. No one has made the racial connection explicit – but it’s obvious anyway. White supremacy you’re promoting? Well, how about a heavy dose of Afro-centrism in reply? Beyonce’s dressed in a full-length blue jeans suit, not the kind of wear you typically might see her in and she’s not the small slender woman Sweeney is. She looks like a Blue Jean Goddess or a Denim Queen, towering over her universe. While Sweeney inspires a certain lasciviousness, Bey commands respect and awe. In other words, game on.
There may be more than one way to look at what’s going on here. One is that these two beleaguered jeans companies cooked up the entire race controversy together to create social media buzz about their respective product lines, and did so cynically to boost sales. But maybe it’s just a timely confluence – or opportunistic piggy-backing – at work: Levis saw an opportunity to counter the “White supremacist” scandal with a “Black pride” response. I favor conspiracy theory. Why? Because it takes considerable advance planning and effort to contract actors, develop and test ad messaging, and organize the actual shoots. The timing here was just a little too perfect, as if American Eagle and Levis were just lying in wait, ready to pounce on unsuspecting consumers, with the roll-out of their consecutive ad campaigns nicely in “sync.”
There’s another reason to believe that the two companies knew what they were doing all along. The jeans industry is actually in trouble, maybe even dire trouble, as blue jeans sales among youngsters especially have declined somewhat sharply over the past two years. The decline was apparent as far back as 2019-2020, but a post-COVID bump seemed like the market might rebound; instead, consumers have grown increasingly cautious about discretionary clothing purchases ever since, and even worse, apparel fashion preferences are evolving; while jeans are still in broadly speaking, it turns out that Gen Z consumers, especially young women, are souring on denim. Big time.
A consumer report published last year tells the story in stark numbers. Young women under 30 are developing new tastes – and with less income are prioritizing their purchases; denim is still great as casual wear but it’s less functional for the office and for the evening night out. And women are clearly becoming more “feminine” – and formal – in their apparel tastes. As a result, a real sense of crisis has begun to set in among the major jeans companies – they’re desperate to capture these rapidly defecting young consumers, ensuring the brand “loyalty” that will make them – and their children –consumers for life. And when you’re down and nearly out, stodgy appeals surely won’t do. Getting those consumers back in the fold requires some bold risk-taking.
So there you have it. The real subtext to this controversy may not be racial at all. Or even a matter of protecting young consumers – or the rest of us – from “hyper-sexual” messaging. The real subtext is grubby economics – or good-old fashioned capitalism. Jean companies are afraid of losing their market, especially their future market, which relies upon cultivating the apparel tastes of youngsters, especially women, who have always comprised the dominant share of jeans commerce. Sydney and Beyonce may or may not have great jeans – or genes; in fact, neither woman, by most accounts, even wears blue jeans all that much, certainly not in public. Maybe they will more often from now on – but don’t count on it. Will it even matter? American Eagle and Levi sales are booming again; by riffing on race, their clever marketing gambit has allowed the two companies to go to war, while appealing across the spectrum, drawing in White and Black Gen-Zers alike, stoking the growth of the overall market. Sydney’s fans are happy – and so are Bey’s. And the two icons – handsomely paid for their willing service as warring sales props – are beginning to make these two beleaguered jeans companies extremely happy.
Give these two companies some credit. At a time when “DEI” is everywhere under siege, their clever marketing executives have found a way to make America’s unending racial drama bankable. They’ve staged a performance – and attracted a growing audience. Their investors are surely cheering. The rest of us? We barely know what hit us.
There is a danger in this kind of marketing, however – the potential for a sustained backlash. Not just a backlash against the racial innuendo but a backlash from consumers who may not really want to be implicated in the jeans war. While sales of American Eagle jeans are clearly up (online,at least), foot traffic to store outlets is down almost 10%. Not everyone is comfortable, perhaps, being seen shopping for jeans associated with racial innuendo. And Sweeney’s new indie film? It just bombed at the box office, defying expectations of a windfall. The film may eventually rebound, industry insiders say, but Sweeney’s celebrity aura is taking a hit in Hollywood, leading her diehard fans to denounce the “hate.”
Beyonce’s such a celebrity superstar that her own shiny tiara will likely survive the continuing controversy. Still, politics – and political controversy – while creating a powerful buzz, can also be a real minefield. Just ask Bud Light about its use of Dylan Mulvaney as a product spokesperson. Companies that play with politics for self-serving ends often find that consumers don’t see the politics involved as a game. In the end, issues of sexism and racism cause real world pain and suffering. To the extent that the comfort and ease that consumers feel wearing blue jeans is diminished, their interest in having them in their wardrobe might also decline. Wait until the first young girl gets denounced at the shopping mall for flaunting her “Nazi” jeans. Could it happen? Time will tell. But the ultimate test will be returns on investment. Unless sales rebound, and denim takes off with youth again, the jeans companies that promoted this thinly-veiled consumer war may not themselves survive.
In fact, the American Eagle/Levi’s jeans “war” is already expanding. GAP and two other companies have just introduced their own new jeans apparel lines aimed once again at Gen Z women. Their sales are booming well beyond American Eagle’s. GAP, it may be recalled, designed a very snazzy ad campaign in the 1980s using African-American urban hop-hop music as a theme. They weren’t selling jeans – just casual leisure apparel. Today, their jeans models are dancing once again, this time to more modern Afro-centric pop themes. The company’s serving up wholesome fun – and the sex and race politics is not only muted but decidedly PC.
GAP’s even adding insult to injury. Their former top CEO has just penned an op-ed trashing American Eagle and Sydney Sweeney for playing on sexualized racism. Talk about ingratitude! American Eagle got the whole shebang started and now its successor marketers are turning on the upstart. GAP’s really just stirring the pot still further. After all, in capitalist marketing all’s fair in sex, race – and money.
The post Banking on Racism? The Blue Jean “War” is Just Beginning appeared first on CounterPunch.org.
This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Stewart Lawrence.
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This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.
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Like many government agencies, the Department of Agriculture has a fraught history with discrimination and disenfranchisement. Farmers of color and young and beginning producers have long struggled to access capital, in the form of loans and grants, from the agency.
So in 2022, former President Joe Biden’s USDA created the Regional Food Business Centers program using funding from the American Rescue Plan. The program established 12 virtual centers to function as business development resource hubs within rural communities nationwide. The centers were intended as a way to provide technical assistance, navigate federal and state resources, and administer grants to small- and mid-sized farmers and ranchers who wanted to develop food businesses or access new markets. The overall goal was to build a more resilient food system.
A total of roughly $400 million was earmarked to support the 12 centers, each run by a coalition of organizations and partners based in each region, which the USDA agreed to fund for five years. In 2024, many began distributing sub-awards from that pool of funds in the form of “business builder” grants.
In early January, Ed Harvey, a Navajo farmer in rural northern Arizona, was awarded a technical assistance contract dedicated to assisting Indigenous producers from the Southwest Regional Food Business Center, which was created to strengthen local supply chains throughout Arizona, California, Nevada, and Utah. Not only does he grow apples, peaches, pears, plums, nectarines, cherries, and sumac berries, but Harvey runs a consulting business geared toward helping other Navajo tribal members through all of the paperwork needed in order to begin or continue farming on their land.
Much of the farmland throughout Navajo Nation is left idle, buried in layers of dirt, wind deposits, and towering weeds, with slivers of corn, squash, and melons here and there. Harvey attributes the situation to the federal mandate that tribal members need a permit with a conservation plan in order to use their land for agricultural production. It’s an exceedingly onerous application process, and the reimbursable RFBC funding was intended to cover the costs associated with the development of conservation plans for other tribal members. When he heard he was selected for the program, Harvey was elated, and immediately began advertising the opportunity to work with him free of charge: He reached out to community farm boards, promoted it across all of the reservation’s chapter houses, and even posted flyers in local businesses.
That sense of joy morphed into one of sinking despair when, the following month, President Donald Trump’s administration abruptly froze the program’s funding, and a tsunami of layoffs at USDA and the Bureau of Indian Affairs saw thousands of federal workers leave their positions. The month of February, Harvey said, was the “worst of my life.”
“It hurt me. It hurt the business,” he said. “I did a lot of conservation plans for free, not getting paid for it, because I expressed to people that it’s paid for, so I didn’t want to let it ruin my reputation.” While the fate of the centers remained in purgatory, Harvey scrambled to remedy the damage done, completing 36 conservation projects at no charge, the equivalent of hundreds of unpaid hours and thousands of dollars worth of labor — a huge net loss.
Finally, on July 15, the USDA announced it was shuttering the program, a decision that was met with considerable opposition across food and farming sectors. And just like that, Harvey’s big plans for his community went up in smoke.
“This was a program fully dedicated to support rural people. So I was thinking, ‘Heck, yeah, I can support my relatives who live in the middle of nowhere. I can find a way to help my uncle, to help with what he needs by planting corn,’” said Harvey. “Out here in Navajo Nation, you have to take in the fact that there’s very limited opportunities for people to make money. The tribe here, we live on government assistance…people don’t have that dedicated time to give back to the land, to give back to who they are. It takes funding mechanisms or opportunities to find [it].”
In the press release announcing the end of the RFBCs, Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins criticized the Biden administration for creating the RFBCs “without any long-term way to finance them,” which the release described as a “COVID-era program.” The release also specified that “over 450” grants so far awarded would be honored — which meant that roughly four of the centers that hadn’t yet officially awarded their grant selections had 60 days to cease operations, and the other eight overseeing those awards would end next May. But even those centers still operating through next spring won’t be running at full capacity, as the cancellation limits the scope of what each center can do to no more than merely monitoring awards and technical assistance for existing grants. Rollins also stated that “any remaining funds will be repurposed to better support American agriculture.” As of this story’s publication, the details of that repurposing are not yet known.
Roughly a week after the USDA announced the end of the RFBCs, Rollins released a memo that again took the agricultural world by storm. The five-page document revealing Rollins’ plan to significantly reorganize the agency was accompanied by an unlisted YouTube video intended for employees, which also broadly detailed the four pillars powering the decision: ensuring the size of the agency’s workforce aligns with available resources and priorities, bringing USDA closer to those it serves by relocating resources, getting rid of bureaucracy, and paring down redundant support functions.
According to current and former USDA staffers, the closure of the country’s regional food business centers and the agency’s reorganization rollout should not be considered as separate developments, but rather as successive decisions with intertwining impacts. Both moves are expected to have lasting effects on historically underserved rural communities in particular, where farmers and families are already facing the day-to-day impacts of a shrinking federal workforce in local offices. That’s to say nothing of the growing role of climate change in throttling agricultural production and amplifying economic stressors such as increased price volatility, trade war disruptions, and surging labor and production costs.
“To me, there is a real friction here between those in the administration that simply want to diminish, destroy, and decimate the federal workforce and any sort of policy goal that is aimed at improving the lives of Americans and reducing costs for those who live in rural communities,” said Michael Amato, former USDA communications director. So far in his second term, Trump’s USDA has gotten rid of more than 15,000 federal employees, nearly a fifth of its workforce, straining bureau capacity, even as the agency has culled billions of dollars in funding streams that, in the process, has buckled local and regional food systems. At least ten percent of the federal employees who have left the USDA this year worked for Rural Development, the nation’s lead agency that fights rural poverty.
“If there was some policy objective, then it’s lost on me, because I don’t see how simply just cutting funds to try to run up your DOGE score as high as possible, and calling for deferred resignations across the entire department with no strategic plan about where you see waste or where you see bureaucratic bloat,” Amato continued. “It just seems like a meat axe approach with the goal of shrinking the department.”
Rollins did not specify a timeline for the plan, nor did she share many details of how it will be carried out, but noted that the agency will move more than half of the roughly 4,600 D.C. area employees out of the capital area. According to Rollins, the five hubs, located in Raleigh, North Carolina, Kansas City, Missouri, Indianapolis, Indiana, Fort Collins, Colorado, and Salt Lake City, Utah, would bring the USDA closer to its “core constituents.” The USDA did not respond to Grist’s request for comment.
Multiple current USDA employees told Grist that not even they have been briefed on the details of the reorganization. “We haven’t been given any more information than is publicly available,” said one USDA employee who is based in D.C. and asked to remain anonymous out of fear of retaliation. “It’s been unsettling. Morale is low. It has not been a great work environment, just because everyone feels insecure right now.”
“The relocation is actually going to be moving many of our regional office partners farther from the states that they cover,” the staffer continued. “The logic is just not there. It doesn’t make sense. And the claim that they’re moving up closer to the people we serve, is just patently false.” The USDA staffer added that the mass layoffs experienced have already resulted in overworked employees and significant delays in processing financial assistance applications. “There are things falling through the cracks,” they said.
On Thursday, August 21, a letter addressed to Rollins and signed by 32 USDA unions, and shared with Grist, also expressed widespread concerns about the reorganization. It noted that over 90 percent of USDA employees already live and work outside of the D.C. area and urged the department to “slow down, engage with Congress and the labor unions in good faith, and fully assess the true impacts of this reorganization before proceeding further.”
“We are just trying to call attention to how poorly planned the USDA reorganization is, that they seem to be hiding whatever details that they have,” said Ethan Roberts, a physical science technician at the USDA’s Agricultural Research Service based in Peoria, Illinois, who represents the bargaining unit employees at the National Center for Agricultural Utilization Research as union president. “There’s something going on. When I talk to the management in this building, they don’t know anything. They’ve not been told anything.
“Why this is incredibly harmful is because the USDA is already struggling administratively,” Roberts continued. “Here in my laboratory, the management and the admin are taking on two to three jobs just to keep up to try and make everything continue to function. If we lose even more people in D.C., at the highest levels of the human resources department, and our budgeting and our billing, it’s going to be catastrophic. There’s going to be a critical administrative failure.”
The lack of clarity has prompted plenty of congressional backlash, too. When news of the reorganization broke, a Senate hearing was swiftly assembled where a bipartisan contingency of Democrats and Republicans grilled Deputy Secretary of Agriculture Stephen Vaden about the unusually secretive nature of the rollout of the reorganization. Senate Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry ranking member Amy Klobuchar, a Democrat from Minnesota, said at the hearing that the committee first heard of the plan just minutes before it was announced.
“It is clear from the hearing that this is a half-baked reorganization plan developed without input from Congress or stakeholders that will almost certainly result in worse services for farmers, families, and rural communities,” Senator Klobuchar later told Grist. She noted that the reorganization “follows the cancellations or delays of funds for voluntary conservation programs that protect our environment and improve farmers’ bottom lines.”
Klobuchar and some of her colleagues on the Senate Agriculture Committee sent a letter to Vaden on Monday requesting more time to comment on the plan and increased transparency with the results of the agency’s ongoing public comment period. The letter followed at least two others that have been issued in the last month by groups of lawmakers demanding more information. Nearly all have referred to the first Trump administration’s relocation of the USDA’s Economic Research Service and National Institute of Food and Agriculture, which resulted in the resignation of three quarters of employees, and declining workforce productivity.
Kevin Shea, a 45-year veteran of USDA who led the agency’s Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service for 11 of those years, and briefly served as Secretary of Agriculture during the Biden administration, points to the USDA’s claim that the reorganization plan will bring staffers closer to constituents as one example of the contradictions at play. “This whole ruse about being closer to farmers — what nonsense. They’re still going to be in cities hundreds of miles from farmers,” said Shea.
What’s more, the RFBC program wasn’t solely addressing an immediate food system crisis that became clear because of the pandemic, he said, but “it was addressing a problem that had been revealed. The problem was always there.” A USDA report released last October found that the RFBCs led to more than 2,800 individuals receiving technical assistance, 1,500 new partnerships formed by recipients, and 287 businesses reporting increased revenue as a result of the program. Other critics of the Trump administration’s decision to cancel it have argued the program was established to meet a $4 billion congressional mandate in the American Rescue Plan to build more resilient food systems.
Another current USDA employee based in D.C., who also asked to remain anonymous, told Grist that the double blow of the closure of the regional food business centers and the proposed relocations “is going to result in massive harm to rural America which, again, is a population that they purport to care about.” “There’s no particular rhyme or reason that we can tell,” the staffer said, while pointing out where the new hubs aren’t. “California is the biggest agriculture state in the country, and there’s not a hub there. Doesn’t make any sense.”
“For farmers and people that rely on the USDA for information, for money, it’s going to be poorer quality service and less of it because there’s just going to be less people working,” said Roberts, the USDA union president. “If we experience an even greater loss of the administrative staff that keeps the USDA running, by telling them that they need to pick up their entire lives and move to somewhere across the country, the USDA is going to grind to a halt.”
This story was originally published by Grist with the headline As the Trump administration shrinks the USDA, rural farming communities are left to pay the price on Aug 27, 2025.
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The fight for democracy in America didn’t begin, or end, at the ballot box. As labor organizer Erica Smiley, executive director of Jobs With Justice and co-author of The Future We Need: Organizing for a Better Democracy in the Twenty-First Century, reminds us, our democracy has always been “in training,” a work in progress shaped as much by picket lines as polling places.
“Unions are schools for democracy,” Smiley explains. In workplaces where people of all backgrounds must build consensus and fight for fair contracts, we learn the skills that sustain a pluralistic society. It’s no surprise, then, that authoritarian movements often begin by attacking labor rights and education, because that’s where people learn to resist.
From union-busting in the U.S. to neoliberal trade policies abroad, the erosion of collective bargaining has left millions disenfranchised not just politically, but economically.
And that’s not just bad for workers: it’s fatal for democracy itself.
If we want to rebuild democracy, we can’t just “vote harder.” We need to organize smarter. That means backing unions, pushing for economic policies that distribute power, and demanding that corporations, especially those exploiting AI and automation, share the wealth they’re extracting from human labor.
As Smiley says, “Whoever’s in the White House, they still need us to make the cars.” That power can’t be ignored, unless we choose not to use it.
We may not know what the next 15 years will bring. But if we organize now, we might just build a democracy worth fighting for.
The song you heard in this week’s Gaslit Nation is “This Time” by Howard Jeffrey. Check out his music here: https://howardjeffrey.bandcamp.com/track/this-time. If you have a song to share on our show, submit your music to us at Gaslit Nation – we love hearing from you!: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1-d_DWNnDQFYUMXueYcX5ZVsA5t2RN09N8PYUQQ8koq0/edit?ts=5fee07f6&gxids=7628
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EVENTS AT GASLIT NATION:
August 25 4pm ET – Join the Gaslit Nation Book Club for a powerful discussion on The Lives of Others and I’m Still Here, two films that explore how art and love endure and resist in the face of dictatorship.
Minnesota Signal group for Gaslit Nation listeners in the state to find each other, available on Patreon.
Vermont Signal group for Gaslit Nation listeners in the state to find each other, available on Patreon.
Arizona-based listeners launched a Signal group for others in the state to connect, available on Patreon.
Indiana-based listeners launched a Signal group for others in the state to join, available on Patreon.
Florida-based listeners are going strong meeting in person. Be sure to join their Signal group, available on Patreon.
Have you taken Gaslit Nation’s HyperNormalization Survey Yet?
Gaslit Nation Salons take place Mondays 4pm ET over Zoom and the first ~40 minutes are recorded and shared on Patreon.com/Gaslit for our community
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Comprehensive coverage of the day’s news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice.
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“I have friends everywhere.”
In this special episode, we’re joined by Tony Gilroy, the creative force behind the electrifying Star Wars series Andor. Critics and activists on the frontlines in America have praised Andor for its powerful portrayal of resistance, and with Season 2 up for 14 Emmy Awards, it’s clear this is no ordinary space opera. Gilroy’s vision grounds the story in centuries of history, showing us what it means to resist empire in all its brutality. Andor is an urgent guide for Americans today.
For more than three decades, Gilroy has been shaping modern cinema with blockbusters and fearless storytelling. He gave us Rogue One: A Star Wars Story, and wrote and directed the critically acclaimed political thriller Michael Clayton, which earned him Oscar nominations for both screenplay and direction. His credits include Armageddon and the first four entries of the Bourne series (in which he directed the fourth), Devil’s Advocate, Dolores Claiborne, The Cutting Edge, State of Play, and many, many other films.
The son of World War II veteran and Tony and Pulitzer-winning playwright and filmmaker Frank Gilroy, and brother to acclaimed film editor John Gilroy and Oscar-nominated writer-director Dan Gilroy (an Emmy-nominated writer on Andor), Tony Gilroy doesn’t just tell stories: he builds immersive worlds where power, corruption, and resistance collide, worlds that help us make sense of our own. We’re thrilled to welcome him to Gaslit Nation to discuss this dark chapter in America’s history and, through his art, remind us of the courage it takes to stand and fight back.
For Gaslit Nation listeners who want the full breakdown of the convicted felon/war criminal distraction circus and what comes next for the Free World, our latest salon digs into the Putin-Trump gaslighting sideshow in Alaska and how the war can actually end. You can watch the recording at Patreon.com/Gaslit. Thank you to everyone who makes our independent journalism possible!
Don’t miss Monday’s salon at 4pm ET, only on Patreon, where we’ll dive into two powerful films about resisting dictatorship: The Lives of Others and I’m Still Here. The Lives of Others tells the haunting story of artists defying the East German Stasi, while I’m Still Here tells the story of a woman whose husband is disappeared by Brazil’s military dictatorship in the 1970s, and how she transforms her country for the better.
These two films are reminders that light will always defeat darkness: it’s just a matter of time, and collective courage and defiance.
Want to enjoy Gaslit Nation ad-free? Join our community of listeners for bonus shows, exclusive Q&A sessions, our group chat, invites to live events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Sign up at Patreon.com/Gaslit!
Show Notes:
Trailer: Andor (Season 2) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AE4wxt70aUM
Andor Clip featured in episode: “You’re coming home to yourself.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rugpDpd0aV4
‘The world is behaving irrationally’ – Putin’s warm welcome gets cold reaction in Ukraine https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/ckg4mj4011lo
Kremlin critics say Russia is targeting its foes abroad with killings, poisonings and harassment https://apnews.com/article/russia-attacks-poisoning-killing-litvinenko-skripal-5ddda40fd910fe3f8358ea89cb0c49f1?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share
Gaslit Nation Action Guide: https://www.gaslitnationpod.com/action-guide
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Israel gave final approval Wednesday for a controversial settlement project in the occupied West Bank, sabotaging efforts at creating a future Palestinian state. The project has been on hold for over 20 years, largely due to pressure from previous U.S. administrations. The “E-1” settlement would see the construction of about 3,400 new housing units and would sever one of the last remaining territorial links between major Palestinian cities like Ramallah in the northern West Bank and southern cities including Bethlehem, as well as cut off East Jerusalem. “The West Bank is nearly 6,000 kilometers squared in size, and it has been the prize for Israel,” says Mariam Barghouti, Palestinian writer and journalist based in Ramallah. Barghouti says Israeli officials have blatantly expressed their intent to bury the prospect of a Palestinian state. “Israel is not engaging in just a war on Gaza,” she says. “It is engaging in a war of annihilation of Palestinians.”
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Can a play influence public perception of our shared atomic history enough to shift the conversation away from a presumed nuclear “renaissance” and into a more critical, life-protective examination of what this technology is and could do to us all?
Playwright and podcaster Libbe HaLevy believes it can. She spent 13 years researching and writing that play—Atomic Bill and the Payment Due—which will have its premiere staged reading on September 9th as a featured presentation of the 50th anniversary celebration of the establishment of the Peace Resource Center at Wilmington College in Ohio.
For 14 years, HaLevy has hosted the podcast Nuclear Hotseat, aired on 20 Pacifica affiliate radio stations throughout the United States and, as its website (NuclearHotseat.com) says, has been tuned into and downloaded by audiences in over 124 countries around the world.
It was while working on a 2012 episode focusing on the Trinity atomic bomb test in New Mexico that she became aware of journalistic irregularities around that event that piqued her interest.
The play is “a true story about media manipulation at the dawn of the Atomic Age and the New York Times reporter who sold his soul to get the story.”
That reporter is William Laurence, a Pulitzer Prize-winning science reporter at the Times. In 1945, General Leslie Groves, director of the Manhattan Project, arranged with Times publisher Arthur Hays Sulzberger, and Edwin James, its managing editor, to have Laurence secretly inserted into the Manhattan Project. He was the only journalist embedded in the crash program to build the first atomic bombs– a position he relished.
Before World War II broke out and the splitting of the atom first occurred, Laurence wrote in the Times about how atomic energy could for mankind “return the Earth to the Eden he had lost.” He witnessed the Trinity test in New Mexico in July 1945, and wrote the Manhattan Project press release that was distributed afterwards, which claimed only that an ammunition dump exploded and no one was hurt. He had arranged a seat on the Enola Gay for its dropping of an atomic bomb on Hiroshima, but missed getting on—a bitter disappointment. But he did fly on an airplane that followed the B-29 that dropped an atomic bomb on Nagasaki. When the war ended, he wrote articles in the Times glorifying the Manhattan Project and for many years promoted nuclear energy in his stories— ignoring the lethal impacts of radioactivity.
HaLevy sensed a play lurking in the story.
HaLevy has a long background in theatre and playwriting, with more than 50 presentations of her plays and musicals, and multiple awards—most under her previous name, Loretta Lotman.
And she was exposed to the dangers of nuclear energy, having been in a house in Pennsylvania one mile away from the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant when it underwent a meltdown in 1979. She had been staying with friends on a badly timed vacation.
HaLevy authored a book about her experience, Yes, I Glow in the Dark! One Mile from Three Mile Island to Fukushima and Nuclear Hotseat, published in 2018. Dr. Helen Caldicott, author of Nuclear Madness and many other books on nuclear technology, has said of HaLevy’s book that it “must be read by all people who care about the future of the planet and their children.”
Of her book, HaLevy has said: “It’s the story of what happened when I found myself trapped one mile from an out-of-control, radiation-spewing nuclear reactor—how it impacted my life, health, sense of self—and what it took to recover. It’s a personal memoir, a guidebook on what the nuclear industry gets away with and how they get away with it, and a directory of resources and strategies with which to fight back. The information ranges from 1950’s Duck and Cover and Disney’s Our Friend the Atom to how I learned to fight nuclear with facts, sarcasm… and a podcast.”
HaLevy recounted in an interview last week that in 2012, with Nuclear Hotseat having begun in the aftermath of Fukushima a year earlier, she read that more than one press release was written about the Trinity Test before the blast, when no one knew exactly what it would do. She called me for more information. She was right: there had been four press releases written by Laurence in advance to cover every eventuality from “nothing to see here” to “martial law, evacuate the state”—a clear violation of journalistic ethics. I referred her to Beverly Ann Deepe Keever, who had written the book News Zero: The New York Times and the Bomb, published in 2004. Laurence is a main figure in it.
Keever was a journalist writing for publications including Newsweek, The New York Herald Tribune and the Christian Science Monitor, and for seven years reported on the Vietnam War from the front lines. At the time she wrote News Zero she was a professor of journalism at the University of Hawaii.
In News Zero Keever detailed “the arrangements” made by Groves with Sulzberger and James at the Times; how Laurence “was hired by the U.S. War Department in April 1945 to work for the Manhattan Project;” and how his four months of writing “provided most of the material” used by the Times “in devoting ten of its 38 pages on August 7, 1945 to the development of the atomic bomb and its first use on Hiroshima. Laurence was thus a major player in providing many text-based images, language and knowledge that first fixed and molded the meanings and perceptions of the emerging atomic age. But this major player served as a scribe writing government propaganda on a historic issue, rather than as a watchdog adhering to those high principles traditionally espoused by the press in general and the Times in particular.”
Inspired by Keever’s book, HaLevy launched into extensive research on Laurence—a quest made more difficult because he destroyed all his files, papers, correspondence, and calendars, leaving behind only his published articles, four nuclear-themed books, and two carefully manipulated oral histories recorded for Columbia University. But she was looking beyond the known facts to the human, emotional underpinnings of the story. “These events did not happen by themselves,” she said. “There were people, agendas, money and psychology behind the decisions made, and I saw Laurence as the lynchpin in conveying the earliest atomic story. I needed to know: who was this man and how could he do that?”
A play is different than a book— it focuses on human emotions, on drama.
And there is much drama in Atomic Bill and the Payment Due.
It’s program notes speak of it as “an Oppenheimer-adjacent true story,” referring to the film about J. Robert Oppenheimer focusing on his role in the Manhattan Project, which received Academy Awards last year for Best Picture, Best Actor and Best Director, among other honors.
The first time we see Laurence in Atomic Bill is a few seconds in, the character described as “mid-50’s, arrogant, argumentative, dismissive…” He watches podcaster Jessie Keever (a tip-of-the-theatrical hat to Beverly Keever) based on Libbe as she announces on the show, “There will be a big rally in New York across from the United Nations in support of the U.N.’s Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapon….I’ll be speaking there and, leading up to it, on the show, I’ll address that timeless question: How do you hide an atomic bomb in plain sight?”
“You cannot tell that story!” exclaims Laurence—a spectre in her mind.
“It’s high time somebody did,” says Wilfred Burchett—another spectre. He is an Australian journalist and was first reporter to enter Hiroshima after the atomic bombing, eluding the U.S. ban on westerners accessing what is left of the city. Burchett traveled, unescorted, through the destruction “where Hiroshima used to be” and sat in the rubble to write his story famously headlined“The Atomic Plague.” Burchett wrote: “There was devastation and desolation and nothing else.” He exposed the deadly effects of radiation from the bombing that otherwise were being denied by military authorities. It was published in the London Daily Express and picked up for distribution around the world, creating a firestorm of criticism.
On her program, Jessie continues, “I’m going to tell you exactly how this first atomic cover-up happened, what it led to, and how a man you’ve never heard of…”
Laurence interrupts: “No!”
Jessie continues: “…irrevocably changed your life with your knowledge or consent.”
“You can’t stop her,” says Burchett.
Jessie: “…proving that not only is the pen mightier than the sword…”
“I forbid it!” Laurence shouts.
Jessie goes on: “…but that the pen in service to the sword is the deadliest of all.”
And then all hell breaks out.
A key scene takes place at a press conference at the Trinity site a month after the test bomb was exploded. It pinpoints Laurence’s decision that betrayed not only Burchett and himself, but all of humanity by steering the public away from the truth about radiation while obliterating Burchett’s story. For HaLevy, this highlights the moment where Laurence—if he ever had a soul —lost it.
But the rewards were immediate. Jessie says: “Laurence is front page in the Times for two full weeks in September 1945: Ten articles, 20,000 words. He coins the term ‘Atomic Age’ but uses the word ‘radiation’ only four times, not once mentioning its dangers.” And he wins a Pulitzer.
Jessie follows about how: “The Times offered Laurence’s articles for free to any newspaper that wanted them—which, of course, they all did. Then they published a booklet of the articles as ‘The Story of the Atomic Bomb.’…They sold it for just ten cents, saying it was ‘so every school child across American could afford their own copy.’”
And so our earliest atomic narrative was set in the minds of children.
Interactions between Laurence, Burchett, and Jessie, among others, continue through
the play. They include Edward Teller who worked at the Manhattan Project and led the development of a hydrogen bomb. At one point, Teller says to Laurence, “This atomic bomb we’re making is nothing. The hydrogen bomb will be a thousand times more powerful—2,000 times.”
And it is.
While Laurence and Burchett never met, HaLevy has them confronting each other repeatedly through the script, going at it hammer and tongs over journalistic ethics, moral responsibility, and what constitutes the truth. She weaves surreal encounters between the living, the dead, the imagined, and Jessie’s real world timeline of health challenges, blending fact-based journalism with magical realism as the script explores responsibility, guilt, redemption, and the cost of humanity’s choices. The story veers from gritty realism and despair to moments of otherworldly connection that ultimately lead to hope.
The staged reading of the play at Wilmington College, a school founded by the Religious Society of Friends in 1870 and still Quaker-affiliated, will be in its 400-seat Heiland Theatre and admission will be free.
Tanya Maus, Director of the Wilmington Peace Resource Center said, “Libbe HaLevy’s Atomic Bill and the Payment Due reveals the way in which individuals become caught up in the powerful forces of governments seeking to produce false narratives to gain public support for nuclear weapons use and development. The character Jessie’s powerful drive to tell the truth about Laurence’s complicity in the U.S. government’s censorship and cover up of the effects of the atomic bombings compels Atomic Bill to finally come to terms with his moral failing as a journalist and citizen of the United States. Jessie thus leads the audience to reflect upon its own assumptions about nuclear weapons and nuclear power and their continued destructive impact today on human lives in the United States and throughout the world.”
To which I add: This play is so, so, so important.
HaLevy, based in Los Angeles, is already fielding requests for readings and staged reading in Japan, New Mexico, Navajo Nation, Nevada, and Germany, and she has talks lined up about representation of the script to Hollywood. Her hope is for a fully staged production, though she wouldn’t say no to a film offer. “James Cameron is on my radar, as he’s already announced he’s directing a film on the start of the Atomic Age, the same time frame as my script, but I doubt he has the kind of background information it took me years to dig out. I’d love to have a conversation with his people.”
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